Article Basic Human Values.22700057

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Basic Human Values: Theory, Measurement, and Applications

Shalom H. Schwartz

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Appeared inRevue franaise de sociologie, 47/4 (2006)


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&bstract

&pplyin' the values construct in the social sciences has suffered from the absence of an

a'reed(upon conception of basic values) of the content and structure of relations amon' these

values) and of reliable methods to measure them. This article presents data from over *%

countries) usin' two different instruments) to validate a theory intended to fill part of this 'ap.

It concerns the basic values that individuals in all cultures reco'nize. The theory identifies #%

motivationally distinct values and specifies the dynamics of conflict and con'ruence amon'

them. These dynamics yield a structure of relations amon' values common to culturally

diverse 'roups) su''estin' a universal or'anization of human motivations. Individuals and

'roups differ in the priorities they assi'n to these values. The article e+amines sources of

individual differences in value priorities and behavioral and attitudinal conse,uences that

follow from holdin' particular value priorities. In doin' so) it considers processes throu'h

which values are influenced and throu'h which they influence action.

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-alues have been a central concept in the social sciences since their inception. For both

ur/heim 0#1!2) #1!*3 and 4eber 0#!%53) values were crucial for e+plainin' social and

personal or'anization and chan'e. -alues have played an important role not only in

sociolo'y) but in psycholo'y) anthropolo'y) and related disciplines as well. -alues are used

to characterize societies and individuals) to trace chan'e over time) and to e+plain the

motivational bases of attitudes and behavior.

espite or) perhaps) because of the widespread use of values) many different

conceptions of this construct have emer'ed 0e.'.) 6oudon) "%%#7 In'lehart) #!!*7 8ohn)

#!9!7 :arsons) #!5#7 ;o/each #!*23. &pplication of the values construct in the social

sciences has suffered) however) from the absence of an a'reed(upon conception of basic

values) of the content and structure of relations amon' these values) and of reliable empirical

methods to measure them 0Hitlin < :iliavin) "%%=7 ;ohan) "%%%3. This article presents a

theory intended to fill the part of this 'ap concerned with the values of individuals 0Schwartz)

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This article e+plicates the theory of personal values and describes two different

instruments to measure the values it identifies. ata 'athered with these instruments in over

*% countries around the world have validated both the contents and structure of values

postulated by the theory. I will also e+amine some sources of individual differences in value

priorities and some of the behavioral and attitudinal conse,uences that follow from holdin'

particular value priorities. In doin' so) I will consider processes throu'h which values are

influenced and throu'h which they influence action.

The Theory of Value ontents and !tructure

The "ature of Values

4hen we thin/ of our values we thin/ of what is important to us in life. Bach of us

holds numerous values 0e.'.) achievement) security) benevolence3 with varyin' de'rees of

importance. & particular value may be very important to one person but unimportant to

another. The value theory 0Schwartz) #!!") "%%5a3 adopts a conception of values that

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0=3 Values ser&e as standards or criteria. -alues 'uide the selection or evaluation of actions)

policies) people) and events. :eople decide what is 'ood or bad) Dustified or ille'itimate) worth

doin' or avoidin') based on possible conse,uences for their cherished values. 6ut the impact of

values in everyday decisions is rarely conscious. -alues enter awareness when the actions or

Dud'ments one is considerin' have conflictin' implications for different values one cherishes.

053 Values are ordered $y importancerelative to one another. :eoples values form an

ordered system of value priorities that characterize them as individuals. o they attribute more

importance to achievement or Dustice) to novelty or tradition This hierarchical feature also

distin'uishes values from norms and attitudes.

093 The relativeimportance of multiple &alues %uides action. &ny attitude or behavior

typically has implications for more than one value. For e+ample) attendin' church mi'ht e+press

and promote tradition) conformity) and security values at the e+pense of hedonism and

stimulation values. The tradeoff amon' relevant) competin' values is what 'uides attitudes and

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with others about them) and 'ain cooperation in their pursuit. -alues are the socially

desirable concepts used to represent these 'oals mentally and the vocabulary used to e+press

them in social interaction. From an evolutionary viewpoint 06uss) #!193) these 'oals and the

values that e+press them have crucial survival si'nificance.

I ne+t define each of the ten values in terms of the broad 'oal it e+presses) note its

'roundin' in universal re,uirements) and refer to related value concepts. To ma/e the

meanin' of each value more concrete and e+plicit) I list in parentheses the set of value items

included in the first survey instrument to measure each value. Some important value items

0e.'.) self(respect3 have multiple meanin's7 they e+press the motivational 'oals of more than

one value. These items are listed in brac/ets.

Self-Direction.efinin' 'oalC independent thou'ht and action((choosin') creatin')

e+plorin'. Self(direction derives from or'anismic needs for control and mastery 0e.'.)

6andura) #!**7 eci) #!*53 and interactional re,uirements of autonomy and independence

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Achievement.efinin' 'oalC personal success throu'h demonstratin' competence

accordin' to social standards. ompetent performance that 'enerates resources is necessary

for individuals to survive and for 'roups and institutions to reach their obDectives.

&chievement values appear in many sources 0e.'.) Easlow) #!957 ;o/each) #!*23. &s

defined here) achievement values emphasize demonstratin' competence in terms of

prevailin' cultural standards) thereby obtainin' social approval. 0ambitious) successful)

capable) influential3 intelli'ent) self(respect) social reco'nition2

Power.efinin' 'oalC social status and presti'e) control or dominance over people

and resources. The functionin' of social institutions apparently re,uires some de'ree of status

differentiation 0:arsons) #!5#3. & dominance$submission dimension emer'es in most

empirical analyses of interpersonal relations both within and across cultures 0Konner) #!1%3.

To Dustify this fact of social life and to motivate 'roup members to accept it) 'roups must

treat power as a value. :ower values may also be transformations of individual needs for

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security3. Bven the latter) however) e+press) to a si'nificant de'ree) the 'oal of security for

self 0or those with whom one identifies3. The two subtypes can therefore be unified into a

more encompassin' value. 0social order) family security) national security) clean)

reciprocation of favors3healthy) moderate) sense of belon'in'

Conformity.efinin' 'oalC restraint of actions) inclinations) and impulses li/ely to

upset or harm others and violate social e+pectations or norms. onformity values derive from

the re,uirement that individuals inhibit inclinations that mi'ht disrupt and undermine smooth

interaction and 'roup functionin'. -irtually all value analyses mention conformity 0e.'.)

Freud) #!2%7 8ohn < Schooler) #!127 Eorris) #!597 :arsons) #!5#3. &s I define them)

conformity values emphasize self(restraint in everyday interaction) usually with close others.

0obedient) self(discipline) politeness) honorin' parents and elders3loyal) responsible

Tradition.efinin' 'oalC respect) commitment) and acceptance of the customs and

ideas that oneLs culture or reli'ion provides. Groups everywhere develop practices) symbols)

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e+pectations. Tradition values demand responsiveness to immutable e+pectations from the

past.

Benevolence.efinin' 'oalC preservin' and enhancin' the welfare of those with

whom one is in fre,uent personal contact 0the Nin('roup3. 6enevolence values derive from

the basic re,uirement for smooth 'roup functionin' 0cf. 8luc/hohn) #!5#7 4illiams) #!913

and from the or'anismic need for affiliation 0cf. 8orman) #!*=7 Easlow) #!953. Eost critical

are relations within the family and other primary 'roups. 6enevolence values emphasize

voluntary concern for others welfare. 0helpful) honest) for'ivin') responsible) loyal) true

friendship) mature love3sense of belon'in') meanin' in life) a spiritual life.

6enevolence and conformity values both promote cooperative and supportive social

relations. However) benevolence values provide an internalized motivational base for such

behavior. In contrast) conformity values promote cooperation in order to avoid ne'ative

outcomes for self. 6oth values may motivate the same helpful act) separately or to'ether.

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&n early version of the value theory 0Schwartz) #!!"3 raised the possibility that

spirituality mi'ht constitute another near(universal value. The definin' 'oal of spiritual

values is meanin') coherence) and inner harmony throu'h transcendin' everyday reality. If

findin' ultimate meanin' is a basic human need 0e.'.) iebuhr) #!253) then spirituality mi'ht

be a distinct value found in all societies. The value survey therefore included possible

mar/ers for spirituality) 'leaned from widely varied sources. 0a spiritual life) meanin' in life)

inner harmony) detachment3unity with nature) acceptin' my portion in life) devout. &s

noted below) spirituality is not a value that has a consistent broad meanin' across cultures.

The !tructure of Value 'elations

In addition to identifyin' ten basic values) the theory e+plicates the structure of

dynamic relations amon' the values. The value structure derives from the fact that actions in

pursuit of any value have conse,uences that conflict with some values but are con'ruent with

others. For e+ample) pursuin' achievement values typically conflicts with pursuin'

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alternative actions are psycholo'ically dissonant. &nd others may impose social sanctions by

pointin' to practical and lo'ical inconsistencies between an action and other values the person

professes. ?f course) people can and do pursue competin' values) but not in a sin'le act.

;ather) they do so throu'h different acts) at different times) and in different settin's.

The circular structure in Fi'ure # portrays the total pattern of relations of conflict and

con'ruity amon' values. Tradition and conformity are located in a sin'le wed'e because) as

noted above) they share the same broad motivational 'oal. onformity is more toward the

center and tradition toward the periphery. This si'nifies that tradition values conflict more

stron'ly with the opposin' values. The e+pectations lin/ed to tradition values are more abstract

and absolute than the interaction(based e+pectations of conformity values. They therefore

demand a stron'er) une,uivocal reDection of opposin' values.

-iewin' values as or'anized alon' two bipolar dimensions lets us summarize the

oppositions between competin' values. &s Fi'ure # shows) one dimension contrasts openness

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value items. The first contains 2% items that describe potentially desirable end(states in noun

form7 the second contains "9 or "* items that describe potentially desirable ways of actin' in

adDective form.=Bach item e+presses an aspect of the motivational 'oal of one value. &n

e+planatory phrase in parentheses followin' the item further specifies its meanin'. For

e+ample) NBOU&KITP 0e,ual opportunity for all3 is a universalism item7 N:KB&SU;B

0'ratification of desires3 is a hedonism item.

;espondents rate the importance of each value item >as a 'uidin' principle in EP

life> on a !(point scale labeled * 0of supreme importance3) 9 0very important3) 5) =

0unlabeled3) 2 0important3) ") # 0unlabeled3) % 0not important3) (# 0opposed to my values3. 5

:eople view most values as varyin' from mildly to very important. This nonsymmetrical

scale is stretched at the upper end and condensed at the bottom in order to map the way

people thin/ about values) as revealed in pre(tests. The scale also enables respondents to

report opposition to values that they try to avoid e+pressin' or promotin'. This is especially

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The ortrait Values +uestionnaire

The :ortrait -alues Ouestionnaire 0:-O3 is an alternative to the S-S developed in

order to measure the ten basic values in samples of children from a'e ##) of the elderly) and

of persons not educated in 4estern schools that emphasize abstract) conte+t(free thin/in'.

The S-S had not proven suitable to such samples. B,ually important) to assess whether the

values theory is valid independent of method re,uired an alternative instrument.9

The :-O includes short verbal portraits of =% different people) 'ender(matched with

the respondent 0Schwartz) "%%5b7 Schwartz) et al.) "%%#3. Bach portrait describes a persons

'oals) aspirations) or wishes that point implicitly to the importance of a value. For e+ampleC

@Thin/in' up new ideas and bein' creative is important to him. He li/es to do thin's in his

own ori'inal wayA describes a person for whom self(direction values are important. @It is

important to him to be rich. He wants to have a lot of money and e+pensive thin'sA describes

a person who cherishes power values.

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These data show that people in most cultures respond to ten types of values as distinct

and that the broader value orientations captured by adDacent values are discriminated nearly

universally. Findin's with the "# item :-O used in the BSS lead to the same conclusion. &n

SS& based on the responses of 25)#9# respondents from "% countries yields a spatial array of

items that can be partitioned into #% distinct re'ions) each encompassin' the a priori value

mar/ers. Eoreover) the order of the values re'ions follows the theorized circular structure.

Separate analyses in each of the "% countries that completed the values scale yield structures

very similar to Fi'ure ". In #5 countries) the ten values form ten distinct re'ions. In the

remainin' five countries) ei'ht values form distinct re'ions and the items of two conceptually

adDacent values intermi+.

The SS& analyses provide 'raphic evidence to support the value theory across

cultures) measurin' values with two ,uite different methods. onfirmatory factor analyses

provide more formal statistical tests of the content and structure of values. Schwartz and

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intrinsically motivated. It satisfies individual needs without harmin' others. Hence) it rarely

threatens positive social relations.

The moderate importance of achievement values 0* th3 may reflect a compromise amon'

the bases of value importance. ?n the positive side) these values motivate individuals to

invest in 'roup tas/s. They also le'itimize self(enhancin' behavior) so lon' as it contributes

to 'roup welfare. ?n the ne'ative side) these values foster efforts to attain social approval

that may disrupt harmonious social relations and interfere with 'roup 'oal attainment.

The importance of hedonism 09th3 and stimulation 0!th3 values derives from the

re,uirement to le'itimize inborn needs to attain pleasure and arousal. These values are

probably more important than power values because) unli/e power values) their pursuit does

not necessarily threaten positive social relations.#%

'oots of the /ynamic !tructure of Value 'elations

Havin' shown that the structure of relations amon' values may be universal) we now

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'oals also re'ulate pursuit of own interests.

;elations of values to an+iety are a third or'anizin' principle. :ursuit of values on the

left in Fi'ure 2 serves to cope with an+iety due to uncertainty in the social and physical

world. :eople see/ to avoid conflict 0conformity3 and to maintain the current order 0tradition)

security3 or actively to control threat 0power3. -alues on the ri'ht 0hedonism) stimulation)

self(direction) universalism) benevolence3 e+pressan+iety(free motivations. &chievement

values do bothC Eeetin' social standards successfully may control an+iety and it may affirm

ones sense of competence.

The an+iety aspect of the value structure relates to the two basic self(re'ulation

systems that Hi''ins 0#!!*3 has proposed. ?ne system re'ulates avoidance of punishment

and focuses people on the 'oal of preventin' loss. Security needs) obli'ations) and the threat

of loss tri''er this system. -alues on the left in Fi'ure 2) most centrally security and

conformity) motivate this type of self(re'ulation. They 'uide attention and action to avoid or

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defendMto defend themselves and their valued accomplishments whenever they perceive

them to be endan'ered. The drives to ac,uire and to bond often come into conflict when

ta/in' decisions about an action) as do the drives to learn and to defend.

Bach value appears to e+press one drive or a blend of two. -alues transform drives

into desirable 'oals that are available to awareness and that can therefore be used in

conscious plannin' and decision(ma/in'. The matches are as followsC benevolenceMto bond7

universalismMto bond to learn7 self(directionMto learn7 stimulationMto learn 0 to ac,uire

pleasurable e+perience37 hedonismM0to learn3 to ac,uire pleasurable e+perience7

achievementMto ac,uire7 powerMto ac,uire to defend7 securityMto defend7 conformity

and traditionMto defend to bond. This mappin' of values onto drives 'oes around the value

circle 0Fi'ure #3. The oppositions between values parallel the conflicts between drives that

Kawrence and ohria 0"%%"3 identify. The matchin' of values to drives su''ests that an

innate basis may help account for the near(universality of the value structure.

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values whose pursuit is bloc/ed 0Schwartz < 6ardi) #!!*3. Thus) people in Dobs that afford

freedom of choice increase the importance of self(direction values at the e+pense of

conformity values 08ohn < Schooler) #!123. Up'radin' attainable values and down'radin'

thwarted values applies to most) but not to all values. The reverse occurs with values that

concern material well(bein' and security. 4hen such values are bloc/ed) their importance

increases7 when they are attained easily) their importance drops. Thus) people who suffer

economic hardship and social upheaval attribute more importance to power and security

values than those who live in relative comfort and safety 0In'lehart) #!!*3.

:eoples a'e) education) 'ender) income and other characteristics affect their

socialization and learnin' e+periences) the social roles they play) the e+pectations and

sanctions they encounter) and the abilities they develop. Thus) differences in bac/'round

characteristics lar'ely determine the differences in life circumstances to which people are

e+posed) which) in turn) affect their value priorities. This section e+amines /ey socio(

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The first column of Table # reports correlations of a'e with values across the "% BSS

countries. The number of countries in which the correlation was in the same direction as the

overall correlation appears in parentheses. &ll the observed correlations confirm the e+pected

associations and support the probable processes of influence. &ll associations are monotonic.

3ender

-arious theories of 'ender difference lead researchers to postulate that men

emphasize a'entic(instrumental values li/e power and achievement) while females emphasize

e+pressive(communal values li/e benevolence and universalism 0Schwartz < ;ubel) "%%53.

Eost theorists e+pect 'ender differences to be small. olumn " of Table # supports

e+pectations re'ardin' both the nature and stren'th of value relations to 'ender in the BSS

data. &nalyses with the S-S and :-O instruments across 91 countries yield similar results.

Gender differences for ei'ht values are consistent) statistically si'nificant) and small7

differences for conformity and tradition values are inconsistent. 6oth evolutionary and social

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In addition) education correlates positively with achievement values. The constant

'radin' and comparin' of performance in schools) emphasizin' meetin' e+ternal standards)

could account for this. The associations of education with values are lar'ely linear) with the

e+ception of universalism values. Universalism values be'in to rise only in the last years of

secondary school. They are substantially hi'her amon' those who attend university. This may

reflect both the broadenin' of horizons that university education provides and a tendency for

those who 'ive hi'h priority to universalism values to see/ hi'her education.

ncome

&ffluence creates opportunities to en'a'e in discretionary activities and to choose

ones life style freely. It reduces security threats and the need to restrict ones impulses and to

maintain supportive) traditional ties. Hi'her income should therefore promote valuin' of

stimulation) self(direction) hedonism) and achievement values and render security)

conformity) and tradition values less important. The correlations between total household

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should decrease monotonically in both directions around the circle from the most positively to

the most ne'atively associated value. That is) the order of associations for the whole set of ten

values follows a predictable pattern. If a bac/'round variable) trait) attitude) or behavior

correlates most positively with one value and most ne'atively with another) the e+pected

pattern of associations with all other values follows from the circular value structure.

The data in Table " illustrate this pattern. Table " lists the values in an order

correspondin' to their order around the circular structure of value relations 0cf. Fi'ure #3. The

correlations in Table " 'enerally e+hibit both features of value relations. &dDacent values

have lar'ely similar associations with the bac/'round variables and the associations of the

values lar'ely decrease monotonically in both directions around the circle from the most

positively to the most ne'atively associated value.

The inte'rated structure of values ma/es it easier to theorize about relations of value

priorities to other variables. ?nce theory identifies the values li/ely to relate most and least

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1inin% rocesses

$alue activation. -alues affect behavior only if they are activated 0-erplan/en

Article Basic Human Values.22700057

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