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@ Assembly ofDissidents
An Analytical Study on Social Interactionwith the Egyptian Parliament
Prepared By
Essam ShihaAttorney-at-Law
Infront of the Cassation and Supreme Administrative Court
Assembly of Dissidents
Prepared by:
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Mr. Essam Shiha
Publisher:
Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional StudiesRegistration Number: /2008
Supported By:
Middle East Partnership Initiative
Address:
King Faisal Street- Borg Al-Atebaa- 9th Floor-Appt. 908-Giza
Fax: 37759512
Mobile: 6521175012- 6521170012
Email: [email protected] – [email protected]
Director of the Centre:
Mr. Ayman Okeil
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Why the Assembly of Dissidents?
The active observer can obviously realize the extend of dissent and
disagreement among members of parliament regarding constitutional
amendments and draft laws, let alone requests of investigations and
apprehension. It is worth noting that not a single law has been passed or
amended with the total consent of all members of parliament, on the
other hand, all laws that have been passed managed to do through the
mechanical majority of the National Democratic Party (NDP), even if
the matter required violating what has been previously passed of laws.
From here, stems the correct naming of this assembly in its current
session,” the Assembly of Dissidents”.
Target Governorates:
Greater Cairo ( Cairo-Giza-Qalibyiah)
Dakliyah
Menya
Target Catagories:
The project aims at forming 3 popular committees from popular
leaderships with the rate of a committee inside each governorate among
the target governorates with 25 participants having the mission of
evaluating the performance of the Assembly and the extend of its
capability in expressing peoples’ desires and ambitions through
communication with a number of deputies in elected legislative
councils and opening a discussion forum with them in order to come up
with recommendations and means of joint collaboration to achieve
realized solutions.
Provided that the beginning shall be the selection of members for
popular committees among candidates (200 candidates) in each sector
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and conduct hearing sessions with them in order to choose the best
qualified among them for carrying out the targets of the project.
Training Program:
3 training programs have been carried out in each of the target
governorates with a total of 9 programs aiming at familiarizing
participants with the Egyptian political system, the role of the
parliament and its historical evolution, its activities, skills and criteria
for evaluating parliamentary performance.
Communal Committees:
Communal committees shall be composed of the target category in
each governorate ( 25 volunteer) from popular leaderships in addition
to members of the Egyptian Parliament. 5 joint sessions shall be held
with the rate of a session each month to discuss and evaluate the role of
the parliament in dealing with major national issues (education-health-
unemployment-housing-transportation-local issues-political
reform…..etc) provided that each session shall be preceded with a draft
working paper on behalf of project coordinators on the national visionof parliament in dealing with the suggested issue. The draft working
paper shall serve as a background for the specialized discussions on
local community issues. The sessions shall come up with solutions or
suggestions or recommendations identifying means of dealing with
problems and mechanisms of overcoming them.
The main aim for the study at hand is to evaluate the performance of
the Egyptian Parliament and the extend of its capability in expressing
peoples’ desires and ambitions through measuring the opinion of voters
in target governorates, namely, Cairo, Giza, Qalibyiah, Dakliyah and
Menya and that is through the evaluation of the parliamentary
performance of deputies in the above mentioned electoral districts, the
extend of representing the ambitions and needs for which they were
elected, their knowledge of the role of parliament and deputy
competencies stated in the Constitution and the Law and that is throughcarrying out a survey including a number of key questions.
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Introduction
The ideal mode of governance changes according to prevailing
conditions of time, place and people being governed. However, while
agreeing to the relativity of modes of governance, there is no doubt that
there are some modes that are closer to the ideal pursued by all and
some other modes are completely far from ideal. In an attempt to
demonstrate human trials in the field of governance, we find out that
humanity knew three major types of modes of governance as follows:
Firstly: Patriarchal Rule: it is a mode of governance which places
complete authority in the hands of one individual, to whom the peoplecompletely submit in all matters. It is considered to be a type of
suicide. Examples of this mode of governance are: The single party
system in most of the third world countries. It is sufficing to emphasize
that the single party system or the single political organization usually
leads to the formation of dictatorships and prevents revealing errors at
the right time.
Secondly: Rule of the Few (Aristocracy Rule): Governance lies withinthe hands of those who are qualified for it.
Thirdly: Democratic Rule: its slogan is: the government of the people
by the people and for the people. It is a mode of governance which
does not hand in authority to a single individual but to the people at
large. Democracy is based on two major building blocs which are:
Voters: who are citizens having the right to vote
Candidates: who are elected according to a number of preconditions in
addition to having proper education and proper age granting the ability
to practice legislative tasks as well as political awareness.
Electoral Democracy:
It is the most applied in our modern times. It is based on the fact that if
the people are the source of all authority, they should not practice suchauthorities directly, however, such authorities are to be practiced
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through the selection of deputies in the peoples’ name and for their best
interest. Electoral democracy has evolved through the trials of nations
and constitutional jurisprudence asserts that the building blocs of
electoral democracy are four as follows:
An elected Assembly: under our current Constitution promulgated in
1971 prior to its amendment in 1980. There was only one Assembly;
however, the Egyptian Parliament under the 1923 Constitution was
composed of two Assemblies namely: the Senate and the Congress.
Following the year 1980, its composition included two assemblies
namely, the Peoples’ Assembly and the Shura Council.
Does the Member of Parliament (MP) represent the whole nation
or its electoral district only? :
This issue has been a point of controversy and elicited many opinions
such as:
• The freedom of the Member of Parliament to express his own views
without being restricted to obligatory instructions given by voters.
• The member of parliament has only the public interest in his/hermind not only the best interest of his voters and thus has the right to
defend any issue that matters to the public interest even if it contradicts
with the narrow interests of his electoral district. For instance, the
approval of MPs representing Nubia on the construction of the High
Dam, was not considered a violation of parliamentary requirements, as
long as it achieves the best interest of the nation as a whole.
• Voters- in an ideal electoral democracy- may not dismiss their
deputy on the basis that he/she no longer represents their real hopes and
needs.
The right of Voters to dismiss their deputy:
This is common in the United States of America, where voters can
request the dismissal of their deputy before the end of his/her naturalterm, if a defined number of voters- ranging from four to five voters-
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filed this request and elections are to be repeated in the designated
electoral district and the dismissed deputy may participate in the
repeated round of elections and may defend himself/herself against
alleged accusations of misrepresentation. If the same deputy was re-
elected, his election expenses shall be borne by those who requested his
dismissal and thus a defined bail shall be deposited upon filing the
dismissal request.
The electoral scene is totally different in Egypt, despite the widely
spread phenomenon of deputies changing their party affiliation or
capacities by moving to the Government’s party after being elected.
This phenomenon was easily noticeable in the parliamentary electionsof 2005, when a large number of independent candidates became
members of the National Democratic Party (NDP) and thus the
government managed to control the parliament through this method.
The Age of Parliaments:
It became very apparent to the world that democratic transition requires
a strong parliament and that the role of parliaments in political life is onthe rise to the extent that some observers call our age,” the age of
parliaments”. Countries started revisiting the concept of a strong
parliament and its competencies. Furthermore, countries started
conducting periodic and transparent elections, allowing public opinion
to follow up parliamentary activities through various means such as
airing parliamentary sessions, the press and the freedom of reviewing
minutes of meeting, at the same time supporting MPs with required
legal and parliamentary knowledge to practice their tasks. The key
question is no longer: Do we need a parliament to achieve democracy?
But became: How can the parliament become strong enough to support
the achievement of democracy? .
Thus, the establishment of parliaments became a vital cornerstone in
democratic life and a mandatory stage in the process of democratic
transition. Furthermore, the development of parliamentary performancebecame the key to political reform.
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How Parliaments Came About?
The establishment of parliaments was not an invention, but came about
as a result of historical events which made it up and defined its form
and shape. The appearance of parliaments came on stages full of
several difficulties and challenges, where parliaments were able to fight
for its authorities under dictatorships and patrimonial modes of rule.
Some opinions go further to maintain that the main reason behind the
establishment of parliaments is the achievement of social stability in its
comprehensive sense.
Advantages and Disadvantages of a Parliamentary System:
Advantages:
The interaction between powers sometimes leads to enforcing
democracy and preventing dictatorships in addition to facilitating the
knowledge of the real responsible for errors in the light of politicalresponsibility.
Disadvantages:
May lead to governmental instability in some countries, also, in the
light of political and opposition trends, it becomes difficult for the
performance of the government to gain support and that may lead the
government to fall under the influence of pressure groups and thus
narrow political affiliations shall gain more importance in the political
scene.
Formation of Parliament:
Basically, a parliament is formed through election; however, it may
include certain appointment elements in order to complete itsefficiency.
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Parliament Mandate:
The parliament practices its normal mandate that is stated in a
parliamentary system. As for the Senate or the Shura Council, it merely
practices a consultancy mandate.
The peoples’ Assembly in Egypt:
It is the key legislative member in Egypt. The constitution stated its
mandate in a general sense in article 86 which states that,” the Peoples’
Assembly shall be responsible for legislature, deciding the general
policy of the state and the general social and economic plan, thegeneral budget for the state and practices the review process on the
tasks of the executive power, according to the constitution”.
Financial Mandate:
It is stated in articles 114 until 123 of the Constitution which state that:
Article 114:“The Peoples’ Assembly shall determine the general plan for economic
and social development. The law shall define the method of preparing
the plan and presenting it to the Peoples’ Assembly”
Article 115 (replaced according to the referendum of 26/3/2007):
“The draft general budget of the state must be represented to the
Peoples’ Assembly at least 3 months in advance before the start of the
financial year and it shall not be considered applicable unless it has
been approved by the Assembly. Each chapter of the draft budget shall
be subject to the members’ votes. The Assembly may amend expenses
stated in the draft budget except those expenses which are considered
as an execution of a definite obligation of the state. If the amendment
resulted in an increase in expenses, the Assembly must agree with the
government on finding sources of financing such amendment…………if the new budget has not been approved before the beginning of the
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financial year, the old budget shall be applicable for the period of 60
days, after which the President has the right to issue a new budget.
Political Mandate:
The government is responsible infront of the Assembly as follows:
• The right to question
• The right to suggest a public matter for discussion
• Expressing needs
• Investigation and tracking facts
The right to interrogate: It is one of the most important parliamentary
tools infornt of the government where one or ministers shall be held
responsible and thus it has been given great care when mentioned in the
Constitution.
Aims of the Study
The main aim of the study is to evaluate the performance of the
Egyptian Parliament and the extend of its capability in expressing
public needs and ambitions and in order to be able to define the above,
several questions must be answered which are:
• What is the end result of having a parliament?
• What is a parliament? And how and why was it established?
• What is the meaning of the word”Assembly or Council”?
• Why do people join an assembly or a council?
• Why do people elect a certain candidate? What is the nature of
the interests of voters?
• Was the parliament established for defending political, social
and economic interests or family interests or tribal interests or
national interests?
• How can confidence be increased in the parliament?
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The study tries to answer the above mentioned questions and aims at
evaluating the parliamentary performance in the first place through
recording and analyzing the extend of members’ practice for the roles
they were elected for according to the Constitution and executive
regulations of the Assembly and the extend of the contribution in
directing governmental policies or achieving a vital and efficient
review of these policies.
Nevertheless the process of recording in itself might not sufficient
enough for evaluating performance since the real performance of the
Assembly and its members, the extend of becoming closer to or further
from the ideal efficiency of performance is connected with the previousquality of the performance of the Assembly whether the legislative, the
political, or the supervisory performance. The key to proper evaluation
does not lie in the quantity but in the quality of performance.
It is worth noting that despite the long history of the electoral
experience in Egypt, yet the performance of the Assembly has not
gained any sufficient interest or creditability from public opinion and
that is due to the mixing up which occurs between public and privateopinions and the interest of most MPs in the private affairs of their
electoral districts at the expense of their public roles in supervision and
legislature.
Parliamentary Elections
Parliamentary elections of the Egyptian Peoples' Assembly were
conducted in November of 2005. Needless to mention that the
controversy regarding the political reform and its priority in the
national agenda was reflected in the results of the elections, let alone
the constitutional experience of amending article 76 of the Egyptian
Constitution which deals with the method of selecting the president.
It is worth mentioning that the Peoples' Assembly completed nearly 37
years of its life, where political conditions greatly changed since theappearance of the Assembly under a single party system ( 1971-1976)
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S e r i a l
P a r l i a m e n t
O
p p o s i t i o n
I n d e p e n d e n t
% o
f
o p p o s i t i o n
a n d
i n d e p e n d e n t
d e p u t i e s
%
o f N D P
d e p u t i e s
1 1976 36 3.1 48 7.13 24% 76%
2 1979 33 6.8 14 6.3 2.1% 8.87%
3 1984 65 2.14 - - 2.14% 9.84%
4 1987 95 4.21 8 8.1 2.23% 8.76%
5 1990 6 3.01 56 6.12 9.13% 1.86%
6 1995 12 7.2 31 9.6 6.9% 4.90%
7 2000 17 84.3 37 37.8 2.12% 8.87%
8 2005 12 3.1 1.9 311
Conclusion:
Given the previous demonstration of the surrounding conditions and
circumstances in which Egyptian elections -whether presidential or
parliamentary – were held, it is possible to come out with the following
observations:
1. Egyptian elections can be classified as classical elections, i.e.
election results are known in advance and there is no doubt that this
fact reflects the result of a group of conditions, which are persistent for
long decades out of the state of political polarization created by a single
political organization on the political scene. Furthermore, the ability to
change the state of political polarization became so difficult due to the
weakness of available competitors and lack of their political will.2. There is a state of obvious unconsciousness among Egyptians
regarding necessary reform; despite that Egyptians yearn for reform but
yet do not carry out what is required to achieve such reform. This is
obvious in the low rate of voters’ participation in elections, low
percentage of enrollment in political parties and organizations, weak
role of civil society organizations and associations and the weak role
played by the press and the media in raising political awareness.
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3. The debate on political reform necessitated some amendments
that are related to the electoral process- whether presidential or
parliamentary- and necessitated also the amendment of certain existing
laws such as the Law on the Peoples’ Assembly, the Elections Law and
the Law on Political Rights.
4. In the light of the pressures Egypt is subjected to – in some way
or another- from outside such as the US in order to induce democratic
reforms, it becomes necessary to respond positively to the new
conditions and variables witnessed in the world of today and work hard
on adopting a reform program that is genuine and that reflects a real
and honest desire in reform that interacts with the needs and aspirations
of the people.• Attached is the lecture given by Dr. Ahmed Fathy Sorrour, the
Head of the Peoples’ Assembly on the legislative structure and
means of its development to match development requirements in
Egypt – Cairo in February 15th
, 2001.
The Peoples’ Assembly (2005) : Between numbers and trends
The 2005 elections was a distinctive mark in the history of the Egyptianpolitical life following the amendment of article 76 of the Egyptian
Constitution, which made the process of selecting the president by
means of direct election through a secret ballot rather than by means of
a referendum to enable Egyptians for the first time in their modern
history to select their next president from among ten candidates.
In addition to the above, the 2005 elections being the first and last
experience of judicial supervision over the elections following the
issuance of the ruling of the Constitutional court dated 8/7/2000 of the
necessity of judicial supervision over subsidiary committees. As an
application of the ruling, the President issued a presidential decree
promulgating Law no. 167/2000 amending the Law on the exercise of
Political rights and Peoples’ Assembly Law to have judges supervise
subsidiary committees instead of the Ministry of Interior as it was the
case previously.
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The 2005 elections were distinctive in many ways since it marked the
participation of civil society organization in monitoring elections in
addition to the noticeable liberty enjoyed by political parties including
the Muslim Brotherhood in their election campaigns.
More importantly, the opposition managed to cross the 100 seats
boundary out of the total number of seats amounting to 432 seats. The
Muslim Brotherhood acquired 88 seats, while the National Democratic
(NDP) acquired 141 seats according to its official list of nominees
announced before 170 independent candidates joined the NDP prior to
the announcement. Thus, the number of MPs belonging to the NDP
becomes 311 MPs according to the head of the supreme electionscommittee. Such results may have been the reason for the increased
percentage of public interest in the performance of MPs and the extend
of their capability in expressing the real goals of political reform.
Such interest has later witnessed a decrease, which we tried to explain
its reasons through designing a questionnaire in order to measure the
opinions and trends of citizens towards the performance of deputies in
the parliament. The questionnaire was also designed to reach a publicanswer regarding several controversial issues of concern regarding the
relationship between MPs and the executive power. Recording
identification data of the voter has been taken into account while
designing the questionnaire such as the voter’s governorate, its
geographical nature, age group, level of education and occupation. The
second part of the questionnaire included a group of questions about
MPs in the voter’s district, the voter’s evaluation for MPs performance
in addition to the voter’s opinion about the role of MPs in the
parliament. The third part of the questionnaire included questions about
the opinion of the voter in several controversial matters of concern in
society such as the difference between services MPs and legislative
MPs, the nomination of ministers for the membership of the parliament,
the commercial transaction between the government and MPs and the
change of political affiliation among MPs following elections.
The total number of sample questionnaires amounted to 500questionnaires distributed as follows:
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Governorate Cairo Giza Qaubiya Dakhliya Menya Excluded Total
Number 112 58 132 57 118 23 500
Percentage 22.4% 11.6% 26.4% 11.4% 23.6% 4.6% 100 %
Analysis of Opinion Trends according to Sample Governorates
Firstly: Cairo “Sample”
Cairo represents the political and economic capital of the Egyptian state
in addition to being the largest in terms of population density due to the
centralization, which rendered the city as the headquarters for most of the ministries and governmental institutions. From the electora point of
view, the project has divided Cairo into 25 districts, where each district
is represented by two members; at least one of them is a worker or a
peasant. The number of candidates was 529 distributed as follows:
Candidates White Collar Workers Peasants Total
Number 294 227 8 529
Candidates Men Women
Number 508 21
Candidates Muslims Copts
Number 501 28
C a n d i d a t e s
a c c o r d i n g t o
p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s
N D P
W a f d
N a s s e r i t e
K a r a m a
L a b o u r
T a g a m u
P o p u a r
C a m p a i g n
T a g m u W a t a n i
G h a d ( N o u r )
G h a d ( M o u s s a )
L i b e r a s
M u s l i m
B r o t h e r h o o d
I n d e p e n d a n t
T o t a l
Number 50 13 3 2 2 4 2 1 2 3 2 14 431 529
Cairo was among the governorates included in the first round of
elections, where the number of registered voters reached 2,786,066
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voters, among which 394,156 voters actually placed their vote. The
number of correct votes reached 373,670 votes while the number of
null votes reached 20,486 votes. The Basateen district scored the
highest percentage of voting where the number of voters reached
33,249 voters out of 139,034 registered voters, if compared with Al-
Sahl district where the number of voters reached 12,074 out of 140,865
registered voters. Final results revealed the winning of the NDP with 27
seats with a percentage of 54 % of its official list of nominees before 9
independent candidates joined the NDP so that the geographical
distribution of Cairo MPs becomes as follows:
Party NDP Wafd Tagmu Ghad Muslim Brotherhood IndependentNumber 36 1 1 1 9 2
The rate of change reached 48 % of the total Cairo membership as the
number of former MPs reached 26 MPs, while the number of new MPs
reached 24 MPs divided into 23 White collar MPs and 27 Workers
MPs.
Ser. District Members Affiliation
1. Al-Sahl Hazem M.F. Abd El Halek
Sayed A.R.Hassan
White Collar
Workers
2. Technical InstituteDr./Youssef R.Y.B.Ghali
Gharib S.I.Younis
White Collar
Workers
3. Road Al-FaragAbd El Rahman R. M.Sayed
Tarek M.S.A.Sebaq
White Collar
Workers
4. ShubraMohamed M.M.Goweily
Reda A.M.Wahdan
White Collar
Workers
5. Al-Zawya Al-HamraIhab A. S.Badawy
Tarek Salah
White Collar
Workers
6. Nasr CityMoustafa M.K.Sallab
Magdy M. S.Ashour
White Collar
Workers
7. Al-NozhaMahmoud M.A.Khalil
Abd El Fatah M. A.M.Mentawy
White Collar
Workers
8. Al-MatariahDr./Zakaryia H.M.Azmi
Moustafa M. M.Abd El Wehab
White Collar
Workers
9. Al-ZaitounMohamed Abd El Aziz Shabaan
Mohamed A.A.Hosni
White Collar
Workers
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10. Hadayek A-KobaDr. Shereen A. Foud
Abd El Hameed S.A.Shalaan
White Collar
Workers
11. Al-WailyDr./Hani M. F.M.Sorrour
Ibrahim S.A.A.Sayed
White Collar
Workers
12. Al Thaher Yehia M.W.AzabMohamed A.A.Ibrahim
White CollarWorkers
13. Bab Al-SheriayhMohamed I.Soliman
Mohamed H.Boghdady
White Collar
Workers
14. Al-GamaliyahAtef A.A.Youssef
Alaa Eldin A.Sayed
White Collar
Workers
15. Al-Darb Al-AhmarGamal H.G.Ali
Ragab H.B.Hemeida
White Collar
Workers
16. AbdeenMohamed A.Y.Nafaway
Badr Eldin S.Kady
White Collar
Workers
17. Boulak Abou El-EllaGamal H.G.Ali
Ragab H.B.Hemieda
White Collar
Workers
18. Kasr El-NilAbd El Aziz M.M.Moustafa
Hesham M.K.Kamel
White Collar
Workers
19. Al-Saida ZeinabAhmed F.M.Sorrour
Adel H.Moustafa
White Collar
Workers
20. Al-KhalifaAbd El Moneim A. M. Bekheet
Hassan T.I.Farahat
White Collar
Workers
21. Al-Manyal Fathy A.Abd El Hameed KhalilDr. Magdy Allam
White CollarWorkers
22. Old CairoAbu Bakr O.M.Abd El Al
Yousri M.M.Bayoumi
White Collar
Workers
23. Al-BasateenMohamed H.M.Morshedy
Hussein K.A.Megawer
White Collar
Workers
24. HelwanAl mouhmady M.A.Ghanam
Dr./Sayed A.M.Meshal
White Collar
Workers
25. Al-Tebeen
Mohamed M.B.Mohamed
Ali S.Fateh El Bab
White Collar
Workers
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Trend Analysis of the Cairo Sample
The sample represented about 22.4 % of the total target category
distributed according to the age group as follows:
Age Group Number %
Less than 30 28 25
Between 30-40 41 36.6
Between 40-50 20 17.8
Between 50-60 15 13.4
More than 60 8 7.2
As for the gender, the number of males reached 78 amounting to 69.6% while the number of females reached 34 amounting to 30.4 %. The
indicator was more oriented towards holders of university degrees and
that is due to the urban nature of the governorate. The samples was
distributed according to the educational level as follows:
Educational Level Number %
Literate 2 1.8Primary School 7 6.3
Average Qualification 34 30.3
University Degrees 51 45.5
Graduate Studies 18 16.1
The sample was distributed according to occupation as follows:
Occupation Number %Public sector 18 16.1
Private sector 19 17
Private business 19 17
Pensioner 9 8
Student 25 22.3
Unemployed 22 19.6
As for the awareness of citizens of the names of the deputies
representing their districts in the Peoples’ Assembly, it was very
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obvious that there is a wide gap between citizens and their deputies,
since only 13 individuals managed to identify their deputies as opposed
to 25 individuals who failed to do so.
Awareness of Deputy Number %
No answer 25 22.3
One Deputy 54 48.2
Two Deputies 13 11.7
Incorrect names 20 17.8
Lack of awareness was not only limited to deputies in the parliament
but also extended to their capacities as only 34.8 % of the sample
managed to identify the capacitates of their deputies in the parliament
while 65.2 % failed to do so.
As for evaluating the performance of MPs, 47 individuals amounting to
42 % saw that their deputies are doing a good job while 65 individuas
amounting to 58 % saw that their deputies are not performing well as
MPs, explaining a variety of reasons such as:
• Lack of services reaching voters (23%)• Limited services (19 %)
• Services are not in favor of the district (58%)
Regarding the role which an MP is supposed to undertake, the answers
were as follows:
• Building schools, universities and hospitals
• Combating corruption
• Defending the rights of citizens
• Eradicating unemployment
• Building new cities
• Helping the needy
• Solving society most difficult problems
• Solving the bread crisis
• Working on voicing the problems of the district to the Assembly
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As for the role which the Peoples’ Assembly is supposed to undertake,
the answers were as follows:
• Solving the bread crisis
• Solving the problems of citizens as they are key problems
• Working on democratizing the Assembly
• Dealing with society’s negatives
• Issuing laws in favor of the people
• Developing the skills of youth
• Putting an end to price increases
• Defending the rights of poor and weak citizens
• Paying attention to civil rights of citizens
• Encouraging the younger generation to participate in theparliament
• Protecting transparency and democracy
• Issuing laws and discussing the problems of the district
• Serving the nation and the legislative role of laws
As for the concept of “the Assembly is the sole source of its decisions”,
the opinion trends in the sample were as follows:
Stance Agree Disagree Neutral
Number 37 66 9
% 33 59 8
Those who agreed explained that the constitution emphasized the
concept of separation of powers and that is a guarantee in itself for the
non-interference in the internal affairs of the Assembly or influencingits decisions. However those who disagreed explained that the concept
is always used to defend the MPs of the ruling party in order to
maintain their membership in the parliament despite judicial verdicts of
the voidness of such memberships. Thus, the concept is regarded as a
means of factionalizing the opposition MPs.
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As for the issue of changing political affiliation following the elections,
opinions came as follows:
Stance Agree Disagree NeutralNumber 29 80 3
% 25.9 71.4 2.7
As for the issue of withdrawing confidence from MPs in case of not
performing their parliamentary roles in serving voters, opinions came
as follows:
Stance Agree Disagree Neutral
Number 95 15 2
% 84.8 13.4 1.8
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