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Touring Katrina: Authentic Identities

and Disaster Tourism in New OrleansDevon Robbie

a

aDepartment of Anthropology , Tulane University , New

Orleans, LA, USAPublished online: 19 Dec 2008.

To cite this article:Devon Robbie (2008) Touring Katrina: Authentic Identities and

Disaster Tourism in New Orleans, Journal of Heritage Tourism, 3:4, 257-266, DOI:

10.1080/17438730802366557

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17438730802366557

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Touring Katrina: Authentic Identities andDisaster Tourism in New Orleans

Devon Robbie

Department of Anthropology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Following hurricane Katrina in 2005, concern was expressed over the future of thetourism industry in New Orleans. Tourism and residents returned more quicklythan predicted by naysayers, yet there was further controversy over certain disasteror Katrina tours that soon began to take place. Questions were raised about the motiv-ation of tour companies and tourists and about the rights of residents whosedestroyed homes were main attractions on the tours. Beyond this controversy, theroutes and narratives of the tours themselves illuminate lines of division in pre-and post-Katrina New Orleans and the selection of certain sites, like the

Convention Center, reflects the pervasive influence of images in the national media.The individual performances of the tour guides and the way in which they utilisedunique discourses of authenticity also raise questions about what it means to be alocal of New Orleans and how this has changed with the storm. While by 2008 tra-ditional tourism has largely returned to or surpassed pre-Katrina levels, someKatrina tours still operate, pointing to the continued place for disaster tourism in con-temporary society. These issues resonate with the themes identity, authenticity, andownership found in other research on cultural and heritage tourism.

doi: 10.1080/17438730802366557

Keywords: authenticity, disaster, identity, tourism, cultural heritage

Introduction

Owing to the anomalous nature of disaster, tourism to sites of such occur-rences appears to be a phenomenon that stands apart from other types of heri-tage tourism that are based on longstanding traditions and celebrated historicalmoments. Yet, tourism tied to natural or human-made disaster is intrinsicallyrelated to the history of a location and the traditions or culture of the peoplewho live there. In fact, in many ways it is the human costs of such events,rather than the purely physical aspects of destruction, that make them fascinat-ing to the public.

In this article, disaster tourism is used to designate tourism to sites of naturaland human-made disasters, like Hurricane Katrina and 911. There has beenattention to both types of sites, including studies of disaster tourism inSoutheast Asia following the 2004 tsunami (Slayton, 2006) and work investi-gating the role of tourism, commercialism and commemoration at GroundZero in New York (Hurley & Trimarco, 2004). A newer term, grief tourism, isalso used to describe many of these situations. While it has a similarmeaning to disaster tourism, its usage also encompasses tourism to sites of

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smaller scale tragedies, like murders, and places a greater emphasis on themotivation or emotions of those involved (Trotta, 2006).

Thanatourism is another term that can be applied to such instances, as well as toa wider spectrum of historical practice. Thanatourism has been defined as

tourism motivated by a desire to visit places of death, atrocity, disaster andother forms of human suffering (Timothy & Boyd, 2006, p. 7), whereas Seaton(1999, p. 133) identified it as tourism motivated by the desire for actualor symbolic encounters with death. Seaton (1996, 1999) created a schema ofdegrees of thanatourism, reaching from being an actual witness to death, suchas being present at a public execution, to traveling to sites of battlefields and mem-orialsandtovisitingmuseumsormonumentsthathaveasymbolicfocusondeath.

Dark tourism is another term in use. Lennon and Foley (2000) are consideredto be the first to use this term and their work addresses historical and contem-porary examples of dark tourism in various locations and eras. Stone (2006) is

another scholar who studies dark tourism. In his work, he also created a typol-ogy of shades of darkness that characterise different examples of dark tourism(Stone, 2006) and identified similarities between these examples.

To understand how disaster or dark tourism is a form of heritage tourism, it ishelpful to look to studies that discuss the latter. Timothy and Boyd (2006, p. 2)define heritage tourism as a form of travel [that] entails visits to sites of historicalimportance. . .locations where historic events occurred, and places where inter-esting and significant cultures stand out. Their discussion of heritage as apresent day use of the past (Timothy & Boyd, 2006, p. 2) is especially relevantto the study of post-Katrina tourism. Conceptualising heritage in this manner

provides an explanation of how an abstract timeline of events, often no longervisible on the landscape, is transformed into a series of sites on the Katrina tours.

Authenticity is also an important theme that has a long history in the anthro-pology of tourism. Early discussions, often taking the form of arguments aboutthe essential authenticity or inauthenticity of certain forms of tourism, form alarge part of the work of scholars of tourism including MacCannell (1976),Nash (1989), Burns (1999) and Urry (2002). Eventually scholarship movedaway from qualitative uses of the term and turned instead to how ideas of auth-enticity function within the context of tourism (Chambers, 2000).

The work of Coupland, Garret and Bishop (2005) is an example of this new

approach. In their work they ask how the discourse practices of heritagetourism events can themselves deploy or invoke notions of authenticity andhow authenticity and inauthenticity are worked into the talk and the texts ofsuch events (Coupland et al., 2005, p. 199). They emphasise an approach thatfollows the premise that authenticity must be a quality of experience consti-tuted discursively (Coupland et al., 2005, p. 202). My analysis utilised thispremise, with the notion of authenticity being constituted by the tour guidesperformances of a local New Orleanian and hurricane eye-witness identity inthe discourse of the tour narrations.

The Katrina Tour and the Katrina Cruise

This research focuses on two tours or routes through New Orleans, the GrayLine Katrina bus tour and the John James Audubon Riverboat Katrina Cruise

258 Journal of Heritage Tourism



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following Hurricane Katrina of August 2005. The majority of this research wascompleted during the spring and summer of 2006 and continued over the fol-lowing year. In this time, I went on five Gray Line and Riverboat tours over 6months, from January to July 2006. During the tours I compared the individual

guides presentations and observed the changes that took place in the tour overtime as the events of the Hurricane became less visible on the landscape of thecity. My methods included participant observation, formal interviews andinformal conversations with tourists and tour guides. Along with formal inter-views, I audiotaped the tours taken and later transcribed large sections of theinterviews and the tour narrations. This, along with a study of related advertis-ing, highlighted the discourse of the tours and of disaster tourism.

Both tour companies had operated in New Orleans before the storm,meaning that they and their workers had a prior experience with culturaltourism in New Orleans. The international Gray Line Company operates

numerous bus and walking tours of the city and the Audubon riverboatgives passengers a tour of the Mississippi, as it brings them between the cityzoo and aquarium. The Gray Line disaster tour began in January 2006, andthe Katrina Cruise began immediately after. Each tour had a standardisedroute, which included areas of residential and municipal destruction andsites emphasised by the media, such as the Superdome on the bus tours andthe Lower Ninth Ward on the river boat tour. Both tours also provided abasic timeline of events of the storm and included anecdotes about NewOrleans history, details of rebuilding efforts and political and environmentalmessages about the future of the city and the state.

Initially, the existence of these tours attracted attention in the internationalmedia with articles like Bus line debuts tour of stricken New Orleans(Wulfhorst, 2006) and Bus tour aims to rally support for New Orleans(Tiecher, 2006). These titles reflect the two main themes found in the articles,which interposed a view of the tours as garish or macabre with others that pre-sented the tours as a resilient and necessary response to the storm. These twoviewpoints are based on questions about the motivations of tourists, the rightof victims to privacy and the ethical implications of profiting from humansuffering.

Despite this controversy, the tours attracted a relatively large number of

tourists. According to one Gray Line guide that I interviewed, the popularityof the Katrina tours were what kept the company in business in the earlystages after the storm. While some early tourists were international visitors,some were people from the area who were trying to see parts of the city theydid not yet have access to. A few months later, many of the tours were filledwith long-time vacationers or former residents of New Orleans, hoping tosee if the city they remembered was still visible. Other tours held groups ofvolunteers that had come from other damaged areas of the Gulf Coast. Fewertourists took the river boat tour, causing it to close in May 2006. As morefamiliar tourism returns to the city, the bus tours continue to run twice daily,

arguably becoming as much of a required experience of a trip to NewOrleans as the ubiquitous cemetery and ghost tours.

These tours were by no means the only instances of disaster tourism in NewOrleans following Katrina. There were other formal Katrina tours given as well

Authentic Identities and Disaster Tourism in New Orleans 259



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as much informal viewing of damaged areas and tours given specifically to vis-iting officials and volunteers. In fact, the interest in volunteering has beendescribed as a form of volunteer tourism, especially as many school groupscome to the city to volunteer on their spring breaks. Even before Katrina,

historical disasters were included in the tourist landscape of the city, includingHurricane Camille of 1969, the cholera epidemic of 1853 and the Great NewOrleans fire that destroyed the French Quarter in 1788. In many ways, theKatrina tours are in keeping with a tradition of macabre or dark themes inNew Orleans tourism, epitomised in the popular vampire, graveyard andghost tours of the city.

Authenticity and Narrative

A study of the Katrina tours shows how a local New Orleanian identity is

constructed within the discourse of the tours and the New Orleans heritagetourism industry as a whole. It also comments on issues of identity andrepresentation in heritage tourism research. In the tours studied, identity, inthe figure of the local tour guide, was used to symbolise the authenticity, andhence value, of the tours and the experience they provided. These kinds ofquestions are relevant to other articles in this issue, which discuss relatedmotifs of authenticity and processes through which identities are differentiallyvalued and manipulated in the context of tourism.

Advertisements for the tours provide an introduction to the themes foundin the discourse of the tour narrations. It is important to look at this detail

because advertising is one space in which discourses of authenticity, especiallythose in which authenticity equals value, are prevalent in heritage tourism con-texts. In keeping with this trend, the identity of the guides as locals and asHurricane witnesses and survivors is placed at the forefront in brochures andweb sites advertising the tours. The Gray Line Company promises that thetour is narrated by licensed tour guides who are local New Orleanians withtheir own personal accounts of Hurricane Katrina, whereas the KatrinaCruise advertised that tourists will sail with Captains and Native NewOrleans Crews who survived the storm. In the advertisements, the identityof the tour guides and their experiences with the hurricane are featured by

the tour company as positive advertising for the tours. These identities are pre-sented almost as the guides credentials, something that will ensure an auth-entic experience for those who choose to purchase a tour.

In the discourse of these performances, each guide created and embodied aunique identity. What ties each of these identities together was the guidesidentification of themselves as locals of New Orleans and therefore as a legiti-mate people to present and represent the city. Another thread that runs betweenthese identities is Hurricane Katrina itself. Being a local of New Orleans nowgenerally implies having had an experience with the Hurricane. This isreflected in the guides inclusion of their personal storm stories in the narra-

tions of their tours, highlighting the element of survivor or eye-witness ofKatrina in their identities.

The structural similarities between the tours facilitated comparison of thenarrations on the tours given by the different guides. Through the transcripts




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made of the tours it was possible to access this discourse in a textual format.While both sections, scripted and unscripted, conveyed similar messagesabout authenticity and local identity, these narrations create an arena whereidentity can be contested between the tour guides and tour companies provid-

ing the script. While on all the tours the guides emphasised their local identi-ties, they in no way presented a unified picture of what a New Orleans localshould be. Differences in their identities included those of age, race, personalityand neighbourhood affiliation.

The majority of analysis of the tour guides narrations was based on thetranscripts of the tours. In these texts, authenticity is clearly an underlyingtheme or discourse. By emphasising their identity as locals, the tour guidessymbolised the people of New Orleans and a culture that was as much of anattraction on the tour as the gutted houses. In the tour narrations this local iden-tity validated the authenticity of both the information given by the tour guide

and the actual experience of the tour for the tourist. Yet, as much as each ofthese narrations shared an emphasis on a local identity, they also shared simi-larly strong markers of individuality found in each version of a local identity.Individual personalities and the part of the city they identified themselves asliving in or being from are two characteristics that set many of the guidesapart from each other. For example, Sallys (all names have been changed)style was flamboyant and she emphasised her identity as a French Quarter resi-dent, whereas William was more soft spoken and also expressed great pride inthe cultural heritage of his former home, the Lower Ninth Ward.

Statements about authenticity, with this characteristic embodied in individ-

ual identity, were made frequently by the tour guides. For example, Williamfrom the Katrina Cruise said, in a personal interview, that the media cantget the feeling through like I can because Im a local. This statement expressesan underlying assumption, important for the operation of heritage tourism, thatthere are aspects of cultural traditions and past events that can best be commu-nicated by people of that culture or by one who has witnessed the events.Another statement, we had no idea what was happening on the outskirts ofmy city here, part of Sallys narration on her Gray Line Tour, also emphasisedher identity as a local. Statements such as these form the basis of the argumentin which the guides assert themselves as locals and as uniquely qualified to

provide the tourist with an authentic experience.Insider knowledge about local culture and individual memories were

included in the narrations as further assurance of each guides local identity.For example, William informed the tour group, Soul foods only good if itscooked with pots that are burned on the bottom. Miss Jordon had the mostfamous restaurant in the 9th Ward, used pots that were burned on thebottom. Now that restaurant is totally gone. While many of the statements dis-cussed previously, evidenced in part by their frequent repetition, were a part ofthe scripted sections of the tour, these anecdotes appeared to be unscripted, atleast by the tour company. This provided an element of spontaneity and indi-

vidual character to each guides performance which arguably added toclaims of authenticity.

Along with cultural knowledge, personal anecdotes, especially childhoodstories, were also found in the narrations. Passing the remains of a flooded




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house, William shared over the boats loudspeaker, Now I grew up here. Everyday we had football practice wed pass that sweet shop, buy Twinkies andcandies and wind up at football practice with a tummy-ache. Wed always goto Miss Rudolph, thats her home. Its totally demolished, on our right side.

Memories of restaurants or parks that were no longer there also functionedto create an imagined landscape on the tours. Stories like these acted as apresent use of the past (Timothy & Boyd, 2006, p. 2) and figured into the cre-ation of a landscape of layered time presented to the tourists.

The individual experiences that the guides had during and after theHurricane were also featured in the tours. Some stories were relativelysimple. For example, Tim from the Gray Line tour related that, I rode outthe storm in my home . . . with my roommate and my parents. In contrastother tales were more elaborate and at times hilarious, in keeping with theguides general style. In her tour, Sally provided an example of the latter:

Now I live in a hundred-and-seventy-year-old home, so you bet yourbottom dollar I didnt stay there. . .I went and did something we call a verticalevacuation. That means that I went to one of these tall buildings, a very well-known hotel. . .That is why I know when the storm rolled through and whathappened afterwards. In this excerpt, Sally emphasised both her identity asa local and as a Hurricane eye-witness. Through the retelling of her experiencesduring the Hurricane, she asserts that she is qualified to provide tourists auth-entic or true information about the events of the storm.

Other stories dealt more with personal loss and the emotional aftereffects ofthe Hurricane. For example, on the Katrina Cruise, William recounted places

and people he had, himself, lost. During the tour he said, theres my grand-mothers house . . . the water came in and washed it all away and in fact afriend of mine did not leave . . . they found her body a few months ago, shedid not survive, as the boat passed the respective sites of these tragedies.These statements, though not directly placing William in the role of eye-witness, do emphasise his connections to the city and the events of HurricaneKatrina. This emphasis makes a slightly different claim to authenticity; one sup-ported less by factual, direct information about events during the Hurricane, asby the costs and experiences of a local following the Hurricane. A similar claimto authenticity is made, but it is an authenticity more closely tied to authentic

emotions and feelings, rather than simply true information. William furtherbacked up this claim, stating at the beginning of the tour that It may also bea very personal narration as all of us on board [he and the crew] are victimsof Katrina. With this statement he asserts the authenticity of the tour experiencethrough the closeness to people, the guide and the crew, who have experiencedthe Hurricane in this firsthand way.

As these examples demonstrate, there were many stylistic variations betweenindividual Gray Line tours and the Katrina Cruise. Despite having differentemphases, all of the tour guides performances interacted with an underlyingideal of authenticity. On the Katrina tours, these performances demonstrated

the range of ways to be a local of New Orleans and to situate oneself in relationto the events of the Hurricane. For example, on the Katrina Cruise the localidentity claimed by the guide William was closely tied to a specific areaof the city, the Ninth Ward, while on the Gray Line tour the local identities




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performed were connected with a larger area of the city and the surroundingregion. This difference also included a racial aspect; as the Ninth Ward isgenerally connected to African American culture in New Orleans and Robertand many of the crew of the Katrina Cruise were African Americans, while

many of the Gray Line tour guides were white. This difference interacts withdeeper issues in New Orleans heritage tourism, including debates over theauthentic culture of the city.

While differences in regional focus were due to the guides own decisions,they were also an aspect of the narrations tied to exigencies of the routes andtransportation of the tour. The Gray Line tours covered the larger area of thecity available to their buses, whereas the Katrina Cruise mainly focussed onthe Ninth Ward and other sites visible from the Mississippi river. These specificdifferences can be understood as one of the points of intersection betweenthe tour companies, city ordinances and the desires and backgrounds of the

tour guides. Variations were also found in the way that the guides situatedthemselves in relation to the Hurricane itself, whether focusing on factual,eye-witness accounts of their whereabouts and experiences during the stormor on the consequences and losses suffered following the storm. This aspect,though probably regulated in part by the tour company, reflected a more per-sonal decision based on the guides overarching style and specifics of theiractual experiences. Each of these varied performances though was utilised todemonstrate the legitimacy of their identity as a local.

By performing the identity of a New Orleans local and a Hurricane witness,survivor or victim, the tour guides are discursively asserting the authenticity of

the information they are giving to those on the tour and the experience they areproviding. As suggested by Coupland et al. (2005, p. 199) these performancesact as an example of how authenticity and inauthenticity are worked intothe talk and the texts of heritage tourism events. The discourse of theKatrina tours provide an example of how claims to authenticity are actualisedin heritage tourism.

The prevalence of discussions of authenticity and inauthenticity in thisinstance of disaster tourism points to a basic characteristic of heritagetourism as a whole the equation of value with authenticity. This sets heritagetourism apart from some other forms of tourism, like the stereotypical sun, sex,

sights, tourism discussed by Crick (1989), in which value is equated withdifferent characteristics including exclusivity or goods offered. In contrast,since in heritage tourism the goods being proffered are often in the form ofknowledge about a locations specific history or culture, the importance of auth-enticity as a value marker is increased. As marks of authenticity are relativelyamorphous and subjective versus the more straightforwardly materialisticaccounting of number of meals included on a cruise, they are often morefully incorporated into the discourse of heritage tourism events.

ConclusionAnother interesting angle of analysis involves looking more closely at the

guides themselves. Taking on the identity of an eye-witness or victim of a dis-aster during the tours places the guides in a vulnerable emotional position as




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they recount the events of Katrina, revisit the worst disaster sites and then facethe realities of the post-Katrina New Orleans when they leave work. Many ofthese aspects came out in private interviews with individual guides, inwhich some were more open with their personal viewpoints and emotions

than they were in the context of the tours. It should be noted though thatsome guides were less forthcoming and even reluctant to discuss theiropinion of the Katrina tours. Though the guides did not explain their reluc-tance, this attitude may have been a reflection of the negative response to thetours within the city and in the national media.

The emotional reactions discussed above can be observed in the transcript ofa phone interview with the Gray Line guide Lisa. She recounted that, It was adifficult tour to do in the beginning because nothing was going on. Everyonewho would do the tour had a lump in their throat. Had memories of neighbour-hoods vibrant with people, trees. This feeling was echoed by William, in an

informal interview, when he explained, Its hard talking about this stuff,looking at this stuff. I come back here everyday by my mommas housewhich is not there anymore. Along with the difficulties of leading thesetours, interviews with the guides also pointed to the possibility of some levelof catharsis or gradual healing as they watched evidence of the storm fadefrom the neighbourhoods and landscapes featured in the tours. As Lisadescribed, Now its getting better. Every time you see a place open up itgives you more hope that things can come back. This feeling was echoed inWilliams thoughts on sifting through the remains of his parents house, Ifound some things. Each day I find something I feel a little bit better. Yet, in

another way, these emotions are indicative of a further node of conflictbetween the guides and the tour companies; even if the guides do not wishto revisit these memories or feel uncomfortable doing these tours, they mustdo so in order to keep their jobs. For example, speaking with members of thecrew of the Katrina Cruise, on the last day the tour ran, they described howthey were glad that this was the last tour because they found it depressing towork these tours and expressed the opinion that the tours were exploitingthe pain of the former Ninth Ward residents whose destroyed homes werebeing viewed.

While at this time Hurricane Katrina remains a recent occurrence, as time

passes the storm will be remembered or constructed differently in bothtourism and the public imagination. It would be a constructive project toexplore how Katrina-related tourism is manifested in the future, both withinthese tours and also in the creation of permanent sites and monumentsrelated to the events of the storm. Others have investigated the relationshipbetween disaster tourism and national culture, including Foote (1997), whoexplored the pervasive interest in sites of death and destruction in the USA.

Foote (1997, p. 5), in his study of how sites of disaster are treated in the USA,points to a process of memorialisation, which relates to the larger issue of howpeople view violence and tragedy over long periods of time and develop a

sense of their past (Foote, 1997, p. 5). Foote (1997, p. 5) notes the differentialtreatment of certain sites, ranging from what he terms sanctification to oblit-eration. This range can be seen in the development of a Katrina memorial in thecemetery of Charity Hospital, which underwent severe damage in the storm, to




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the treatment of the Superdome, also the site of tragedy during Katrina, whichhas been rebuilt leaving little mark of what occurred.

This study of the Katrina demonstrates the centrality of issues of identity andrepresentation to studies of heritage tourism and highlights the prevalence of

discourses of authenticity in disaster tourism. The research also shows therole that culture and history play in instances of disaster tourism and howforms of disaster or dark tourism are a distinct, but validly classified, part ofheritage tourism studies. As this practice will continue in the future, furtherstudy will be essential in discovering how the identities of those involved arecontested and displayed and how such events interact with larger issues ofsocial identity and cultural contact.

Acknowledgements

I would like to extend a special thanks to my advisor Judith Maxwell, whose

help and advice has been essential to the completion of this project. I wouldalso like to thank Aline Magnoni and Monica Cable for their tireless effortsto organise the original panel and find a venue in which these articles couldbe published together.

Correspondence

Any correspondence should be directed to Devon Robbie, 171 Olde OrchardLane, Shelburne, VT 05482 ([email protected]).

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