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INTERNATIONAL BACCALAURETE

Assess the impact of Unemployment as a Cause

of the Jarrow March of 1936

Simon Johnson

Candidate Number: Kristin School, New Zealand

Word Count: 3671

EXTENDED ESSAY IN HISTORY

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Abstract. This essay investigates the causes of the Jarrow March and seeks to challenge the existing literature on o

the cause of the march. The March is a crucial piece of modern British history; both as a major part of

Jarrow’s oral and local history, and nationally in the UK as a symbol of protest. The existing, somewhat

limited, literature on the cause of the march focuses on unemployment as the key cause of the March.

This essay investigates the extent to which unemployment was a cause of the march, and the impact

that other causes played in causing the March.

Various factors are considered. The role that the extreme amount of unemployment played in the

March is considered at length. This is compared with other factors: the impact of Ellen Wilkinson as a

cause of the march is considered at length as is the degree of poverty that Jarrow faced. The impact of

both national and local government policy is considered on the march. Finally, the impact of the

steelworks project as a cause of the march is considered.Extensive reference made to the oral accounts

available from the march, which is used to help establish the key motives behind the March.

We conclude that the impact of unemployment as a cause of the march is considerable and that it is an

essential requirement for the march. However, we also conclude that unemployment alone did not

cause the march: the march was caused by a unique set of socio-economic factors that were present in

Jarrow at the time. Especial note is placed on the anger that the people of Jarrow felt with the

government as a result of the Government’s policy, and it contended that this was a key factor in the

march, in the same way that unemployment is.

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Table of Contents

Abstract ............................................................................................................................................. 2

Contents Page .................................................................................................................................... 3

Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 4

The Influence of Unemployment ........................................................................................................ 5

The Influence of Personalities............................................................................................................. 6

The Influence of Social Conditions ...................................................................................................... 7

The Influence of Benefit Policy ........................................................................................................... 9

The Influence of Government Policy ................................................................................................. 10

The Influence of the Steelworks ....................................................................................................... 11

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 12

Bibliography .................................................................................................................................... 14

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Introduction

The Jarrow March (“the march”) is a key event of modern British history. In October 1936, a group of

400 unemployed men marched from the town of Jarrow to London. There they presented a petition of

11,000 signatures requesting that the government provide them work. They marched from a town with

80% unemployment; a town that had been ruined by the loss of its shipyard. No work was forthcoming

and then returned home with a £1 donation for a train fare. (Perry, 2005)

Such an unsuccessful, inconsequential march would surely be consigned to the footnotes of history,

were it not for the legacy that the march created. Today, the march is a significant piece, if not the

keystone, of Jarrow’s oral history. It remains a symbol of local protest against the government; creating

icons that remain a part of Jarrow’s landscape today. The visible symbols are supplemented by the

stories the march created. Douglass (1996) makes the point that, “[the march] is a story told and

retold…The ghosts of Jarrow’s Crusaders still march into *Jarrow’s+ consciousness”. The march still

resonates in Jarrow today.

The Jarrow March has endured in modern Britain as a symbol of democratic protest against the

establishment. Perhaps due to its uniquely non-political character and peaceful nature, it has become “a

symbol, representing the human suffering in the face of mass unemployment.” (Stevenson & Cook,

1994) In 2009, when unemployment is 6.5% not 80% (“Economic and Financial Indicators”, 2009, p.101)

and the economic conditions of 1936 Jarrow are unimaginable to most, it retains its power as a symbol

of protest.

The historiography of the march has tended to argue that the extent of unemployment was the principle

cause of the march and has tended not to consider other factors in any detail. (Consider, for example,

Perry, 2005) Whilst unemployment was a key factor in the march, it would be an oversimplification to

say that unemployment was the only cause of the march. Mass unemployment was not a phenomenon

unique to Jarrow 1 yet it was the only town to march en masse to London demanding work. Whilst

unemployment was a major cause of the march, it is not the only cause, and they are worthy of

investigation.

The Impact of Unemployment

Pickford (1982) has shown unemployment to be the cause of the Jarrow March. For this to be true,

three criteria should be tested: was there unemployment, did it affect the people of Jarrow, and did it

directly cause the March?

Certainly, unemployment in 1936 was at an extreme level. In her book The Town that was Murdered

Wilkinson states that the unemployment rate was at 80% of the working population. Using statistics

from the local Medical Officer2 she states that “six thousand are on the dole and 23,000 on relief out of

1 Consider, for example, Wigan in Orwell’s Road to Wigan Pier

2 A doctor employed either by the local Council or by Central Government to report on sanitary conditions in an

area. This would tend to be a reliable source of information: he is a Doctor who has been employed to monitor the state of public health and record the same in an unbiased way.

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a population of 35,000” (Wilkinson, 1939, p. 238); the latter figure includes women, children, the elderly

and the disabled. Clearly, there was unemployment, but did this affect the people in the town?

Wilkinson (1939, p. 189) describes the affect of unemployment on the town vividly: “Jarrow in that year,

1932-33, was utterly stagnant. There was no work.” Nevil Shute, in his novel Ruined City, paints a picture

of a town similar to Jarrow suffering from unemployment: “No trams ran…*the shops+were small and

unpretentious, with windows boarded up. He passed two closed banks.”(Shute, 1938, p.64)The extent of

Sharples’ ruin can be seen by the fact that Woolworths3 has been bankrupted.

The parallels to Jarrow are obvious. Sharples, Shute’s fictional town, is a town in the North East of

England, which has been suffering from over two years of no employment since the closure of Barlow

Shipyard (compare to Jarrow’s Palmer’s Yard; shut for 2 years at the time of the march). Like Jarrow,

Sharples is economically dependent on the shipyard. Yet, it was written by an author who aimed to sell

books, rather than to present a historically reliable account. There is no evidence to suggest that Shute

ever visited Jarrow; it is feasible that he wrote the book solely on second hand information. We are

forced to compare Shute’s account with other sources to gain an impression of Jarrow. Ellen Wilkinson’s

description of Jarrow is similar to Shute’s, suggesting that Shute has some accuracy in the themes in his

description.

However, can we show unemployment directly caused the march? Various pieces of oral history cite the

level of unemployment as the direct cause of the march. Pickford’s Jarrow March quotes Paddy

Scullion, one marcher: “we thought we’d get out of *unemployment+ by showing our protests to the

House of Commons and the proper way we done it… demand the right not for increased unemployment

benefits or increased money mattes but for the right to work which was a God given right.” Pickford

goes on to quote Jean Clark, another survivor of the time: “well, it was decided that we must do

something and the idea of a march… we had such a motive for it, something in effect which was life

itself.” (Pickford, 1982) Finally, Cornelius Whalen, the last marcher is quoted in the Guardian as saying,

“we did *the march+ because we were desperate for work” (Glancey & Hetherington, 2003). These

accounts, together with the report on the devastation that unemployed caused the town, form the basis

for the view that the march was caused principally by unemployment.

Oral history cannot be accepted uncritically. Their reliability is increased by the similarity in content

between them and by the fact that they are all given by people who marched, or who were all intimately

involved in the planning of the march. Nevertheless, they were all given over 40 years after the march.

For this reason, their recollections could have been affected by the passage of time. Equally a desire to

fit their memories to the established view of the march, and not the other way around casts possible

doubts on their reliability. Given the very high unemployment figures and the descriptions of the town

suffering from unemployment, they cannot be dismissed as worthless, and unemployment was clearly

significant in causing the March. How significant were the other factors?

3 A famous discount retailer in the UK, noted for providing low priced goods. Parenthetically, a casualty of the

current economic uncertainty.

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The Influence of Ellen Wilkinson

What role did the local Member of Parliament have on causing the march? Ellen Wilkinson was MP for

Jarrow from 1935 until 1947. Born to a family of Methodists, she became a member of the Independent

Labour Party at the age of 16, and, after studying history at Manchester University, she joined Fawcett’s

National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies; a leading nonviolent group seeking to enfranchise

women, before coming one of a very few female Trade Union leaders. (Simkin, n.d.) With this

background in trade union work, and her known socialism, she became Jarrow’s first female MP in 1935.

(Vernon, 1982)

There are two schools of thought as to the role that Wilkinson played in making the march become a

reality. One school of thought is that she was an integral cause of the march. Charlesworth, Gilbert,

Randall, Southall, & Wrigley (1996) argue that Wilkinson was the moving force behind the march and

was the reason for its successful execution. Equally, in an account of her life, Simkin (n.d.) contends,

“Wilkinson organised a march of 200 *sic]4 unemployed workers from Jarrow to London.” This school of

thought suggest that Wilkinson’s involvement was direct and pivotal to the march and that her

involvement was the reason that the march took place.

The other view of Wilkinson is led by her biographer, Betty Vernon (1982) who argues that, whilst Ellen

was able to use her prior experience working with the unemployed to aid the crusade, she was not the

driving force behind the march. This was a view shared by Perry (2005) who contends that she merely

acted as a figurehead for the marchers. 5 According to Perry, she had no direct involvement in causing

the march to happen. Indeed, he also makes mention to the Labour Party Conference, which she

attended for several days prior to the march. He argues that she could not have caused the march as she

simply wasn’t there.

What can we conclude from this? Whilst Wilkinson was Socialist, with experience of planning marches,

no evidence has been put forward to demonstrate that her role in causing the march extended beyond

that of a figurehead. Indeed, Perry goes further and demonstrates that at key times, she was not in

Jarrow and so could not have been an instigator of the march. The evidence that shows her direct

involvement in causing the march is very limited, and it is safe, therefore, to conclude that she was not a

principle cause of the March.

4 Does this obvious error cast doubts upon his reliability as a source? Whilst he has made an error here, it may

merely be a typing error or misreading of a source. It certainly means that his conclusions should be considered even more carefully. 5 It is important to distinguish between Wilkinson’s role in causing the march, and in making it a success. All

sources agree that her ability to raise money at public meetings during the march was the key reason that the march was completed.

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The Impact of Poverty

The next factor worth considering is a longer-term one. The impact of poverty in Jarrow on the march is

worth considering. Shute (1938) in Ruined City suggested this theme when he showed that people were

not recovering from the simplest of illnesses because of the long-term degradation of their health from

a poor diet. The affect that this poverty had on causing the march is worth considering. Firstly, how can

we see this poverty?

The photo on the next page, figure one, is an example of the poverty that was affecting Jarrow in the

1930s. This photo became epitomes of Jarrow in the Depression. We see a woman hanging clothes out

on an ad-hoc line in the middle of a street, lacking her own garden to hang them in. The clothes are

ragged and worn; a reflection of her poverty. Lau (2000) has suggested that the fog in the background of

the scene shows how little is known by the outside world about the poverty of Jarrow. What the photo

does show is the condition of Jarrow at the time of the march, and the poverty that formed a backdrop

to it.6

Priestley’s English Journey (1934) took him around England, commentating on the social conditions that

he saw. It is a highly influential work; to the extent that it has been credited with assisting, the Labour

party win the 1945 elections. (Drabble, 2008)7 On Jarrow, Priestley (1934, pg. 237) says “*the air+ is

6 This source, as a staged photo, can only be considered reliable if we can be support it with other sources.

Fortunately, we are given a similar account in Priestley’s English Journey, which adds to the reliability of this source. 7 These were highly influential elections; they have been seen as marking the end of the Conservative consensus in

the UK and the introduction of the Welfare State recommended by the Beveridge Report of 1942. For further information on this topic, see A.J.P. Taylor’s English History 1914-1945 Chapters X and XI

Figure 1- “Back Street in Jarrow”. Bill Brandt, 1937

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thick… heavy with enforced idleness, poverty, and misery”. He described Jarrow as derelict and

decaying. He points out that “a stranger from a distant civilisation, observing the condition of the place

and its people, would have arrived… at the conclusion that Jarrow… was now being punished. He would

never have believed us if we told him….the inhabitants were not animals but citizens with votes.”

(Priestly, 1934) The picture that he paints of Jarrow is one of crippling poverty. Moreover he goes

beyond Figure One and argues that the poverty was having a negative affect on the town.

The gloomy picture Priestly paints should not be accepted without thought. English Journey was a work

of a known Socialist, commissioned to note the social contrasts in UK. It has the obvious disadvantage as

a source in that it was commissioned by a socialist publisher Victor Gollancz; and is designed to illustrate

the poverty of the north in a shocking way. Priestley’s travels have been criticised by some because of

this. For example, Baxendale and Pawling (1996) point out that Priestley was looking to find economic

distress, and, having looked for it, found it. Nevertheless, Priestley is supported by other sources from

the time, not only the photos mentioned but also contemporary accounts of the town. Like the photo,

Priestly is a valid source of information only as far as he is supported by other sources.

Having examined the primary accounts of Jarrow’s poverty, evidence is lent to the available primary

sources. The Shield’s Gazette quotes, in Pickford’s Jarrow March (1982), the report of a woman who had

fallen over a chair, and in the process fractured her thigh; an injury that shockingly proved fatal owing to

the malnutrition she was suffering from. Wilkinson makes the same point when she quotes the

Tuberculosis Rate for Jarrow as compared with the UK as a whole: “The percentage of deaths due to TB

was 13.2 in Jarrow compared with… 7.5 for England and Wales.” She goes on to point out that the rate

of tuberculosis in “the five years 1926-30 was greater than in the five years 1896-1900”8. (Wilkinson,

1939, p. 240) Wilkinson makes the point that people are not recovering from what was increasingly a

curable malady owing to the poverty that they live in.

Whilst it can be shown that there was poverty in Jarrow and that poverty was affecting the health of the

population, it has not yet been shown that the poverty was a direct contributory factor to the march.

For that, it is necessary to consult the speech that Riley made when inspiring Jarrow Council to organise

the march. Here he says, “*the people in London+ do not realise that there are people living in Jarrow

today under conditions in which a respectable farmer would not keep swine… If the appalling conditions

that exist in the town are put before the public any decent man can’t help feeling for Jarrow.” (Pickford,

1982, p. 85) Here in a speech before the march, we see the march’s chief organiser cite the poverty that

Priestly, Brandt et al had previously commented on as a justification for the march. This lends support to

the influence of poverty on the march.

8 Emphasis as in the original text.

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The Impact of Benefit Policy

It would be reasonable to ask what palliative relief was available to alleviate the poverty. After all, as

Priestly pointed out, all of Jarrow’s adults were now emancipated citizens.9 The provision of

unemployment benefits was a relatively new invention, and the serious attempt at reforming the

Victorian Poor Laws. Whilst they had worked relatively well since 1906, when Lloyd George began the

process that is now dubbed “The Liberal Reforms”, the depression shifted the problems of

unemployment from one of seasonal and temporary unemployment to whole communities being out of

work. (Garside, 1990) It was, in short, a sea change in the problem of unemployment. The Treasury, who

funded the schemes, did not appreciate this. Their policy was to reduce the overall cost to the taxpayer,

and so delegated the administration of the schemes to local authorities whilst cutting the length of time

that people could claim the highest rates of benefit. (Beloff, 1984)

The following diagram shows a summary of the unemployment benefits as they affected Jarrow in 936.10

The key weakness in the scheme was the Means Test. It was designed to encourage self-sufficiency.

Households only received benefits when they had no goods or capital that they could sell for income.

This created a division in neighbourhoods where neighbours were encouraged to inform the authorities

if they were aware of people attempting to cheat the system. (Thorpe, 1992) The effect of this was to

9 All males over 21 and all females over 30 (with some further qualifications) received the vote from the

Representation of the People Act 1918. Universal suffrage was given to all adults in 1928. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2009) 10

Owning to the government’s policy of regional implementation of benefit provisions, the names of the various bodies that administered the benefits are very confusing. The Public Assistance Boards/ Committees were the original device set up to administer the benefit, but the Unemployment Assistance Boards gradually replaced them after 1935. At the time of the march, Jarrow had a Public Assistance Board. Whilst the names were many and varied, they all provided similar (low) levels of public relief. Diagram created by the author; information principally from Thorpe (1992)

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divide communities and to produce great resentment for government, and the Public Assistance Boards

(PABs) who had to implement it: “Everyone felt that the PAB were being very harsh… this was a source

of great bitterness”. (Pickford, 1982) This memory from one of the surviving marchers comes with the

caveats of oral memories previously noted, but does provide an indication, supported by Wilkinson’s

recollections, that there was great bitterness against the benefits system.

Equally, the government’s policy of regional autonomy left several anomalies in the system. In Edinburg,

the last £500 of an unemployed man’s goods was not counted for means testing. In Jarrow, a man had

to have literally no capital before being eligible for benefit. (Davis, 1999) This was widely known at the

time and a cause of great anger in Jarrow. Together with the widespread bitterness over the means

test, there was significant anger over the provision of benefits. Whilst this is never cited in the oral

history as a cause of the march, it helped to create a population who were greatly angry at the

Government’s treatment of them. This helped to exacerbate the impact of other government policies.

The Impact of Government Policy

Aside from the provision of public relief, the other key area of government policy came from their

attempts to stimulate industry. The demand for industrial goods had been decreasing since the Great

Depression began in 1929. Shipping had been particularly badly affected, with the total tonnage of

shipping launched in the UK decreasing from 2 million tons in 1920 to 133,000 tons in 1933. (Mowat,

1955) This had a particularly negative affect on Jarrow; whose employment was dominated by the

shipyard. As Paddy Scullion recalls: “the bulk of people were working in Palmer’s yard and there was

nowhere else to go.” (Pickford, 1982) Being the classic example of one-industry town, Jarrow was

economically dependent on its shipyard; a shipyard closed by the National Shipbuilding Securities

Company (NSSC).

The Government’s policy in organising the NSSC was to reduce the amount of capacity in the shipyard

industry to meet the level of demand. The NSSC was a holding company, set up by the shipbuilding firms

and backed by the Government. It would leave healthy yards to compete at reasonable prices, whilst

allowing uneconomic yards to be reused for other purposes.

The NSSC has to be seen in the light of the economic situation of the 1930’s. The Wall Street Crash

marked the beginning of a decade-long slump in the global economy. In 1931, Roosevelt was elected

with the promise of a New Deal for America; a deal that by the time of march was not showing visible

successes.11 (Taylor, 1965) Hence, the National government’s policy was strict orthodoxy: a balanced

budget, deflation, and economies of spending. The Government’s policies did not include large-scale

schemes to relieve unemployment. Their belief was that the orthodox measures would restore the

economic situation quicker than unorthodox ones, and with less long-term damage to the economy as a

whole. (Garside, 1990) The manifestation of this policy on Jarrow was the NSCC. Within four years, the

11

The effect on the New Deal on the USA is a fierce point of historical debate. However, this debate focuses on the long term effects of the Deal. In 1936, whilst there was some “green shoots” of recovery, there is a significant amount of evidence to say that these were not apparent to other governments.

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NSSC removed one million tons of capacity from the country, including the Palmer’s Yard in Jarrow.

(Mowat, 1955)

In the period 1932-3, Palmer’s had been unable find for their yard. When it was sold to the NSSC, it had

not launched a ship for over two years. (Wilkinson, 1939) However, to the population of Jarrow it was a

going concern: “oh, *the yard+ continued full blast right up to the end.” (Pickford, 1982, p. 34) This is

certainly not true: Wilkinson provides figures to support her claim that no ships were launched, and

such a claim would fit in with what other sources say about the economic state of Jarrow. However, that

is immaterial: to the people of Jarrow, it was a active yard shut down at the whim of the government.

There was much anger over this in the town at the time, exacerbated by the problem of benefit

provisions. Again, this anger did not directly cause the march. However, together with the provision of

benefits, it created a very angry population. This anger was developed by the removal of a Steelwork

project.

The Impact of the Steelworks

The offer of a Steelworks came from a Surrey based philanthropist, Sir John Jarvis. His plan was to fund a

steelworks in Jarrow; a scheme which would “cheer up Jarrow’s people… and best of all, find them long

term work.” (Dodds, 1936, October 29) This was announced to the Press on the 21st January 1936, when

it was declared to be a certainty. (Perry, 2005) Perry goes on to note the euphoria that this godsend

offered Jarrow and the relief in the council that there was the possibility of work for the town. However,

the plan was announced prematurely and by the 16th June, the scheme was dead. Where the blame for

the collapse of the scheme lies is not made clear by the sources of the time,12 but the Mayor of the

town, writing to The Times, makes reference to the “terrific disappointment” that Jarrow felt. (Dodds,

1936, October 29)

This “terrific disappointment” was a cause of the march. In his letter to The Times, Dodds, writing under

the subheading “Causes of the March”, blames the loss of the steelworks project for the march and a

marcher was quoted as saying “a dozen men *a reference to the organisers of the Steelworks] have said

Jarrow shall never work again… I am prepared to march 7,000 men to the Bar of the House13 to demand

justice. (Pickford, 1982) The final seal was set on the anger of the Jarrow workers when Lord Rumicorn,

the President of the Board of Trade and the Minister responsible for the Steelworks said, “Jarrow must

work for its own salvation”. According to the Chief Marshal of the March, these “seven curt and

heartless words started off this Crusade” (Perry, 2005)

12

Various sources blame the British Iron and Steel Foundation (mostly the contemporary Press, quoted in Pickford). Others blame the Board of Trade (survivors of the march) and the Iron and Steel Cartel, an international scheme to regulate the creation of steel in the European area (Wilkinson). Again, who ended the project is somewhat irrelevant. What matters is that the people of Jarrow blamed the Government. 13

The traditional line in the House of Commons that denotes the edge of the House of Commons Camber. No non-member or official can cross the Bar when the House is sitting. It was traditionally the place where people came to be questioned by the Speaker, or to give information to the house. The speaker of the quote would certainly not have been permitted to march 7,000 men to the Bar.

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The impact of the steelworks cannot be overlooked. This project created euphoria in the people of

Jarrow. When it was cancelled, the people of Jarrow blamed the Government. By itself, this may not

have mattered. However, it must be seen in the context of the previous anger with the government over

the Shipyard, and the anger over the provision of benefits. Together, these three factors created great

bitterness in the town, which manifested itself in the March.

Conclusion

As Professor Vincent reminds us, to find a cause of any one event is very hard “*“Cause’s”+ connotations

are of the impact of one billiard ball upon another…Life could not be less like that”. (Vincent, 1995, p.70-

1) The Jarrow March cannot be seen as a linear process of one event causing another leading to a

march, but instead of a variety of causes that combined to cause the march to occur. It is argued, not

least by Perry, that the amount of unemployment in Jarrow was the cause of the march.

Whilst it is certainly true that the level of unemployment created the conditions in which a march could

take place, they are not the only factor. Whilst there was a large degree of unemployment in Jarrow,

and consequential poverty, this was also true in many other towns in North England. It is too narrow a

definition to say that unemployment alone caused the march.

The causes of the march move beyond the extreme level of unemployment and into the poverty that

unemployment caused. Exacerbated by this extreme degree of poverty and shocking living conditions,

there was great anger at the perceived callousness of the government in their treatment of Jarrow. Ellen

Wilkinson played a role in causing the march to occur, though not as great as has previously been

suggested. The simple cause of the march was the coming together of these diverse range of social,

economic and political factors, which manifested itself in the mass protest that remains a symbol of

protest today.

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