Aurelio, Seres Intermedios, Etc. -Bmcr Brynmawr Edu 2004 2004-07-50 HTML

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Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2004.07.50

Aurelio Prez Jimnez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Seres Intermedios.ngeles, Demonios y Genios en el Mundo Mediterrneo. Mediterranea, 7. Madrid-Mlaga: Ediciones Clsicas & Charta Antiqua, 2000. Pp. 232. ISBN 84-7882-457-X.

Aurelio Prez Jimnez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Damon Predros: Magosy prcticas mgicas en el Mundo Mediterrneo. Mediterranea, 9. Madrid-Mlaga: Ediciones Clsicas & Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 294. ISBN 84-7882-494-4.

J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Prez Jimnez, MHNH. Revista Internacional deInvestigacin sobre Magia y Astrologa Antiguas. 1 (2001). Mlaga: Charta Antiqua, 2001. Pp. 350. ISBN ISSN 1578-4517.

J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Prez Jimnez, MHNH. Revista Internacional deInvestigacin sobre Magia y Astrologa Antiguas. 2 (2002). Mlaga: Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 337. ISBN ISSN 1578-4517.

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Reviewed by Edmund P. Cueva, Xavier University ([email protected])Word count: 4596 words

Seres Intermedios

Seres Intermedios is a collection of eight essays presented at the conference "XI Curso-Seminariode Otoo de Estudios sobre el Mediterrneo Antiguo" held at the University of Mlaga inSeptember 14-16, 1998. The aim of the collection is to examine the functions that the ancientMediterranean peoples gave to beings that had intermediate or intervening roles between humansand superhuman entities. The approaches range from the anthropological to hispanist, fromGraeco-Roman to Byzantine and Islamic. Quite a bit of material is covered in these essays. Myapproach for all four books is to touch briefly on the contributions and to point out any major themesthat may emerge.

The first essay, "Seres Intermedios: Decadencia y Retroceso en la Modernidad," by J. A. GonzlezAlcantud, examines how Christian martyrs became saints and thus had intermediating functionsbefore God on behalf of humans. The saints also gave flesh to the struggle against temptation andabove all helped humans by granting a "logical solution to the fissure between the miseries of dailyreality and eschatological beliefs" (12). In addition, saints had to be interpreted as existingsomewhere between the monotheistic belief inherited from Judaism and Graeco-Romananthropocentrism; this interpretation opens the door to the secularization of the world and a faith thathas to be "approached through reason" (16).

Mercedes Lpez Salv ("Demonios y Espritus en las Religiones Primitivas del Prximo Oriente")follows with an intriguing analysis of intermediary beings in Sumer and Babylon. It is in the NearEast, she writes, that the "poetical imagination of man unites with the religious imagination" in orderto create a world of beings who "assist and protect and at the same time help give an explanationfor the causes of evil in the world or of those forces that the human mind cannot understand" (23). Itshould be noted that these beings not only help but also plague humans, all of whom are situated in

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a tripartite universe: humans on earth, superior and divine beings in the heavens, and creatures thatterrify humans below. The author argues that it was necessary to believe in the intermediary beingsin order to elevate oneself from the terrestrial to the heavenly or to account for the terrors that stemfrom the infernal world. Listed among intermediary beings are the sebittu, iminbi, kalaurru,kurgaruu, apkallu, and milla gallu.

E. Surez de la Torre's "La Nocion de Daimon en la Literatura de la Grecia Arcaica y Clsica"writes that can be interpreted as: 1) an unnamed deity that intervenes directly in humanaffairs and can be equated with the theoi, 2) something similar at times to destiny or fortune, 3)something that need not be identified with Olympic deities, but can have negative and frighteningassociations, 4) the soul of a hero or of someone who has died, or 5) the "soul" as understood inphilosophical terms. The author explores the texts of Homer, Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, Alcman,Pindar, Bacchylides, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Empedocles,Iamblichus, and Plato, among others.

In "Seres Intermedios en la Tradicin Platnica Tarda", John Dillon continues with this theme whenhe begins his essay with the passage from Plato's Symposium 203a1-2, which states that "Goddoes not deal directly with man" because there is a series of intermediary beings called daimones,who can be "good or bad" (117). Dillon explores the contributions of Xenocrates, Plutarch, Philo ofAlexandria, Apuleius, and Calicidius to the development in the explication and expansion on theconcept of the demonic in Platonism.

In "Seres Intermedios y Religiosidad Popular en el Mundo Romano," Clelia Martnez Maza reviewsthe function of the intermediary beings in "popular and private" spheres, in particular, the domesticroles in which these beings were worshipped. The penates and their relationship to the nourishmentof the family and the lares and their involvement in the delineation of property ownership form thebulk of the essay. The manes, lemures, and larvae are seen as "divine groups that act collectivelyand possess a field of action that is closer to that of the human individual than that of the gods"(143). These supernatural entities survived the rise of Christianity in better shape than the gods ofthe pantheon.



The essay by Frederick E. Brenk, "El Exorcismo en Filipos en Hechos 16.11-40: Posesin Divinao Inspiracin Diablica," tackles the proper interpretation of in the biblical passage -- moreaccurately , which Brenk translates as "prophetic spirit." This can, ofcourse, be divine inspiration, the Holy Spirit, or an evil spirit (a reading not found in Paulineliterature). Exorcism, Brenk intriguingly notes, was a common Jewish practice that posed noproblems in being incorporated into the Christian world. Christians, however, did perceive theworship of Apollo and the consultation of his oracles as demonically inspired.

In "El Diablo en Bizancio: Metodologa, Orientaciones y Resultados de su Estudio," Antonio BravoGarca uses sociological and psychological methodologies to consider the question of the demonicin Byzantine times as found in hagiographic literature. The models he employs are "demonic"(malignant beings perpetrating evil acts), "scriptural" (the deeds involved are similar to those foundin the Bible), and "ascetic" (the deeds involve asceticism, virtue, and sin). In Byzantine times theredeveloped a fundamental postulate: "to recognize, avoid, and conquer the demons comes to be atlength something like a new science, a new compendium of knowledge, a philosophy of incalculablevalue and difficulty that supplants other types of knowledge" (196). The author concludes by statingthat psychologically it was demanded that this fundamental postulate be recognized as true, sincenot doing so would run the risk of madness.

The final essay, Antonio Garrido Moraga's "Anlisis Crtico de un Mitema: El Demonio en AlgunosCasos de la Literatura Espaola," is an attempt to arrive at a valid macrostructural typology (in themanner of Lvy-Strauss) of the demonic in Spanish literature. Lope de Vega, Amescua, Caldern,and Cernuda serve as texts for this attempt.

This compilation is thorough in its approach and the authors make forceful and convincingpresentations. The text is free from any egregious mistakes. Anyone interested in the history of theoccult sciences will find this book a worthwhile purchase.

Damon Predros



Damon Predros, another collection of essays, is a product of the "XIII Curso-Seminario de Otoode Estudios sobre el Mediterrneo Antiguo" conference held at the University of Mlaga inSeptember 19-22, 2000. The collection also includes articles by Mrquez Romero and Jos LuisJimnez Muoz that were not presented at the gathering. The focus of this collection complementsthat of the collection reviewed above by noting that once the ancients recognized the intermediarybeings' roles, passions, and weaknesses, they could try to make them "submit to their wills andconvert them into their instruments as servants and assistants ... capable of accomplishing for uswhat for us is impossible" (2) -- hence the title of the work, .

Concepcin Mora's "La Magia como Respuesta a lo Desconocido: Una Visin Antropolgica" notonly reviews some of the scholars in anthropology who have worked to establish the boundariesbetween magic and religion (Frazer, Malinowski, Redfield), but also goes through the practices andmethodologies of those associated with magic (e.g., exorcists, wise men, witches, shamans,wizards). These are the people, the author summarizes, "to whom some power or supernatural forcehas been attributed, who can use this power or force positively or negatively, although all of them donot have an equal amount of power or efficacy. Their resources stem from oral traditions" (23).Some of these practitioners of magic move easily between white and black magic and have hadand still do have the trust and confidence of some people.

In "Lugares Rituales y Magia en la Prehistoria: Dos Casos Singulares," Jos E. Mrquez Romerodemonstrates that although magic could be associated with a multitude of locations in prehistorictimes, it tends to be linked most often with painted caves and Paleolithic sanctuaries, and to alesser extent with entrenched stone circles from the Neolithic period. In order to understandcompletely this interrelationship it is of paramount importance for the modern scholar to becomeaware of what Eliade terms "archaic ontology," which is similar to Levy-Bruhl's "soul of the primitive"or Lvi-Strauss' "savage mind" -- Mrquez Romero avoids any disparagement of prehistoricthought. This ontology can best be seen in myth, ritual, and the animistic form of the experienceundergone in these rituals in such places as painted caves. Magic for the author must be viewed asthe "consubstantial element" (39) of all primitive rituals and ceremonies, which are intended to givea social configuration to the beliefs of primitive peoples.



"La Magia en la Grecia Arcaica y Clsica" by Jos Luis Calvo Martnez begins with a survey ofGreek literature from Homer to approximately 300 B.C. -- it should be noted that magic in literatureis viewed as being more than just another poetic function. The second kind of data in the essay isthe scientific and philosophic opinions on and manifestations of magic; the third comes from thosewho actually practiced some form of magic. Epic, tragedy, the works of Hippocrates, Plato's Laws,and the tabellae defixionum form the bulk of the material examined. Nothing really new is revealedin this examination, but the survey of sources is well done.

Paired with the concluding time period of Calvo Martnez' chronology is Manuel Garca Teijeiro's"Temas Mgicos en la Literatura Helenstica." The author argues that during the Hellenistic periodnot only did the Greek language move to its koine or universal form but that local forms of magicextended throughout the Mediterranean in the Imperial period in a syncretistic manner. Magic, it isargued, took on a scientific quality, with universal laws and regulations. The proof for thistransformation can be found in the poetry of the period (e.g., Apollonius of Rhodes and Theocritus).

In "La Magia en la Biblia," Antonio Piero moves the spotlight from the Greek world to Israel. Thisessay, which is a summary of two chapters from his book En la frontera de lo imposible: Magos,mdicos y taumaturgos en el Mediterrneo Antiguo en tiempos del Nuevo Testamento (2001),indicates that ancient Israel was well-versed in magic. The author cites examples from the OldTestament that evidence the magical use of prayer, sacred places, rites of sacrifices, apotropaicrituals, amulets, the invocation of the dead, the divine name, miracles, and prophecy -- all of whichwere forbidden by official legislation but tended to remain in private practice. In the New Testamentany sort of paranormal activity must be interpreted to see whether it comes through Jesus Christ. If itdoes, it is not magic. If it does not, either evil spirits are at work or someone who has control overthe forces of nature. This is therefore termed magic.

Claudio Moreschini heads back to the Graeco-Roman world with his intriguing "Apuleyo Mago oApuleius Philosophus Platonicus?" The premise of the essay is quite simple: the Christian belief isthat demons and the terror caused by them are evidenced through a series of proofs, literary or



folklore, which are extremely varied. The pagan, however, views demons as causing not necessarilyfear but rather reverence (this reverence is limited to people of the middle and elite classes).Among the latter interpretation are the observations of Plutarch, Apuleius, Maximus of Tyre, andPhilostratus. It is Apuleius who sums up this notion by observing that magic, at least as evidenced inhis own writings, is a form of philosophy and theurgy; the philosopher is the priest of all of thenumina and is in contact with all divinities, with which he is allowed to speak.

The last essay that touches upon the classical world is "Magia Literaria y Prcticas Mgicas en elMundo Roman-Cltico" by Francisco Marco-Simn. The author suggests that it is difficult to get anaccurate picture of Celtic magic in Ireland because most accounts that deal with this phenomenonare mediated through myths and Christian hagiographical narratives. Marco-Simn also argues thatorality played a large part in the way the traditions and religious knowledge of this phenomenonwere conveyed. Celtic magic, in conclusion, must be sought in the vernacular epigraphy written inthe Gallic tongue. The accounts of such writers as Pliny the Elder do not supply a clear picture ofCeltic magic; they only stress Celtic peculiarities and the inversion of Roman practices and ideas.

The final three essays break away from the Classical world and focus on Byzantine,Andalusian/Muslim, and Medieval and Renaissance Spanish writings. In "La Magia en Bizancio:Una Ojeada de Conjunto," Antonio Bravo Garca gives an overview of magic in Byzantine times:magic in Byzantium was a constant presence, notwithstanding Church opposition, which from thefourth century had imperial legislation on its side to punish severely not only those involved incausing harm but also those sympathetic to the practice of magic. Amulets, tabellae defixionum,exorcism, and myriad forms of divination were prevalent. Maribel Fierro's "La Magia en Al-Andalus"concentrates on the ancient and modern Muslim preoccupation with magic. In particular, the authoraddresses the question whether there is revelation after the composition of the Koran. Althoughmagic has been prohibited and strenuously punished during all periods and in all places in theMuslim world, it nevertheless has been an "integral part in Muslim beliefs, rituals, and socialcustoms" (248-249). The last essay, Miguel ngel Prez Priego's "Tratados y Prcticas Mgicasen la Literatura Espaola Medieval y Renacentista," is a cursory examination of motifs and themespertaining to magic that appear in Medieval and Renaissance Spanish writings. The authors



discussed range from Bishop de Lope Barrientos, Martn de Castaega, Pedro Ciruelo, DonEnrique de Villena, to Juan de Mena and Diego Snchez de Badajoz.

This volume, like its predecessor, is a detailed examination of the role of magic in the ancient andmedieval world. The essays are well written, informative, and comprehensive. Both volumesaccomplish the goals set out by the editors.

MHNH 1

The first two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacin sobre Magia y AstrologaAntiguas, edited by J. L. Calvo Martinez and A. Prez Jimnez, follow the same format: I. Studia, II.Documenta et Notabilia, and III. Recensiones. Volume 1 comprises nine articles, plus GiuseppeBezza's introduction and Italian translation of the Greek text of the horoscope found in Vaticanusgraecus 191, 242v-248v and Parisinus graecus 2507, 105r-113v (along with the critical apparatus)and five book reviews. The contributions in the last two categories will not be discussed in thisreview.

The first article, "Cien Aos de Investigacin sobre la Magia Antigua" by Jos Luis Calvo Martinz,is a bibliography that anyone interested in ancient magic and the occult should have. The meticulousbibliography is divided into these categories:

I. Magic in General: 0. Bibliography, 1. Anthropological and Philosophic Studies, 2. Historic Studies;

II. Magic in Ancient Peoples and Cultures: 1. Oriental Magic (and Religion), 2. Jewish Magic, 3.Egyptian Magic (a. Pharaonic, b. Coptic and Demotic), 4. Christianity (a. General Works, b.Demonology, c. Magic and Scripture, d. People Gifted with Magic, especially Jesus);

III. Magic in Greece and Rome:

A. "Real" Magic:



0. Bibliographies,

1. Sources (a. Magical Papyri, b. tabellae defixionum, c. Amulets),

2. Translations,

3. Lexica,

4. General Works (a. Collections, b. Monographs and Encyclopedia Entries, c. On the "Concept" ofMagic, d. On Magic as "Force"),

5. Magic and Religion,

6. Magic and Science, especially Medicine,

7. Magic in Context (a. Syncretism and/or the Influence of Other Cultures, b. Neoplatonism andTheurgy, c. Hermetism and Gnosis, d. Astrology and Magic),

8. Magic and Language,

9. The Suppression of Magic: Magic and Law,

10. Types of Magic and Magical Practices (a. Evil, b. Meteorological, c. Erotic, d. Defixiones,Binding Spells, Curses, e. Divination, f. Exorcisms),

11. Passages and Practical Examples from the Magical Papyri,

12. The Elements of Magical Practice

a. Supernatural Agents: Divinities and Demons [i. Abraxas, ii. Akephalos, iii. Aion andTheos Hypsistos, iv. Iao, v. Egyptian Gods: Isis, Osiris, Horus, Seth, Thoth,



Harpocartes, etc., vi. Hecate, Selene and other Similar Syncretized Female Deities, vii.Other Gods and Greek Divinities, viii. Mithras and Other Oriental Deities, ix. Gods orGoddesses that appear in magical texts whose identities are doubtful, x. Demons andAngels, xi. Palindromes and Numerology],

b. Human Agents [1. Magicians, Mediums, etc., ii. Witches],

c. The Spoken Word,

d. Objects used in Magic [i. Amulets, ii. Plants, iii. Animals, iv. Objects and InstrumentsEndowed with Magic]);

B. Literary Magic:

B.1. Greece: 1. General Works on Greece and Rome, 2. Authors and Genres (a. Homer: Circe,Helen, Odysseus, Aeolus, the Phaeacians, the Sirens, the Nekuia, etc., b. Pindar, c. Drama [i.Aeschylus, ii. Sophocles, iii. Euripides, iv. Aristophanes], d. Theocritus and Sophron, e. Lucian);

B.2. Rome: 1. General Works on Rome, 2. Authors (a. Pliny the Elder, b. Horace, c. Vergil, d. Ovid,e. Propertius, f. Tibullus, g. Petronius, h. Lucan, i. Apuleius).

This bibliography is superb.

Similar to the bibliography by Calvo Martinz is the fifth essay, Aurelio Prez Jimnez's "Cien Aosde Investgacin sobre la Astrologia Antigua," which supplies us with a detailed and meticulousbibliography on ancient astrology. The bibliography contains a statement on the importance ofresearch in this area, previous bibliographies, a brief introduction to the Near Eastern origins,studies and primary sources for Graeco-Roman texts compiled in the last century, and a thematicbibliography. The major divisions of the bibliography are as follows:

1. General Works: 1.1. Bibliographies, 1.2. Dictionaries and Encyclopedias, 1.3. General Studies



on Astrology, 1.4. Monographs, 1.5. Anthologies, 1.6. General Works with Entries on Astrology, 1.7.Linguistic, Lexical, and Terminology Scholarship;

2. Greek Astrology: 2.1. General Works, 2.2. Astrologers and Authors;

3. Roman Astrology: 3.1. General Works, 3.2. Astrologers and Authors, 3.3. Astrology and theEmperors;

4. Astrology and Philosophy: 4.1. General Works, 4.2. Fatalism, the Great Year and Palingenesis,4.3. the Universe, Microcosmos, Macrocosmos;

5. Astrology, Religion, Myth and Astral Mysticism: 5.1. Astrology, Myth and Religion, 5.2. AstralMysticism, 5.3. Astrology, Religions associated with the sun and Near Eastern cults;

6. Astrology, Judaism, Gnosticism and Christian Thought: 6.1. General Works, 6.3. (there is nosection 6.2.) Authors: Church Fathers, Gnostics, Heretics;

7. Polemics on Astrology;

8. Technical Aspects: 8.1. Constellations, 8.2. the Zodiac, 8.3. Decans, 8.4. Planets, 8.5.Horoscopes and Dodecatropes, 8.6. Melothesia, 8.7. Geography, 8.8. Botany, 8.9. Metals, Stonesand Jems, 8.10. Medical Arts, 8.11. Varia.

Manuel Garca Teijeiro's "El Cuento de Miedo en la Antigedad Clsica" tackles the question ofwhen authors first wrote horror stories for the sake of narrative. In other words, when were the first"true" horror stories written? Garca Teijeiro defines horror stories as literary, with the goal ofcausing terror: these stories may be based on popular themes but have to be created uniquely bythe author with the sole aim of causing fear. In search of the first "true" horror story, Garca Teijeiroreviews supernatural narratives in tragedy, Philostratus, Antonius Liberalis, Phlegon of Tralles,Lucian's Philopseudes, Xenophon of Ephesus, Heliodorus, and Antonius Diogenes. He finds theanswer in Petronius (61 and 63) and Apuleius (Metamorphoses 1.5-19 and 2.21-30). This essay is



perhaps the best in this volume.

Fritz Graf's "Mythos und Magie" examines how the words "myth" and "magic" are understood inmodern and ancient times. In the modern world, "myth" has positive connotations, while "magic"does not. In the ancient world, however, both terms had pejorative implications. Graf examines thecauses for the change in meaning.

"Sobre la Emergencia de la Magia como Sistema de Alteridad en la Roma Augstea y Julio-Claudia" by Francisco Marco Simn traces the public and private reactions to magic from the latefirst century Republic to the early Empire. The perception of magic as having negative subtextsreaches its climax in Pliny, who sees that magic has two qualities: the internal, as found in Nero, andthe external, as found in Parthia. The latter symbolizes malevolence and danger to the fledglingEmpire. This is a remarkable analysis of the opinions on magic at that most critical time in Romanhistory.

The next three essays deal with astrology. In "Los Compuestos de - en Gmino: Su ValorAstrolgico (y Astronmico)", Esteban Caldern Dorda demonstrates that as astrology and its textsdeveloped and increased in the Graeco-Roman world, compounds formed with - alsoincreased. For example, Geminus' first century A.D. Introduction to Astronomy uses twenty-nineverbs, eleven substantives, six adjectives, and three adverbs with the compound prefix. Incomparison, the second century Tetrabiblos by Claudius Ptolemy has four times as manycombinations. Wolfgang Hbner's "Zur Verwendug und Umschreibung des Terminus inder Astrologischen Lehrdichtung der Antike" examines the preference for the terms ,, and over the terms , , or inGreek didactic poems. The first instance of horoscopus or horoscopare appears in Manilius'Astronomica. Lastly, Santiago Montero Herrero's "Astrologa y Etrusca Disciplina: Contactos yRivalidad" notes that Varro's circle attempted to syncretize astrology and Etruscan forms ofdivination, but that with the rise of the Empire this effort at unity broke down, with the senatorial classgoing back to Etruscan rites and astrology serving individual needs.



The last essay of this collection, "El Esoterismo Grecorromano en la Red" by Juan FranciscoMartos Montel and Cristbal Macas Villalobos," is a survey of magical, astrological, and hermeticInternet sites that deal with the Graeco-Roman world. The survey contains numerous URLs, but ashappens with most written media that deal with the Web, it is now somewhat out of date. Forexample, the authors supply results of Google and Lycos searches for the following five terms:

"astrology" -- Google: 80,900; Lycos: 28,536

"magic" -- Google: 30,000; Lycos: 222,276

"hermetism" -- Google: 10,200; Lycos: 7,649

"Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 489; Lycos: 544

"hermetic" -- Google: 14,300; Lycos: 10,320

As of the writing of this review, the numbers are (and of course these numbers also will besuperseded):

"astrology" -- Google: 4,980,000; Lycos: 2,235,322

"magic" -- Google: 28,800,000; Lycos: 10,111,359

"hermetism" -- Google: 3,080; Lycos: 1,424

"Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 13,400; Lycos: 6,164

"hermetic" -- Google: 271,000; Lycos: 85,988

The essay is nevertheless a good survey of the vast amounts of materials that can be accessed onthe Internet.



MHNH 2

In volume two there are eleven articles, plus Giuseppe Bezza's introduction and Italian translation ofthe Greek text of the horoscope of Eleutherius Zebelenus of Elis (along with the critical apparatus), abrief analysis of Pedro Gallego's Summa de Astronomia, and ten book reviews. Again, only thearticles will be discussed in this review.

The series of essays begins with Antonio Bravo Garca's " : Materiales para unaHistoria de la Magia y la Demonologa Bizantinas," which is a greatly expanded version of theessay cited above, "La Magia en Bizancio: Una Ojeada de Conjunto," which was published inDamon Predros.

"El Tratamiento del Material Hmnico en los Papiros Mgicos: El Himno " by Jos LuisCalvo Martnez compares the papyri XII.238-269, XIII.762-833, and XXI 1-25 in K. PreisendanzPapyri Graecae Magicae: Die griechische Zauberpapyri. These texts invoke the divine name toconsecrate a gold ring and to get a direct view of the divine. The author contrasts the three textsusing eleven criteria and concludes that these three papyri did not copy from each other but used acommon model.

The focus of "El 'Milagro de la Lluvia,' Los Julianos Et Alii" by lvaro Fernndez Fernndez is anattempt to verify the person(s) responsible for the miraculous storm that helped Marcus Aureliusdefeat the Germanic tribes in the 170s A.D. The account is found in authors such as ClaudiusApollinaris, Tertullian, Dio Cassius, Eusebius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Orosius. The possiblecandidates responsible for the event are the Chaldeans, the divinity of the emperor, an Egyptian bythe name of Arnuphis, or the Christian soldiers in the XII Legio Fulminata. In sum, as Christianitygrew in the Empire the cause of the rain became Christian; prior to the rise of Christianity, the textsallow for pagan attribution.

Enrique Ramos Jurado's "Magia y Tergia en De Mysteriis de Jmblico" assesses Iamblichus'differentiation between magic and theurgy. The latter ran the risk of being confused with magic and



therefore of being debased; it was practiced in special circles that were intertwined with philosophy.Theurgists, moreover, unlike magicians, were allowed to have true contact with the divine. Theycould in fact contemplate the true nature of the gods. "Il Segreto della Madre Lucente: Estasi eTeurgia nel Sincretismo Gnostico" by Ezio Albrille again studies theurgy, focussing on itsrelationship Gnostic syncretism (especially the states of ecstasy that are associated with bothpractices).

Pablo A. Toijano's "Salomn, Lilith, San Jorge y el Dragn: Un Ejemplo de ReinterpretacinMgica en la Antigedad Tarda" suggests that the iconography of king Solomon as a horseman(found on amulets, etc.) may have been the sources of the iconography of St. George and theDragon. Thus, a story with Judaic roots was transformed into one widely accepted by Christians.The amulets with king Solomon on them are intrinsically associated with exorcism.

A similar developmental and syncretistic approach is taken by Godefroid de Callatay in "La GrandeOurse et le Taureau Apis," where the author notes that Aratus' Phaenomena vv.91-93 makes anassociation between the Great Bear and the figure of a bull. The author knowledgeably explains thatthe Egyptians had allotted that part of the sky to the Egyptian bull Apis, which later came to beknown as Epaphos.

Mara Paz de Hoz' "Men, un Dios Lunar, con Corona de Rayos" follows the same pattern anddemonstrates how the lunar deity Men came to be associated with the solar deity Helios duringImperial times. It is a brief yet fascinating look at the merger of these two gods.

As in volume one, the last three essays deal with astrology. "Precedentes de las DoctrinasAntiastrolgicas y Antifatalistas de Tertulliano" by Virginia Alfaro Bech and Victoria E. RodrguezMartn reviews Tertullian's juxtaposition of curiositas christiana with curiositas vana or curiositasprofana. The first type of curiosity, which Tertullian terms necessaria, eschews astrology becausethe only type of knowledge it seeks is the knowledge that comes from Christ's resurrection.Moreover, Tertullian is aware of the "societas between magic and astrology: they are mentionedjointly and are considered allied" (212) against the true knowledge that is found in Christianity. In "La



Astrologa y los Astrlogos en la Antologa Palatina: Alusiones y Parodias," Guillermo GalnVioque studies references to astrology in the anthology: 11.318, 9.112, 7.157, 5.105, 6.501,11.159, 11.160-164, 11.114, 11.183, 9.82, 12.227, 11.383, and 14.141-142. He concludes bynoting that the allusions and references are not many in number, even though astrology was verypopular. In fact, the allusions and references are always found in pejorative or satirical contexts andmake fun of astrology and astrologers. The last essay, Aurelio Prez Jimnez's "PERI DEIPNOU: APropsito de Heph. III 36," examines Hephaistion's enumeration of the twelve signs of the zodiacrelative to the seating arrangement () for twelve at banquets. Comparable seatingarrangements in Manilius, Dorotheus, Julian of Laodicea, Nicetas of Paphlagonia, Peter of Antioch,and Firmicus Maternus are examined as possible models.

The two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacin sobre Magia y AstrologaAntiguas are useful for anyone interested in ancient magic or astrology. The essays are of anexcellent quality and do much to increase our knowledge of these phenomena. It is satisfying to seethat our philological cousins in Spain are at the forefront of research in these areas.

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Aurelio, Seres Intermedios, Etc. -Bmcr Brynmawr Edu 2004 2004-07-50 HTML

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