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Asian North Americans' Leisure: A CriticalExamination of the Theoretical Frameworks Usedin Research and Suggestions for Future Study

Kangjae Jerry Lee & Monika Stodolska

To cite this article: Kangjae Jerry Lee & Monika Stodolska (2017) Asian North Americans' Leisure:A Critical Examination of the Theoretical Frameworks Used in Research and Suggestions forFuture Study, Leisure Sciences, 39:6, 524-542, DOI: 10.1080/01490400.2016.1215944

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LEISURE SCIENCES, VOL. , NO. , –http://dx.doi.org/./..

Asian North Americans’ Leisure: A Critical Examination ofthe Theoretical Frameworks Used in Research andSuggestions for Future Study

Kangjae Jerry Leea and Monika Stodolskab

aDepartment of Parks, Recreation, and Tourism, University of Missouri at Columbia, Columbia, MO, USA;bDepartment of Recreation, Sport and Tourism, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, IL, USA

ARTICLE HISTORYReceived November Accepted July

KEYWORDSAsian North American; Asianimmigration; leisure;theoretical framework

ABSTRACTThe aim of this study was to critically examine the theoretical frame-works employed in the existing research on Asian North Americans’leisure and to offer insights into additional theories that might be usedin future research on the topic. The study reviewed three major theo-retical frameworks employed by previous research in the field of leisurestudies: (1) assimilation andacculturation theory, (2) ethnicity-based the-ories, and (3) self-construal. The study also provides recommendationsfor alternative theoretical approaches that could be used in investi-gations of Asian North Americans’ leisure, including racial discrimina-tion and stereotyping, the multiple hierarchy stratification perspective,transnationalism, and cultural and social capital.

The Asian population is rapidly increasing in North America. In the United States, Asians1

(Asian alone or mixed races) were the fastest growing racial group between 2000 and 2010.The U.S. Census Bureau anticipates the number of Asian Americans will double in the nexthalf century, from 15.9 million in 2012 to 34.4 million in 2060 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012).Moreover, there were approximately 5.01 million Asians2 who resided in Canada in 2011, andthe population is expected to double by 2031 (Statistics Canada, 2010, 2011). Given this sharpincrease in the number of Asian North Americans, if recreational agencies and practitionersare to be fully prepared for the future, it is important to achieve a greater understanding ofAsian North Americans’ leisure patterns. The purpose of this article is to facilitate researchon the leisure behaviors of Asian North Americans by critically examining the theoreticalframeworks used in the extant research, and by providing recommendations for alternativefuture studies.

CONTACT KangJae Jerry Lee leekj@missouri.edu Parks, Recreation & Tourism, University of Missouri, C Anheuser-Busch Natural Resources Building, Columbia, -, USA.We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, “Asian” refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East,Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent, including, for example, Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan,the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam. The Asian population includes people who indicated their race(s) to be “Asian,”“Asian Indian,” “Chinese,” “Filipino,” “Korean,” “Japanese,” or “Vietnamese”or provided other detailed Asian responses (Hoeffel,Rastogi, Kim, & Shahid, ).

This total is based on the number of respondents who reported themselves to be of “Asian origin” as a single or one of theirethnic origins in Statistics Canada ().

© Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

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While the leisure behavior of Asian North Americans has received significant attentionin the last 20 years (for a recent comprehensive review see Walker & Deng, 2014), to thebest of our knowledge none of the existing studies have provided an in-depth evaluationof the theoretical frameworks used in this literature. Such critical examinations of theoriesare important, however, because they help in understanding the foundations of this body ofknowledge. Moreover, a critical review of the theories used in previous research can revealthe strengths and weaknesses of the existing body of knowledge and facilitate further theo-retical advancements in leisure studies (Floyd, Bocarro, & Thompson, 2008). In their critiqueof the contributions of theory to leisure research, Henderson, Presley, and Bialeschki (2004)claimed that “theory and empirical research must interact if the field of leisure research is tohave the body of knowledge necessary to move forward” (p. 412). We argue that theoreticallyinformed empirical research is also a prerequisite for developing meaningful practical guide-lines for leisure service delivery if our field is to make a difference in the lives of the minoritypopulations who are the subject of our study.

Before we proceed, it is important to note that due to a certain amount of conceptual ambi-guity, the concept of Asia and its utility in scientific research are increasingly being questioned(Zhou, 2004). The term “Asia” was originally coined by ancient Greeks to distinguish them-selves from people residing in the eastern and southern parts of Eurasia (Bowring, 1987).To date, researchers have used “Asia” to denote different geographic areas, and the term dis-counts considerable social, cultural, and political variations among the countries that makeup the continent (Bowring, 1987). The term “Asian American” is also arbitrary. It was coinedby the historian and civil rights activist Yuji Ichioka in the late 1960s to help unify variousAsian nationalities in the United States and to reject the Western-imposed term “Oriental”(Zhou, 2004). Although Ichioka’s effort to create a strong and distinctive self-identificationamong Asians is admirable, the term does not clearly explain who Asians or Asian Ameri-cans are. Historically, the racial/ethnic group now generally recognized as Asian Americanfirst appeared in the Extra California State Census of 1852 (Hochschild & Powell, 2008). Inthis census, the term “Chinese” was used to denote a subset of theWhite population. However,subsequent censuses employed inconsistent taxonomies when distinguishing among differentAsian nationalities, suggesting that government officials have struggled with clearly under-standing and classifying this population group (Hochschild & Powell). What makes the situ-ation even more complex is that some Americans of Asian descent do not identify themselvesas Asian American or even as Asian. For example, Zhou (2004) noted that in a study of Viet-namese youth in SanDiego, only 14% identified asAsianAmerican, 53%described themselvesas Vietnamese, and 32% described themselves as Vietnamese American. The problems asso-ciated with the termAsia and the considerable heterogeneity within the Asian population willbe revisited throughout the rest of this manuscript.

Theoretical approaches in the research on Asian North Americans’ leisure

To understand the theories that have been used in the studies on Asian North Americans’leisure, we reviewed manuscripts published in five major leisure journals from 1995 to 2015:Journal of Leisure Research, Journal of Park&RecreationAdministration, Leisure/Loisir, LeisureSciences, and Leisure Studies.3 First, from each journal’s online archive, we selected studiesthat explicitly stated Asian North Americans or a specific Asian nationality in North America

It needs to be noted that a number of other studies on North Americans’ leisure were published in journals such as Journalof Qualitative Studies on Health, Qualitative Health Research, Journal of Humanistic Psychology, and Educational Gerontology, toname a few.

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(e.g., Chinese Canadians, Korean Americans) were the primary focus of the investigation. Assuch, we did not include studies that mainly focused on comparing leisure patterns amongseveral different racial and ethnic groups. In some cases, Asian international students con-stituted the whole or a portion of a study sample (e.g., Heo & Lee, 2007; Lee, Dunlap, &Scott, 2011; Lee & Scott, 2013; Li & Stodolska, 2006, 2007).We included those studies becausesome of the Asian international students appeared to be first-generation immigrants. Second,we identified each article’s main theoretical framework by reviewing its title, abstract, key-words, introduction, and literature review. A list of the studies reviewed in this article andtheir theoretical perspectives are included in the Appendix. The four most popular theoreti-cal frameworks used in the 31 identified studies were assimilation and acculturation theory,ethnicity-based theories, leisure constraints, and self-construal. Since leisure scholars havealready provided many in-depth reviews of the leisure constraint literature as it pertains torace and ethnicity (e.g., Schneider, Shinew, & Fernandez, 2014; Stodolska & Yi-Kook, 2005),this study will focus on the three other theoretical frameworks. The next section will criticallyreview the manner in which those three theoretical frameworks were employed.

Assimilation and acculturation-based frameworks

Six out of the 31 studies on Asian North Americans’ leisure were based on the assimilationand acculturation frameworks of Gordon (1964) and Berry (1997). Gordon argued that immi-grants to the United States experience seven stages or subprocesses of assimilation: culturalor behavioral assimilation (or acculturation), structural assimilation, marital assimilation,identificational assimilation, attitude receptional assimilation, behavior receptional assimi-lation, and civic assimilation. Acculturation was defined as the “change of cultural patterns tothose of the host society” (p. 71) with the host society comprising the “middle-class whiteProtestant Americans” (p. 74). Berry (1997, 2006), on the other hand, considered assimi-lation to be one of four acculturation strategies (integration, marginalization, and separa-tion were the other three). He defined acculturation as “the dual process of cultural andpsychological change that takes place as a result of contact between two or more culturalgroups and their individual members” (Berry, 2005, p. 698). To date, a number of stud-ies have investigated the effects of assimilation and acculturation on Asian North Ameri-cans’ leisure (Deng, Walker, & Swinnerton, 2005; Kim, Scott, & Oh, 2005; Scott, Lee, Lee, &Kim, 2006; Walker, Deng, & Dieser, 2001; Walker, Halpenny, & Deng, 2011; Yu & Berryman,1996).

Intuitively, assimilation and acculturation frameworks seem well-suited for analyzing therecreation behaviors of Asian North Americans. Zhou (2004) claimed that Asian Americansare the most assimilated non-European ethnic group in the United States. She noted that themajority of second-generation Asians have lost fluency in their parents’ native language, and75%of second-generationAsians in Los Angeles speak only English at home.Moreover, AsianAmericans intermarry extensively with Whites and other racial minorities. Among all new-lyweds in 2010, 28% of Asians married with other races, which marked the highest inter-marriage rate of any other racial group (Wang, 2012). Thus, Asian North Americans’ leisurebehaviors could be understood with respect to the extent to which they assimilate or accul-turate into mainstream North American leisure culture. For example, Zhang and Gobster(1998) showed that less acculturated, older Chinese Americans engaged in more passive pas-times such as walking and chatting, while the leisure activities of their more acculturated,younger counterparts were more likely to resemble that of “mainstream” Whites such as ten-nis, basketball, and jogging. Similarly, Scott et al. (2006) documented that compared to highly

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acculturated Korean Americans, a leisure life among their less acculturated counterparts wasmore constrained by the lack of English skills.

However, assimilation and acculturation theories have some limitations in the investiga-tion of Asian North Americans’ leisure. First, Gordon’s (1964) assimilation theory tends tooversimplify the complexity of intergroup contacts and the assimilation process by treatingboth the immigrants and the host group as culturally monolithic entities. In other words, itdiscounts considerable intragroup variations. Although one could argue that there are certaincultural similarities among people from, for example, China, Korea, and Japan, immigrantsfrom these countries have unique cultural identities, socio-economic backgrounds, and histo-ries of immigration to North America. Thus, leisure research that groups Asians into a singlecategory and compares their behaviors to that of White North-Americans may fail to detectthe true causal mechanisms behind any observable differences in leisure behaviors among thegroups (Winter, Jeong, & Godbey, 2004). Second, the theories imply that White Americans’cultural values and lifestyles are also uniform and that they are the norm that immigrantsmust cultivate and eventually adopt. Both theories are strongly biased toward what McDon-ald (2009) cogently identified as the “normalization” of Whiteness (p. 12), suggesting thatethnic minorities, including Asians, need to aspire to attain the leisure patterns of a vaguelydefinedmainstreamWhite population. Finally, an overuse of assimilation- and acculturation-based theories in leisure research may alienate many Asian North Americans and may createa misconception that Asians of the third and even fourth generations have not been fully inte-grated intomainstreamAmerican society, regardless of their long history in the country. Thus,it can perpetuate the racial stereotype of Asian Americans as forever foreigners or strangersin American society. As Yi (2005) showed, it leads to significant levels of discomfort, andeven perceptions of discrimination among second and third generation Asian North Ameri-cans who are stereotyped into participation in leisure activities considered to be “traditionallyAsian” (e.g., Tae-Kwon-Do, table tennis).

Critiques of the traditional assimilationist perspectives gave rise to alternative models ofimmigrants’ cultural changes (Portes & Zhou, 1993; Waters, 1994). For example, the con-cept of segmented assimilation suggested that because the United States is stratified socio-economically and racially, multiple “assimilation outcomes” are possible (Portes & Rumbaut,1996; Portes & Zhou, 1993). While some immigrants acculturate to the values of middle-classWhite Americans, others adopt the values of theAmerican underclass.Moreover, some immi-grants may consciously preserve their ethnic traits and promote their ethnic group solidarity(Portes & Zhou, 1993). Stodolska and Alexandris (2004) provided evidence of these variousadaptation paths among Asian immigrants. They found that some Korean Americans usedrecreational sport to foster acculturation to the White mainstream, while others participatedin such activity exclusively with other Koreans to reinforce their ethnic identity, retain theirtraditional culture, and strengthen ties with other group members. In a third adaptation out-come, some Korean immigrants assimilated to the sub-culture of their ethnic community.

While segmented assimilation theory offered a more nuanced analytic approach to Asianimmigrants’ leisure behaviors, this line of inquiry can be further enriched by incorporatingother factors that influence the assimilation and acculturation process. For example, the exist-ing studies have almost uniformly assumed immigrants’ agency—the ability to freely choosethe cultural traits they either shed or adopt—and neglected any structural influences on theirassimilation paths.AsBerry, Poortinga, Breugelmans, Chasiotis, and Sam (2011) argued, how-ever, to understand which of the four acculturation modes is most likely to be realized, a per-son must also understand the societal attitudes and public policies that are subsequently putin place. Other structural factors that influence immigrants’ choices of acculturation strategies

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include the size of the group at the place of settlement and the level of community support. Forinstance, studies have shown that immigrant children who receive high rates of social supportfrom their family and local ethnic communities demonstrate better upward mobility (e.g., ahigher likelihood of finishing high school and attending university) than do children withlower levels of cultural identity and fewer ties to their ethnic community (Portes & Rumbaut,2001; Rumbaut, 1996; Zhou, 1997; Zhou & Bankston, 1994). Thus, we postulate that futureresearch on the relationship between acculturation and leisure behavior among Asian NorthAmericans needs to take into closer consideration the societal context in which they operate.

Ethnicity-based theories

Ethnicity-based theories were another popular approach for investigating AsianNorth Amer-icans’ leisure behavior. A common theme in this line of inquirywas to attribute unique charac-teristics of leisure amongAsianNorthAmericans to their distinct cultural traits and dynamicswithin ethnic communities. The theories and concepts included within this approach wereethnic identity (Stodolska & Yi, 2003), ethnic enclosure (Stodolska, 2007), and ethnic mobil-ity trap (Stodolska, Marcinkowski, & Yi-Kook, 2007). Moreover, the unique leisure patternsamong Asian North Americans have been attributed to their collectivist values (Heo & Lee,2007) and to their culture rooted in Confucianism and Taoism (Liu, Yeh, Chick, & Zinn, 2008;Walker &Wang, 2008; Wang & Stringer, 2000).

Hofstede (2001) argued that compared to North American culture, Asian culture is morecollectivistic, stressing group harmony and cooperation. Several researchers have used col-lectivism to explain Asian North Americans’ leisure patterns. For instance, Heo and Lee(2007) found that Korean basketball players emphasized team solidarity and collaborativestyle of play more than their White counterparts. The authors explained that collectivisticculture was responsible for Koreans’ unique style of play. Other studies used collectivism asa supplemental theory to explain Asian North Americans’ participation in pickup basketballand soccer games (Lee et al., 2011) and park usage patterns (Tinsley, Tinsley, & Croskeys,2002).

Two philosophies or religions, namely Confucianism and Taoism, have also been fre-quently employed by leisure researchers to explain the recreation behaviors of Chinese NorthAmericans (Liu et al., 2008;Walker &Wang, 2008;Wang& Stringer, 2000). Confucianismwasdeveloped by Kong Tzu. It emphasizes formalism, a collective work ethic, respect for scholar-ship, and a belief in the natural dominance ofmen over women (Mangan&Ha, 2001). Taoism(also known as Daoism) is anothermajor Chinese philosophy/religion introduced by Lao Tzuand his followers (Day, 1962). Tao is the basic principle of the universe that transcends real-ity, the proper mode of human conduct, and mental state with a maximum efficiency andself-reward (Moneta, 2004). Both Confucianism and Taoism are dominant philosophies orworldviews that have significantly impacted Chinese society and culture.

Onemajor tenet of Confucianism andTaoism is a strong emphasis on the harmonious rela-tionship between humankind and nature. They view the natural environment as the optimalcontext wherein individuals can learn about the intricacy of human relationships and achievemoral perfection and wellbeing (Guo, 2006). Confucianism encourages self-cultivation andexperiential learning at quiet and solitary natural settings (Guo, 2006). Similarly, Taoismadvo-cates moderation, softness, slowness, and balance (Liu et al., 2008; Wang & Stringer, 2000).Due to the influence of these two philosophies/religions, in traditional Chinese culture freetime is often associatedwith passive, quiet, and preferably solitary activities, rather than stren-uous and physically demanding pastimes (Walker & Deng, 2014).

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Consistent with the fundamental tenets of Confucianism and Taoism, researchers havefound that contemporary Chinese immigrants in North America not only preferred passivepastimes involving relaxation but also engaged in traditional Chinese leisure activities (Alli-son & Geiger, 1993; Kim, Kleiber, & Kropf, 2001; Walker et al., 2011; Yu & Berryman, 1996).This pattern was particularly pronounced among older and less acculturated immigrants whohave been residing in their host country for shorter periods of time. For instance, in a study byWalker et al., Chinese Canadians participated mostly in media activities and scored higheston the relaxation dimension of leisure satisfaction. Yu and Berryman found that even amongyoung Chinese immigrants, leisure tended to be passive, home oriented, and included a sig-nificant focus on Chinese-language media and music. Allison and Geiger’s study showed thatelderly ChineseAmericans engagedmostly in tai chi,mah-jongg, planting traditional Chineseherbs, cooking, and sewing. Their activities were filledwith culturallymeaningful content andbased on traditions and habits brought from the home country.

While these studies havemade unique contributions to the leisure literature, certain caveatsare worthy of further elaboration. First, although Asian culture in general may be consideredmore collectivistic than theAmerican culture, there exist significant cultural differences acrossand within Asian countries. For example, researchers have found Chinese culture is moreindividualistic than Japanese and Korean culture (Ueltschy, Laroche, Zhang, Cho, & Yingwei,2009). Asian countries and specific subgroups within those countries also vary markedly intheir adherence to the values of Confucianism and Taoism (Zhang, Lin, Nonaka, & Beom,2005). For instance, India and Pakistan have been only modestly influenced by these twophilosophies/religions (Yao, 2000). Thus, leisure researchers need to be circumspective of theconsiderable cultural variations within the Asian population and avoid hasty generalizations.

Second, much of the existing research on Asian immigrants’ leisure has been conductedunder the assumption that migrants are carriers of some “unique” and “pure” traditional cul-tural elements. It is imperative to recognize that due to the effects of modernization and glob-alization, Asian cultures have undergone significant transformation (Hamamura, 2012; Kang,2004; Tomlinson, 2003). Thus, Asian newcomers settling in North America have already beenpre-exposed to the Western values of individualism and materialism. Such values are likelyto have permeated many aspects of their social and cultural lives in their home countries foryears or even decades prior to their migration to the United States or Canada.

Third, a challenge to future researchers will be finding a way to effectively operationalizethese cultural traits, examine their evolution following immigrants’ settlement in the hostcountry, and determine the extent of their long-term (perhaps intergenerational) effects onleisure behaviors of Asian North Americans. Moreover, we know little about how these valuesare being retained among immigrants of various ages, genders, and socio-economic statuses,and how they evolve when Asian immigrants are exposed to new worldviews in their adoptedcountries.

Lastly, we argue that an overemphasis on cultural traits when explaining the leisure pat-terns of Asian North Americans (and other minorities) may have led to cultural determinismand an unintentional neglect of other possible explanations. For example, it is noteworthy that74% of Asian Americans and 71% of the Chinese population in Canada are foreign-born (PewResearch Center, 2013; Statistics Canada, 2011). These first generation immigrants are usu-ally very work-oriented and employed in physically demanding blue-collar jobs. As a result,they have little time for leisure and are unlikely to engage in vigorous physical activities forpleasure (Kandula & Lauderdale, 2005; Stodolska & Alexandris, 2004). Although previousstudies commonly have documented that Chinese North Americans tend to engage in lessphysically demanding leisure activities such as watching TV, walking, and viewing wildlife

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(Walker & Deng, 2014), these patterns may be attributable not only to their culture, but alsoto the unique priorities and living conditions among the first generation immigrants (Högl-hammer et al., 2015).

Self-construal

The concept of self-construal was used on numerous occasions by Walker and his colleaguesto examine various aspects of leisure behavior, including needs and motivations, amongChinese-Canadians. Self-construal describes “how a person thinks about herself or himselfin relation to others” (Walker, 2009, p. 347). Markus and Kitayama (1991) proposed twomain types of self-construal: independent (or individualistic), where people endorse beingunique, asserting oneself, expressing one’s inner attributes, and promoting one’s own goals;and interdependent (or collectivistic), where people endorse belonging, fitting in, maintain-ing harmony, restraining oneself, and promoting others’ goals. Researchers have noted thatself-construal can significantly impact Asian North Americans’ leisure. For instance, Walker,Deng, and Dieser’s (2001) study showed that Chinese Canadians were more likely thanWhiteCanadians to hold interdependent self-construal, and that self-construal mediated the effectof ethnicity on a number of outdoor recreationmotivations. In a 2013 study, Hudson,Walker,Simpson, andHinch developed a newmodel of leisure constraints and examinedwhether eth-nicity and self-construal influenced the leisure constraints among a group of Euro-Canadianand Chinese immigrant skiers. Their findings showed that intrapersonal, interpersonal,and structural constraints varied by the respondents’ ethnicity, participation, and type ofself-construal.

Although self-construal has been an effective theoretical tool for analyzing leisure behav-iors of Asian groups, Walker, Deng, and Dieser (2005) acknowledged three conceptual limi-tations of this approach. First, self-construal may have more than two dimensions, with somedimensions more predominant than others. Second, researchers have used self-construal tohighlight differences across diverse cultural groups. Future studies need to focus more on“between-culture similarities” (p. 95). Finally, Walker et al. recommended that since the con-cept is constantly evolving, researchers should critically review its conceptualization and oper-ationalization. Further research on the existence of multiple self-construal dimensions withinAsian groups, whether the same self-construal is shared by various sub-groups of AsianNorthAmericans, and how self-construal affects their leisure behavior is warranted.

Theoretical recommendations for future studies

There are a number of theories, frameworks, and concepts that can deepen our understandingof the leisure behavior of Asian North Americans that so far have not been frequently appliedin the existing research. They include racial discrimination and stereotyping, multiple hierar-chy stratification perspective, transnationalism, and social and cultural capital. This sectionreviews how these different approaches can add to the existing knowledge of the leisure prac-tices of Asian immigrants in North America.

Racial discrimination and stereotyping

Although studies of Asian North Americans’ leisure have been conducted for more than twodecades, researchers have paid surprisingly little attention to the impact of racial discrimi-nation and stereotyping. Existing research has mainly focused on racial discrimination and

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stereotyping targeting African Americans and Latinos (Floyd & Gramann, 1995; Philipp,1998; Sharaievska, Stodolska, Shinew, & Kim, 2010). However, many Asian North Ameri-cans routinely experience racism in leisure contexts. For instance, in Gobster’s (2002) study,9% of Asian visitors to Chicago’s Lincoln Park indicated that they experienced discrimination,including verbal harassment, physical gestures, and assaults from other users, police, and parkstaff. Tirone (1999) also noted that the leisure activities of South Asian Canadian teens werefrequently hindered by racist remarks from peers and indifference from activity leaders.

The paucity of research on Asian North Americans’ experiences with racial discriminationin leisure activities could be attributed to the prevalence of the “model minority” stereotype,one of the most common racial stereotypes of Asians in North America (Kawai, 2005). Asiansare often viewed as exceptionally intelligent and socioeconomic achievers whose upwardmobility is less hindered than other minorities by racial discrimination. However, the modelminority stereotype is merely a misconception. It was originally created by White Americanjournalists in the 1960s to downplay the importance of the anti-racism and civil rights protestsinitiated by African Americans and Latinos (Chou & Feagin, 2008; Zhou, 2004). By ascribingJapanese and Chinese Americans’ upward mobility to their hard work and discipline, thesejournalists implied that the best way to achieve the “American dream”was not to resist oppres-sion but to focus on complying with existing social norms. Moreover, a closer examination ofthe socioeconomic levels of various Asian groups shows significant inter-group heterogeneityand debunks themyth of themodelminority. Themedian household income of IndianAmer-icans in 2011 was $92,418, whereas that of Bangladeshi Americans was $45,185 (U.S. CensusBureau, 2013). Similarly, the educational achievement of certain Asian American groups hashistorically been well below the national average. From 2006 to 2010, 27.9% of Americans25 years of age and older held a bachelor’s degree or higher, yet the corresponding figures forCambodian Americans, Laotian Americans, and Vietnamese Americans were 14.5%, 12.1%,and 26.3%, respectively (Ogunwole, Drewery, & Rios-Vargas, 2012).

Despite its arbitrariness, the model minority stereotype exerts a considerable negativeimpact on the lives of Asian North Americans. According to Chu and Feagin (2008), manyAsian Americans experienced internal and external pressures to conform to this stereotypeand tried to embody unrealistic and unobtainable expectations about socioeconomic achieve-ments. This circumstance often negatively affected Asian Americans’ mental and physicalhealth, leading to depression, alcohol and drug addiction, and even suicide (Chu & Feagin,2008; Kisch, Leino, & Silverman, 2005). It is also possible that the model minority stereotypeimpacts Asian North Americans’ leisure since ethnic minorities often use free time activitiesto construct and express their identities (Lee et al., 2011; Stodolska & Tainsky, 2015) as wellas to resist existing social norms (Shaw, 2001). To the best of our knowledge, however, limitedresearch has been conducted in this area.

Another racial stereotype particularly relevant to the present discussion is the negative viewof Asian males’ masculinity and physicality. Asian men are often perceived as more feminineand physically weaker than men of other racial groups (Wong, Owen, Tran, Collins, & Hig-gins, 2012). Lee and Scott (2013) documented that some Korean Americans frequently expe-rienced this stereotype, expressing that other racial groups presumed Asians to be inferiorbasketball and soccer players. The researchers found a unique racial hierarchy in the recre-ational sports context that negatively impacted the leisure experience of Korean Americans.However, the study focused exclusively on Korean Americans, so the significance of racialstereotyping to other Asian groups’ leisure experience remains unexplored.

In sum, further investigation of the impact of racial discrimination and stereotyping onAsian North Americans’ leisure is strongly recommended. Leisure scholarship is uniquely

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positioned to serve as a powerful vehicle for leisure service improvement and positive socialchange (Arai & Kivel, 2009; Stewart, 2014). As Stewart suggested, this line of inquiry needs tomove beyond descriptive approaches focused on differences in leisure patterns across racialand ethnic groups. Instead, it should recognize oppression that racial and ethnic minoritiesexperience in leisure context and provide insight into social and political actions that enhancesocial justice. Such transformative research is likely to contribute to Asian North Americans’quality of life and psychological well-being.

Multiple hierarchy stratification perspective

Asian ethnic communities are very diverse and differentiated by multiple sources of socialstratification. Thus, an investigation of their leisure activities requires a holistic analytic per-spective that acknowledges the intersectionality of race with various other factors (Floyd,Walker, Stodolska, & Shinew, 2014). The multiple hierarchy stratification theory (Markides,Liang, & Jackson, 1990) could offer a particularly useful lens for examining how variousmark-ers of (dis)advantage shape the recreation of Asian North Americans. The theory was devel-oped in the field of gerontology to explain how the combination of different status character-istics promotes and inhibits individuals’ access to amyriad of social resources such as housingand health coverage. It posits that youngWhite adult males with high levels of education andincome occupy the highest echelon in the status hierarchy and have superior access to recre-ational resources compared to elderly minority females with lower levels of education andincome. The majority of the previous studies distinguished advantaged and disadvantagedstatuses using dichotomized demographic variables such as age, education, gender, income,and race or ethnicity. As such, the perspective generated most robust findings when the high-est status stratum (the combination of all advantaged statuses) was compared with the loweststatus stratum (the combination of all disadvantaged statuses), and themiddle strata providedless powerful explanations (Floyd & Stodolska, 2014). While this theory has been frequentlyemployed to examine participation in various leisure activities (e.g., Lee & Scott, 2011; Lee,Scott, Floyd, & Edwards, 2016; Shores, Scott, & Floyd, 2007), it has yet to be applied to explo-rations of the leisure experience of Asian North Americans. The multiple hierarchy stratifica-tion perspective can promote a better understanding of how Asian North Americans’ leisurebehavior is shaped by the intersection between their racial/ethnic identity and other statuscharacteristics.

Moreover, incorporating the multiple hierarchy stratification perspective into the researchof Asian North Americans’ recreation behavior could expand this theoretical perspective andprovide new insights into the broader body of leisure literature. For example, while previ-ous studies have tended to use a dichotomized variable for racial and ethnic statuses (Whitesversus Blacks), making it a trichotomous variable by creating another category for Asiangroups would provide a much-needed complexity to this stratification process. Incorporatingan additional race and ethnicity category for Asian North Americans would create anotherpoint of reference within the perspective and allow for comparing their access to recreationresources to that of Whites and Blacks.

Environmental factors such as the availability and accessibility of recreational resources inAsian North Americans’ residential areas can also be incorporated into the multiple strati-fication hierarchy perspective as one of the markers of (dis)advantage. Research has docu-mented that people who live close to parks and trails are more likely to engage in recreationalactivities and have lower obesity rates and fewer chronic diseases than those who live fartheraway (Kaczynski & Henderson, 2007; Scott & Mowen, 2010). However, many Asian North

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Americans, especially of the older generation and lower socio-economic status, reside inpoorer communities and urban areas where parks and green spaces are scarce (Zhang &Gobster, 1998). This residential condition can stymie Asian North Americans’ participationin leisure time physical activities and nature-based outdoor recreation (Zhang & Gobster,1998). Thus, a lack of available and accessible recreational resources within their residentialarea is another critical factor to be considered when understanding Asian North Americans’sedentary leisure patterns. By all accounts, it is problematic to overlook the intersectionalitybetween race and other factors or treat the Asian population as a culturally and demographi-cally monolithic group (Winter et al., 2004). More research on the intersectionality of Asians’racial and ethnic identities and other factors would reveal important intricacies in their leisurebehaviors and make a valuable contribution to the leisure literature.

Transnationalism

Transnationalism refers to immigrants’ regular and sustained social, cultural, economic, andpolitical interactions across borders that are fostered by the technological and transporta-tion advancements of the late 20th and early 21st centuries (Al-Ali, Black, & Koser, 2001;Portes, Guarnizo, & Landolt, 1999). It is based on the premise thatmany contemporary immi-grants no longer focus on assimilation to the host country, but frequently travel back to theirhome countries and maintain strong economic and social links with their communities oforigin (Basch, Glick-Schiller, & Szanton-Blanc, 1994; Nagel, 2002; Portes, 1997). Over the last20 years, the concept of transnationalism has received significant attention from researchersin the fields of geography, sociology, anthropology, ethnic andmigration studies, political sci-ence, economics, and global studies. The body of research that has developed had dealt withissues pertaining to transmigrants’ identity formation, economic and political practices, andshifting cultural representations (Lazar, 2011).

Although transnationalismhas been one of the dominant perspectives in the field ofmigra-tion studies for decades, Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller (2003) argued that the perspectiveneeds to be more selectively and rigorously utilized in empirical research. Since the notionof transnationalism can be defined broadly, it could falsely categorize any migrants whomaintain cross-border connections as transmigrants. Moreover, the extent of transnationalengagements among Asian immigrants is likely to vary by generation, country of origin,socio-economic status, and the politics of their home and host countries. For instance, ithas been documented that middle-to-upper-class migrants from Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong,andMainland China have extensively engaged in transnational enterprises (Chee-Beng, 2007;Nyíri & Breidenbach, 2005; Orellana, Thorne, Chee, & Lam, 2001), while working-classmigrants from certain Southeast Asian countries are less likely to be involved in transnationalactivities and more inclined to pursue other adaptation strategies (e.g., segmented assimila-tion, acculturation; Rumbaut, 1994).

Despite these challenges, the transnational perspective can offer a useful lens for analyz-ing the leisure behavior of contemporary Asian immigrants in North America. For example,Li and Stodolska (2006) found that Chinese graduate students at a U.S. university prioritizedacademic achievement in order to maximize the outcomes of their study abroad. Thus, theymainly engaged in leisure activities as a temporal escape from the pressures of study or tofurther their academic-related goals. Huang, Norman, Ramshaw, and Haller (2015) revealedthat second generationChinese Americans’ transnational leisure consisted of fourmain types:ethnic events and festivals, ethnic social clubs and organizations, ethnic media and popculture, and Internet-based activities. The interviewees were described as “being in between

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two cultures” (p. 118) and participated in both contemporary and traditional ethnic pastimes.To date, transnationalismhas received relatively little attention from leisure researchers. Giventhat the majority of Asian North Americans are first generation immigrants (Pew ResearchCenter, 2013; Statistics Canada, 2011) who, due to the ubiquitous nature of travel and tech-nology, maintain close connections with their communities of origin, transnationalism offersa useful theoretical perspective for examining the dynamic and fluid leisure experience of thisgroup. A study of transnational leisure activities such as involvement in ethnic clubs and asso-ciations and supporting various political, social and cultural causes, undertaken with extrin-sic motives (e.g., engendering political change in the home country) and pursued within thebounds of restrictions imposed by certain Asian countries, would constitute a particularlyinteresting, innovative, and fruitful area of inquiry.

Cultural and social capital

Cultural and social capital are also promising perspectives that can be applied to research onAsian North Americans’ leisure. Cultural capital describes one’s inclination to certain cul-tural practices, as well as the ability and knowledge necessary to properly use and appreciatedifferent cultural products (Bourdieu, 1986). Social capital denotes the relational resourcesembedded in individuals’ social networks that can be used in the pursuit of a particular inter-est (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000). A number of leisure studies have usedthe concepts of social and cultural capital (Erickson, Johnson, & Kivel, 2009; Glover, 2004;Mulcahy, Parry, & Glover, 2010; Steinbach, Green, Datta, & Edwards, 2011), but researchershave not yet employed them in the investigation of leisure behavior of AsianNorthAmericansor Asian immigrants.

Existing empirical evidence suggests that cultural and social capital play an important rolein AsianNorthAmericans’ leisure behaviors. Asian immigrants bring distinctive cultural cap-ital from their home countries and continue to engage in traditional cultural pastimes foryears and even generations after arrival (Allison &Geiger, 1993; Huang et al., 2015; Kim et al.,2001). Their participation in traditional leisure activities is often facilitated by the social cap-ital obtained from members of their ethnic enclave (Stodolska, 2007). On the other hand,some Asian immigrants participate in new leisure activities that they did not know beforetheir emigration or leisure activities rarely accessible in their home country (Li, Sotiriadou,& Auld, 2015). Thus, cultural and social capital are expected to provide useful theoreticalexplanations for the unique leisure patterns of Asian immigrants.

Nevertheless, several conceptual and methodological issues with cultural and social capi-tal are noteworthy. First, acquisition of cultural and social capital is largely influenced by thecharacteristics of the social structure such as power relationship, intergroup conflict, classstratification, and ideology (Mulcahy et al., 2010). To offer meaningful implications for recre-ation practices and policies that alleviate social inequality, researchers need to be cognizant ofthose structural characteristics that maintain oppression and marginalization (Haluza-Delay,2006). Second, much of the existing research conceptualized cultural and social capital differ-ently and broadly (Arai, 2006; Vryonides, 2007). Moreover, there seemed to be lack of clarityregarding which variables can effectively operationalize the two concepts (Vryonides, 2007).This conceptual ambiguity demands a circumspective operationalization of the two concepts.

Conclusion

The aim of this study was to critically examine the theoretical frameworks that have beenused in past research on Asian North Americans’ leisure, and offer insights into additional

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theories and frameworks that could be used in future research on the topic. To this end, wehighlighted three theoretical frameworks employed by previous studies in the field. Theyincluded assimilation and acculturation theory, ethnicity-based theories, and self-construal.We also recommended that future leisure research examine Asian North Americans’ leisureactivities in light of racial discrimination and stereotyping, the multiple hierarchy stratifica-tion perspective, transnationalism, and cultural and social capital.

The U.S. Census Bureau expects the Asian population in North America to double in thenext 25 years (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012), with the sharp increase mainly fueled by growingnumbers ofAsian immigrants.While the existing research has focused primarily on the leisurebehaviors of Chinese, Korean, and to some extent Japanese North Americans, other Asiangroups (e.g., people from India, Pakistan, and Southeast Asian countries) have received onlyscant attention (e.g., Tirone & Goodberry, 2011; Tirone & Shaw, 1997). Given the wide spec-trum of income and education levels across different Asian groups, the leisure literature willbenefit from focusing more on those underinvestigated Asian populations. Moreover, little isknown about the leisure behavior of Asian astronaut families (i.e., families where only womenand children migrate while the fathers stay abroad; Chiang, 2008; Waters, 2002), Asian ado-lescents who arrive in theUnited States andCanada unaccompanied, andAsianmigrants whoresettle back to their home countries. Future research on these Asian groups may require newtheoretical lenses and methodological approaches due to their unique cultures and mobilitypatterns. While much remains to be explored in this field, we hope this article will help futureresearchers broaden their analytic perspectives.

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LEISURE SCIENCES 541

App

endix.Stud

ieson

Asian

North

American

s’leisure,theirthe

ory,Asian

nation

ality,an

dpu

blishe

djourna

ls

Year

Authors

Title

Nationality

TheoreticalFram

ework

Journal

Yu&Berrym

anTherelatio

nshipam

ongself-esteem

,acculturatio

n,andrecreatio

nparticipationofrecentlyarrived

Chineseimmigrant

adolescents

China

Accultu

ratio

n

Tirone

&Shaw

Atthecenteroftheirlives:Ind

oCanadian

wom

en,theirfamilies

andleisure

India

Exploratory

Tirone

Racism

,ind

ifference,and

theleisureexperiences

ofSouthAsianCanadian

teens

India,Pakistan,&

Bang

ladesh

Exploratory

Walkeretal.

Ethn

icity,acculturatio

n,self-construal,andmotivations

foroutdo

orrecreatio

nCh

ina

Accultu

ratio

n&

Self-construal

/

Walker&

Deng

Comparin

gleisureas

asubjectiveexperiencewith

theCh

ineseexperienceof

rùmí

China

Exploratory

Stod

olska&Yi

Impactso

fimmigratio

non

ethn

icidentityandleisurebehaviorofadolescent

immigrantsfromKo

rea,Mexico,andPoland

Korea

Ethn

icidentity

Winteretal.

Outdo

orrecreatio

nam

ongAsianAm

ericans:Acase

stud

yofSanFranciscobay

area

residents

Asians

Accultu

ratio

n,motivation,

&Leisureconstraints

Stod

olska&Alexandris

Theroleofrecreatio

nalspo

rtintheadaptatio

noffirstgeneratio

nimmigrants

intheUnitedStates

Korea

Segm

entedassimilatio

n

Dengetal.

Leisureattitud

es:A

comparison

betweenCh

ineseinCanada

and

Anglo-Canadians

China

Accultu

ratio

n&Leisure

attitud

es

Walkeretal.

Ethn

icity,gender,andthetheoryofplannedbehavior:The

case

ofplayingthe

lottery

China

Plannedbehavior

Li&Stod

olska

Transnationalism,leisure,and

Chinesegraduatestud

entsintheUnitedStates

China

Transnationalism

Scottetal.

Leisureconstraintsa

ndaccultu

ratio

nam

ongKorean

immigrants

Korea

Accultu

ratio

n&Leisure

constraints

Heo

&Lee

“Ido

n’tw

anttofeellikeastrang

er”:Ko

rean

stud

entswho

play

basketball

serio

usly

Korea

Serio

usleisure&

Collectivism

Li&Stod

olska

Working

fora

dreamandlivingforthe

future:Leisureconstraintsa

ndnego

tiatio

nstrategies

amon

gCh

ineseinternationalgradu

atestud

ents

China

Leisureconstraintsa

ndnego

tiatio

n

Stod

olska

Ethn

icenclosure,socialnetworks,and

leisurebehaviorofimmigrantsfrom

Korea,Mexico,andPoland

Korea

Ethn

icenclosure

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542 K. J. LEE ANDM. STODOLSKA

Stod

olskaetal.

Theroleofethn

icenclosureinleisureintheecon

omicachievem

ento

fKorean

immigrants

Korea

Ethn

icmob

ilitytrap

&Enclaveecon

omy

Walker

Theeffectsofethn

icity

andgend

eron

facilitatingintrinsicmotivationdu

ring

leisurewith

aclosefriend

China

Intrinsicmotivation

Spiers&Walker

Theeffectsofethn

icity

andleisuresatisfactionon

happ

iness,peacefulness,

andqu

ality

oflife

China

Qualityoflife

Liuetal.

Anexplorationofmeaning

sofleisure:A

Chineseperspective

China

Conceptual

Walker&

Wang

Themeaning

ofleisureforC

hinese/Canadians

China

Exploratory

Stack&Iwasaki

Theroleofleisurepu

rsuitsinadaptatio

nprocessesa

mon

gAfgh

anrefugees

who

have

immigratedtoWinnipeg,Canada

Afgh

anistan

Exploratory

Walker

Theeffectsofperson

al,con

textual,andsituationalfactorson

thefacilitationof

intrinsicmotivation:Thecase

ofCh

inese/Canadians

China

Intrinsicmotivation&

Self-construal

Walkeretal.

Leisuresatisfactionandaccultu

rativestress:The

case

ofCh

inese-Canadian

immigrants

China

Accultu

rativestress

Walkeretal.

Aprospectivepanelstudy

ofCh

inese-Canadian

immigrants’leisure

participationandleisuresatisfaction

China

Leisuresatisfaction

Tirone

&Goodb

erry

Leisure,bicultu

ralism,and

second

-generationCanadians

India,Pakistan,&

Bang

ladesh

Bicultu

ralism

Leeetal.

Korean

American

males’serious

leisureexperiences

andtheirp

erceptions

ofdifferent

play

styles

Korea

Serio

usleisure

Kim

Exploringtheexperienceofintergroup

contactand

thevalueofrecreatio

nactivities

infacilitatingpo

sitiveintergroup

interactions

ofimmigrants

Korea

Intergroup

contacttheory

Lee&Scott

Interracialcon

tactexperiences

durin

grecreatio

nalspo

rts:Korean

American

males’perspectives

Korea

Intergroup

contacttheory

Hud

sonetal.

Theinfluence

ofethn

icity

andself-construalonleisureconstraints

China

Leisureconstraints&

Self-construal

Huang

etal.

Transnationalleisureexperienceofsecond

-generationimmigrants

China

Transnationalism

Kono

Meaning

sofleisureincoping

andadjustmentafterhu

rricaneKatrinaam

ong

Japanese

andJapanese

American

SurvivorsinNew

Orleans

Japan

Exploratory

Note.Stud

iesthatd

idno

tspecifyagu

idingtheoryfortheirinvestigationwerecatego

rized

aseitherconceptualorexploratory.Co

ding

forjou

rnals:()LeisureSciences,()JournalofLeisureResearch,()

Leisu

reStudies,()JournalofParkandRecreationAdministration,()Leisure/Loisir.

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