Mparntwe Arrernte (Aranda) :Studies in the Structure and Semantics of Grammar

byDavid P. Wilkins

A thesis submitted for the degree ofDoctor of Philosophyof The Australian National University

September 1989

Declaration

Except where otherwise indicated,this thesis is my own work.

David WilkinsSeptember 1989

Acknowledgements

Above all I must acknowledge my profound debt to the Yipirinya School Council and to theYipirinya community of teachers, staff, students, relatives and concerned supporters. To these people,who are working hard to keep their language and culture strong, I would like to say:

Yeperenye mapeke,

Arrantherre atyenge mwarre aneke angkentye arrekantherrenhe pipeke intelhiletyeke ilemele.Ayenge kangkeme nthurre nhenhe mpwaretyeke.

Ayenge ahentyeneme pipe nhenhe re arrenantherrenhe helpemiletyeke angkentye nhenhe renherlterrke atnyenetyeke arrulenge kngerre.

The Yipirinya School Council asked me to come and work for them as linguist for their bilingual-bicultural school program in July of 1982. From the very beginning, the Council has supervised,controlled, enabled and facilitated my work on Mparntwe Arrernte. In short, without the YipirinyaSchool Council, this thesis would not exist.

I have been very fortunate to have had very skilled and patient teachers. Chief amongst thepeople who have taught me the intricacies of Mparntwe Arrernte are Margaret Heffernan, Rosie Ferber,

Basil Stevens, Davey Hayes and Thomas Stevens. Margaret Heffernan, especially, has been anexcellent friend, teacher and colleague, and has always been there when I needed her help. Others whohelped me to understand particular aspects of the Mparntwe Arrernte language and culture are WillieRice, Hilda Rice, Wenten Rubuntja and Franky Stevens.

For help with Western Arrernte, I thank Eli Rubuntja and Louise Raggett. I must also thankVeronica Dobson, Margaret Mary Turner and Gabriel Turner who provided help with Eastern Arrernte.

On my arrival in Alice Springs, Gavan Breen provided me with copies of his excellent field noteson Mparntwe Arrernte and he has always been willing to discuss linguistic matters with me. I am justsorry we have not had more opportunities to get together. Gavan has provided many helpful commentson several chapters of this thesis.

From the standpoint of linguistics, my greatest intellectual debt is to Anna Wierzbicka and BobDixon. Neither Anna nor Bob have had much direct input into this thesis, but they are its 'grandparents'.Anna sparked my interest in semantics and in seeing how grammatical structures encode culturalmeanings. Bob Dixon first sparked my interest in linguistics generally and then in Australian Aboriginallanguages in particular. Through their teaching and their writings, they have both continued to inspire me.

Avery Andrews and Harold Koch traded off the duties of supervising this thesis, which has notbeen easy since I have spent most of my time writing this thesis away from the Australian NationalUniversity. They must be thanked for their insightful comments on drafts of chapters of this thesis andfor basically letting me have free reign to do what I wanted to do.

Four colleagues who have, on their own initiative, at various times taken on the difficult role ofsurrogate supervisor are Robert Hoogenraad, Bill McGregor, Edith Bavin and Robert D. ("Van") VanValin, Jr.. Van has been especially good at cracking the whip during the final stages of this thesis.

Nick Evans, John Henderson, Cliff Goddard, Ian Green, Nick Reid, David Nash, JaneSimpson, Mark Durie, Alan Dench and Felix Ameka have been good friends and colleagues, anddiscussions with them over the past seven years have been the source of many ideas in this thesis. Fordetailed comments on individual chapters, I thank Aram Yengoyan, Jeri Jaeger, Caroline Henton, CathyWildermuth, Bill Foley, Jean Harkins, Tim Shopen, Bob Dixon and Anna Wierzbicka.

Writing a thesis is always stressful, and there are many people who have had to live through thestress of this particular thesis. To these people, I would like to apologise for the tension that my work(or lack of work) habits have caused. At various times over the past seven years, Robert Hoogenraad,Penny Evans, Cathy Wildermuth, Simon Wildermuth, Danuta Loesch, Bohdan Mdzewski, my sisterSandy and her husband George, and Barbara Villanova-Wilkins have all, in their own way, helped tokeep me sane during the particularly hard birth of this work. Barbara, especially, has been a source ofcalm and strength.

Financial support for my first field trip was provided by the Australian National University. Boththe A.N.U. and the Commonwealth Department of Education have supported my work throughscholarships. For help with the production of this thesis, I must acknowledge the support of theDepartment of Russian and Language Studies, Melbourne University, which, through the agency ofMark Durie, gave me an honorary position as a visiting research scholar and provided me with an officeand a computer. While I worked at La Trobe University, Brigette Cerevic organised the typing of someearly drafts of chapters and helped transfer computer files from one format to another. MargaretWildermuth valiantly typed an earlier version of the texts in appendix 1, as well as an early version ofchapter 6. Greg Wildermuth patiently taught me how to draw tables using MacDraw and is responsiblefor producing Table 4-4 in this thesis. Maria Sergi also helped to type some early drafts. MarkZimmerman, the creator of the program Texas, deserves special thanks for putting this software into thepublic domain. Texas saved me hours of time in searching for words and examples in texts.

The final production of this work has only been made possible through the hard, collaborativework of the "E-Street Band", which consists of Ruth B. Shields, Barbara Villanova-Wilkins and myself.Ruth did an outstanding job taking my rough sketches and annotations to other people's maps andturning them into the first three maps in chapter 1. Ruth and Barbara have both helped me type, formatand proof read the final version. Robert Van Valin often played the role of trouble-shooter whensomething strange happened in one of the computers or programs that were being used.

No one but myself can be held responsible for any of the mistakes, oversights, "stupidities" orinconsistencies which might be found in this thesis.

This thesis is dedicated to the memory of Basil Stevens,who worked hard to make sure that his language and culture would never die,and to the future of the Yipirinya School and the Yipirinya Community.

Conventions and Abbreviations

General Abbreviations used throughout the thesis:eg. 'for example; example' ie. 'that is (to say)'cf. 'see; compare with' lit. 'literally'f. 'female'm. 'male's.o. 'someone' s.t. 'something'k.o. 'a kind of'§ gives reference to section throughout the thesis; the first number following § is the chapter number and all subsequent numbers refer to sections in that chapter

Structure of Examples:All example sentences have three tiers. The first tier conveys the Mparntwe Arrernte sentence in

bold, the second uses a different and smaller font for interlinear glosses, and the last tier, which is initalics, provides an English translation.

Note that round brackets (ie. '( )') within a translation often convey elements which areunderstood, but which are missing from the Mparntwe sentence. Brackets following the Englishtranslation may carry alternative translations, background context to the utterance, and/or theimplications of the example.

Square brackets (ie. '[ ]') at the end of an example convey the text and/or authorship of theexample sentence.

Example sentences which come from the texts in Appendix 1 are marked by a final bracketconveying the text number (ie. T1 = text number 1) and line numbers of the example within that text (eg.[T11-3,4,5] = 'The example is from text 11, lines 3, 4 and 5').

The Mparntwe element or structure which is being illustrated by the example sentence is usuallyunderlined or placed in square brackets.

The asterisk (*) marks an ungrammatical/unacceptable string. When placed before roundbrackets (ie. '*(...)'), it means the element(s) in the brackets must occur; they are not optional.

Examples from other languages follow the same conventions as the above, except that formsfrom the other language are conveyed in bold and italics.

Phonological Conventions:[ ] phonetic representation / / phonemic representationC consonant V vowel

# word boundary CV stressed syllable+ morpheme boundary ( ) optional element

Morphological Conventions:- morpheme boundaryØ morpheme with zero realisationX unspecified elements in a stemC(C) a single consonant or a consonant clusterÆ 'becomes; is realised as'. separates parts of a portmanteau morph

Syntactic Conventions:Grammatical Functions:A subject of transitiveO object of transitiveS subject of intransitive

Constituents:S sentence NP noun phraseV verb Adj adjectiveN noun Adv adverbQuant quantifier Class classifierSREL relative clause Hd head (of structure)3pnDefthird person pronoun acting as definitiserSCOMP subject complement

Other:* ungrammatical element or string*( ) not optional, must occurA dotted branch in a syntactic tree (as opposed to a solid line) indicates that there is no

grammatical rule which orders the constituent at the end of the branch with respect to its sisters.Subscript 'i' and 'j' indicate coreferential and non-coreferential third person arguments,

respectively.

Kin-term Abbreviations:

F father M motherS son D daughterB brother Z sisterH husband W wifeX/Y 'X or Y' (eg. S/D 'son or daughter')

Nominal Morphology:Pronoun, Demonstrative and Quantifier Abbreviations:1 first person 2 second person3 third person sg singulardl dual pl plural+ pat 'same patrimoiety' dif.pat 'different patrimoiety'+ gen 'same generation' dif.gen 'different generation'dist distal mid medial, mid-distantpl(grp) plural in a groupREMEMB 'you remember the one'KinPOSS pronominal kin possessive suffix

Cases:ABL ablative ACC accusativeAFTER ('after'-ative) ALL allativeASSOC associative AVER aversiveCOM comitative DAT dativeERG ergative INST instrumentalLOC locative NOM nominativePOSS possessive PROP proprietive

Other nominal and nominal-deriving forms:abundance 'place abundant in'Bad.CHAR 'bad character'DYADIC kin-dyadic; complementary kin togetherKinPOSS (pronominal) kin possessorNMZRnominaliserNMZR.Hab.rdp nominaliser of habitual involvement (reduplication)tmp.nom temporal nominal formative

UQ unified quantity

Verb Morphology:Inflectional:Stem final:

Tense:npc non-past completive npp non-past progressivepc past completive p.immed immediate pastpp past progressive rem.p.hab remote past habitual

Other:AVER aversive GenEvt generic eventHOPE hope to do HYPO hypotheticalIMP imperative NegIMP negative imperativePERM permissive PURP purposiveDS different subject SS same subject

Optional (non-stem final):dl S/A dual subjectpl S/A plural subjectCONT 'do continuously (non-motional)'DO ALONG 'do continuously while in motion'DO COMING'do verb action while coming'DO COMING BACK 'do verb action while coming back'DO COMING THRU 'do verb action while coming through a place'REVERS 'do verb action while going back; do verb action back to' (reversive)DO PAST 'do verb action while moving past or through a place'DO DOWNWARDS 'do verb action while moving downwards'

DO UPWARDS 'do verb action while moving upwards'GO & DO 'go to a place and do verb action'GO BACK & DO 'go back to a place and do verb action'DO & GO 'do verb action at a place and then go'DO & GO BACK 'do verb action at a place and then go back'Quickly: DO & GO 'quickly do verb action and then quickly go'Quickly: DO & GO BACK 'quickly do verb action and then quickly go back'DO ON Y'S ARRIVAL 'X do something to Y when Y come to be at place X is'FREQ.rdp 'frequentative (reduplication)'SPORAD.rdp 'sporadic (reduplication)'CAUS.rdp 'causative [or multiple objects] (reduplication)'C.Incep.rdp 'continuous inception (reduplication)'Derivational:CAUS causative INCH inchoativeRECIP reciprocal REFL reflexiveEng.tr marker of English transitive verbHITHER 'move towards place where speaker is'

Adverb-deriving Morphology:ADV manner adverb formativeAll Time 'the whole time through'CONNECT 'out surface contact; connected to'TIMES 'happens X number of times'val.adv value adverb marker

Particle/Clitics:Clitics:AS WELL 'as well, too, again, still'BEFORE 'before doing anything else'DESPITE 'despite X, even though X'EMPH emphaticEMPH+ strong emphaticEMPH++ very strong emphaticFIRST 'be first' in a series of things/events

FOC focal constituentIndReasAng 'indirect reason for anger'INTERinterrogative (checking clitic)MISTAKE 'mistaken belief'MOREcomparative 'more'NomNEG nominal negatorREL relative clause markerSEMBL semblativeSELF 'by one's self'SINCE 'because, as you should know'TAG 'isn't that so?'TOO MUCH 'X happens too much (I'm sick of it)'THAT 'that'-complement marker

Particles:ASSERT assertion (that X is the case)bi-and binary and (conjoining two entities)BUT 'now consider this one; on the other hand, by contrast; but'FACT 'it's a fact that'DISMIS dismissive ('not much, only, just, nothing important')HurBef 'hurry before bad thing X happens'INTENS intensifier ('very, really, truly')O.K. 'ready, already; OK; so; the end'PRECISE 'precisely at that place and time'QUOT quotative, hearsayREMIND 'may I remind you?'THOUGH 'even though, anyhow, anyway'

Conventions used in text analysis in §10.4 (do not occur elsewhere in the thesis):< > Encloses all elements of a clause (the core, all sentential modifiers, all adjuncts).{ } Encloses all elements of a core (nuclear predicate plus arguments and

propositional modifiers).____ The nucleus is underlined.

X Æ Y X is dependent on Y where X and Y are both units which contain atleast a nucleus.

X ¨ Y Y is dependent on X where X and Y are both units which contain atleast a nucleus.

[ ] Encloses phrases.tr transitiveintr intransitive:exist existential subclass of verbs:d.mot deictic (directed) motion subclass of verbs:man.mot manner of motion subclass of verbs:or.mot oriented motion subclass of verbs:perc perception subclass of verbs:become verbs derived by suffixation of the inchoative:aff.ingest verbs of affect, ingestion subclass:manip manipulation subclass of verbs:stance stance verbs:stance.change change of stance verbs

Unless a verb takes one of the following endings, it functions as a main verb:-SS Same Subject (dependent nucleus, core or clause)-PURP Purposive (dependent nucleus, core or clause)-PercComp Perception Complementindef indefinitedef definite

Ben Benefactive function

Phrases are marked for case within square brackets and subscripts at the end of the brackets indicatethe function of the phrase:

eg. [N Adj PnDAT]NP-Def-Ben = A Definite Dative Noun Phrase -- composed of a noun, an adjective, and a third person definitising pronoun -- is functioning as a Benefactive

T.Adv Temporal AdverbT.Adv'l Temporal Adverbial

ManAdv Manner AdverbAspAdv Aspectual Adverb]Sp.Adv Spatial AdverbSp.Adv'l Spatial Adverbial

PropPart Propositional ParticleSentPart Sentential ParticleConj Conjunction

Ø zero case marking or elipsed element-------- Indicates episodic boundariesS1 , S2 , S3 , ... Sentence 1, sentence 2, sentence 3, etc.

Natural Language Definitions:Note that natural language definitions of elements and structures are italicised and typically set off

from the body of the text. The natural semantic metalanguage has not been fully regularised anddefinitions do not all reflect the same depth of analysis. Capital letters (eg. A, B, C, X, Y, Z) are used torepresent variable arguments (which may be entities or events). Variables are often given subscriptsindicating the general type of semantic content of the filler of the variable. Elements which are not clearlypart of the definition are bracketed (in round brackets) and pragmatic aspects of the context are given insquare and or angle brackets. Longer definitions are broken into lines giving individual propositions inthe structure. Indenting may be used to set off functionally distinct propositions in the definition. Themain purpose of the definitions in this thesis is to clarify meanings of elements and structures for thereader, not to doggedly follow a particular formalism or to advance a particular theory.

Table of Contents

Declaration iiAcknowledgements iiiAbstract viCoventions and Abbreviations viii

Chapter One: Introduction 11.1 Background to the language 1

1.1.1 Mparntwe and Arrernte Mparntwarenye: Relations of land and language 1

1.1.2 Relation of Mparntwe Arrernte to other Arandic varieties 61.1.2.1 Hale's (1962) view of internal relations within Arandic 81.1.2.2 Brief demonstration of differences between Mparntwe

Arrernte and Western Arrernte 111.1.2.3 Hypothesised revision of internal relations within Arandic 141.1.3 Previous work on Arandic languages 14

1.2 Cultural background and contact history 201.2.1 Brief history of Alice Springs and surrounding area 201.2.2 History of ethnography of Arandic groups 241.2.3 Contemporary life (with an account of English and Mparntwe

Arrernte in contact) [Catholicism,Sacred sites, Other groups inhabiting Alice Springs, Food and medicine, Residence andmobility, Art, Mparntwe Arrernte and English: languages incontact] 26

1.2.4 Kinship and avoidance 331.2.4.1 Subsections 331.2.4.2 Kinterms 381.2.4.3 Avoidance 42

1.3 Account of fieldwork 471.3.1 "Choosing" a research topic - a question of ethics? 471.3.2 The first few months of fieldwork 491.3.3 A research policy 521.3.4 The advantages of fieldwork under Aboriginal control 53

1.3.5 Some comments on research "methodology" 551.4 Theoretical and descriptive preliminaries 58

1.4.1 The A.N.U School of Australian Grammatical Description 58

1.4.2 Semantic approach 591.4.3 Functional approaches to grammar 631.4.3.1 Review of relevant notions from Role and Reference

Grammar (RRG) 651.4.4 Main aims and organisation of thesis 691.4.4.1 Parts of speech 70

Chapter Two: Phonology 742.1 Phonemes and their realisation 74

2.1.1 Vowels 742.1.1.1 /i/ 772.1.1.2 /u/ 782.1.1.3 /a/ 792.1.1.4 /ë/ 792.1.1.5 Initial (a) 812.1.2 Consonants 832.1.2.1 Phonetic realisation of consonants: Manners 872.1.2.1.1 Nasals and laterals 872.1.2.1.2 Stops 872.1.2.1.3 Pre-stopped nasals 882.1.2.1.4 Approximants 892.1.2.1.5 The Trill 902.1.2.2 Phonetic realisation of consonants: places 902.1.2.2.1 Apico-post-alveolars (and the rothic class) 912.1.2.2.2 Lamino-inter-dentals 912.1.2.3 The labialised consonant phonemes 92

2.2 Stress 942.3 Phonotactics 95

2.3.1 Word structure 952.3.2 Consonant clusters 97

2.3.2.1 Homorganic clusters 972.3.2.2 Heterorganic clusters 98

2.4 Morphophonological processes 1002.4.1 /ë/ elision 1002.4.2 Deretroflection 101

Chapter Three: Simple Noun Phrases, Nominals, and NominalMorphology 1023.1 Simple noun phrases 1023.2 Case 1033.3 Nouns and adjectives 1043.4 Classifiers 105

3.4.1 Social status classifiers 1063.4.2 Inherent nature classifiers 1063.4.3 Function/use classifiers 1073.4.4 Use of two classifiers together 108

3.5 Quantifiers 1093.5.1 'Amount' quantifiers 1093.5.2 'Collective' quantifiers 1093.5.3 'Increase' quantifiers 1103.5.4 Quantifiers phrases 110

3.6 Demonstratives 1103.6.1 Spatially deictic demonstratives 1113.6.1.1 Alertekwenhe 'that, there (exophoric)' 1133.6.1.2 "Certain" versus "uncertain" forms 1143.6.1.3 Discourse use of the "certain" demonstratives 1193.6.2 nhenge 'remember' (REMEMB) 1213.6.3 The demonstrative form alakenhe 'like so, thus' 122

3.7 Personal pronouns 1233.7.1 General forms 1233.7.2 Kin distinctions in non-singular pronouns 1263.7.3 Extended use of third person forms 129

3.8 Interrogative forms 1303.8.1 Basic set of interrogative forms and their subdivision 130

3.8.2 Compounding of interrogative forms with peke 'maybe and kweye 'self doubt' 132

3.8.3 Reduplication of interrogative forms 1323.9 Kin term morphology 133

3.9.1 Kin possession 1333.9.1.1 Pronominal kin possessor suffixes 1333.9.1.2 Dative of kin possession 1353.9.1.3 Referential functions of possessed kin terms 1353.9.2 -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' (DYADIC) 1363.9.3 Reduplication of kin terms 137

3.10 Nominal derivation 1373.10.1 Verb nominalisation 1373.10.1.1 -ntye/tye Nominaliser (NMZR) 1383.10.1.2 Reduplication & -nhe: Nominalizer of Habitual

Involvement (NMZR.Hab.rdp) 1393.10.2 Productive nominal-based derivations 1413.10.2.1 -artweye 'custodian' 1413.10.2.2 -anternenhe 'huge, giant, huge ammount of' 1413.10.2.3 -angktyarre 'place abundant in' (abundance) 1423.10.3 Nominal derivations with limited productivity 1423.10.3.1 -atye 'grub' 1423.10.3.2 -ampe 'honey' 1433.10.3.3 -althe 'bad character' (bad.char) 1433.10.3.4 -nye 'temporal nominal' (tmp.nom) 1433.10.3.5 -me Unified Quantity (UQ) 1443.10.4 Nominal compounding 1453.10.5 Nominal reduplication 1473.10.5.1 Total reduplication 1483.10.5.1.1 Base of reduplication is an identifiable lexeme 1483.10.5.1.2 Base of reduplication is not identifiable lexeme 1513.10.5.2 Partial reduplication 152

Chapter Four. Case: Forms and Functions 1534.1 Overview of the case system 153

4.1.1 Inflection vs. derivation 1554.1.2 Formal criteria for identifying case forms 1574.1.3 Subclassifying case forms 159

4.2 Functions of case inflections 1634.2.1 Ø case-marking; Split case marking; Tripartite case system 1634.2.2 Functions of Ø Nominative (S) 1664.2.3 Functions of -nhe ACCusative 1684.2.4 The form -le: Ergative, Instrumental and Locative 1704.2.4.1 Functions of -le ERGative (A) 1714.2.4.2 -le INSTrumental 1724.2.4.3 Functions of -le LOCative 1744.2.4.3.1 Spatial functions 1744.2.4.3.2 Temporal function 1754.2.4.4 Other uses of the -le form 1764.2.4.4.1 Manner adverb formative 1764.2.4.4.2 Compond ligature in nthe- 'give a' constructs1774.2.4.4.3 Cohesive function: switch reference 1784.2.4.4.4 Language being spoken 1784.2.5 Functions of -ke DATive 1794.2.5.1 Spatial functions 1794.2.5.2 Addressee 1794.2.5.3 Focus of internal human states 1804.2.5.4 Dative of attempt 1804.2.5.5 The conscious reason for performance of an action 1814.2.5.6 Topic of what is being said 1814.2.5.7 Temporal function 1824.2.5.8 Kin possession 1824.2.5.9 Dative as linker in nominal/adverbial reduplications 1824.2.5.10 Cohesive functions: switch reference 1834.2.5.11 Discussion of dative functions 1834.2.6.A Functions of -nge ABLative 1854.2.6.A.1 Spatial functions 1854.2.6.A.2 Use in comparative constructions 1854.2.6.A.3 Reason/cause/control functions 186

4.2.6.A.4 Temporal function 1864.2.6.A.5 Cohesive function 1874.2.6.B The morphemic complex -nge-ntyele 'from onwards' 1874.2.6.B.1 Spatial: extension 1874.2.6.B.2 Temporal function 1884.2.6.B.3 Source of origin in a transformation 1884.2.6.B.4 Discourse function 1884.2.6.B.5 Discussion of ablative functions 1884.2.7.A Functions of -werne ALLative: spatial functions 1894.2.7.A.1 Spatial functions 1894.2.7.B The morphemic complex -werne-theke/-thepe 1904.2.7.B.1 Spatial functions 1904.2.7.B.2 Endpoint in a transformation 1914.2.7.C Discussion of alllative functions 1914.2.8.A Functions of -kerte PROPRietive 1924.2.8.A.1 Possession 1924.2.8.A.2 Characteristics/attributions 1934.2.8.A.3 Accompaniment 1944.2.8.B The morphemic complex NP-ke-kerte/V-tyetke-kerte

'endpoint, extent' 1964.2.8.B.1 Spatial function 1964.2.8.B.2 Temporal function 1964.2.8.C Discussion of proprietive functions 1974.2.9 Functions of -kenhe POSSessive 1984.2.9.1 Possession 1994.2.9.2 Entity used to provide desired commodity 2004.2.9.3 Derivational use: terms of entities with particular functions

in respect to another entity 2014.2.9.4.Discussion of possessive functions 2024.2.10 Functions of -arenye ASSOCiative 2024.2.10.1 Spatial function 2024.2.10.2 Kinship: group association 2034.2.10.3 Part-whole relations 2034.2.10.4 Derivational uses 204

4.2.10.5 Discussion of associative functions 2044.2.11 Functions of -iperre~-ipenhe = AFTER 2054.2.11.A Functions with nominals 2064.2.11.A 1 Temporal functions 2064.2.11.A.2 Cause/result functions 2074.2.11.A.3 Spatial function 2074.2.11.A.4 Cohesive function, discourse 2094.2.11.B -TENSE-le-iperre-VERB FORMS

(After V happens, then Y) 2094.2.11.C Discussion of functions of 'AFTER' 2104.2.12 Functions of -larlenge COMitative 2104.2.12.1 Simple Comitative 2114.2.12.2 Comitative of containment 2114.2.12.3 Discussion of comitative functions 2124.2.13 Functions of -ketye AVERsive 2134.2.13.1 Avoidance of entity which could cause something bad

to happen 2134.2.13.2 Kin avoidance 2144.2.13.3 Spatial sense: away from 2144.2.13.4 Discussion of aversive functions 2154.2.14 Summary of case functions 216

Chapter Five. Case Assigning Predicates, Verbsand Verb Morphology 218

5.1 Case assigning predicates 2185.1.1 Preliminaries 2185.1.2 Nominal predicates 2195.1.3 Verbal predicates 2205.1.3.1 Intransitive verbs 2205.1.3.2 Transitive verbs 2225.1.3.3 Ditransitive verbs 2235.1.3.4 Ambitransitive verbs 224

5.2 Structure of the verb 2255.3 Inflection occurring in final position in the verb 225

5.3.1. Main verb inflections 2255.3.1.1 Tense 2255.3.1.2 The positive and negative imperatives (Ø 'IMP' & -tyele

'NegIMP') 2315.3.1.3 -rle 'Generic Event' (GenEvt) 2315.3.1.4 -eye Permissive (PERM) 2325.3.1.5 -mere Hypothetical (HYPO) 2335.3.2 Inflections where verb dependent on auxiliary to carry tense 2345.3.2.1 -tyekenhe/-tyange 'verb negator' (VbNEG) 2355.3.2.2 -tyeke 'Purposive' (PURP) 2365.3.3 Dependent verb inflections 2385.3.3.1 -eyemenge 'hope to do' (HOPE) 2385.3.3.2 -tyenhenge 'subsequent' (SBSQNT) 2395.3.3.3 -ketye 'Aversive' (AVER) 2405.3.3.4 Switch-reference 241

5.4 Optional verb inflections 2425.4.1 Verb reduplication 2425.4.1.1 Reduplication & -pe 'frequentive' (FREQ.rdp) 2435.4.1.2 Reduplication & -rliwe 'happen sporadically; sporadic'

(SPORAD.rdp) 2445.4.1.3 Reduplication & -lhile 'force to do, action on multiple

objects' (CAUS.rdp) 2465.4.1.4 Reduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception'

(C.Incep.rdp) 2475.4.1.5 Further comments concerning verb reduplication 2485.4.2 Number agreement with S/A 2495.4.2.1 Dual subject marking 2505.4.2.2 Plural subject agreement 2515.4.3 Continuous aspect 2525.4.4 The category of associated motion 254

5.5 Verb derivation 2565.5.1 -rre 'reciprocal' (RECIP) 2565.5.2 -lhe 'Reflexive' (REFL) 2565.5.3 -ile and -lhile 'Causative' (CAUS) 258

5.5.4 The unproductive causative suffix -rne 2595.5.5 -irre 'Inchoative' (INCH) 260

5.5.6 Free verbs or derivational suffixes?: The ambiguousbehaviour of -ile 'causative' and -irre 'inchoative' 261

5.5.7 Transforming English verbs into Mparntwe Arrernte verbs 2645.5.8 The stacking of verb derivational suffixes 2655.5.9 Verbs formed with compounding 2655.5.10 Deictic motion verbs and their formation 268

Chapter Six. The Category of Associated Motion 2706.1 Introduction 2706.2 Is this 'aspect'? 2716.3 Subclassification of forms 2726.4 Action and motion concurrent 274

6.4.1 Concurrent motion directed with respect to speaker(i.e. deictic forms) 275

6.4.1.1 Definitions and examples 2756.4.1.2 Comments on concurrent motion deictic forms and their use 2776.4.1.3 The use of directed concurrent motion forms in reporting

events 2806.4.2 Oriented concurrent motion 2846.4.2.1 Definitions and examples 2846.4.2.2 Comments on oriented concurrent motion forms and their use 285

6.5 Non-concurrent motion 2876.5.1 Definitions and examples 2876.5.2 Comments on non-concurrent motion forms and their use 289

6.6 The form -ty.intye 'do on Z's arrrival' 2936.6.1 Definition and examples 2936.7 Further comments on the category of associated motion 294

6.7.1 The analysis of 'associated motion' morphemic complexes 2946.7.2 The diachronic origin of the associated motion category 2966.7.3 Near lexical status of certain 'associated motion' marked verbs 2966.7.4 Explaining the common co-utilisation of motion verbs of and

associated motion forms : the raison d'etre of the category ofassociated motion 297

6.8 Conclusion 298

Chapter Seven. Adverbs and Adverb Morphology 2997.1 Adverbs in Australian languages 2997.2 The identification of adverbs in Mparntwe Arrarnte 3027.3 Subclasses of adverbs 305

7.3.1 Temporal adverbs 3057.3.2 Spatial adverbs and related spatial expressions 3097.3.2.1 'Adverbs of orientation' 3117.3.2.2 'Spatial parts cum positionals' 3137.3.2.3 Cardinal points and distance forms 3167.3.2.4 Derivation of spatial adverbs into verbs of motion and verbs

of causative position 3227.3.3 Manner, aspectual and 'degree of achievement' adverbs 3237.3.3.1 Manner adverbs 3237.3.3.2 Aspectual adverbs 3267.3.3.3 'Degree of achievement' adverbs 3277.3.3.4 Co-occurrence of manner, aspectual, and degree of

achievement adverbs 3297.4 Adverb derivation 330

7.4.1 Temporal derivations 3307.4.1.1 -tyathe 'the whole thing through; throughout' (All Time) 3307.4.1.2 -ureke 'during' 3307.4.1.3 -tayeme 'time' 3317.4.2 Spatial derivations 3327.4.2.1 -thayete 'side of' 3327.4.2.2 -ampinye 'vicinity of' 3337.4.2.3 -[ke]rleke 'outer surface contact; connected to' (CONNECT)3347.4.2.4 The four "wards" suffixes: -ntyele/-tyele 'from onwards';

theke/-thepe 'towards'; -ntape 'upwards' and -kerle'downwards' 336

7.4.2.5 A note on the expression of spatial locational concepts 338

7.4.3 Manner, aspectual, and 'degree of achievement' derivations 3397.4.3.1 -le 'manner adverb formative' (ADV) 3397.4.3.2 The unproductive suffix -ntye (val.adv) and value adverbs 3407.4.3.3 -ngare/-renge 'happens X number of times' (TIMES) 3417.4.4 Adverb reduplications 3437.4.4.1 Total reduplications with no analysable root forms:

accompanying stance or noise 3437.4.4.2 Reduplications to form temporal adverbs 3447.4.4.3 Reduplication of aspectual adverbs 3447.4.4.4 Morphologically linked reduplication 345

Chapter Eight: Particle/Clitics 3478.1 Clitics 347

8.1.1 Enclitics which may attach to either verbs or nominals 3478.1.1.1 -arteke 'semblative' (SEMBL) 3478.1.1.2 -tetye 'instead' 3488.1.1.3 -warte 'since, because (as you should know)' (SINCE) 3488.1.1.4 -me 'interrogative' (INTER) 3498.1.1.5 -athewe? 'isn't it?' (TAG) 3498.1.1.6 -eye 'is it?' 3498.1.1.7 -arteye? 'what about?' 3508.1.1.8 -kathene 'mistaken belief' (MISTAKE) 3508.1.1.9 -ante 'only, exclusively' (ONLY) 3508.1.1.10 -anteye 'as well,too, again, still' (AS WELL) 3518.1.1.11 -kine / -'gain / again 'same again' 3518.1.1.12 -rlke 'too, as well' (TOO) 3528.1.1.13 -kemparre 'be first' (FIRST) 3528.1.1.14 -urrke 'before doing anything else' (BEFORE) 3538.1.1.15 -aye 'emphatic' (EMPH) 3538.1.1.16 -ewe 'strong emphatic' (EMPH+) 3548.1.1.17 -eyewe 'very strong emphatic' (EMPH++) 3548.1.1.18 -rle 'focal constituent; relative clause; 'that' clause

(FOC; REL; THAT) 3548.1.2 Enclitics which attach only to nominals or to both nominals

and adverbs 355

8.1.2.1 -kwenye 'nominal negator' (NomNEG) 3558.1.2.2 -ulkere 'comparative, more; kind of' (more; KIND) 3568.1.2.3 -arrpe 'by one self's, on one's own' (SELF) 3578.1.2.4 -penhe 'poor thing; pitiable thing' (PITY) 3588.1.2.5 -itanye 'despite, even though' (DESPITE) 3588.1.2.6 -iknge "I'm sick of..., happens too much' (TOO MUCH) 3598.1.2.7 -arrkngele 'be indirect reason for anger' (IndReasAng) 359

8.2 Particles 3598.2.1 Propositional particles 3608.2.1.1 kwele 'so they say, hearsay, "quotative", supposedly' (QUOT) 3608.2.1.2 kwenhe 'assertion' (ASSERT) 3608.2.1.3 (a)pele 'it's a fact' (FACT) 3618.2.1.4 (a)peke 'maybe, might; if; or' (maybe) 3618.2.1.5 ithwenge 'maybe not' 3628.2.1.6 ware 'not much, only, just, nothing important, dismissive'

(DISMIS) 3628.2.1.7 nthurre 'very, real(ly); intensifier' (INTENS) 3638.2.1.8 antime 'right there and then; right here and now' (PRECISE) 3638.2.1.9 warre 'may I remind you' (REMIND) 3648.2.1.10 y'know (yenewe) 'you know; you understand' 3658.2.2 Sentential particles 3658.2.2.1 Kele 'ready; already; O.K.; so; the end' (O.K.) 3658.2.2.2 wale 'well (then); and so' (well) 3668.2.2.3 imerte 'and then, then' (then) 3668.2.2.4 anteme / aneme 'at this point in time, now, and now' (now) 3678.2.3 Conjunctions 3688.2.3.1 ante / ane 'and' 3688.2.3.2 X uthene Y uthene 'X and Y which are a common pairing;

binary and' (bi-and) 3698.2.3.3 Name X therre name Y therre: coordination of named people

using therre 'two' 3718.2.3.4 kenhe 'now consider this one; on the other hand, by contrast,

but' (BUT) 3728.2.3.5 perre 'even though; anyhow, anyway' (THOUGH) 373

8.2.3.6 athathe 'quickly do Y before X happens; hurry before Xhappens' (HurBef) 373

8.2.4 Interjections 3748.2.4.1 werte 'what's up, what's news, gidday' 3748.2.4.2 yewe-yewe / yewe /yawe / ye 'yes' 3758.2.4.3 arrangkwe 'no; nothing; have nothing of' 3758.2.4.4 yweke 'I don't know' 3758.2.4.5 mpe 'let's go' 3768.2.4.6 ngke 'give it to me' 3768.2.4.7 me 'here it is' 3768.2.4.8 kunye 'poor thing, poor bugger; dear one' 3768.2.4.9 alaye! 'watch out; get out of the way' 3778.2.4.10 kweye 'what the heck am I doing/saying/thinking?;

is that right?' (SelfDoubt) 3778.2.4.11 yekaye 'What the hell's going on here?!, SHIT!, ouch!' 3788.2.4.12 eyyye! 'yuck, that's terrible, Oh no!' 3788.2.4.13 Other forms which function as interjections 378

8.3 Particle/clitic insertion 3788.3.1 Insertion into verb compounds 3798.3.2 Insertion in linked verb reduplication 3798.3.3 Insertion into causative and reflexive derivations 3808.3.4 Insertion into inchoative and causative verbs derived from

nominals 380

8.3.5 Particle/clitic insertion into verb forms inflected for associatedmotion 380

8.3.6 Insertion into the verb negator -tyekenhe 3818.3.7 Final comments and multiple particl /clitic insertion 381

Chapter Nine: Five Particle/Clitics for Criticism and Complaint 3829.1 Introduction 3829.2 Criticism/complaint derived directly from particle/clitic's

meaning 3849.2.1 -iknge 'happens too much' (TOO MUCH) 384

9.2.2 -itanye 'despite' 3889.3 Criticism/complaint derived from a logical contradiction

of part of the particle/clitic's meaning 3909.3.1 kwele 'quotative' 3919.3.2 -kathene 'mistaken belief' 3959.3.3 -me 'interrogative' 3979.3.4 Discussion of implicature 399

9.4 Conclusion 402

Chapter Ten. Aspects of Syntax 40410.1 Complex Noun Phrases 404

10.1.1 Coordinated NPs without overt conjunctions 40510.1.1.1 Listing 40510.1.1.2 Pronominal inclusion (The Plural Pronoun Construction) 40710.1.2 Part-whole constructions 41110.1.3 Relative clauses 41410.1.3.1 General structure shared by all relative clause types 41510.1.3.2 Fully embedded relatives 41810.1.3.3 Discontinuity between head and SREL 41910.1.3.4 Headless relatives 42310.1.3.5 Internally headed relatives 42610.1.3.6 Access to relativisation 426

10.2 Verb iteration 43110.3 Simple sentences and the basic elements of clause

structure 43210.3.1 Semantic roles and grammatical functions 43210.3.2 The grammatical relation subject in Mparntwe Arrernte43510.3.3 Verbless clauses and copular clauses 437

10.4 Word order and topic continuity in a narrative text 43910.5 Complex sentences 450

10.5.1 Clausal coordination without conjunctions 45010.5.2 Complementation 451

Chapter Eleven: Switch-Reference and Morphologically

Related constructions 45411.1 Introduction 454

11.1.1 General 45411.1.2 What is switch reference? 455

11.2 Switch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte 45811.2.1 Relative tense 46111.2.2 Switch-reference on negatives 46311.2.3 Discourse realisation of switch-reference 46511.2.3.1 Subject NP ellipsis 46511.2.3.2 Trans-sentential switch-reference 466

11.3 System versus morphology 46811.3.1 The level and nature of switch-reference clause linkage 46811.3.2 -me-le versus -me.le 46911.3.2.1 Manner adverbials 47011.3.2.1.1 'Means' manner adverbials 47011.3.2.1.2 'Nature of process' adverbials 47311.3.2.2 Seriation 474

11.4 Problems of identity 47611.4.1 General discussion 47611.4.2 Inclusion 47711.4.3 Part-whole relations 47911.4.4 Split personality? 48211.5 Conclusion 486

MAPSMap 1-1: Boundaries of Mparntwe 2Map 1-2: Map of Arandic languages and dialects 5Map 1-3: Arandic languages and their neighbours 7Map 1-4: Map of "Arandic speaking area" from Hale (1962) with lexical

statistics added 8

TABLESTable 1-1: Kinship terms and range of application from point of view of a

Pengarte woman 43Table 2-1: Mparntwe Arrernte vowels 75Table 2-2: Mparntwe Arrernte consonant phonemes and their orthographic

equivalents 84Table 2-3: Words exemplifying distinctions amongst consonants phonemes

(part 1) 85(part 2) 86

Table 2-4: Homorganic clusters 97Table 2-5: Nasal initial heterorganic clusters 98Table 2-6: Lateral initial heterorganic clusters 99Table 2-7: Trill initial clusters 100Table 3-1: Mparntwe Arrernte cases and their realisation on different nominals 104Table 3-2: Spatially deictic demonstratives 111Table 3-3: Preliminary definitions of the spatial sense of 'certain' and 'uncertain'

demonstratives 118Table 3-4: S/A (subject) pronoun set 124Table 3-5: Accusative (O) pronoun set 124Table 3-6: Dative pronoun set 124Table 3-7: Possessive pronoun set 125Table 3-8: Alyawarra 1st and 2nd singular A, S, O forms

(based on Yallop 1977: 94) 125Table 3-9: Kin distinctions in non-singular pronouns 127Table 3-10: Kin terms which have a reduced or suppletive form when

taking suffexes specific to kin terms 134Table 4-1: The Mparntwe Arrernte case system. Case forms and parameters

for the subclassification of cases 154Table 4-2: Series of set inclusions for semantic cases 162Table 4-3: Comparison of case marking on definite and non-definite NPs 165Table 4-4: The semantic/functional space covered by Mparntwe Arrernte case

forms 217Table 5-1: The Mparntwe Arrernte tense system 227Table 5-2: Plural subject agreement markers and examples from the verb classes

they determine 252Table 5-3: Morphemic complexes indicating continuous aspect 253Table 5-4: The deictic motion verb subclass 269Table 6-1: Subclassification of associated motion forms 272Table 10-1: Number of occurrences of each of the four relative clause types

in a survey of 19 texts (approx. 1,000 clauses) 417Table 10-2: Text count of roles played by relativised NP in SREL 430Table 10-3: Text count of roles played in matrix clausesby a NP with

a relative clause 431Table 10-4: Structural outline of text 10 from appendix 1 440-1

Table 10-5: Ordering of core arguments for clauses of each line in text 10 (appendix 1) 445

Table 10-6: The changing structure and function of NPs referring to the twomajor participants of text 10 (in appendix 1) 447

FIGURESFigure 1-1: Diagram of historical relations within Arandic, based on Hale

1962 showing posited dialect chain which constitutes UpperAranda language 9

Figure 1-2: Hypothesised reformulation of relations within Arandic 15Figure 1-3: Patrimoieties, semi-patrimoieties (nyenhenge sections) and

subsections 35Figure 1-4: Generation moieties, subsections and first choice marriage 37Figure 1-5: Patterns of relationship between subsections assuming first

choice marriages 39Figure 1-6: RRG Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy 65Figure 1-7: RRG conception of clause structure 67Figure 1-8: RRG conception of operator scoping and constituency within

the clause 67Figure 1-9: RRG Syntactic Bondness Hierarchy 68Figure 1-10: Parts of speech and their subclassification 73Figure 2-1: Division of vowel space for Mparntwe Arrernte 76Figure 4-1: Representation of a complex NP containing a genitive (-kenhe)

phrase 157Figure 5-1: The structure of the Mparntwe Arrernte verb 226Figure 6-1: Example scene of action in midst of motion path 281Figure 9-1: Schema for predicting what report type an utterance containing

-iknge 'happens too much' will be associated with 387Figure 10-1: Ross's (1967) representation of coordinate structure 407Figure 10-2: Proposed representation of Mparntwe Arrernte "listing" structure 407Figure 10-3: Complex NP involving 3 coordination strategies

(and 4 coordinations) 410Figure 10-4: Structure contained in all relative clause types 415Figure 10-5: Structure of NP with fully embedded relative 418Figure 10-6: The Bondness Hierarchy (Foley 1980: 174) 420Figure 10-7: The Accessibility Hierarchy in Mparntwe Arrernte 428

APPENDIX 1: Texts 4881. Utnerrenge-kerte (About the emu bush)

by Rosie Ferber 4892. Arntape untyeye-kerte (About corkwood bark)

by Margaret Heffernan 4903. Ngkwarle untyeye-kerte (About corkwood nectar)

by Margaret Heffernan 4924. Intelyape-lyape-kerte (Butterflies)

by Yipirinya School Teachers (jointly constructed) 4945. Antyetyerre-kerte (Frogs)

by Yipirinya School Teachers (jointly constructed) 4956. Inarlenge (Porcupines)

by Margaret Heffernan 4967. Untitled account of bush trip.

by Margaret Heffernan 4988. Ayeye kngwelye ampe therle aweke angkerlengerle-kerte

(A story about an old dog that I heard talk)by Rosie Ferber 501

9. Artwe ampwe irrkwerrentye therre-kerte(A story about a pair of siamese twins)

by Basil Stevens 50710. Ayeye marle uthene atwetye uthene-kerte

(A story about a girl and a joey)by Margaret Heffernan 509

11. Artewe-kerte (Story of the wild turkey)by Basil Stevens 512

12. Ampe urreye kweke artnerrentye-kerte (A story about a crawling baby boy)by Margaret Heffernan 521

APPENDIX 2: Lexicon 544Part A: Suffixes and clitics 544Part B: Word List 549

Bibliography 602

Chapter OneIntroduction

1.1 Background to the Language1.1.1 Mparntwe and Arrernte Mparntwarenye: Relations of land and language

Mparntwe is the traditional Arrernte (Aranda) name given to an area in Central Australia whichincludes the township of Alice Springs, and which is roughly bounded by Bond Springs (Irlpme) in thenorth-east, Hamilton Downs (Awerre-Therre) in the north-west, and Maryvale (Imarnte) in the south.The Hugh River forms the western border of Mparntwe, and the eastern border, which includesUndoolya (Ntulye), runs roughly parallel to - but 15 kilometres to the east of - the Alice Springs-Adelaide railway line until it turns west to meet up at Maryvale (Imarnte) [see Map 1-1]. This thesisfocuses on the linguistic variety which is associated with Mparntwe and which is called by its speakersArrernte Mparntwarenye or simply Mparntwe.

Here, as in other parts of Australia (see, for instance, Merlan 1981 and Dench 1987:7-8), itappears that affiliations with particular linguistic varieties are often mediated by associations to country.That is to say, a linguistic variety (language or dialect) may be identified as belonging to a particulargeographic area and a person may claim affiliation to a particular linguistic variety if they have anaffiliation to the place with which that variety is associated. One may be affiliated to a place that is one'sconception site, birth place, and/or the place to which they have traditional responsibilities throughkinship.

The association of language with country is demonstrated clearly in the narration of traditionaltexts in which a Dreamtime ancestor, or group of ancestors, travels across a number of significantlydifferent areas. At the point that an ancestor moves from the area associated with one local group tothat of another local group, a number of different

linguistic mechanisms may be employed to signal the change of country. Apart from simple overtreference to the change, which is not always present, linguistic markers representative of the linguisticdifference between the two groups may be used. Thus if an ancestral being moves from WesternArrernte country, or Pitjantjatjara country, into Mparntwe country, a song in the first dialect or languagemay be sung in the early part of the text and when the change of country occurs, a song in the seconddialect or language will be used. Similarly, reported conversation may first contain lexical items, or evenfull sentences, from the first group and then it will use ones from the second group. Most interesting,from the point of view of what sort of morphemes can diffuse from one area to the next, grammaticalparticles and even suffixes of roughly corresponding meaning in the two dialects or languages will besubstituted for one another to signal the area change. In the following example from a Dog Dreamingtext in which the ancestor moves from Mparntwe country into Anmatyerre (Ti Tree) country the signalof the change is the switch from using the Mparntwe Arrernte allative form, -werne, to the Anmatyerreallative form, -werle.

(1) Re lhe-me-le, lhe-me-le pmere arrpenhe-werne. Pmere-k-irre-me-le,

3sgS go-npp-SS, go-npp-SS place other-ALL. Place-DAT-INCH--npp-SS

re inte-ke. Ingweleme kem-irre-me-le aweth-anteye lhe-ke. Lhe-me3sgS lie-pc morning get up-INCH-npp-SS again-AS WELL go-pc.

go-nppanteme pmere kngerre-werle, pmere kwatye-rle ne-me-rle-werle.now place big-ALL, place water-REL sit/be-npp-REL-ALLHe travelled and travelled to another place (in Mparntwe) and when he got there he

camped. When he got up in the morning he went off again. Now he's going to an important place (in Anmatyerre country), to a place where there's water (in Anmatyerre country).

The fact that affiliation to a linguistic variety may be mediated by an affiliation to a particularcountry can lead to a situation in which a person may rightfully claim affiliation to a linguistic variety whichthey are unable to speak. Conversely, fluent speakers of a linguistic variety to which they have noaffiliation through country may make no claim to that variety. One of my main teachers, MargaretHeffernan, for instance, only claims a linguistic affiliation with Anmatyerre, the language of her homecountry. She is fluent in Arrernte Mparntwarenye and people who do have an affiliation to Mparntwe

acknowledge that she speaks the language of their country "properly". However, when it comes toissues concerning the teaching, maintenance, and/or propagation of Mparntwe (the language), Margaretabstains from contributing to the decision making process unless she has been given permission bypeople with the proper affiliation and hence the proper authority. Thus, there is a clear distinctionbetween being able to speak a linguistic variety and being able to identify oneself with a linguistic variety.As with land, one does not own or control a particular linguistic variety, but instead one is born into arelationship with a linguistic variety (or several varieties) and this relationship determines one's rights andresponsibilities to that variety, regardless of whether one has mastered the variety or not.

The above facts help to explain why there is difficulty in ascertaining, exactly, how manyspeakers of Mparntwe there are; the question of how many people speak Mparntwe is too easilyconfused with the question of who has a direct affiliation with Arrernte Mparntwarenye through the placeMparntwe. Estimates made by the people I have worked with suggest that there are approximately300 people who can claim to speak Arrernte Mparntwarenye. The major concentration of speakers,thus defined, live in Alice Springs, Amoonguna (Amwengkwerne), and Santa Teresa (Ltyentye Purte).It is not the case that, from a linguist's standpoint, all the people who helped me in my research spokethe same dialect, but the range of dialects they spoke were sufficiently similar to allow a coherentdescription of Arrernte Mparntwarenye.

Arrernte Mparntwarenye has been variously labeled as Alice Springs Arrernte (eg. Breen 1984),Central Aranda (T.G.H. Strehlow 1944, 1947 [map], 1971 [map], and Tindale 1974), and sometimesEastern Aranda (Hale 1962). Of these Central Aranda is the most appropriate designation since, interms of the geographic placement of Mparntwe with respect to the countries associated with othervarieties of Arrernte, it lies between Western Arrernte (a.k.a. Tyuretye Arrernte, Arrernte Alturlarenye,or Hermannsburg Arrernte), Southern Arrernte (a.k.a. Pertam), Eastern Arrernte (a.k.a. Ikngerripenhe)and Northern Arrernte (a.k.a. Ayerrerenge) [see map 1-2]. Although Central Arrernte would be anaccurate description, I prefer to designate the variety as Mparntwe Arrernte, for comparative purposes,but it must be remembered that this is a linguist's descriptive designation and is not the name of thevariety.

In Map 1-1 it can be seen that Mparntwe does not fully correspond to Strehlow's (1947, 1971)and Tindale's (1974) borders for Central Aranda. Most significantly, Alice Springs is included as part ofMparntwe, whereas for Strehlow it is part of Eastern Aranda country and for Tindale it is part ofNorthern Aranda country (see fn. 4). The larger area designated as Mparntwe, however, takes its namefrom a significant sacred site now located within the actual township of Alice Springs and the nameArrernte people now use for the town of Alice Springs is also Mparntwe.

Map 1-2 : Map of Arandic languages and dialects (based, in part, on Hobson (1984); Strehlow (1971); and Tindale (1974))1.1.2 Relation of Mparntwe Arrernte to other Arandic Varieties

To this point I have used the neutral term 'variety', rather than dialect or language, in talkingabout Mparntwe Arrernte. To clarify the position of Mparntwe vis à vis other Arandic varieties it isuseful to pull back and present a brief overview of the Arandic group.

The Arandic group is a subfamily of the Pama-Nyungan family of Australian languages which, asWurm (1972:130) puts it, has "a great surface difference from other Australian languages in basicvocabulary because of extensive sound changes which have obscured the picture." These changes

include stress reassignment, the loss of initial consonants and sometimes the loss of the whole firstsyllable, the loss of a distinction amongst final vowels, prestopping of nasals, the feature of roundednesstransferring from vowels (and /w/) to consonants and a concommitant reorganisation of vowel systems.Changes in phonemic system and morpheme structure were not without consequences in the area ofgrammar; for instance, unlike most Australian languages (Dixon 1980:382-430), there are no verbconjugations in Arandic. With syllable loss, not to mention changes involving stress and vowels, it shouldnot be surprising to find that in Arandic varieties conjugation markers were often reanalysed as part ofthe verb stem or disappeared altogether. In fact, it may be the case that one of the conjugation markersbecame reanalysed as the verb stem. For proto-Australian Dixon (1980:402) reconstructs an Ñ classconjugation which has mainly monosyllabic members and was predominantly transitive. Onereconstructable verb in this conjugation is *gaa-Ñ 'to carry, bring, take' (1980:404). A number ofArandic varieties, including Mparntwe Arrernte, have [ak¸Ñë-] or [k¸Ñë-] for 'to carry, take'. It is notinconceivable that, with prestopping of the nasal that functioned as the conjugation marker and the lossof the initial consonant (or whole initial syllable), a form like *gaa-Ñ could have given rise to the Arandicforms for 'to take, carry'. Suffice it to say, that the changes evidenced by the Arandic group haveimpeded work on determining the group's possible relations with other Pama-Nyungan subgroups. Thelanguages which border the Arandic group are given in map 1-3. These include: Warlpiri to the westand north-west; Warlmanpa, Warumungu and Wakaya to the north; to the west and south-west areseveral Western Desert varieties, including Pintupi-Luritja, Southern Luritja, Pitjantjatjara andYankunytjatjara; to the south-east and east the Arabanic group including Arabana and Wangkanguru;and along the east and north-eastern border we find Pitta-Pitta, Warluwara and Kalkutungu.

1.1.2.1 Hale's (1962) view of internal relations within Arandic

As far as relations within the Arandic subfamily are concerned, Hale (1962) claimed, on thebasis of lexico-statistics using a 100 word list, that the Arandic group consisted of only three distinctlanguages: Kaiditj, Upper Aranda and Lower Aranda. Hale's Upper Aranda is a complex dialectalchain which includes Alyawarra, Anmatyerre, Northern Arrernte, Eastern Arrernte, Western Arrernteand Southern Arrernte. To give an idea of the nature of this chain I have plotted Hale's lexicostatisticsonto the map that he provided.

Map 1-4 : Map of 'Arandic Speaking Area' from Hale (1962) with lexico-statistics added

While the ends of the chain - Southern Arrernte (Pertam) and Alyawarra - are not mutually intelligible,Hale maintained that the ends were connected by a cline of mutually intelligible varieties and he,

therefore, concluded that all these varieties represent only one language. Hale (1962:183) went on tosuggest that "the relationship of Kaiditj to the other Arandic languages is the most distant in the Arandicfamily", and that "the split which separated Lower Aranda and Upper Aranda appears to have occurredat roughly the same time in the past as did the gradual development of dialect differentiation in UpperAranda." We may diagram these historical relations as in figure 1-1. Since Hale's 1962 article, the twoinitial subgroupings have been labelled the Artuya Subgroup, containing only Kaytetye, and the UrtwaSubgroup , containing Upper Aranda and Lower Aranda (see Oates and Oates 1970: 99-101 andWurm 1972:10-131).

Figure 1-1: Diagram of historical relations within Arandic, based on Hale 1962, showingposited dialect chain which constitutes Upper Aranda Language.

Hale makes no distinction between Mparntwe Arrernte (ie. Central Arrernte or Alice SpringsArrernte) and Eastern Arrernte, and I think that, on linguistic grounds, this is correct. The two varietiesare clearly mutually intelligible, although speakers will point to certain words and endings as beingdiagnostic of the difference between the two. For instance, it may be claimed that Eastern Arrerntespeakers say mwerre [m‚òÂrà] for 'good' while Mparntwe Arrernte speakers say mwarre [m‚aÂrà]; orthat where Mparntwe Arrernte can optionally have /a/ at the beginning of certain words thecorresponding Eastern Arrernte words require the initial /a/ (cf. §2.1.1.4); or that the Eastern Arrernteword for 'bearded dragon' is amwelye while in Mparntwe Arrernte it is ankerte; or that the MparntweArrernte suffix -penhe 'pitiable being' corresponds to Eastern Arrernte (-)werne; or, finally, that the suffixmeaning 'edible grub' is -ayte in Eastern Arrernte while it is -atye in Mparntwe Arrernte. However,while each of the listed variants may be more prevalent in one group than in another, none of the variantsis unattested in my corpus of Mparntwe Arrernte data. The differences between Mparntwe Arrernteand Eastern Arrernte are primarily, and not unimportantly, social, cultural and political. As there is not acomprehensive grammar for either Eastern Arrernte or Mparntwe Arrernte, this thesis can serve doubleduty for both until one is written for Eastern Arrernte.

According to Hale's analysis, then, Mparntwe Arrernte would be considered a dialect of UpperAranda and is supposed to be mutually intelligible with Anmatyerre and Western Arrernte. As Yallop(1969:187) rightly points out "a high proportion of shared cognates does not of course prove that twolanguages or dialects are mutually intelligible." He notes that, even though all the Alyawarra people heworked with claimed to understand Eastern and other dialects of Arrernte, it is difficult to determine if

comprehension is natural or acquired since it is possible that the Alyawarra understand Arrernte onlybecause they are in continual and close contact. A comparison of Yallop's grammar of Alyawarra withthe description of Mparntwe Arrernte contained herein will reveal that there are too many significantdifferences for the two varieties to be considered immediately mutually intelligible and comprehensionmust, to some extent, be acquired.

More importantly, Mparntwe Arrernte people regard the Alyawarra and the Anmatyerre associo-politically distinct groups and state outright that they have their own languages which are quitedistinct from Arrernte. Regardless of what linguists may say about mutual intelligibility, one can not avoidthe fact that there may be a psychological component involved in mutual intelligibility in the sense that ifsomeone does not believe that s/he speaks the same language as another person than there will be anatural block to comprehension. As mentioned earlier, one of my main teachers is both a fluent speakerof Anmatyerre and Mparntwe Arrernte, and she observes that the two are not mutually intelligible; twospeakers who have not learned anything of the other variety could not hold a rudimentary conversation.One of the significant differences between Mparntwe Arrernte and Anmatyerre concerns the vowelphonology; Breen (ms.1988) notes that Western Anmatyerre has a genuine two-vowel system in whichthe central vowel phoneme is much more raised and fronted than is the corresponding vowel in the four-vowel system of Mparntwe Arrernte. This distinction alone would provide, at least initially, a block tomutual intelligibility.

Hale's comparison revealed 86% shared cognates between Western Arrernte fromHermannsburg and his Alice Springs sample (1962:181), but this figure incorrectly suggests that the twovarieties would be mutually intelligible. There are major differences between Mparntwe Arrernte (MpA)and Western Arrernte (WA) at all levels of grammar and the following series of comparisonsdemonstrates just how different two varieties that go under the name of Arrernte can be.

1.1.2.2 Brief demonstration of differences between Mparntwe Arrernte and Western Arrernte(i) At the level of phonology:

a) MpA possesses the phoneme /û/, a velar approximate, which WA has lost. Thus the MpA word for 'kangaroo' is aherre /aûërë/ while that in WA is arre /a:rë/

or kerarre /kë®Ûa:rë/; this last form arising from a compounding of the 'kangaroo' termwith the word for 'game animal, meat' kere.

b) In MpA all morphemes end in /ë/, while in WA morphemes end in either /ë/ or/a/. So, where MpA has tnye- /N„ë-/ meaning both 'to fall' and 'to dig', WA has theminimal pair tnye- /N„ë-/ 'to fall' and tnya- /N„a-/ 'to dig'.

c) Labialised bilabials in MpA typically correspond to non-labialised forms in WA.Examples are presented in the following table.

MpA WA'stone, hill' pwerte /p‚ëtÛë/ perte /pëtÛë/'good' mwarre /m‚arë/ marre /marë/'snake' apmwe /aM‚ë/ apme /aMë/'make, do' mpware- /m‚p‚a®Ûë-/ mpare- /mpa®Ûë-/

(ii) At the level of morphology:a) MpA has six tenses: -me 'non-past progressive', -tyeme 'past progressive', -

tyenhe 'non-past completive', -ke 'past completive', -rne 'past immediate (just happened)and -tyerte 'remote past habitual (usitative)'.

WA has five tense distinctions (Capell ms. 1958:12-14; Pfitzner and Schmaal ms:23): -me 'present', -tyene 'future', -ke 'simple past', -tyerte 'continuous past,

usitative', and -kele 'completed past'

b) The suffix -nhe is used in both WA and MpA to indicate the accusative (O) form ofpronouns, but only in WA is this suffix also optionally attached to common nouns (typically animate)to indicate their 'object' function (eg. 2).

(2) WA Ikwere-nge tyunpe-le remeye-nhe ilkwe-ke.MpA Ikwere-nge tyunpe-le alewetyerre-Ø arlkwe-ke.

3sgDAT-ABL perentie-ERG goanna-ACC eat-pcAfter that the perentie ate the goanna.

c) For the first person singular pronoun WA manifests three distinct case forms: athe '1sgA', yenge '1sgS' and yengenhe '1sgO'. In MpA the 1st person singular

pronoun has only two forms: the '1sgA' and ayenge '1sgS/O'.

(iii) At the level of the lexicon:a) While there may be a high number of cognates shared between MpA and WA, there are still significant differences as far as basic vocabulary are concerned. This is

demonstrated by a comparison of the forms in the following table.

MpA WA'no, nothing' arrangkwe itye'yes' yewe ; ye awe'father' (a)kngeye karte'child' ampe ketyeye'person' tyerrtye relhe'goanna' (a)lewetyerre remeye'way, path, road' iwerre tyaye'creekbed, sand' alhere ulpaye'ground' ahelhe arne'moon' tnyentye taye'long, tall' arlpentye tyenye ; tyinye'short' urteke twengke'hot' urinpe wempeye'cold' irrernte kernte'strong, tough' rlterrke ikerlte'long ago' arrule imanke'to show' imerne- intile-'to touch' anperne- mpare-'my' (a)tyenhe nweke'semblative clitic' -arteke -ngirre

b) A number of cognate forms exist that are semantically shifted. For example, MpA (a)relhe 'woman' corresponds to WA relhe 'person'; MpA mpwerrke 'full,

complete, whole' corresponds to WA mperrke 'body'; and MpA uyarne 'do something invain (unable to do an attempted action)' corresponds to WA yarne 'can't do (unable to doan action which may or may not have been attempted)' (cf.§7.3.3.3).

(iv) At the level of syntax:

(a) MpA typically negates a proposition by suffixing the verb stem with -tyekenhe'verbal negator'. The tense of the clause is carried by the copula ne-'be, sit' whichfunctions as a tense bearing auxiliary that follows the negated verb. WA does not have a suffixthat attaches to negate verbs, instead, the particle itye 'no, nothing' occurs immediately beforeor after a finite form of the verb to convey a negated proposition. Compare examples

(3a) and (3b).

(3) a. MpA : Akngeye tyenhe lhe-tyekenhe ne-kefather 1sgPOSS go-VbNeg be-pcMy father didn't go.

b. WA: Karte nweke itye lhe-ke.father 1sgPOSS no, nothing go-pcMy father didn't go.

b) Perception complements in MpA are signalled by the different subject switch- reference marker '-rlenge' attached to the dependent verb, while in WA they are

signalled by -me-nge, also the different subject switch reference marker.

(4) WA Ire nteme tnengkarre are-ke ketyeye mape ulpaye-learrken-irre-menge.

MpA Re anteme altyerreare-ke ampe mape lhere-le arrken-irre-rlenge.3sgA now dream see-pc child pl(grp) creekbed-LOC play-

INCH-DSShe then had a dream about some children playing in a creek bed. [lit. She now saw in a dream some children playing in a creek bed.]

It must be emphasised that the above list of differences between Western Arrernte andMparntwe Arrernte is far from comprehensive, but it serves to highlight just how different the twovarieties are. Indeed, the two are so different that they should be recognised as two different languages.It is worth pointing out that, as far as the difference outlined above are concerned, Mparntwe Arrernteis linguistically much closer to Alyawarra and Anmatyerre.

1.1.2.3 Hypothesised revision of internal relations within Arandic

The picture that emerges from the foregoing discussions is that Hale's Upper Aranda, while itmay indeed be a plausible subgoup of Arandic languages, is not itself a language composed of a complexdialectal chain. For linguistic and/or socio-political reasons, one must recognise at least four distinctlanguages within Upper Aranda; these are Alyawarra, Anmatyerre, Western Arrernte and EasternArrernte. There are at least two varieties of Eastern Arrernte; Mparntwe Arrernte and Ikngerripenhe(the narrow designation of Eastern Arrernte). As for the position of Northern Arrernte and SouthernArrernte, I do not have sufficient information to say, although it would appear that Southern Arrernte(Pertam) falls in with Western Arrernte and Northern Arrernte falls in with Eastern Arrernte. Akarre andAntekerrepenh also appear to fall together into the larger language grouping to be labelled as EasternArrernte. As far as the variety listed as Jaroinga (Oates and Oates 1970) or Yaroinga (Wurm 1972), Itake this to now be another designation of Antekerrepenh. The picture of Arandic languages that I amsuggesting is given in Figure 1-2 (see also map 1-2), but I must stress the tentative nature of thisproposal since much more research is yet to be done.

1.1.3 Previous linguistic work on Arandic languagesIn this section I do not intend to present a full catalogue of published and unpublished works

concerning Arandic languages; instead, I will concentrate on land mark documents, published andunpublished descriptions of Arandic varieties, and more recent publications on Arandic languages. Ofcourse my focus will be biased towards those works which have proved useful in my research onMparntwe Arrernte. As Breen (1988:1) points out, major works on Arandic languages "are rare,considering their importance and interest to those concerned with Australian languages..".

The first comparative word lists of Arandic varieties were published in Curr's The AustralianRace (1886: vol.1, 411-425). He presents five lists of approximately 120 items each; two collected atthe Alice Spings Telegraph Station, two collected at Charlotte Waters Telegraph Station, and onecollected at Macumba River. Despite the different locations from which they were acquired, all listsseem to represent different varieties of Lower Arrernte. Lower Arrernte is the only Arandic language inwhich puulhe is (presently) attested as the word for 'skin' and therrame is the common word for 'two';and all the five lists contain these two forms. Moreover, only Southern Arrernte and Lower Arrerntecontain irlpakerte as the word for 'ear', and, once again, all five lists contain this form. On the basis of

this list Curr was the first to observe that the varieties in question reflected certain common Australianvocabulary items, although they had lost their initial consonant. He notes (1886:411): "Adla = nose, andoodna = excrement, resemble moodla and koodna, found in so many of our languages;...".

More recently published comparative word lists include Hale (1962) and Menning and Nash(1981). Hale's work, which has been referred to at length in the preceding sections, represents the firstserious attempt to work out the internal relationships of varieties within Arandic. He compares 10varieties on the basis of a 100 word list. These varieties are (using Hale's spellings): Kaiditj from MurrayDowns; Alyawarra from Ammaroo; Alyawarra from MacDonald Downs; Akara-Akitjara from thePlenty River area; Aranda from the Plenty River area west of Akara-Akitjara; Eastern Aranda fromAlice Springs; Anmatjera from Napperby; Western Aranda from Hermannsburg; Southern Aranda fromHenbury; Lower Aranda from Dalhouisie.

Menning and Nash (1981) provide detailed information and word lists, approximately 168 itemsfor approximately 60 Central Australian languages/varieties. As far as Arandic is concerned, theyprovide word lists for Eastern Aranda, Western Aranda, Lower Aranda, Antmatjera, Antekerrepenh,Alyawarra, and Kaytej. The detailed information provided on each of these varieties, as well as forAyerrerenge for which there is no word list, also include invaluable bibliographies which cover bothpublished and unpublished works.

At the end of The Native Tribes of Central Australia,Spencer and Gillen (1899) provide aglossary of approximately 400 words, the majority of which are Arandic. They expand this list toapproximately 600 words in the glossary provided at the end of the second volume of The Arunta(1927). Both glossaries appear to mix words from different Arandic varieties, and Spencer and Gillenrarely provide a means for distinguishing which Arandic variety a particular word comes from.

At present the largest list of Arandic words is an unpublished manuscript put together by PastorPhilip Scherer based on the work of Pastor Carl Strehlow (see Breen 1984). The list contains about7000 words from various Arandic dialects together with the corresponding Luritja word and an Englishgloss. Other longer vocabularies (ie. 500+ items) include: the Aranda-English English-ArandaVocabulary (IAD 1979), which is a list of words "collected from people who speak a dialect of Arandawhich belongs to the region between Alice Springs and Santa Teresa."; the Eastern Arrernte Learner'sWord List (Arandic Dictionary Project 1984), which includes words from Mparntwe Arrernte, EasternArrernte (in the narrow sense) and Ikngerripenhe; the Anmatyerre Word List (Purle, Green andHeffernan 1984); and the Kaytetye Dictionary (Koch ms.1986). Since 1983 the Arandic DictionaryProject, located at the Institute for Aboriginal Development in Alice Springs, has produced a number ofword lists for limited circulation, and continues to work towards producing a major Arrernte dictionary.

The first published grammatical description of an Arandic variety is Kempe's (1891) 'AGrammar and Vocabulary of the Language Spoken by the Aborigines of the MacDonnell Ranges, SouthAustralia'. This is an impressive sketch grammar of 36 pages written in the classical model, with anappended vocabulary of nearly 2000 items. The grammar appears to be mainly based on WesternArrernte, but there are also elements of Eastern Arrernte (in the broader sense) and Lower Arrerntemixed in, and Kempe does not distinguish among these. Building on Kempe's work, R.H. Mathews(1907) published his 'The Arran'da Language, Central Australia'; another brief grammatical sketch withan appended vocabulary of "160 of the most commonly used words in the Arranda language". Planert'ssketch grammar, 'Aranda-Grammatik', written in German, also appeared in 1907. This work includedsome appended texts in Western Arrernte with German glosses and translations.

The low point in Arandic studies is Alf Sommerfelt's (1938) "armchair" analysis of Arrernteentitled La Langue et la Société: Caractère sociaux d'une language de type archaique which was basedon the works of Spencer and Gillen, Kempe, and Carl Strehlow. In an attempt to show just howarchaic Arrernte is, Sommerfelt claimed that Arrernte lacked all the familiar elements which Indo-European languages have and he supported his points with false etymologies arising from poororthographic conventions in his sources. For example, he claimed (1938:178) that the word for 'sun'(a)linga (actually alernnge) should be analysed as being composed of (a)la 'go' (actually (a)lhe-) and nka'carry' (actually knge-), and that the agentive suffix -la (ie. -le 'ergative') should similarly be derived fromthe verb 'go' (see Capell 1939).

A comprehensive grammar of an Arandic language did not appear until T.G.H. Strehlow's(1944) Aranda Phonetics and Grammar. This volume was made up of six papers and an extensivecorrigenda which had appeared in Oceania between 1942 and 1944. T.G.H. Strehlow was born atHermannsburg and he grew up speaking Western Arrernte fluently. His Aranda Phonetics andGrammar primarily describes Western Arrernte, but he does make frequent reference to, andcomparison with, (using his terms and spelling) Northern Aranda, Southern Aranda, Eastern Aranda, theAlitera dialect and Untmatjera. Notably he does not mention Central Aranda, although he does mentionthis group in his later anthropological works (see for example Strehlow 1947, 1971). Since itspublication Strehlow's work has been taken as the authoritative work on Arrernte (Aranda), but it is notwithout its problems. Firstly, it does not contain enough information to suffice as a comprehensivedescription of Anmatyerre or of what I am calling the Eastern Arrernte language. Secondly, whileStrehlow manages to convey many aspects of the "soul" of the language, it is a very difficult grammar touse unless you know the language already. He makes no phonological analysis of the language andconsequently his practical orthography is a phonetic one which uses a plethora of diacritics. Moreoverhe frequently fails to analyse the individual morphemes that constitute a morphemic complex. He casts

his grammar in the classical Indo-European model and does not employ many of the analytical practicesalready well known in linguistics by the 1940s. These criticisms notwithstanding, this work remains amilestone in Australian linguistics.

Based on T.G.H. Strehlow's grammar and the Testamenta Ljatinja (1956: New Testament inAranda), Capell (ms. 1958) provided the first phonemic analysis of an Arandic variety, as well as anexcellent, although brief, grammatical sketch of Western Arrernte. This sketch has two glossed(Christian) religious texts at the end. Also based on Strehlow's grammar, as well as Kempe's (1891)sketch, is Pfitzner and Schmaal's (ms:1981) Learning Aranda, which is a useful learner's guide toWestern Arrernte. This guide employs a new phonemic orthography for Western Arrernte based onPfitzner's own linguistic research.

The first comprehensive grammar of an Arandic language which is based on modern linguisticprinciples is Yallop's (1977) grammar of Alyawarra. Gavan Breen (ms. 1982) has produced an as yetunpublished grammar of Antekerrepenh, and Harold Koch and Avery Andrews continue to worktowards comprehensive grammars of Kaytetye and Anmatyerre, respectively.

I will conclude this overview by looking at published papers that discuss specific aspects ofArandic languages. Breen (1977) presents an overview of the phonology of Antekerrepenh and adetailed analysis of the vowel phonology. This is the first published account of a two-vowel analysis foran Arandic variety. Hercus (1979) examines some of the relations in the linguistic border betweenArabana-Wangkanguru and Arandic (Lower Arrernte) and discusses the issue of initial consonant loss.Going to the level of morphology and the lexicon, Koch (1980) discusses nominal inflection in 'Kaytitj' ina comparative perspective and in a (1982) paper he discusses the composition of non-singular pronounswhich indicate kinship categories. Also with respect to 'Kaititj', Koch (1984) introduces the "categoryof associated motion" as a new grammatical category inflected on verbs. Certain 'Kaititj' and generalArandic etymologies are discussed in Koch (1983). For Mparntwe Arrernte, Wilkins (1984a)discusses nominal reduplication, Ferber and Breen (1984) discuss the different meanings of the variousforms based on iwenhe 'what', which are translated by English 'why?', and Wilkins (1986) examines thesemantics and function of five particle/clitics. As for syntactic studies, Hale (1966) examines Arandickin-based non-singular pronouns and the inclusive pronoun construction (also known as the "pluralpronoun constuction" (see Schwartz 1985)). Relative clauses in 'Kaititj', as compared to 'Walbiri', arediscussed in Hale (1976). Wilkins (1984b) provides a layman's description of the semantic distinctionbetween various types of noun phrase co-ordination in Mparntwe Arrernte and Wilkins (1988)investigates switch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte. Other relevant publications include Yallop's (1986)discussion of the various manifestations of number and the importance of duality in Alyawarra, and

Turner and Breen's (1984) account of a 'play' language known as Rabbit Talk which is spoken byAkarre people.

1.2 Cultural Background and Contact HistoryFerguson (1964:437) observes that:

Descriptive linguists in their understandable zeal to describe the internal structure of the language they arestudying often fail to provide even the most elementary data about the socio-cultural setting in which thelanguage functions.

Fortunately Ferguson's observations rarely hold true with respect to recent grammars of Australianlanguages. It is common practice to include information relevant to the socio-cultural setting of thelanguage and its speakers. This section contains four main subsections: a brief historical account of howcontact with Anglo-Australians affected the lives of Arrernte people living in Alice Springs andsurrounding regions (§1.2.1); an overview of the long history of ethnographic research on Arandicgroups (§1.2.2); an account of contemporary life for Mparntwe Arrernte people which examines thedegree to which traditional values have been maintained in the face of coninued contact with growingnumbers of non-Aboriginal people and which contains a discussion of the affect on Mparntwe Arrernteof contact with English (§1.2.3); and finally a discussion of kinship and avoidance and their linguisticmanifestations (§1.2.4).

1.2.1 Brief history of Alice Springs and surrounding areaThe first non-Aboriginal person to travel through the Mparntwe region was the explorer John

McDouall Stuart who traversed Central Australia in 1862. The story of Stuart's travels has been passeddown by eyewitnesses to their kin and one recorded account is Willie Rice's Ayeye artwe mperlkerearrwekelenye akerte: The story of the first white man (Henderson ed. 1986:26-35) (see also T.G.H.Strehlow 1967).

A route into Central Australia was opened up by the building of the overland telegraph linebetween Adelaide and port Darwin. Arrernte people are fond of reminding Anglo- Australians that it islargely through their labour that the telegraph line and railway line were built and it is also through theirlabour that the townships and cattle stations were developed. The Alice Springs Telegraph Station, thefirst building in Central Australia, was constructed in 1871 and opened in 1872. The Telegraph Station,which lies to the north of the present day township, was built on a site known to Arrernte people asThereyurre.

The early 1870s also saw the arrival of the first cattle in the area and cattle stations were built atUndoolya and Owen Springs between 1872 and 1873. Until the late 60's many Mparntwe Arrerntelived and worked on stations that were built on country to which they had traditional ties.

In 1877 the first mission station in the Northern Territory was estabilished by Lutherans atHermannsburg, on the Finke River, 120 kilometres west of Alice Springs. The first Aboriginal school inthe region was established there in 1879 and Hermannsburg became an important centre for the firstdetailed investigation into Arrernte language and traditions; Kempe, Carl Strehlow, Roheim, and T.G.H.Strehlow all based their main research there.

The town of Alice Springs had its beginning as the town of Stuart, which was established in1889. In 1899 Aboriginal population in the immediate vicinity of tiny Stuart was approximately 150while the white population of the town was about 30 (Heppell and Wigley 1981:6-7). In 1890 goldattracted miners to Arltunga, 110 kilometres east of Alice Springs, which increased the number of non-Aboriginal people who visited Stuart Town. Both the white and Aboriginal population of the areaincreased steadily and Aboriginal people who were not traditional residents of the area were attractedto the town to obtain easy access to provisions, as were miners and pastoralists.

In 1915 "an institution known as the Bungalow was established for those Aboriginal people whowanted to live in the town" (Heppell and Wigley 1981:15). The Bungalow provided education forAboriginal and part-Aboriginal children resident in the town. The Telegraph Station ceased operation in1932 and the Bungalow institution was moved to that site. Heppell and Wigley (1981:15) observe that:

"the move, though not apparently related to white demands that Aborigines not reside within theprecincts of the township, resulted in the permanent Aboriginal population of Alice Springs beingremoved from the town".

With the closure of the Telegraph Station and the opening of the Post Office in town, Stuart wasrenamed Alice Springs. However, it was the extension of the railway from Oodnadatta to Stuart Townin 1929, which presaged the onset of tourism and precipitated major changes in the town and district; in1933 the non-Aboriginal population of Alice Springs was 467.

In 1935 a Roman Catholic Mission and school was established, primarily catering to MparntweArrernte and Eastern Arrernte people resident in Alice Springs. Once again "opposition to the presenceof Aborigines in the town had become strong" (Heppell and Wigley 1981:21) and in 1937 the schoolwas moved out of town to a place along the Charles River. The Aboriginal population of the Missionrose from 113 in 1937 to 221 in 1941 (O'Grady 1977).

In 1942 the Mission was forced to move to Arltunga which had been abandoned as a miningtown in the 1920s. Veronica Dobson, an Eastern Arrernte person, recounts being taken to school atArltunga in her story Arltunga-werne Alpeke : Back to Arltunga (in Henderson ed. 1986:10-17). BasilStevens (in Henderson ed. 1986:20 [My morphological analysis]) notes regarding this time that:

(5) "Yanhe ikwere-nge arelhe ingkirreke arrwekele-nye ngkarte-lethat(mid) 3sgDAT-ABL person all front/before-tmp.nom priest-ERGine-tye.lhe-ke, Frank McGarry-le atherre ngkarteMaloney-le atherreget-GO & DO-pc, Frank McGarry-ERG two priest Maloney-ERG twoape Brother Bennett-le, awerne-rle nhenhe-rle akwete re

ne-me."and Brother Bennett-ERG, poor thing-REL here-REL still

3sgS be-npp"At that time the people were in the hands of the first missionaries, Frank McGarry,

Father Maloney and Brother Bennett, who is still here" [lit. At the time the first (Catholic) missionaries had gone and got all the (Aboriginal) people, these were Frank McGarry, Father Maloney and Brother Bennett, who is still here poor thing.]

In 1954 the Mission moved from Arltunga to its present location at Santa Teresa (LtyentyePurte) 85 kilometres south-east of Alice Springs. Since many Mparntwe Arrernte people were movedwith the mission to Arltunga and then to Santa Teresa, a number of them actually grew up away fromtheir traditional country. It also appears that some people with close ties to Alice Springs were removedfrom their camps by the Todd River to Hermannsburg (Heppell and Wigley 1981:17).

Heppell and Wigley (1981:16) note that the Bungalow ceased to operate as an educationalinstitution in 1942, and in 1945 it became a reserve for full-blood Aborigines. They go on to say (op.cit.) that "[b]y 1960, the population of the Bungalow Reserve had grown to 386, and once again itbecame the butt of criticism by Europeans and European organizations in the town". During this period anumber of "unofficial" Aboriginal camps sprung up around Alice Springs, it was more than clear "thatblack faces and their associated living habits were not wanted around a white township" (Heppell andWigley 1981:17).

Amoonguna which is several kilometres south east of Alice Springs (14 km by road) wasestablished as a reserve settlement in 1960 in order to provide a "'solution' to the problem of unwantedAborigines littering the approaches to Alice Springs" (Heppell and Wigley 1981:22). The reserve is

within the Mparntwe region and a number of Mparntwe Arrernte people still reside there today. Initially,however,

"Aranda, Anmatjira, Warlpiri, Luritja and Pitjantjatjara were brought together and forced to live in anundifferentiated area in which it was impossible to maintain traditional boundaries. Tensions necessarilysprang from these living arrangements and the traditional enmities between and within these groups oftenspilled over into serious conflicts resulting in physical violence. Another reason for these tensions wasthat Amoonguna was in Aranda country." (Heppell and Wigley 1981:25).

The sad reality behind this last sentence is that by the 1960s Alice Springs was regarded by someAboriginal groups as no longer being Aranda country but "Whitefella" country. The conclusion thatHeppell and Wigley (1981:25) arrive at, on the basis of the failure of Amoonguna, is that manyAborigines preferred to live in Alice Springs without any amenities, rather than live away from AliceSprings in places which had improved physical amenities.

In 1970-71 Americans arrived in substantial numbers to work at Pine Gap, an Americanresearch facility which is located 19 kilometres to the south-west of Alice Springs. Pine Gap is built on asacred Arrernte men's site, and is the focus of much protest since it is believed by many to be a primenuclear target. The population within the Alice Springs town boundary in 1976 was 11,299 whitepeople and 1,575 Aboriginal people (Seagrim 1980:134, citing Australian Bureau of Statistic figures).

The Whitlam Labor Government which was voted into office in 1972 brought extremely rapid,and enlightened, changes to government's handling and treatment of Aboriginal issues throughoutAustralia. The reforms of the government were implemented too quickly and were too far reaching forthe majority of the Australian population, and in an unprecedented move the Whitlam government wasremoved from office by the Governor-General. However, the impetus that the government's reformsstarted were critical to Aboriginal people.

In Alice Springs, under a policy of self-determination and self-management for Aboriginalpeople, a number of Aboriginal organisations sprung up. By the late seventies and early eightiesaboriginal-controlled organisations had become, and now remain, a major political force in AliceSprings. These organisations look after the concerns of the increasing number of Aboriginal people whoare living in town camps on the outskirts of Alice Springs or in Alice Springs itself, or even in outstationsaway from Alice Springs. Amongst these organisations are the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress(simply known as Congress), which runs a clinic and concerns itself with issues of health; theTangentyere Council, which is concerned primarily with housing and the provision of amenities on towncamps and at outstations; the Yipirinya School Council, which is concerned with bilingual and bicultural

education as well as teacher training; the Institute for Aboriginal Development, which, among otherthings, trains interpreters and translators and provides language classes for the staff working forAboriginal organisations; the Central Land Council, which processes land claims in the area, and theCentral Australian Aboriginal Media Association, which, amongst other things, broadcasts radioprograms in Aboriginal languages.

1.2.2 History of ethnography of Arandic GroupsThe Arrernte have been under the Academic microscope for just over a century now and, from

the point of view of ethnography, no Australian group has been studied in the same depth and from somany different angles. As Morton (1985:3) points out:

"...if there are any people known to Anthropology to whom the old cliche - 'need no introduction' -applies, then it must be the Aranda. Not only are they the subject of some of the earliest and mostfamous high quality ethnographies ever produced, they have also entered the ranks of the immortal bygiving their name to a kinship type."

The first comprehensive ethnographies of the Arrernte were written by Spencer and Gillen in1899 and 1927, although the first important paper on Arrernte customs and religious life was Gillen'scontribution to the fourth volume of the Report on the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to CentralAustralia (Spencer ed. 1896). Spencer and Gillen's researches were primarily concerned the Southernand Central Arandic groups. F.G. Gillen contributed one of the Charlotte Waters Telegraph Stationword lists that appeared in Curr's (1886) Australian Race (cf. §1.1.3), and at the time of the HornScientific Expedition to Central Australia in 1894 he was the Special Magistrate and Sub-Protector ofAborigines at Alice Springs. It was Gillen's long experience in the area, and the detailed knowledgewhich came with this, that formed the cornerstone of Spencer and Gillen's collaboration.

The next major ethnographic work to appear was Pastor Carl Strehlow's massive five volumework Die Aranda- und Loritja-Stämme in Zentral-Australien which appeared in parts between 1907and 1920. These five volumes provide detailed descriptions of the mythology (with texts included),ceremonial life, social life, material culture, and religious beliefs of the Western Arrernte and the Luritja(ie. the Kukatja and the Martutjarra). Carl Strehlow's work was based on research he had undertakensince taking over the managemant of Hermannsburg Mission in 1894 .

Olive Pink (1933, 1936) published two short, but important, papers on the Northern Aranda (inOceania), but the next major works wer by Géza Róheim. Róheim's works (1932, 1934, 1945, 1974,1988) added a psychoanalytic perspective to the ethnography of the Arrernte in particular and Central

Australian groups in general. Morton and Muensterberger note (Intro. to Róheim 1988:ix) that "Róheimmade psychoanalytic anthropology a whole new field of inquiry" and Muensterberger (intro. to Róheim1977) claims that "Róheim's fieldwork in Central Australia is perhaps his essential and basiccontribution" to this field. Róheim went to Hermannsburg in 1929 to conduct nine months field workand there he worked with Western Arrernte, Eastern Arrernte, Pintupi, Kukatja and Pitjantjatjarapeople (Morton 1985:14-15). John Morton's (1985) Sustaining Desire follows in Róheim's footstepsand, taking the ethnographic work on the Arrernte as its focus, provides a combined psychological,moral and mythical historical perspective on Central Australian religious life.

T.G.H. Strehlow's linguistic work has been mentioned previously, but his ethnographic work isfar more significant. His major works are: Aranda Traditions (1947) which focuses primarily ontraditions amongst the Western Arrernte, Northern Arrernte, and Southern Arrernte; Songs of CentralAustralia (1971) which describes in detail the structure, as well as the geographic, social and religiouscontext, of "the traditional native poems of Central Australia [ie. amongst the Arrernte and the Luritja:DPW], which are intoned according to traditional rhythmic measures" (Strehlow 1971:xiii); and CentralAustralian Religion: Personal Monototemism in a Polytotemic Community (1978).

As Morton (1985:18) notes, T.G.H. Strelhow was "the last ethnographer to contributeextensively to the knowledge of the traditional Aranda", although one must be very careful as to how onedefines the notion 'traditional Aranda'. Certainly Bell's (1983) Daughters of the Dreaming is a veryimportant work that gives insight into the present religious (ritual) life of Kaytej (ie. Kaytetye) women,and to a lesser extent Alyawarra, Warumungu and Warlpiri women, based at Warrabri. Indeed,Morton's own work, mentioned above, can be seen as a major ethnographic contribution to the study ofthe 'traditional Aranda' as can the largely unpublished works which have emanated from land claims andinvestigation of sacred site claims within Arrernte country (eg. Green, et al. 1984; Hagen 1981; Rowell1983; Woods 1986; Alpher 1987).

1.2.3 Contemporary Life (with an account of English and Mparntwe Arrernte in contact)Accurate accounts of contemporary life for Aboriginal people living in Alice Springs can be

found in Seagrim (1980:134-42), Heppell and Wigley (1981), and Nathan and Leichleitner (1983,1984). The reader is referred to these works for a more complete picture than is presented in thissection. The aim of this section is to look briefly at the response of Mparntwe Arrernte people tocontact with Anglo-Australia.

I concur with Merlan's (1981:133) observation that no neat line can be drawn anywhere inAustralia between 'traditional' and 'post-contact' Aboriginality. The Mparntwe Arrernte people I haveworked with still manifest most of the significant aspects of traditional life that they have been associated

with in the ethnographies, despite T.G.H. Strehlow's constant assertions that the Arrernte were a"rapidly declining tribe" (1947:55) and that pure Arrernte traditions had died with the Arrernte eldersthat he had worked with (see Strehlow 1971:Introduction, and McNally 1981:188-191).

The Altyerre (Dreamtime law) still governs social and ritual behaviour. All members of thesociety still fall into one of eight subsections and marriage is still reckoned according to the "Aranda rule"(Maddock 1982:65-66; see §1.2.4.1). People still claim traditional ties to specific sites and spirits fromthe country still enter pregnant women giving the child some responsibility to that country. The land isstill "criss-crossed from south to north and from east to west by myths of travelling totemic ancestors andancestresses; and these mythical travel routes provide the lawful points of social contact between thetotemic clans and local groups joined by them" (T.G.H. Strehlow 1970:94). Places are still assigned tonyenhenge sections (Strehlow's 'njinaÑa'), that is, patrinlineal pair (father-son) sections (see T.G.H.Strehlow 1975), and so one place may be related to another place according to kinship and a personmay be related to a place by kinship. People still practice hunting and gathering and they still make anduse traditional medicines. Ngangkere, traditional medicine people, still see patients and still treat ailmentsthrough a variety of traditional methods including "singing" their patients. There are still people practicedin singing ilpentye (love songs) in order to attract lovers or to bring loved ones back to their homecountry. When a person dies it is still the case that their name, along with words that sound like thename, can not be spoken and must be replaced by Kwementyaye 'no name'. One must still go throughseveral initiation rites in order to become a full Arrernte adult, and, finally (although this does not pretendto be a complete list), Mparntwe Arrernte children still grow up speaking Mparntwe Arrernte.

Though there has been continuity of tradition, this does not mean there has been no change. Farfrom it, contact with Anglo-Australians, and increased contact with other Australian Aboriginal groupsdue to the development of Alice Springs as a major centre for the provision of resources, has in somecases forced, and in other cases enabled, Mparntwe Arrernte people to make changes in their life style.

CatholicismMost of the Mparntwe people I have worked with profess to being Catholics. According to one

woman I spoke with, Catholocism doesn't replace one's traditional religious beliefs but becomes part ofthem. She observed that the story of the Christian God, and of Jesus and Mary, is one of the manyDreamtime stories that have revealed themselves to Arrernte people and as such it should be reveredlike other Dreamtime stories. God, Jesus, and Mary - who all have subsection names - should also berevered like any other Dreamtime ancestral being.

Sacred SitesWhile Mparntwe Arrernte people still claim ties to specific sites, many of their sacred sites have

been desecrated and/or destroyed in the development and expansion of Alice Springs. Moreover, sites

which are still intact can no longer have traditional ceremonies enacted at them because privacy can notbe ensured since they are in town, or they are close to the town. Tourism and racism act to inhibitpeople from having free run of the country they were born to and for which they have responsibilities.Mparntwe Arrernte people are forced by these circumstances to perform rites for particular sites at asecondary, but related, site or to abandon the rites for those places altogether. One of the traditionalowners, Thomas Stevens (1985), has chronicled the destruction of a number of important Alice Springsites in his book Altyerripenhe Anwernekenhe Akurneleke Kerte: Damaging our Dreaming Land.

Other Groups Inhabiting Alice SpringsThe concentration of people from different Central Australian Aboriginal groups living in Alice

Springs is far greater than it ever would have been traditionally. According to surveys by theTangentyere Council, undertaken in 1982 and 1983, the 17 Alice Springs town camps which theCouncil serviced, were populated not only (and not even mainly) by Mparntwe (Central) Arrerntepeople, but also by significant numbers of Western Arrernte, Eastern Arrernte, Northern Arrernte,Alyawarra, Anmatyerre, Luritja, Pitjantjatjara and Warlpiri people. This concentration of differentgroups within Alice Springs frequently leads to tensions between groups, since groups that traditionallyhad little or no contact with each other are now at close quarters. These groups are still in the processof negotiating the proper means of interaction between themselves and also the proper means ofinteraction with the far larger non-Aboriginal population of Alice Springs.

Food and MedicineFor the Yankunytjatjara, Goddard (1983:7) observes that "[t]here is still much economic use of

the land along traditional lines, though the rifle and the crowbar have superceded the spear and diggingstick for most purposes", and this also holds true for the Mparntwe Arrernte. However, the bulk of thediet is now provided by store-bought goods and bush foods are a healthy and welcomed supplement.Cooking on an open fire is still the favoured method. Bush medicines are also collected and processedto take care of minor ailments, but people who need the services of a doctor are likely to visit both angangkere and a doctor or health worker at the Congress clinic.

Residence and MobilityIn Alice Springs, the Mparntwe Arrernte people I worked with tended to live in one of the town

camps located on the fringes of the township, although some people did take up residence for shortperiods of time within the township itself. In the town camps people live in houses or tin sheds providedby the Tangentyere Council or they camp outside. Houses and camps tend to be shared by expandedfamilies and will be abandoned for a period of time if someone who lives there dies. People lead a highlymobile lifestyle and frequently move out bush, or to other centres like Amoonguna or Santa Teresa, forseveral months in order to conduct ritual and family business.

ArtA number of Mparntwe Arrernte people are adept painters and belong to either the Arrernte

School of water colour landscape painting, made famous by Albert Namajira, or to the WesternDesert Acrylic School, made famous by the Papunya Tula Artists (see Anderson and Dusart 1988 andBardon 1979), and indeed some artists belong to both schools. Anderson and Dusart (1988) point outthat:

"Acrylic painting by Central Australian Aborigines is one of the most exciting developments in modernAustralian art. The materials - canvas and acrylic paints - are European in origin. The content and theexecution of the paintings, however, lie firmly within the framework of desert Aboriginal culture. Thetopics are generally mythological ones to which the painter has a particular relationship, and the set ofpolysemous symbols used is the same as that found in the older art forms of rock engraving, grounddesign, and ceremonial body painting."

These paintings, which may roughly be described as maps of the country depicting the travels andadventures of Dreamtime beings, are clearly identifiable as reflecting Central Australian Aboriginaltraditions. The watercolour landscapes of the Arrernte School, on the other hand have "long beendismissed variously as imitative whitefella art, or mere commodities in the Australian tourist trade"(Mackinolty in Green ed. 1988:4). It has taken a long time to put to rest the notion that Namajira'spaintings, and those of the other Arrernte landscape artists, were a departure from traditional symbolismand values, and that they represent the viability of assimilation (see Jones 1988). As Mackinolty (Greened. 1988:Introduction) points out, it has only been very recently that Arrernte people have been able toprovide their views on their own painting.

As with Acrylic paintings, the landscape painters only paint country to which they have traditionalties or for which they have permission. While paintings of both styles are typically attributed to a singleartist, they are usually joint ventures. That is to say, for the work to be done properly, the artist must beadvised by both the traditional owners (pmerekartweye) and the caretakers (kwertengwerle) of the sitewhich forms the focus of the painting. Indeed, in the case of the larger acrylic paintings it is common fora group of people to actually work together on the same canvas. Wenten Rubuntja, a member of theMparntwe community who belongs to both schools of painting, makes the following pertinentobservations (in Green ed. 1988:13):

"When we see them, that country, the tywerrenge is right there, this is my country. When theysee this painting here, they say 'Well that's my country', and then he'll say, 'Well that artist is a good man,he's a kwetengwerle for this one'.

The landscape painting is the country itself, with tywerrenge himself. Tywerrenge and songscome out of the body of the country, See all this one, this little waterhole. We're not like whitefella whocan take a photograph and say what pretty country it is; we've got the song to sing for that country.

The country has got sacred sites, that stone, that mountain has got dreaming. We sing that one,we've got the song.

Country where we live we've got to show, and country with the song. We've got to follow theline from a long way, from Port Augusta. All we're doing now is till altyerre, it's still there. We've got tohelp each other for that altyerre. Doesn't matter what sort of painting we do in this country, it stillbelongs to the people, all the people, and we've got to keep it going, Country is nothing else but culture,and all over Australia this culture is alive."

Mparntwe Arrernte and English: Languages in ContactFinally, while Mparntwe Arrernte children grow up speaking Mparntwe Arrernte, they also grow

up speaking English. Indeed, except for very old people, Mparntwe Arrernte people tend to be fullybilingual in Mparntwe Arrernte and English. As many of the examples in the following chapters willshow, a number of English words may be used by people when they are speaking Mparntwe Arrernteand there is frequent code-switching in certain contexts.

In a preliminary survey of 17 texts (including the 12 texts in appendix 1), I found that the amountof English used tended to vary according to genre (and subject) type. In expository texts describingnative fauna only 0.7% of the words used were of English origin; in procedural texts describing the useof native plants it was 1.8%; in traditional narratives the count was 2.9%; in personal accounts (ie.contemporary narratives) the number of words of English origin increased sharply to 11.4%; and, finally,in oratorical-hortative texts, which typically contrast the lifestyle of the past with the problems of thepresent, the percentage more than doubled to 24.8%. We can see that those text types which wereconcerned primarily with the recounting of traditional pre-contact knowledge had very low percentagesof words of English origin. By contrast, those text types which have present concerns as their focus hadmuch higher counts.

The case of oratorical-hortative texts is particularly interesting since the common thrust of thesetexts is to condemn things as they are at present and to exhort people not to forget their traditions, yetnearly a quarter of the words used in the texts of this type were of English origin. This might seem ironicuntil one recognises that a feature of this text type is frequent repetition of the same point and it is

stylistically preferred to repeat the same point in different words. Thus English provides a stock ofwords and phrases which can act as near synonyms to be used for rhetorical purposes. This isexemplified in (6) where an Mparntwe Arrernte elder is talking about the misuse by white people of awater hole on a sacred Arrernte site. As well as using kwatye-ke irrpe- (water-DAT go into-), whichmeans 'to swim, to bathe, to go into water', he also uses the English words 'swim' and 'shower', derivedusing Mparntwe Arrernte morphology into Mparntwe Arrernte verbs, as synonyms for the MparntweArrernte form.

(6) "Ar-Ø-aye! Marle mape-rle petye-me kwatye-ke irrpe-tyeke,see-IMP-EMPH girl pl(grp)-TOP come-npp water-DAT go into-

PURP, kwatye-ke irrpe-rle.ne-tyeke, nhenhe-ke shower-irre-tyeke.

water-DAT go into-CONT-PURP, here-DAT 'shower'-INCH-PURP

You can't Arrernte are-rle pmere nhenhe-werneyou can't Arrernte see-GenEvt place this-ALLpetye-rlenge shower-irre-tyeke kwatye-ke. Arrangkwe. Mperlkerecome-DS shower-INCH-PURP water-DAT. no/ nothing. white

mape-ante, pmere itne-kenhe-arteke. ... Yeperenye countrye-kepl(grp)-ONLY place 3pl-POSS-SEMBL. ... caterpillar country-DAT

nhenhe-ke itne petye-me, swim-irre-rle.ne-tyeke,please himself,here-DAT 3plS come-npp, swim-INCH-CONT-PURP, please himself,nwerne kenhe are-rleke."1plA BUT see-DS.

"Hey look! Those girls are coming to have a swim, to swim around, to bathe [shower] here. You never see Arrernte people coming here to have a swim [shower]. Not at all. It's only white people, as if it were their country. ... They come here to Yeperenye caterpillar

country to swim and they please themeselves while we watch."

No text type examined was devoid of words of English origin and this reflects the fact that wordssuch as mape (mob) 'plural, group' and ante 'and' have become fully incorporated into MparntweArrernte. Certain English words have even become Mparntwe Arrernte clitics or suffixes ; for example,-tayeme 'TIME', -thayete 'side of', and -kine / -'gain 'same again'. However, the dividing line betweenthose words of English origin which have been fully incorporated into Mparntwe Arrernte and those

words which are recognised as being English, but may be used in Mparntwe Arrernte, is not at all clear.On the other side, it is often the case that when Mparntwe Arrernte speakers appear to be speakingEnglish, their utterances are filled with the semantics and pragmatics of Mparntwe Arrernte and the intentof the utterance may be lost on, or totally misconstrued by, English speakers. This situation has beenreported for other varieties of Arrernte by Harkins (1984), for Kaytetye by Koch (1985) and forSoutheast Queensland Aboriginal English by Eades (1982, 1983).

We may conclude this brief discussion of Mparntwe Arrernte and English in contact with a briefconversational snippet which exemplifies both the use of English in Mparntwe Arrernte conversation(words of English origin are underlined) and the widely held contempt for the consequences of theEuropean colonisation of Australia.

(7) B.S.: ltne-rle kenhe knge-tye-ke arne nhenhe map-aye.3plA-TOP BUT take-HITH-pc thing this pl. group-EMPHRlkerte-rlke, rlkerte knge-tye-ke too. Utyene kurne kwelesick-TOO, sick take-HITH-pc too. sick bad QUOTnhenhe Captain Cook-le knge-tye-ke I think.

this Captain Cook-ERG take-HITH-pc I thinkBut it was THEM (ie. white people) who brought these (bad) things. Even

the diseases, I'm not sure but I think, they were brought by them as well. These bad sores are supposed to have been brought by Captain Cook, I think.

D.H.: Yew-aye! That's all diseases nhenge re knge-tye-keYes-EMPH! That's all diseases REMEMB 3sgA take-

HITH-pcMost certainly. All of those diseases were brought by him.

B.S.: Re nthurre, nhenhe arrwekele ane-ke-nge no rlkerte.3sgS INTENS, here before (front) be-pc-ABL no sickIt WAS him, because there were no diseases here before (that).

D.H.: No mange, nothing.No mange, nothing.

There was no mange, nothing.

B.S. Arrangkwe ultekethe.no/nothing 'altogether'Nothing at all.

D.H. Blanket-le itne arte-lhe-tyekenhe. Wale nameblanket-INST 3plS cover-REFL-VbNEG. Well grass

nhenhe-ulkere-le itne inte-tyerte. Rlkerte-rlke ne-tyekenhe.this-KIND-LOC 3plS lie-rem.p.hab sick-TOO be-VbNEGThey (our ancestors) didn't (ever) cover themselves with blankets. Instead

they used to sleep in grass like this and there was never any sickness.

I hope to have demonstrated, on the basis of the preceding examples of the Mparntwe Arrernteresponse to Anglo-Australian colonisation, that the Mparntwe Arrernte group has neither yielded toAnglo-Australian domination nor stood fast against change. The group has accomodated, and adopted,many aspects of Anglo-Australian lifestyle, but it has done so in its own unique way and it has remainedtrue to the essential values of Arrernte tradition.

1.2.4 Kinship and AvoidanceBohannan and Middleton (1968:301) rightly observe that it would be more accurate to call the

Arrernte system of kinship famous rather than well-known. This section does not add any new insightsinto the underlying basis and raison d'etre of the Arrernte kinship system; it does, however, present therelevant Mparntwe Arrernte terms describing kinship and kin classification and it does give some insightsinto contemporary Mparntwe Arrernte use of the system. The importance of this section lies not only inthe fact that it provides a brief description of an aspect of Mparntwe Arrernte culture which is of greatsalience and importance, but also lies in the fact that it provides the necessary background to anunderstanding of a number of analyses and examples which appear in the following grammaticaldescription.

1.2.4.1 SubsectionsThe first thing Mparntwe Arrernte people teach an outsider, like myself, about kinship is the

subsection names and the relations between different people of different subsections. Myers (1986:188)notes that "[s]ubsections provide a shorthand model of kin relationships, a metalanguage that permits the

systematic ordering of relationships on a society-wide scale". Every person in Mparntwe Arrerntesociety, and every person who has a constant interaction with Mparntwe Arrernte people, belongs toone of eight subsections known locally as "skins". A person born into the society is born into a particularsubsection while an outsider who has no previous relationship to any Aboriginal group is assigned to asubsection by the person or people s/he has the most contact with. As for the people who alreadybelong to a kin-network elsewhere in Aboriginal Australia, there are usually several means of computinga relation from a "foreign system" into a subsection in the Mparntwe Arrernte system. While eachsubsection contains people which are in a number of different named kin relations to a particularindividual, for teaching purposes Mparntwe Arrernte people begin by associating the eight subsectionswith just eight different kin relationships. In one subsection there is oneself, in another subsection there isone's father, in yet another there is one's mother, one's (cross-)cousins fall into a fourth subsection, one's'granny' (MM) into a fifth, one's (potential) spouse into a sixth, one's (potential) father-in-law into aseventh, and finally one's mother-in-law falls into the eighth subsection.

The eight subsection names are: Peltharre, Kemarre, Mpetyane, Pengarte, Kngwarreye, Angale(or Ngale), Perrwerle and Penangke. These forms may be used as address forms (8a) or as forms ofreference (8b); although they are not used in these functions as commonly as they are in Warlpiri (Nashp.c.) or Kaytetye (Koch p.c.). When used for address or reference, the subsection names are typicallypreceded by one of the social status classifiers (cf.§3.4): artwe 'man', relhe 'woman' (8b), or ampe 'child'(8a).

(8) a. Ampe Peltharr-aye, iparrp-aye! child [skin name]-Emph, quickly-Emph Hey Peltharre (kid), hurry up!

b. Apmwerrke the relhe Mpetyane are-ke hospital-ke.yesterday 1sgA woman [skin name] see-pc hospital-DAT

Yesterday I visited Mpetyane (woman) in hospital.

There are a number of parameters within which the subsections are structured. Firstly,Mparntwe Arrernte people recognise two patrimoieties which are egocentrically named anwakerre 'mypatrimoiety' and malyenweke 'the opposite patrimoiety'. Each patrimoiety is divided in half to give pairsof subsection terms which are related agnatically (ie. related as father to child). These patrilinealsemimoieties are the nyenhenge (nye- 'father' -nhenge 'DYADIC' = 'father and child together'[ie.

patricouple]) sections mentioned earlier (cf. §1.2.3). The subsection membership of the semi-patrimoieties and patrimoieties is shown in figure 1-3.

Figure 1-3 : Patrimoieties, Semi-patrimoieties (nyennhenge sections), and Subsections

Previously (cf.§1.2.3) it was noted that each named site is associated with one of the fournyenhenge sections. One consequence of this association is that the language of kinship can be used inreference to places. One can, for instance, talk about two places which have the same nyenhengeassignment as being each other's brother (eg. 9).

(9) Pmere nhenhe therre kenhe ke-nhenge therre; y'know,place this two BUT e.brother-DYADIC two; y'knowpmere nhenhe re kak-arteke arrpenhe ikwere.place this 3sgS e.brother-SEMBL other 3sgDATThese two places are two brothers together; you know, this place is like the elder

brother of that one. [of two places with same nyenhenge association]

Similarly if one place belongs to the Kngwarreye-Peltharre nyenhenge section and another place belongsto the Penangke-Pengkarte nyenhenge section, then the two places can be referred to as ipmenhenhengetherre (mother's mother-Dyadic two) 'two mother's-mothers together'. In the kinship system Peltharreand Pengarte call each other ipmenhe 'mother's mother', as do Kngwarre and Penangke. As well asbeing able to determine kin relations that hold between places, there is also evidence that people canindicate that they themselves are in a kin relation to a place depending on their own individual subsectionmembership and the nyenhenge section of the place (eg. 10). Thus while the Arrernte kinship systemmay be primarily designed to describe relations between people, it is also used with respect to otherentities that have important social status, including places and totemic beings.

(10) ..., pmere nhenge ipmenh-atye...., place REMEMB 'granny'(MM)-1KinPOSS..., that place (you remember the one) is my "granny" (MM).

A further dimension in the structuring of the subsections involves the recognition of generationmoieties. The four subsections in one generation moiety give rise to the four subsections in the other

generation moiety, and vice versa, and, as a result, the members of even numbered generations(including G0, ego's generation) belong to one moiety and members of odd numbered generationsbelong to the other. Following Hale (1966:319) "[a] person will be said to be harmonic with respect tothose of his kinsmen who belong to the same set of alternate generation levels as he; he will be said to bedisharmonic with respect to all others of his kinsmen". People belonging to one generation moiety will,egocentrically, refer to members of their own generation moiety as being nwernekenhe 'ours; ourgeneration moiety' and members of the opposite generation moiety are refered to as being nyurrpe'opposite generation moiety from ours'. Amongst the kin relations which belong to one's generationmoiety are one's siblings, one's cross-cousins, one's 'granny' (mother's mother) and one's preferredspouse. The opposite generation moiety contains, amongst other relations, one's parents and one'sparents-in-law (from a preferred marriage). The generation moieties bisect the patrilineal semimoietiesgiving the eight individual subsections. The subsections which occur in each generation matrimoiety aregiven in figure 1-4.

Figure 1-4 : Generation Moieties, Subsections and First Choice Marriage

There is a strong prohibition against marriage between members of opposite generation moietiesand one is meant to keep one's distance with respect to people who are nyurrpe. Small subcommities ofAboriginal Councils must, ideally, be composed of members of the same generation level and overseenby a member of the opposite generation level. We will return to the interaction of disharmonic kin in thediscussion of avoidance behaviour below.

There is no particular term which names the whole set of subsections, although there is a suffix, -patherre, that seems to make reference only to this set. -Patherre 'skin name; subsection' is only attestedon the question word iwenhe 'what ?' and together they form the means by which one asks whatsubsection a person belongs to (eg. 11).

(11) Iwenhe-patherre unte?what-subsection 2sgSWhat 'skin' are you? [ie. What subsection do you belong to?; What's your

'skin' name?]

As Koch (1982:65) points out for Kaytetye, there is no evidence of the structuring ofsubsections according to matrilines. As we have seen above there are egocentric terms for patrimoieties,

but no known matrimoiety terms, and as we shall see in §3.7.2, non-singular pronouns code same ordifferent patrimoiety, but there is no similar phenomenon which is coded according to matrimoieties.Moreover, in actual practice, one's skin is always derived through the father and not through the mother.People have three marriage choices within their generation moiety, and regardless of which of threepossible subsections a man takes his wife from, his children will always be of the same subsection(according to the nyenhenge [patricouple] sections discussed previously). The subsection of a woman'schildren, on the other hand, will vary according to which of the three possible subsections she takes herhusband from. In certain cases, as when a woman is unmarried, a woman's relatives may reckon thechild's subsection through the'mother', but only in the sense that the subsection is determined by virtue ofthe subsection of her 'potential' husband in an ideal (preferred) marriage.

The preferred marriage choice is for the children of two cross-cousins to marry (Elkin 1938:61;Radcliffe-Brown 1968:327). Thus a person ideally marries the child of their mother's female cross-cousin or the child of their father's male cross-cousin (ie. for men: MMBDD, MFZDD, FFZSD,FMBSD; and for women: MMBDS, MFZDS, FFZSS, FMBSS). The second marriage choice is withsomeone of one's cross cousin's subsection and the third choice marriage is with someone of one's'granny's' (mother's mother) subsection (eg. the children of one's parent's opposite sex cousins).

Figure 1-5 (following page) shows the primary relationships which bind members of the varioussubsections together. This figure is premised on first choice marriages and, as well as showing the fourpairs of subsections (nyenhenge sections) which father each other, it shows two matrilineal cycles whichoperate in opposite directions. Members of one generation moiety occupy the sides of the diagram andmembers of the other generation moiety occupy the top and the bottom. The patricouples which arediagonally opposite each other in the figure belong to the same patrimoiety.

1.2.4.2 Kin termsThe discussion may now turn to terminology for kin relationships. The term altye 'a relation; one

of the family' may be taken as the superordinate term for all kin relations. In general it is accurate toclaim that Mparntwe Arrernte kin terms are classificatory. That is to say, the system of kin terms, "being'closed' and thus cyclical, places genealogically distant relatives (or even only putative relatives) in thesame terminological categories with

Figure 1-5 : Patterns of relationship between subsections assuming first choice marriages

close ones" (Hammel 1966:1) and thus "everyone in the social universe is included within one of theterms (for a given Ego)" (Heath in Heath, et.al. eds. 1982:5). The term akngeye 'father', for instance,

does not only designates one's own biological father, but also designates his brother, and also any malewhich belongs to the same subsection and generation as one's father. It is worth pointing out that termslike mameye 'mummy' and tateye 'daddy', which may be used by adults, although they are primarilychildren's words, refer to one's own mother and father and are not classificatory. Such terms are,however, totally unlike other kin terms and fail to enter into the morphological and grammaticalconstructions which caracterise standard kin terms (cf §3.9).

Other features of kin terms which have commonly been remarked upon for Arrernte inparticular, and for Australian languages in general, are the fact that there are separate terms for maternaland paternal grandparents, each of which may be used to refer to either the male or female sibling of thegrandparent, (ie. ipmenhe 'mother's mother', tyemeye 'mother's father', arrenge 'father's father', andaperle 'father's mother') and the fact that it is common for certain terms to be used reciprocally betweenmembers of generation-n and generation-n+2 (ie. between harmonic kin). This last observation may beexemplified by the fact that all the 'grandparent' terms are also used to designate 'grandchildren'; aperson and his/her father's father may, for instance, refer to each other using the term arrenge 'father'sfather; son's child'. It is important to realise that such polysemy is not without its means ofdisambiguation. The 'grandparent' terms all have reduplicated versions which, as far as I am aware, mayonly refer to 'grandparents' not 'grandchildren' (see table 1-1). Furthermore it is common to refer to a'grandparent', but never a 'grandchild', using the phrase "X-k-artweye grandparent term" (X-DAT-custodian grandparent) 'X's (ancestral) grandparent' as in "Kwementyaye-k-artweye arrenge" ('noname'-DAT-custodian father's father) 'Kwementyaye's father's father'. Examples of reciprocal kinshipterms for disharmonic kin are anherre 'woman's mother-in-law; woman's daughter-in-law' and mwere'man's mother-in-law; woman's son-in-law'.

There are several other notable aspects of Mparntwe kin terminology. Firstly, there are twoterms, arrkare and (a)newe, both of which mean 'spouse' but which appear to be differentiated by thefact that they refer to marriages in different generation moieties. A person asking someone from his/hersame generation moiety "Where is your spouse?" would use arrkare 'spouse-generation moiety P' as in(12a), while the same person talking to someone from a different generation moiety would use (a)newe'spouse-generation moiety Q' as in (12b). The term (a)newe 'spouse' also appears to be the genericterm for 'spouse'.

(12) a. Arrkar-angkwe nthenhe?spouse(gen.P)-2KinPOSS whereWhere's your spouse? [Said by Peltharre man to a Pengarte person]

b. Anew-angkwe nthenhe?spouse(gen.Q)-2KinPOSS whereWhere's your spouse? [Said by a Peltharre man to a Penangke person]

Secondly the term for older and younger siblings - kake 'older brother'; yaye or angkwere 'older sister';and atyeye 'younger sibling' - need not always refer to the relative ages of the two people related by theterm. For example, one may call any of the children of one's father's eldest brother by the terms forolder siblings, even if they are younger, and one may, similarly, be called by them atyeye 'youngersibling', regardless of actual relative ages. Here, then, it is the relative age of one's father and his brotherwhich dictates one's own choice of sibling terms. Thirdly, 'cross-cousins' are designated by a generalterm arrwempe, as well as two terms which distinguish for sex, ankele 'male cross-cousin' and altyele'female cross-cousin'. Fourthly, the terms a man and a woman use to designate their child are different.Alere is the term for a 'man's child' and for 'a woman's nephew or niece' and ampe is the term for 'awoman's child' and 'a man's nephew or niece'. The generic term for 'child' is also ampe. Finally, withthe exception of the terms for 'mother-in-law', 'father-in-law, 'son-in-law', and 'daughter-in-law', kinterms may be used as terms of address and for self reference. When a kin term is used for address, thepropositus is always the speaker, and the kin term may appear on its own, unpossessed, with thepropositus understood (13a) or it may occur with a 1st person possessor (13b).

(13) a. Werte ipmenhe, nthenhe-werne lhe-me?'what's up' 'granny'(MM), where-ALL go-npp

Hello (my) 'granny', where are you going?

b. Alakenhe angke-tyele atyenge atyeye.like so speak-NegIMP 1sgDAT yng.sibling

Don't speak like that my younger brother.

When kin terms are used for self reference, the propositus is the addressee and this is typically indicatedby the use of a 2nd person possessive form (14 a and b).

(14) a. Arrenge mpwele-kenhe kangkwirr-Ø-eyewe'grandfather'(FF) 2dl-POSS pay attention-IMP-EMPH++

(You two) Pay attention to me, (your father's father).

b. Am-angkwe, kunye, got no merne.mother-2KinPOSS poor thing got no foodI (your classificatory mother), poor thing, haven't got any food.[Implying that the addressee should be have like a good 'son' or 'daughter'

and give the speaker some food].

While there are other means of address and self reference, the speaker, in using kin terms in this way, isable to call up and play upon the obligations that are entailed by the particular kin relationship that holdsbetween him/herself and the addressee. This is especially clear in examples 13b and 14a and b.

The full set of Mparntwe Arrernte kin terms is presented in table 1-1 (following page). The tableis organised from the perspective of a Pengarte woman who has married in the preferred way (ie. hasmarried a Mpetyane man). The kin terms are, therefore, defined from the perspective of a woman.There is a rough indication of the range of possible kin that each term may cover, but it must beremembered that the terms may also apply to people who have no genealogical relation to 'ego'. Termswhich cover relations at more than one generation level are repeated at each generation level in whichthey apply and the description that is given is appropriate to the particular generation level.

1.2.4.3 AvoidanceThe preceding sections have already indicated that many aspects of social life and social

interaction are governed wholly or in part, by the kinship system. In this section one aspect of socialinteraction, kin-based avoidance behaviour, is briefly discussed so as to demonstrate the deepersignificance of the kinship system and some of its effects on language use.

Mparntwe Arrernte avoidance behaviour is covered by the term ikirrentye, which is thenominalised form of the verb ikirre- meaning 'to avoid kin that one is not, for traditional and ritualreasons, meant to be close to' (eg. 15).

(15) Ayenge ikwere ikirre-me.1sgS 3sgDAT avoid-npp.

I'm avoiding him. (ie. I can't be too close to him becauseof his relationship to me).

One woman described ikirrentye as meaning "to be a bit further away from those who you arerespecting; to fathers and older brothers and father-in-laws and uncles and ntwelenge."

There are varying degrees of avoidance depending on the type of relationship which holdsbetween two people, and each degree is reflected in differences in language and/or physical behaviour.For instance, while one is supposed to 'ikirre-me-le angke-tyeke

Moiety A Moiety B Moiety B Moiety ASame Generation Same Generation Same Generation Same Generation

Skin : Pengarte Mpetyane Kemarre Peltharre

G0 EGO (Female) (1st choice marriage) (2nd choice marriage) (3rd choice marriage)kake 'elder brother' anewe or arrkare arrwempe ipmenhe ' "granny" '[B+; FBS+; MZS+] 'spouse' [H] '(cross-)cousin generally' (spouse's cousins;

cousin's spouse;yaye or angkwere arntenge 'sister- altyele 'female parent's opposite sex'elder sister' in-law' [HZ; BW; (cross-) cousin' cousin's children)[Z+ ; FBD+; MZD+] MMBDD; FMBSD; [MBD; FZD; [MBDH; FZDH;

MFZDD; FZZSD] DHM; SWM] MBSW; FZSW;atyeye 'younger HMBS/D; HFZS/D; sibling' mpwerneye 'brother- ankele 'male FMBDS/D; FFZDS/D;[B-; Z-; FBS-/D-; in-law' [ZH; HB; (cross-) cousin' MMBSS/D; MFZSSD] MZS-/D-] MMBDS; FMBSS; [MBS; FZS;

MFZDS; FZZSS] DHMB; SWMB]---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------G-2 arrenge or aperle or atyemeye or ipmenhe or

arrenge-arrenge aperle-aperle atyemeye-atyemeye ipmenhe-ipmenheor ange-ange 'grandmother' or nyeme 'grandmother''grandfather' [FM; FMB/Z] 'grandfather' [MM; MMZ/B][FF; FFB/Z] [MF; MFB/Z]

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------G+2 arrenge aperle atyemeye or nyeme ipmenhe

'grandchild (actually: 'grandchild 'grandchild (actually: 'grandchild nephew's children or (son's children)' niece's children or (daughter's children) son's child's spouse)' [SD/S] daughter's child's spouse)' [DD/S][BSS/D; SDH; SSW] [BDS/D; DDH; DSW]

Moiety A Moiety B Moiety B Moiety ADifferent Generation Different Generation Different Generation Different Generation

Skin: Penangke Angale Perrwerle Kngwarreye

G-1 akngeye apmarle meye anherre'father' [F; FB] 'father-in-law' 'mother' [M; MZ] 'mother-in-law'

[HF; HFZ/B] [HM; MMBD; MFZD]naweye kamerne (?)'father's eldest (Father's cousins, if 'uncle' [MB] mwere or urtaltye (?)brother (if very old)' close, are called (uncle typically only or mweye-mweye[FB+] apmarle, if distant, occurs in possessed 'husband's uncle or

then they are called form the root of which mother's maleawenhe ampe 'child' [FMBS/D; is tnye-) cousins''aunt' [FZ] FFZS/D]) [HMB; MMBS; MFZS]

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------G+1 alere ampe meye (?) 'nephew's wife' anherre 'daughter

'nieces and nephews' 'children: sons and [BSW] -in-law' [SW; MBDD;[BS/D; HZS/D] daughters' [S; D] kamerne (?) 'niece's FZDD]

husband' [BDH] mwere or urtaltye (?)apmarle (?) 'male or mweye-mweyecousin's children 'son-in-law' [DH;[MBSS/D; FZSS/D] MBDS; FZDS]

_____________________________________________________________________________________________

Table 1-1 : Kinship terms and range of application from point of view of a Pengarte woman. [NB: nteweye 'father-in-law of a man'; mwere 'mother-in-law of a man'; alere ' a man's children']nyurrpe-ke' (avoid-npp-SS speak-PURP member of opposite generation moiety-DAT) 'speak in anavoidance manner to people in the opposite generation moiety (ie. disharmonic kin)', one has far greaterrestrictions placed on how one speaks to actual parents-in-law and children-in-law as opposed to othertypes of disharmonic kin.

There is no auxiliary in-law language of the sort described by Dixon for Dyirbal (1972) orHaviland (1979) for Guugu Yimidhirr. Ideally, parents-in-law and their children-in-law have no directinteraction: they sit with their back to each other, they do not walk close to each other, they transfergoods through an intermediary or by leaving their goods in a certain place so that they can be collectedlater by the avoided in-law, and they typically pass messages through an go-between. When referring toone's in-law one cannot use their name or even say "my in-law", instead one must use more circumspectmeans. One common method is to state one's relation to a close kin member and then to indicate therelation that that person has to one's in-law. For example a man cannot say *mwer-atye 'my mother-in-law', but he can say alere tyenhe ipmenh-ikwe (man's child 1sg poss 'granny' MM-3KinPoss) 'my son'smother's mother'. A similar strategy is used when talking about people who have died: while one can notrefer to the dead by name or by the direct kin relationship to ego, one can - if absolutely necessary -refer to them by making reference to their kin relation with another person. Thus a Penangke womanreporting the death of her female cross-cousin might refer to her as 'artwe Kngwarreye-ke newe' (manKngwarreye-DAT spouse) 'Kngwarreye's wife'.

Another way of referring to disharmonic in-laws or antwelenge 'mother of son taken in ceremony(?)' is by using the epithet 'nyente arrpenhe' (one other) 'another one; one more; the other one'.Margaret Heffernan (pc) observes that:

"You use 'nyente arrpenhe' for ntwelenge and father-in-law and mother-in-law. For urtaltye therre[spouse's mother's brother; child's spouse two (?) : DPW] and mweye-mweye therre [spouse's mother'sbrother; child's spouse two (?): DPW]. When you talk about them you say something about them like"nyente arrpenhe petyeme yanhe" [one other comes there(mid): DPW] 'my other one is coming just overthere', and "nyente arrpenhe yanhele nerne" [one other there(mid)-LOC just sat: DPW] ' the other onejust sat down over there'."

In a situation where someone asks a question using ngwenhe 'who?', and to which the answerwould make direct reference to one of the respondant's disharmonic in-laws, the common strategy is toreplay with "Unte itelar-Ø-aye" (2sgA know/remember-IMP-EMPH) 'You know!; You remember'.The person who asked the question will take the reply as an indication that the respondant is prohibitedfrom answering the question directly, and may then start to list the names of people with whom therespondent is in a strict avoidance relationship. Upon hearing the correct name the addressee willrespond with "Nyente arrpenhe re" (one other 3sgS/A) 'That's the 'other one''.

It was noted earlier that the mechanisms of avoidance involving nyurrpe 'disharmonic kin' whoare not close 'in-laws' are not as restrictive as those just mentioned. One may, for instance, pass things

directly from hand to hand, and as far as conversation is concerned maintaining one's 'distance' with non-in-law nyurrpe may simply be a matter of the right choice of words. A man speaking to one of hisclassificatory 'aunts' (woman of FZ subsection) could not say "Relhe mwarre pety-Ø-aye!" (womangood come-IMP-EMPH) 'Good woman come here!' as it would be taken to be sexually suggestive, butif mwarre 'good' is omitted, then the utterance is permissible.

One of the notable features of the interaction between members of opposite generation moietieswho are only distantly related is that they will constantly tease each other and feign distrust of oneanother. An account of two incidents which I witnessed will demonstrate the type of behaviour involved.In one case I was having lunch with eight Arrernte people when we heard the sound of police sirensclose by. One man, A, who was nyurrpe to all the rest, joked that the police must be coming after manB. At this, everyone ganged up on person A and started joking that he would be taken away by thepolice and that if the police didn't come soon they'd go report him. Then they started teasing him with alist of his supposed "crimes". On seeking an explanation as to why everyone had taken sides against A,I was told simply that it was because he was the only nyurrpe 'disharmonic kin' present. In the secondincident, man D wanted to go to the shop to buy some cigarettes and wanted to borrow some moneyfrom man E, who is nyurrpe with respect to D. Man E only had a $20 bill and, feigning distrust, heclaimed he wanted to make sure man D would come back with his change. The two started joking andteasing each other and man E told man D to leave his thongs behind to ensure that he would return. Amock argument ensued, but man D left his thongs behind, walked barefoot to the store and then returnedand exchanged man E's change for his thongs. Again the explanation for this interaction was simply"That's how nyurrpe treat each other".

I will finish the discussion with a further interesting case of avoidance behaviour, this timeinvolving a woman and her eldest (biological) brother. Once the oldest brother in a family has gonethrough initiation, he and his younger sisters must practice a fairly strict form of avoidance behaviour. Aswith disharmonic 'in-laws', an eldest brother and his younger sister may not pass things to each otherfrom hand to hand and they may not walk close to each other. They may, however, speak to each otheras long as they employ certain conventional morphemes to convey distance. For instance, the pluralform of verbs (cf §5.4.2) must be used when talking to one's avoided sibling about an action that s/he isperforming or should perform. Similarly, the members of this pair address each other using 2nd personplural pronoun forms. This, then, is similar to the use of 2nd plural pronoun forms as 2nd singularrespect forms in certain European languages (eg. 'vous' in French; see Brown and Gilman 1960). Thefollowing description, given by a woman, of an encounter with her eldest brother exemplifies thesefeatures of avoidance behaviour. It is not clear which other kin relations this form of avoidance isobserved with.

(16) Apmwerrke, merne-rlke-kerte, kere-rlke-kerte irrpe-nhe-keyesterday bread-TOO-PROP, meat-TOO-PROP go into-DO PAST-pcpmere kake-kenhe-ke. Re ne-tyeme chair-le T.V.home e.brother-POSS-DAT. 3sgS sit-pp chair-LOC T.V.are-rle.ne-me-le. Kele ayenge angke-ke ikwere:see-CONT-npp-SS. OK 1sgS speak-pc 3sgDAT"Kere-rlke, merne-rlke nhenhe the knge-tyenhe arrekantherre.",meat-TOO, bread-TOO this 1sgA carry-npc 2plDATkenhe re atyenge angke-rlenge: "Table yanhe-keBUT 3sgS 1sgDAT speak-DS; "Table that(mid)-DATarrerne-warr-Ø-aye, the fridge-ke arrerne-tyenhenge."put-pl.S/S-IMP-EMPH, 1sgA fridge-DAT put-SBSQNTKele ayenge lhe-me-ng-ewe.OK 1sgS go-npp-ABL-EMPH+Yesterday I went through into my elder brother's house with some bread and

some meat. He was sitting in a chair watching T.V. So I said: "I'll carry this bread andmeat in for you [lit. 'for you plural' but there is only a singular addressee].", but he said to me:"Put it on the table [lit. 'you mob put it ', but again only a singular addressee], I'll put it in therefrigerator later." So then I left. [N.B. it is important that the food was left on the table andthat no acutal contact or act of 'face to face' giving was performed.]

This does not pretend to be a complete account of Mparntwe Arrernte avoidance behaviour andmuch work needs to be done. It is hoped, however, that this section has provided some insight into oneof the many different ways in which kinship is related to both linguistic and non-linguistic behaviour inMparntwe Arrernte society. As Sutton (1982:182) argues:"... structural-semantic information about Australian systems of kin classification, when complemented bya knowledge of the rules of speech etiquette, especially in relation to all forms of personal address andreference, can provide us with an objective key to the nature of the principles by which personalrelationships are organised in Aboriginal society. A fuller treatment would encompass other areas suchas eye contact and the giving and receiving of food. ... Aboriginal personal relations are primarilygoverned by structures of kinship and rules of interpersonal behaviour, and by individuals pursuing theirinterests and careers both in accordance with and despite those structures and rules."

1.3 Account of Fieldwork I will spend the next few pages relating what I see to be some of the more salient features

concerning my fieldwork on Mparntwe Arrernte in Alice Springs. In as much as it is possible, I willattempt to indicate how the context within which I work affects my research methodology. Of centralfocus in this discussion will be the fact that my research on Mparntwe Arrernte takes place under thecontrol of the Yipirinya Council, the all Aboriginal governing body of the Yipirinya School.

1.3.1 "Choosing" a Research Topic - A Question of Ethics? During the late 70s and early 80s, when I was finishing off my undergraduate degree at theAustralian National University (A.N.U.), a number of postgraduate and undergraduate students,including myself, were beginning to question the social value and ethics of linguistic research. Inparticular, we were questioning the ethics surrounding theoretical-descriptive linguistic work whichinvolved fieldwork with minority languages in economically depressed and underprivileged communities.Much of the immediate worry surrounded work in Australian Aboriginal communities since it is in suchcommunities where the majority of A.N.U. postgraduate fieldworkers were located at that time andsince such communities were also the likely destination of aspiring fieldworkers like myself.

People already working with Aboriginal communities in different parts of the country werebeginning to report community suspicion of, and resentment towards, all types of research. It isimportant to realise that in many places the work of academic researchers is not distinguished from thatof journalists, writers, artists or anyone else who might come into a community to collect information andtake it away with them to share with the rest of the world. As much as the academic researcher maydislike it, this association is perfectly logical and if a journalist, for instance, publishes somethinginaccurate or dangerous concerning a community, then an academic researcher can expect to beregarded as the same type of dangerous person and may be treated accordingly. This suspicion andresentment of research was not, and still is not, universal amongst Aboriginal communities, but many ofthe issues raised by those communities who are concerned about research hold a general validity.

Some communities were worried that they did not fully understand what the researcher wasdoing and they felt there should be some mechanism which made the researcher more accountable to thecommunity. A number of these communities (or individuals from the communities) felt that pastresearchers had betrayed them; some through making secret-sacred material public, others throughstealing sacred objects, and still others by simply not doing what the community thought they were goingto do. A not unfamiliar argument given by some linguists in support of the social value of their researchis that by recording a language it will be saved for posterity's sake and the descendents of thosespeakers will at least have a record of the language. But the reality was, and basically still is, that

academic works based on field research are by and large inaccessible to community members. WhileAboriginal people often readily agree with the linguist that their language should be "saved", and "writtendown", some were surprised and angered by the form this took (and still takes). Moreover, there werethose communities which felt that the various sorts of research being undertaken were of very lowpriority in terms of the community needs. Some communities could not understand why many of theirresearch projects, which had practical ends, failed to recieve funding, while the more esoteric researchinterests of academics coming into communities seemed to attract funding. At the end of such projectsresearchers received the kudos and/or the piece of paper which would assure their future livelihood andthe community would have recieved comparatively very little. More importantly, community energy andhuman resources were often being diverted to peripherial issues rather than being employed in morecommunity directed projects.

Thus it was at the end of 1981, when all these issues - and the attendant moral questions whichthey raised - were in the air and on my mind and on the minds of many of my colleagues, that I wasoffered a Ph.D. scholarship in linguistics. Some of my contemporaries convinced me that I should try todo something useful within the Australian context and, at the beginning of 1982, I decided to writeletters to a number of Aboriginal communities and Aboriginal organisations to see whether they had anycommunity-approved research topics for which they could use an independently funded Ph.D. student inlinguistics. Thus, neither the choice of language nor the choice of topic was going to be made onacademic grounds.

One of the organisations that I wrote to was the Yipirinya School in Alice Springs, an Aboriginalcontrolled bilingual-bicultural primary school based in Alice Springs. They had, in fact, advertised for alinguist for the school and I wrote to say that, although I did not want the job itself, I would be happy tooffer my research skills and to undertake any tasks that they may see fit to give me. As it turned out, thelinguist they had employed could only work for six months and they asked me to come and replace her,on a part time basis, while undertaking my research. I was to have a three-month trial period after whichI would either be able to continue my work and Ph.D. research or I would have to find some other placeto work. So it was that in the middle of July 1982 I arrived in Alice Springs and attended my firstmeeting with the Yipirinya School Council, the body which oversees and supervises my research withthe Yipirinya community.

1.3.2 The first few months of fieldworkThe Yipirinya Council is composed of parents and relatives of the students and also includes

concerned community members. The council which welcomed me in July 1982 contained a majority ofpeople who identified themselves as being Western Arrernte , a smaller group of Mparntwe Arrernte

and Eastern Arrernte people, and some Luritja, Pitjantjatjara, and Anmatjera people. Although themajority of the students at that time were Western Arrernte speakers, the council had decided that Ishould be taught Mparntwe Arrernte which was the main language of only a handful of students.Mparntwe Arrernte was chosen because it is the language of Alice Springs; it is the language associatedwith the Yeperenye caterpillar Dreaming which is the main Dreaming of Alice Springs, and after whichthe school is named. Regardless of practical issues, the community considered it protocol to givepriority to Mparntwe Arrernte in term of linguistic research. I am still not sure whether it was a fortuitouscoincidence or part of the council's reasoning, but there were two things which made the choice ofMparntwe Arrernte over Western Arrernte particularly fortunate as far as I was concerned. Firstly thetwo people who had been assigned to teach me Mparntwe Arrernte - Margaret Heffernan and RosieRice Ferber - are both excellent teachers. They are both fully fluent in Mparntwe Arrernte and Englishand they have both studied at Bachelor College and the School of Australian Linguistics (SAL) in theNorthern Territory. Furthermore they had both worked with research linguists previously. They were,therefore, familiar with what linguistics is (they had learnt certain linguistic skills themselves through SAL)and they also had a good idea of what linguists do. Secondly, as has been mentioned previously, whileWestern Arrernte had already been the focus of a considerable amount of linguistic research, MparntweArrernte had received scant attention. What serious recent linguistic work there was on MparntweArrernte had been undertaken by Gavan Breen who, with great kindness, unselfishly made hisunpublished notes available to me.

My first stint of fieldwork was to be six months long and was funded by the A.N.U. . Thisfunding, along with my Commonwealth Ph.D. scholarship, meant that I had independent means andcould offer free services to the Yipirinya school. On the very first day, however, it was made clear tome that I had to be in the paid employ of the Yipirinya Council even if it was only as a part-timer. In thisway the Yipirinya Council established a certain degree of control over my work and also established adegree of accountability.

As far as many community members were concerned my accountability to the Council had to beensured. Still clear in the minds of Arrernte people is the controversy over the research dealings ofT.G.H. Strehlow who let secret-sacred material be displayed in public by selling photographs oftraditional Arrernte ceremonies to Stern Magazine in Germany in 1977. These photographs laterboomeranged back to Australia, apparently in contravention of an agreement between Strehlow andStern (McNally 1981:189), and appeared in People magazine in 1978. Strehlow was also chargedby a number of important Arrernte people with having stolen sacred objects (tywerrenge) and withhaving committed what, according to some, is his greatest crime by allowing a woman (his wife) to workwith, and become curator of, a very large collection of sacred objects related to secret men's

ceremonies. While one can find Arrernte people who support Strehlow as well as those who condemnhim, all of them appear to be upset by the controversy arising out of his research and they believe that ifstricter controls had been kept on his research, then these terrible problems probably would not havearisen. Such controls were not feasible at the time when Strehlow did his research since the bulk of itwas undertaken at a time before Aboriginal people were recognised as full citizens of Australia [ie. pre-1967], and at a time before there were any government-independent Aboriginal organisations active inCentral Australia. Now, through Aboriginal-controlled organisations like the Yipirinya School, CentralAustralian Aboriginal people have greater power, and more opportunities to control research whichconcerns them. As linguist for the Yipirinya school I was the person responsible for coordinating the literatureproduction unit of the school. Besides learning to speak Mparntwe Arrernte, my first duties included thetaping of traditional stories to be made into books, supervising the production of bilingual lesson materialfor both the Western Arrernte and the Mparntwe Arrernte groups, and training new workers in allaspects of literature production.

I was fortunate that I was constantly surrounded by Arrernte and met it in a number of differentcontexts. I was daily working in an office with a team of between two and six literature productionworkers, all of whom would speak mainly Arrernte among themselves in my presence. Early in mystay, my teachers, Margaret Heffernan and Rosie Ferber, put an end to my formal elicitation proceduresclaiming that it made me look like the teacher, not them. They then proceeded to drill me, test me andbasically force me to speak and listen to the language in the course of undertaking my other duties. Theyinsisted that since I was like a child in the language that I should learn like a child, so there were anumber of weekends in which I visited Margaret and Rosie at home to play with the kids in adult-supervised games which involved responding to verbal orders given by adults. For instance, one gameinvolved hiding a stone or a coin and then directing "us children" to it by giving the compass point relationof the object with respect to one of the children playing the game. As we moved around more compasspoint directions would be given until the object was found. It was, therefore, like the game that Anglo-Australian kids play using "hot" or "cold" to tell the players whether they are near to, or far from, thehidden object, but the Arrernte version drills many more directional, spatial, and linguistic skills. Also,once a week I would go out on a bush trip with the children as part of the Arrernte cultural program.On these trips Arrernte elders would take the children to important sites and tell them stories and wouldsometimes also train them in some aspects of traditional culture, such as making spears or cookingkangaroos. It was my responsability to tape the stories and follow up the linguistic issues that arose onsuch trips. Overall, then, I was able to learn generally how Arrernte people operate at work, at home,and - to a limited extent - in the bush.

1.3.3 A Research PolicyThere was one undertaking in that first six-month period which still continues to exercise a

significant influence on my research work with the Yipirinya school.Alice Springs is one area in particular where all the concerns about research which were outlined

earlier have a high profile. This is largely because there are a considerable number of Aboriginal-controlled organisations which have themselves found the need to initiate research and, in doing so, havefound previous research unsatisfactory for their purposes. Further, in trying to initiate research, theyhave found themselves in competition with outside bodies for money and human resources. In anattempt to get a unified line on research, the Central Australian Aboriginal Organisations, a then unofficialorganisation comprising the Alice Spring-based Aboriginal-controlled organisations, requested that Idraft a research policy that they could use for further discussion (Wilkins ms. 1982). In drafting such apolicy, I talked with Aboriginal members from each of the organisations, as well as past and currentresearchers in the area, and also consulted research policies already in use by some of the organisations.The message from Aboriginal people in the organisations was clear; they felt that there should be verytight restrictions placed on researchers and they felt that the view that there should be no restrictionsplaced on the pursuit of knowledge was plainly wrong. As far as they were concerned, language andknowledge were not free to everyone but were under Aboriginal control.

In December of 1982 I delivered a draft document entitled 'A Research Policy for CentralAustralia' to the Combined Aboriginal Organisations Committee, to be used as a discussion paper. Asit happened, this body never did go on to produce a research policy which all Aboriginal Organisationswould use. The particular document which I drafted was, however, taken by a number of organisations,such as Yipirinya, as their basic research policy (until something better came along) and was also used asinput for the drafting of other policies by other organisations (such as the Tangentyere policy on researchdrafted in 1987).

This draft policy, accepted in principle by the Yipirinya School Council, was intended to lead toa formal contract between the Yipirinya Council and myself. While this never eventuated, there is still anagreement that both the school and I will abide by the spirit of the provisions in the draft policy. Frommy point of view, the most significant feature of this agreement is that it gives the Council control over myresearch. My research work, both inside and outside the field situation, continues only with the consentof the Council and may be terminated by them if they have good reason. They must approve allresearch methods before they are employed and they must receive and approve all works centrallybased on my field research that are intended for publication. Whenever possible, copyright ofpublications is to rest both with myself and the Council. Moreover the Council is acknowledged as the

rightful owner of all tapes and raw field notes which I make when I am in the field; they must be suppliedwith all originals, or copies of originals, and the copies, or originals, that I retain are on permanent loan tome but may be taken at the behest of the Council. Our agreement requires that my stays of research beof practical use to the school and the community on its own terms, but does not require that thepublications and other works that I produce as a linguist serve a similar practical purpose (althoughideally they would).

At the end of my first six month fieldwork period the Yipirinya Council requested that I stay onto work full-time as linguist for another six months. When that period was up I was then requested toremain in employment as linguist for at least another eighteen months in order to see a number of specificprojects through. To meet this last request I had to forfeit my Ph.D. scholarship, but, as far as theCouncil was concerned, it was not clear that the academic thesis I would produce would be ofimmediate value to them, and, given the form and style expected of Ph.D. dissertations, I had to agree.The Council felt, and I concur, that under the terms of our agreement they could require of me to first dothe work which would mainly benefit the school before allowing me to go off to write my Ph.D. Inshort, the terms of the agreement significantly lengthened the duration of my Ph.D. course beyond itsusual 3-4 years. It must be said, though, that the Yipirinya Council did continue to support my generalacademic research and that my work for them was more than tangentially related to the concerns of mythesis. Moreover, they agreed to fund me for six weeks in every six months to return to Canberra forPh.D. supervision at the A.N.U..

1.3.4 The advantages of field work under Aboriginal controlOn a personal level, my work for Yipirinya fulfilled a need to do something useful with my

linguistic skills. It also gave me a chance to learn at first hand something of the social and politicalaspirations of one group of Aboriginal people and to realise the magnitude and variety of obstacles thatare put up, both intentionally and unintentionally, by an Anglo-Australian dominant society in order toprevent such groups from succeeding on their own terms. The tenacity of purpose and sheerdetermination of certain individuals within the Yipirinya community when they meet such obstacles is areal source of inspiration. I regained lost optimism when I saw that gains, both large and small, couldbe made against what I originally thought were impossible odds. The most significant gain thus far hasbeen the achievement of registration (and, therefore, official recognition and funding) of the YipirinyaSchool in September 1983 after five years of battle with a hostile Northern Territory government. Tobe a very small part of such a great achievement is a very exciting thing.

From a more academic point of view, working under the control of the Yipirinya Council alsohad (and has) advantages for research and for the acquistion of skills that would be of use for later

academic, and non-academic, employment. As mentioned earlier, I was responsible for literatureproduction at the school and later became involved in curriculum development. Thus, I had to learn,develop, negotiate and put into practice applied linguistic skills that were never originally part of mytraining. This opportunity to pick up skills on the job and to help work out a viable school curriculum inthe unique context in which Yipirinya operates was a distinct bonus.

Although the period it took to complete my PhD thesis was increased considerably as a directresult of my agreement with the Yipirinya Council, the extra time I spent in the field and the type ofwork I was asked to undertake by the Council has given me a far better understanding of the languageand the cultural context which form the focus of my research than I would have been able to gainotherwise. Because the Council had employed me, the Yipirinya community basically knew why I wasthere and what I was meant to be doing. Thus I was spared most of the troubles and traumas ofjustifying my presence, finding people to work with, and gaining community acceptance that faces manyresearchers who are just starting fieldwork. Right from the outset the community, knowing that I workedfor them, were very open to me and would often seek me out to give me information and stories thatwould be of interest to the Arrernte or Luritja sides of the school program.

From 1983 onwards I became, at the Council's request, part of a team of interpreters whichprovided interpreting from Arrernte to English and English to Arrernte at the fortnightly Council meetings.This opportunity gave a considerable boost to my fluency in Arrernte and enabled me to interpret forother Alice Springs-based organisations where necessary. It also enabled me, on occasions, to travel asaide and interpreter to inter-state conferences with Council delegates. In this way I frequentlydiscovered how Arrernte speakers talk about, and conceive of, things (such as elevators and escalators)which were previously unfamiliar to them and which were part of an Anglo-Australian world that had notbefore been revealed to them.

Also, in 1983 Margaret Heffernan and I began research into Arrernte mathematical concepts soas to lay the foundationsfor the mathematics curriculum at the school. This remains an ongoing projectwhich looks at such areas as the Arrernte conception of space, time, number, and measure. Manytheoretical questions raised by this research have become specific concerns of my PhD thesis and myother academic research projects. For example, this research lead me to ponder the whole issue of howone uses linguistic data to discover speakers' conceptualisation of the world and how then to best defineand explicate the concepts discovered so that a group to which these ideas are foreign can understandthem. This is an issue which is central to the theoretical concerns of semantics, pragmatics, and cross-linguistic comparison.

As well as the research into mathematical concepts, the Council initiated research into localsacred sites for the social and cultural education (SACE) curriculum and also initiated research into

plants, medicines, seasons and animals for the natural science curriculum. During the time that I tookpart in this research (in situ), I and certain other non-Aboriginal members of staff (particularly ChristineAllen and, later, Kathy Doolan), worked as part of a team with a number of Arrernte and Luritjaspeakers. The different perspectives that each member of the team were able to bring to suchinvestigations ensured a fairly detailed coverage of the selected subject of research. In short, this teamapproach to investigation, coupled with the fact that the conceptual domains that were to be examinedwere extremely varied, helped give me a broad, and fairly clear, view of both the linguistic and non-linguistic reflections of concepts in these important domains.

1.3.5 Some Comments on Research "Methodology"It would be misleading to claim that my approach to learning, documenting, and building up a

picture of Mparntwe Arrernte grammar was very systematic. As the above discussion demonstrates,the development and directions of my research have not been independent of the changing developmentsand demands of my research for the Yipirinya School. I have just pointed out that much of theresearch for the school was joint research done by a team of people. The research methodology for anyindividual project was largely established through conferencing amongst members of the group andthrough consultation with the Yipirinya Council (and the administrative arm of the school which kept aclose eye on finances). In these cases, then, I had input to, but did not determine, the research methodswhich would yield the information which I was to work with.

I have already pointed out earlier that Margaret Heffernan and Rosie Ferber had frowned uponformal elicitation when I first started working on the language and this set a general pattern. I have, overthe years, had some formal elicitation session concerning specific theoretical points to do with my ownacademic linguistic research, but these sessions, while always very fruitful, have never been the norm.More frequent have been the sessions, stemming from the collection of data for the school, which reviewthe grammaticality of transcribed utterances as well as reviewing the appropriateness of Englishtranslations, interpretations, and/or explications of Arrernte data. Otherwise, many of my observationshave been gathered in bits and pieces or have simply been acquired and internalised during the processof trying to learn to function in the language.

Another factor affecting "my" research "methodology" involves Yipirinya's strong emphasis onthe training of adults from the community to undertake various jobs at the school. Adults may betrained in reading and writing their own language, teaching, linguistics, interpreting, translating, literatureproduction, taping, transcribing, film making, and so on. Much of this training is done from within theschool or through the School of Australian Linguistics (SAL) or through the Institute for AboriginalDevelopment (IAD). I have myself taught courses for Yipirinya and SAL and have helped with courses

through the IAD. Some of the most interesting and intriguing information I have collected concerningArrernte has come from Arrernte students in workshops and courses that I have run on such subjects assemantics, translation, language and culture, lexicography, mathematics and natural science. This,however, is not the only way in which the training of adults has contributed to the linguistic research atthe school. Once these adults are trained they are eligible for employment at the school and some of thetasks which I performed during the earlier part of my work for the school were later taken over bytrained members of the community.

From early in 1983 I began to do far less of the taping of stories and cultural information.Instead, trained members of the Yipirinya community began making their own tapes and videos. Thispractice encouraged much more natural interactions amongst speakers and often lead to more detailedinformation being collected than I would have been able to elicit. One drawback of this approach,however, is that transcribing is a much less popular task than recording and people who collected tapeswere often not available to help transcribe them. As most linguists would know, transcribing a tape isextremely difficult if one was not present at the time of collection and knows very little about the contextin which they were made. By the time I left Yipirinya in 1985 several hundreds of hours of tape existedbut only a relatively small proportion of these had been transcribed. This state of affairs was not only todo with a general disinterest in transcribing but was largely due to the fact that all of those people withthe skills to do accurate transcription also had numerous other important tasks such as the writing oflessons or the teaching of classes. Still, it must be said that a substantial proportion of my raw materialfor linguistic analysis was collected and initially transcribed by someone else.

One final, and quite unique, aspect of the research situation which helped to make my linguisticresearch "methodologies" more rigorous is the fact that Central Australia contains probably the largestnumber of linguists per capita of population in the world, and those that don't live in Alice Springs itselfoften come to visit. These other linguists provided valuable insights and comparative data and werealways willing to give advice and constructive criticism. Jeannie Bell, who had previously worked as thelinguist at Yipirinya and was working at IAD when I first arrived, provided useful suggestions on how toget started and many of the initial texts that I worked on had been collected by her. During my periodof residence in Alice Springs there were five other professional linguists who were also resident in AliceSprings and who helped me. Three of these - Gavan Breen, John Hendersen, and Jenny Green - alsowork on Arandic languages, one - Robert Hoogenraad - is interested in Warlpiri, and one - CliffGoddard - works on Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara. Linguists who were resident in other parts ofCentral Australia and who provided me with some help are Mary Laughren who works on Warlpiri forthe bilingual school programme at Yuendemu and Jane Simpson and David Nash who were based atTennant Creek and who work on a number of languages in the area (including Warlpiri and

Warumungu). To this group of people must be added those linguistic researchers who passed throughAlice Springs to do fieldwork. These include Edith Bavin, Tim Shopen, and Avery Andrews.Moreover, the Yipirinya School has also supported the linguistic research of Sister Robin Reynolds,Jean Harkins, and John Hobson. So, although I was a long way from Canberra where the officialacademic supervisors of my research were based, I was never far from somebody I could turn toregarding academic linguistic matters.

I left Alice Springs and formal full-time employment for the Yipirinya School Council in early1985. I was brought back by Yipirinya to work on specific projects in June and August of 1985, andJanuary-March of 1986. In August of 1987 I returned to follow up some of my own research. Alsosince leaving Alice Springs I have three times had the pleasure of acting as guide and aide, and once ashost, to Council delegates to interviews or conferences in Sydney and Canberra. Needless to say, theYipirinya Council still maintains control of my research.

1.4 Theoretical and Descriptive PreliminariesHalliday (1980:i) has noted that "what was needed in linguistics was not so much new theories

as new descriptions." His view, one that is very Sapirian and Jakobsonian in spirit, is that linguistictheory cannot advance without a corresponding advance in descriptive practices, and that grammaticaldescriptions must be sensitive to both the advances and the claims of theory. Above all, a description ofa particular language must attempt to be true to the extraordinary complexity of the linguistic system andto the intricacy of the system's relation to both the social and the cultural context of the speakers of thelanguage, regardless of whether or not current theory has a way of dealing with or explaining the detailswhich must be described.

This thesis is, in a number of senses, a 'new description'. Firstly, in describing MparntweArrernte, it describes a previously undescribed linguistic variety. Secondly, it brings a number ofrelatively current theoretical perspectives to the description of various aspects of Mparntwe Arrernteand thereby indicates similar descriptive advances for other Arandic varieties. Finally, it attempts tocontinue the recent trend of incorporating more and more information regarding the semantics,pragmatics and discourse functions of grammatical elements (including grammatical structures) intodescriptions of Australian Aboriginal languages.

1.4.1 The A.N.U. School of Australian Grammatical DescriptionIt would be appropriate to claim that there is a School of Australian Grammatical Description

which is rooted at the Australian National University (A.N.U.) and which has as its founder and headR.M.W. Dixon. Dixon's grammars of Dyirbal (1972) and Yidiñ (1977), which have themselves "been

influenced in part by the grammar-writing traditions associated with Franz Boas, Edward Sapir and theirpupils" (Dixon 1972:xx), have provided the models for what grammars of Australian languages can andshould be, and this thesis is very much a part of the lineage that begins with those grammars. Dixon'sgrammars, and those of the A.N.U. School generally, are very closely aligned to the particularstandpoint attributed above to Halliday, although this is rarely acknowledged. These grammars arehighly eclectic as far as their reliance upon, and use of, theory is concerned, and they have drawn freelyupon a wide range of approaches to linguistic description. For this reason, the grammars of the A.N.U.School have evolved in parallel with the evolution of theory and practice in linguistics over the pasttwenty years. While these grammars do not tend to build theories, they do test theories, and theyfrequently provide critiques on the ability of various theories to handle the particulars of the languagebeing described. The following quote from Evans (1985:xii) captures these aspects of the A.N.U.School, and the spirit of this thesis, very nicely.

"My many frustrating experiences trying to extract generalizations about a particular language from agrammar, or 'fragment' of a grammar, written in the ephemeral formalisms of a once-fashionable theory,have convinced me that grammars should be presented in straightforward language, and furnished with agenerous set of naturally occurring example sentences. Only in this way can readers glean enough toreach their own conclusions about the internal consistency and empirical accuracy of the description.And only when a relatively full informal account of a language's structure, and of the ways it encodesmeaning, becomes available, can the next step - of more formal modelling - be taken."

1.4.2 Semantic ApproachFrom the outset one important aspect of the A.N.U. School of Australian Grammatical

Description has been its emphasis on semantic description as well as structural description. Dixon haslong championed a semantics-prior approach to linguistic description which recognises that "[m]eaning isthe starting-point and the ending-point of language use" (Dixon ms) and works from the assumption that"syntactic properties can be predicted on the basis of semantic representations" (Dixon 1982:8). Whilethis thesis is organised according to structural properties of Mparntwe Arrernte, it attempts, whereverpossible, to describe and correlate the semantic, as well as the structural, properties of grammaticalelements. Furthermore, I see this work as laying the foundations for a fully semantically organisedgrammar of Mparntwe Arrernte which will take conceptual (ie. semantic), rather than structural,categories as the basis for its organisation. I do not, therefore, agree with linguists like Chomsky (1957)who claim that the grammatical (morpho-syntactic) component of language is autonomous of semantics,nor do I agree with linguists like Halliday (1985:xxxiii; 1988) who claim that grammatical categories are

ineffable and that grammatical constructions can not be described semantically. As Wierzbicka (1988:1-3) observes, "[l]anguage is an integrated system, where everything 'conspires' to convey -meaning -words grammatical constructions, and illocutionary devices (including intonation)" and this meaning canbe revealed and rigorously stated.

Of course, the problem faced by any descriptive linguist who wishes to incorporate semanticsinto his/her description is exactly how to explicate semantic phenomena rigorously. In recent years anumber of members of the A.N.U. School, including Cliff Goddard (1983), Nick Evans (1985) andmyself (1986), have made profitable use of the approach to semantic description developed by AnnaWierzbicka (1972; 1980a; 1980b; 1985; 1988). There is a definite need for a semantic metalanguagethat can be used for the purposes of general description and one can easily eschew the theoreticalunderpinnings of Wierzbicka's 'semantic primitives' approach and still benefit from her general programof semantic decomposition and semantic explication.

The main feature of Wierzbicka's approach is that she uses a minimal (primitive) vocabulary ofnatural language items to construct paraphrases in natural language syntax which must be substitutablefor the analysandum without change of meaning (Wierzbicka 1980:20). By using a minimal vocabularyof simple, everyday, natural language lexemes, she ensures that linguistic forms are explicated in termswhich are simpler than the form being explicated and thereby avoids circularity in definition (Wierzbicka1980:12-13). A further advantage of the use of natural language as a semantic metalanguage is that it isintuitively comprehended by the layman, which gives it a wide range of applicability, and it is easilytranslated from language to language, so that the intuitions of native speakers can be tested ondefinitions.

It is important to realise that the possible viability of a natural semantic metalanguage for semanticdescription was recognised by Dixon (1971) who noted that the Dyirbal "mother-in-law language"JalÑuy used an extremely reduced vocabulary, but the same morpho-syntax as the everday language, toconvey all the propositions that can be expressed in everyday Dyirbal itself. Dixon found that non-nuclear predicates (ie. semantically more complex predicates) of the same semantic class could all becaptured by a single nuclear predicate in the mother-in-law language, and modifiers and adjuncts wouldbe used to make more explicit what particular sense is intended. Dixon maintains that his analysissupports a combination of a componential and a definitional natural language approach to semanticdescription.

Wierzbicka's current (1988:10) version of the hypothetical set of primitive, indefinable, lexicalitems that constitute her basic metalanguage contains fifteen elements: I, you, this, someone, something,time, place, want, don't want, say think, know, imagine, become, and part. She also notes (1988:10)that "[o]ther candidates currently under consideration include: like, two, other, world, good, kind of, and

feel." Wierzbicka rarely defines linguistic forms using only the minimal vocabulary of her primitivemetalanguage and tends to work with a vocabulary which is ten times larger; these other items, however,have all been defined using the minimal metalanguage or using items which have been defined using theminimal metalanguage.

In this thesis, where I employ a Wierzbickan-style definition, I tend towards using the largervocabulary, and the paraphrases I employ are not only intended to capture the meaning of the MparntweArrernte forms in English, but also the 'flavour' of the forms. I have attempted to check most definitionswith bilingual informants. Not all elements have permitted the same depth of analysis and so there aremany elements which have gone undefined or which have only been partially defined. One feature ofdefinitions à la Wierzbicka, which I follow here, is their concern with capturing features of an utterancewhich are typically relegated to the field of pragmatics. These features include the thoughts, intentionsand assumptions of the speaker as encoded through linguistic form (see especially chapter 9).

At present it would be fair to say that Wierzbicka's natural semantic metalanguage attempts tocapture many more facets of natural language meaning than logic-based metalanguages. However, therehas not been the same amount of time employed in making the metalanguage as consistent and rigorousas formal metalanguages. Both McCawley (1983) and Nichols (1982), while praising the insights whichWierzbicka's program yields, have cogent criticisms. McCawley points out that she does not make fullyclear what formal nature she ascribes to her analyses: are they strings of words, trees or dependencystructures? This confusion arises from the fact that, although Wierzbicka provides a vocabulary for hernatural language metalanguage, she does not describe the combinatorial properties of her items or thesyntax and discourse structure of her paraphrases. Nichols (1982:698) comments that Wierzbicka is a"maximally content-oriented linguist" and that "[her] exclusive orientation to content leaves her studyunequipped to recognize the properly syntactic aspects of such phenomena as demotion, promotion,ergativity, voice and surface syntactic relations -- all of which it reduces, as it reduces meaning, tocontent." What Nichols has hit upon is the fact that Wierzbicka's approach is basically static in the sensethat it will accurately define fully contextualised utterances but it gives no indication of the dynamics ofhow all the meaningful elements of an utterance - morphemes, lexemes, phrases, syntactic construction,intonation, and context - come together to realise the final meaning of an utterance. I have tried, inchapter 9, to indicate by demonstration how a more dynamic approach might be employed (see alsoVan Valin and Wilkins, forthcoming).

The above criticisms notwithstanding, the usefulness of Wierzbicka's program for teasing outand laying bare semantic distinctions which any semantic theory will have to take into account is, to mymind, invaluable, and can be seen as a necessary prior step to any further formalisation using logic-based metalanguages. On this point John Lyons notes that (1977:12) :

"Any formalization is parasitic upon the ordinary everyday use of language in that it must be understoodintuitively on the basis of ordinary language."

Moreover, a natural semantic metalanguage allows for a wider dissemination of findings toanthropologists, psychologists, educators and philosophers, as well as among linguists, since it isimmediately intelligible and does not require readers to learn an abstract metalanguage. This is especiallyimportant since the rigorous paraphrases do not only capture linguistic, but also cultural, social andpsychological, aspects of the linguistic form defined. As Wierzbicka points out (1985:4-5):

"One reason precise, exhaustive definitions of lexical items are needed is because this is the only way toexplain a culture to outsiders. ... when it comes to concepts encoded in words of a foreign language,especially a culturally distant one, the intuitive link between a word and a concept is missing, and a fulldefinition is the only way of ensuring true understanding of the cultural universe encoded in the language'slexicon."

Wierzbicka's approach has already provided some insight into the linguistic and cultural universe ofRussian (Wierzbicka 1980b), Polish (Wierzbicka 1976), Japanese (Wierzbicka 1979), Ewe (Ameka1986), Chinese (Chappell, 1984), Walmatjari (Hudson 1986) and Warlpiri (Harkins 1986), amongstothers.

1.4.3 Functional Approaches to GrammarAlthough this thesis is eclectic in terms of the means it chooses to describe the phenomena at

hand, it would already be clear to the reader that there are, as is almost inevitable, certain basictheoretical positions which are favoured over others. As far as the trichotomy between structural,formal, and functional grammatical approaches (see Nichols 1984) is concerned, this work relies heavilyon traditional structural categories and structural means of description, and merges this with a basicallyfunctionalist philosophy. Formal approaches provide little more to this description than certain 'generic'descriptive formalisms and certain analytical approaches which are reviewed according to their ability todeal with the phenomenon being described.

While functionalist approaches to grammar make up a fairly heterogeneous group (includingHalliday (1985), Kuno (1987), Givon (1984), and Foley and Van Valin (1984)) they do share certainbasic views. As Nichols (1984: 97) observes, a functional grammar:

"analyzes grammatical structure, as do formal and structural grammar; but it also analyzes the entirecommunicative situation: the purpose of the speech event, its participants, its discourse context.Functionalists maintain that the communicative situation motivates constrains, explains, or otherwisedetermines grammatical structure, and that a structural or formal approach is not merely limited to anartificially restricted data base, but it is inadequate even as a structural account."

This viewpoint is in no way at odds with the semantics-prior approach espoused in the previous section(§1.4.2). The form and/or the use of a particular mophological element or grammatical structure innatural discourse may be seen to be determined by semantic choices which are constrained by, anddemonstrate cognisance of, the larger communicative context. Thus, semantics mediates between thesocial, physical and linguistic context of communication and linguistic structure. Functionalists often tendto circumvent semantics, however, and attempt to map structure directly onto aspects of thecommunicative situation, or else attempt to map in the reverse direction.

In an insightful series of lectures on lexical semantics Fillmore (1977:78-79) observed that:"...,whenever we are interpreting what somebody has said or written, there are four questions we haveto answer for ourselves:

(I) What did he say? (II) What was he talking about?(III) Why did he bother to say it?(IV) Why did he say it in the way he said it?

Only the first of these questions - "What did he say?" -is among the traditional concerns of linguistics.Linguists professionally pay attention to what people have said, and they can more or less feel that theirwork is done when they have devised a system of categories and contrasts, a notation,and possibly, agenerative theory, which will enable them to make systematic statements about each part of what hasbeen said."

In the present theoretical climate, what Fillmore has claimed for linguists generally now holds trueprimarily for structuralists and formalists. As well as answering Fillmore's question (I), functionalists havealso taken on the "Why" questions in (III) and (IV). Thus functionalists tend to focus on explanations oflinguistic phenomena rather than models and descriptions (Nichols 1984; see Heath 1984 for afunctional description of an Australian language). The important semantic question of "What was hetalking about?" is largely neglected in all approaches. Ideally a grammar of a language should attempt to

provide answers to all four questions, and underlying much of the discussion in this thesis, as well as theannotated translations of example sentences, is a recognition that all four questions deserve an answer,even if one is unable to provide answers to some of the questions.

Role and Reference Grammar (RRG - Van Valin and Foley 1980, Foley and Van Valin[henceforth FVV] 1984 , Van Valin 1987) is perhaps the only functional theory which bothacknowledges that aspects of syntax may be predicted from semantic representations in the lexicon andprovides a method of semantic decomposition, albeit a fairly superficial one for verbs only (Van Valinand Wilkins forthcoming). At present, Nichols' observation (1984; 106) that RRG is "not a fully workedout grammatical system" is a fair one, although the theory is continuing to develop (Van Valin ed. 1987;ms a; ms b; ms c). Since the RRG approach basically underlies the discussion of case in chapter 3, thediscussion of syntax in chapter 10 and the discussion of switch-reference in chapter 11, certain aspectsof the theory need to be described briefly.

1.4.3.1 Review of relevant notions from Role and Reference Grammar (RRG)In RRG there is a direct mapping between the semantic representation of a sentence and its

surface syntactic representation (FVV 1984:15). At present the RRG representation of predicatesemantics is based primarily on the approach to verb semantics and lexical representation presented inDowty (1979). Argument positions in the semantic representation of a predicate determine the basicthematic roles (ie. semantic roles: including agent, patient, theme, source, goal, location, experiencer) ofarguments, and the semantic roles are taken to be universal since they are derived on the basis of auniversally applicable method of decomposition for predicates (FVV 1984; 36-53). Thematic roles fallinto a hierarchy which universally has agent at one pole and patient at another pole, with other semanticroles being ordered in between according to what are partially universal and partially language specificparameters. Thematic roles are associated with two universal macroroles - actor and undergoer - in apricipled fashion. When considering the two arguments of a transitive predication, it is the argument withthe role that is, relative to the thematic role of the other argument, closer to the agent role which isidentified with the actor macrorole. The other argument, which is, relatively speaking, closer to thepatient thematic role, fills the undergoer macrorole (FVV 1984:53-63). The RRG 'Actor-UndergoerHierarchy' is given in figure 1-6, and it demonstrates how the notions of 'actor' and 'undergoer', unlikethematic roles, are relative rather than fixed.

Figure 1-6 : RRG Actor-Undergoer Hierarchy (based on FVV 1984: 59 and VanValin ms. c)

Foley and Van Valin (1984:32) note that actor and undergoer "constitute an interface betweensyntactic relations such as subject and semantic relations such as case roles or thematic relations". InRRG grammatical relations are not taken to be universal, nor is a grammatical relation like 'subject'necessarily comparable between languages in which it may be identified. Ultimately, grammaticalrelations must be described in terms of semantic roles (ie. macroroles and thematic roles).

In this thesis I follow Avery Andrews' (1985) useful three-way distinction between semanticroles, grammatical functions and grammatical relations. Grammatical functions are relationships, like'subject of transitive clause' (ie. S) or 'subject of transitive clause' (ie. A) or 'object of transitive clause'(ie. O), which "is definable over the sentence structures of a language under study, regardless to theextent to which it is important for the grammatical principles of that language" (Andrews 1985:66). Bycontrast, a grammatical relation in a particular language "will be a grammatical function that is generallysignificant for the working of the grammatical principles of that language" (op. cit.). Roughly speaking,then, semantic roles are determined by predicate semantics, grammatical functions are recognised byshared grammatical treatment of semantic roles at the level of the clause and grammatical relations aredetermined by a shared treatment of semantic roles and/or grammatical functions inter-clausally. Interms of RRG, grammatical functions, like grammatical relations, ultimately derive from semantic roles.

Another crucial aspect of RRG concerns its conception of clause structure. Based on Olson's(1981) analysis of clause structure in Barai (Papua New Guinea), and Watter's (1987) revision of theoriginal RRG conception, RRG posits a universal tripartite division of clausal units (FVV 1984: 187; VanValin 1987). The central unit, the nucleus, contains the predicate of the clause. The nucleus is enclosedin the core layer which also contains the arguments which fill argument positions in the logical structure ofthe verb; these are called the core arguments. Core arguments may be divided into direct corearguments and non-direct core arguments depending on language specific distinctions in morphosyntacticcoding. Direct core arguments may, for instance, be morphologically unmarked while non-direct corearguments may be morphologically markedwith case or adpositions. For instance, in an active sentence,the prepositionally marked locative semantic role which is associated with the English verb 'put' is a non-direct core argument, while the agent and theme semantic roles are direct core arguments that are linkedto the actor and undergoer macroroles respectively and are morphologically unmarked. The next clausalunit, the periphery, is treated as a sister of the core layer and contains adjuncts (non-arguments) such assetting and temporal adverbials. This conception of the clause is presented in figure 1-7 and is intendedto cover both configurational and non-configurational languages since it does not place any constraint onthe ordering of the elements (FVV 1984:78).

Figure 1-7 : RRG Conception of clause structure (based on VanValin 1987; ms.d; and Watters 1987)

It is important to realise that each clausal unit is associated with, and identified by, a different setof operators (FVV 1984:208-224). Operators over the entire clause have in their scope operators overthe core, which, in turn, have in their scope operators over the nucleus. Nuclear operators includeaspect (Asp) and directionals (Dir), core operators include modality, and clausal operators include status(ie. epistemic modality, external negation), tense, evidentials (Evid) and illocutionary force (IF). Theproposed relationships of scoping amongst operators and constituents is given in figure 1-8.

(IF(Evid(Tense(Status [PP/ADV ...](Modality [NP (NP) ... (Dir (Asp [Predicate]))]))))) NUCLEUS PERIPHERY CORE CLAUSE

Figure 1-8: RRG conception of operator scoping and constituency within the clause.(Refinement of FVV 1984:224 and VanValin ms. d : (...) = Operators, [...] =

Constituents)

Foley and Van Valin (1984:188) propose "as a working hypothesis", that clausal units of thesame type, but not of different types, may be joined together. This realises three types ofjuncture:nuclear juncture, which realises a complex nucleus; core juncture, which comprises two coreseach with their own arguments; and peripheral (ie. clausal) juncture, which is the joining of the twoclauses with independent peripheries. Syntactically, peripheral junctures are a looser linkage type thancore junctures and nuclear junctures form the tightest linkage of all three juncture types (Van Valin1984:555).

RRG further recognises three distinct types of linkage which may be manifested at any level ofjuncture. There are two independent features to be established in deciding the nature of the syntacticlinkage at a particular level of juncture: (i) whether one linked unit is dependent on the other or not, and(ii) whether one linked unit is embedded in the other or not. This leads to the establishment of threenexus types: coordinate (- dependent, - embedded), subordinate (+ dependent, + embedded), co-subordinate (+ dependent, - embedded) (Van Valin 1984: 546). The only nexus type which is notrealised in all juncture types is subordinate nexus which is not attested in nuclear junctures. As far as thetightness of linkage of different nexus types is concerned, coordination is a looser linkage type than

subordination, which, in turn, is a looser linkage type than co-subordination (FVV 1984: 226; Van Valin1984: 555). The combination of the hierarchy of bondness for juncture types may be combined withthat for nexus types to give the Syntactic Bondness Hierarchy as represented in figure 1-9.

Figure 1-9: RRG Syntactic Bondedness Hierarchy (FVV 1984:267; Van Valin 1984:555)

A crucial notion for both intra-clausal and interclausal syntax is that of pivot. "The pivot of asyntactic construction is the NP which is crucially involved in it; ie., it is the NP around which theconstruction is built" (FVV 1984:110). RRG recognises two types of pivot: semantic pivots andpragmatic pivots. Where the central NP, or target NP, in a construction must realise a specific semanticrole (macrorole or thematic role), the pivot is said to be a semantic pivot. On the other hand, wherepivot choice cannot be stated in semantic terms, that is, where the pivotal NP need not realise a uniquesemantic role, the pivot of the particular construction is said to be a "pragmatic pivot". English has apragmatic pivot which in most constructions is realised by the grammatical relation of "subject" that fillspre-verbal position. Note that in an active transitive sentence the actor macrorole acts as pivot("subject") while in the corresponding passive sentence the undergoer macrorole, moved to preverbalposition, acts as pivot ("subject"). Thus the pivot notion which corresponds to the "subject" notion inEnglish can not be reduced to a simple statement about the semantic role the NP is playing, but it can bereduced to a simple statement about the position of the NP. Note that languages may manifest morethan one pivot type in different constructions and not all constructions, in fact, not all languages, have apivot (FVV 1984:108-148).

There are many more aspects of RRG which could be presented, they are not, however, crucialfor an understanding of the analyses presented in the following chapters. The reader is directed to themajor works on RRG, as cited above, for further clarification of any points.

1.4.4 Main Aims and Organisation of ThesisWhen all is said and done, the two main aims of this thesis are the same as those for most

detailed grammars. The first aim is to provide a comprehensive, and comprehensible, overview ofMparntwe Arrernte. The second aim is to give the reader some sense of the natural genius of thelanguage. In order to achieve these two aims I have interleaved chapters which provide relativelysketchy details of major portions of the grammar (chapters 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and 10) with chapters thatprovide detailed analyses for specific aspects of the grammar (chapters 4,6,9 and 11). Chapters 3through 9 are organised around the four major parts of speech: nominals, verbs, adverbs and

particle/clitics. Chapters 10 and 11 are concerned with syntax. Chapter 2 provides a brief sketch ofthe phonology of Mparntwe Arrernte. Even in chapters which are meant to be less detailed I haveoccasionally spent considerable space describing interesting or previously undescribed aspects of thelanguage. For instance, reduplication is a very salient characteristic of Mparntwe Arrernte and I havedetailed its effect on nominals, verbs and adverbs in each of the relevant chapters.

I have not gone as far as calling this thesis a grammar mainly because it does not meet my visionof a grammar of Mparntwe Arrernte. It is not the case that all elements are analysed to the same depthand certain very important aspects of the language have not really been treated at all. For instance, thereis no account of intonation, there are only brief indications of how discourse is constructed (texts areprovided in appendix 1), there are only passing references to the structure and ethno-classification of thelexicon (although a lexicon is provided in appendix 2) and, although I mention pragmatics at a number ofpoints in the discussion of particular linguistic forms, the whole question of how culture-specificpragmatics governs language use and interpretation remains largely unexplored. For these reasons I feelthat "studies in the structure and semantics of grammar" is a more accurate designation for this thesis,even though this work probably contains no less information than most grammars of Australianlanguages.

1.4.4.1 Parts of SpeechSince chapters 3 through 9 are organised around the four major parts of speech, it would be

useful to present an overview of parts of speech classification and subclassification. As noted above allwords in Mparntwe Arrernte fall into at least one of four broad classes: nominals, verbs, adverbs, andparticle/clitics. Each of these classes contain a number of formally distinct subclasses many of which areclosed. Of the four principal classes only the particle/clitic class is closed; there are productivederivational morphemes which can create new members belonging to the other three groups.

Two criteria by which nominal words may be identified are:(i) they can occur in an utterance as the sole member of a NP and, as such, can bear case inflections (cf. §3.1 and §3.2), and(ii) they can be negated with the clitic -kwenye 'NomNEG' (cf. §8.1.2.1).

(17) Artwe-le-kwenye re-nhe mpware-ke, relhe-le-rle.man-ERG-NomNEG 3sg-ACC make-pc, woman-ERG-FOC.It wasn't a man that made it, it was a woman.

Subclasses of nominal are identifiable by reference to the position they take up within a fullyexpanded NP. Pronouns, nouns, adjectives, quantifiers, classifiers, interrogatives, and demonstrativesare the major subgroups within the nominal class, but it is not uncommon for a form to have membershipin more than one subgroup. Note that a handful of nominals - such as kaltye 'be knowledgeable of' andkutne 'be ignorant of' - may act as case assigning predicates (cf. §5.1.2).

By contrast, members of the verb class are inflected for tense/mood/aspect when acting as themain predicate in a simple clause and are negated by a stem final inflection ,-tyekenhe 'verb negator' (cf. §5.3.2.1), which replaces tense.

(18) Artwe-le re-nhe twe-tyekenhe, re re-nhe are-k-ante ware.man-ERG 3sg-ACC hit-VbNEG, 3sgA 3sg-ACC see-pc-EXCL

DISMThe man didn't hit it , he only looked at it, nothing else.

Verbs may be subclassified on the basis of the core case frames that they select. Most verbs areeither transitive (ergative-accusative ) or intransitive (nominative or nominative-dative), but there areverbs which are ditransitive and some which are ambi-transitive (cf. §5.1.3).

Adverbs are verb predicate modifiers which are distinguished by the fact that they can onlyoccur in verbal clauses. The only counter-examples to this statement arise when the verb action isunderstood but the verb itself is ellipsed. Adverbs can freely occur in utterances without any form ofinflection (nominal, verbal, or other), but they may also occur suffixed with one of the forms from thesubset of local (or spatial) case suffixes (cf. ch. 4). Forms in this class tend to correspond to temporal,spatial, and manner adverbs in English.

The particle/clitic group, as analysed here, is not strictly a word class since it contains bothbound and free morphemes. The free morphemes in this class never bear inflection unless they are usedto post-modify a nominal and are internal to an NP. They may occur in either verbal or verbless clausesbut their positioning in a clause is usually restricted. Positioning may depend on the position of theelement a particle/clitic has in its scope, or it may depend on the position of clause and/or constituentboundaries or, finally, certain particle/clitics may be restricted to being the only element of the clause inwhich they occur. Particle/clitics take no form of independent negation, although some are themselvesused for negation. They form a heterogeneous group, within which can be found conjunctions,interjections, exclamations, discourse level particles, as well as modal, epistemic, evidential, attitudinal,comparative, contrastive, and aspectual markers.

As a general rule nominals and adverbs can be derived into verbs by use of either -irre'inchoative' (cf. §5.5.5) or -ile 'causative' (cf. §5.5.3). There are two ways in which all verbs can benominalised (cf. §3.10.1): (i) through suffixation of -ntye/-tye 'nominaliser' to the verb stem, and (ii)through 'reduplication with -nhe' which creates a noun referring to a thing which habitually does theaction described in the verb stem. Certain adjectival nominals can be adverbialised using -le (nterte'quiet, silent'; nterte-le 'quietly, silently) and verbs ending in -me-le (cf. ch. 11) can also be usedadverbially. Some adverbs undergo reduplication to form adjectival nominals (mwantye 'carefully,slowly'; mwantye-mwantye 'careful, cautious'). There is a degree of overlapping membershipbetween the nominal, adverb, and particle/clitic classes. For example, arrangkwe 'no, nothing' acts bothas a nominal and as a particle/clitic (§8.2.4.3) ; kwete 'still' shows characteristics common to adverbsand particle/clitics (cf. §7.3.3 and §8.3); and the spatially deictic demonstratives have both nominal andadverbial uses (cf. §3.6). For this reason it is not always easy to determine the primary membership ofa word form. Moreover, the boundaries between these classes are not as sharply defined as mightappear from this brief description. Even the most clearly defined part of speech, verbs, can be seen tofall together with certain nominals if one simply considers the property of case assignment. The majorparts of speech and the subclasses which they contain are given in figure 1-10. Chapters and sections inwhich each class and subclass is discussed are shown in square brackets.

Chapter TwoPhonology

Natural historical processes operating on a standard Pama-Nyungan sound system have, inAustralian terms, given rise to an atypical phonemic and phonotactic system within the Arandiclanguages. This is not to suggest that a unitary phonological analysis can be presented for all Arandiclanguages. On the contrary, while there are certain characteristic phonological features exhibited byArandic languages - such as the phonemic status of pre-stopped nasals - there is a considerabledegree of variation between the sound systems of these languages. Thus, wherever this presentation ofthe phonology of Mparntwe Arrernte differs from that detailed for other Arandic languages, it shouldprobably be interpreted as a difference in systems rather than a difference in analyses.

2.1 Phonemes and their Realisation Throughout the rest of this thesis the practical orthography adopted by the Yipirinya School

bilingual programme and the Institute for Aboriginal Development in Alice Springs will be used. As thisorthography is not readily transparent to people unfamiliar with Arandic languages, I will (in this sectiononly) match the orthographic symbols to more conventional phonetic and phonological symbols.

2.1.1 VowelsOne area in which there is considerable variation among Arandic languages is in the vowel

system. Antekerrepenh (Breen, 1977) and Kaytetye (Koch, 1984:fn.4 ), for instance, are analysed ashaving only two vowel phonemes, while in Alyawarra, Yallop (1977:25-34) recognises six distinctivevowel phonemes (including 1 diphthong). Mparntwe Arrernte falls in between with four contrastivevowel phonemes; /i/, /u/, /a/ and /ë/. Four-vowel systems are very rare amongst the world's languages;out of 317 languages Maddieson (1984:126) attests only 15 (4.7%) with four-vowel systems, of which3 are Australian languages. Disner (1984:140-141), who, like Maddieson, uses the UPSID database(see fn. 4), claims that all four-vowel systems with one mid vowel are "defective" since they leaveunbalanced gaps in the primary (peripheral) vowel system. It is unclear what she would say about theMparntwe Arrernte system, since it seems that one could argue for symmetry with the single mid vowel/´ë/ being equidistant from all the peripheral points of the system. (see Table 2-1)

Front Central BackHigh i (i) u (u)Mid ë (e)

Low a (a) Table 2 - 1 : Mparntwe Arrernte Vowels (Orthographic symbols are given in brackets)

The phoneme /ë/ does not occur in initial position. The following minimal set demonstrates thecontrasts in initial position:

(1) inteme /intëmë/ [ìndëÂmà] 'is lying down'unteme /untëmë/ [ùndëÂmà] 'is hurrying away'anteme /antëmë/ [andëÂmà] 'now (particle)'

While a full four-way contrast of vowels between consonants is extremely rare the followingthree sets of near minimal forms establishes the distinctiveness of each vowel phoneme. The only vowelphoneme to occur finally is /ë/.

(2) a. arrule /arulë/ [aròÂ:là] 'long time'arrirlpe /arilÛpë/ [ariÂlÛpà] 'sharp'irrarle /iralÛë/ [iraÂlÛà] 'cocoon'arerte /a®ÛëtÛë/ [a®ÛëÂtÛà] 'deaf, mad'

b. ahirre /aûirë/ [aûiÂrà] 'do imagining'aherre /aûërë/ [aûëÂrà] 'red kangaroo'ahate /aûatë/ [aûaÂdà] 'shortened'

c. apure /apu®ë/ [apòÂ:®à] 'shy; shame, ashamed'apere /apë®ë/ [apë®à] 'river red gum'aparre /aparë/ [apaÂrà] 'butt of spear'

Impressionistically - that is, on auditory evidence only - these four vowel phonemes cut up thevowel space as follows (Figure 2-1).

Figure 2-1 shows that there is a considerable degree of variation in the realisation of each vowelphoneme. Furthermore, it shows that the phoneme /ë/ is the chameleon par excellence; given the rightenvironments it succeeds in reproducing the full range of variation of both the /i/ and /u/ phoneme andpart of the range of the /a/ phoneme. How do we best explain this variation? While this is not the timenor place to present a critique of classical or generative approaches to the phoneme, I will venture thefollowing observations. Underlying most approaches to the phoneme is a choice (sometimes overtlystated but most times covert) to abstract from reality and idealise the speech context. It is well knownthat there is a chaos of variation if one, at once, examines a phoneme's realisation within a singlespeaker, in the whole speech community, in different styles and registers, and so on. Such chaos is notamenable to neat, precise, and simple rules. To simplify matters one usually, or ideally, works withcitation forms given in careful pronunciation, perhaps working with only one speaker. From this, neatstatements may be extracted but it is at the expense of describing what items really sound like inconnected discourse.

Some Mparntwe Arrernte examples may help justify and explain this apparent diversion. It istrue, for instance, that in a majority of uses the /i/ in iteme 'is cooking' and ileme 'is telling' is pronounced[i] and [ì] respectively. However, even in carefully produced citation forms, some speakers may used [ì]for the former and [i] for the latter. Thus the association of a particular allophone with a phoneme in aspecific environment may be merely a statistical correlate. Similarly, /ë/ before /y/ is realised by a rangeof pronunciation between [e] and [i], while /i/ before /y/ is always [i]. Here we have an example of abreach of the biuniqueness principle in classical phonology (see Lass 1984:27-30). Just hearing [i] in aform, one would be unable to assign the phone definitively to either /i/ or /ë/, but knowing the range ofpronunciations for a form allows one to determine, unambiguously, the particular phoneme.

In order to be true to the chaos of variation existing in normal speech contexts I have chosen topresent nothing more than a rough descriptive account of allophonic variation, complete with hedges.The realisations of each vowel phoneme will be discussed in turn.

2.1.1.1 /i/Initially, preceding simple (non-labialised) stops, nasals, rhotics, and the approximants, the

pronunciation of /i/ tends to be [i], elsewhere it tends to be [ì].

(3) irretye /irët„ë/ [irëÂt„ßà] 'eagle'itne /iNë/ [ìt nàÂ] 'they'

Between consonants /i/ is pronounced as [e:] in stressed position in the environment of a lamino-interdental, or preceding a labial consonant. Otherwise, it tends to be pronounced as [i], unless /i/'smedial occurrence arises through compounding or suffixation in which case it is typically realised as [ì].

(4) thirnte /t˜inÚtÛë/ [t˜†eÂ:nÚdÚà] 'flat; chinese'ngkwinhe /Ñkwinˆë/ [ÑgweÂ:nˆà] 'yours (sg)'amiwerre /amiwërë/ [ameÂ:wërà] 'milky way'antyipere /an„t„ipë®ë/ [an„d„? eÂ:bë®à] 'bat'amirre /amirë/ [amiÂrà] 'spear thrower'arntinye /anÚtÛin„ë/ [a„nÚdÚiÂn„à] 'wasp'

While the above is an accurate statement of the distribution of the allophones of /i/, there is no clearexplanation for why the environment preceding a bilabial consonant should lower /i/ to [e:]; although, atleast for [w], we can note the back tongue position and for bilabials generally we can note a low secondformant relative to other consonants (Lieberman and Blumstein 1988:224-225). That lamino-interdentals provide a conditioning environment for this realisation of /i/ makes more sense; the body ofthe tongue must be relatively flat, and extended, in the production of interdentals and this is likely tolower a surrounding high front vowel which would typically have the body of tongue bunched up.

2.1.1.2 /u/Initially, before rhotics, /u/ varies between [o] and [ò], but is typically more towards the latter

than the former phone. Preceding nasal-stop clusters /u/ is heard as [ù], while in the remaining initialenvironments it is [u]. There are no attested examples of /u/ preceding a peripheral consonant (cf.§2.1.2.).

(5) ure /u®Ûë/ [ò®Ûà] 'fire, firewood'unte /untë/ [ùndà] 'you (sg)'uthneme /uNˆëmë/ [ut˜†nˆëmà] 'bite (of animals)'

Between consonants /u/ is extremely rare. It is only attested, as far as non-derived forms are concerned,in stressed position after the first consonant, or consonant cluster, and it is pronounced as [ò:]. When aform beginning with /u/ is used as a non initial element in a compound, the /u/ in that form tends to havethe same quality that it would have prior to compounding or it may be slightly lowered.

(6) purte /putÛë/ [pòÂ:tÛà ] 'cluster, clump, heap'kunye /kun„ë/ [kòÂ:n„à] 'poor thing'nthurre /nˆt˜urë/ [nˆt˜†òÂ:rà] 'very, really'

2.1.1.3 /a/ Both initially and medially /a/ is typically realised as [a]. However, it is not uncommon for /a/ to

also be realised as a shorter, more centralised [à] in unstressed syllables during normal to rapid speech.There tends to be a distinct palatal on-glide between realisations of this phoneme and the apico-post-alveolar (retroflex) consonants.

(7) atneme /aNëmë/ [at¸nëÂmà ] 'digging stick'tharre /t˜arë/ [t˜†aÂrà] 'numb'Arlpere /alÛpë®Ûë/ [a„lÛpë®Ûà] 'Warlpiri'arne-artne /anÚë-aNÚë / [a„nÚa„tÛnÚà] 'scrub, bush country'

The emphatic clitic -aye, which always takes stress, is pronounced [-e:y], even though it beginsorthographically with 'a'. Typically /a/ before /y/ is realised something like /aì/. Note the differentpronunciations of the following two forms which, apart from the exclamation mark, are given the samerepresentation in the Arrernte orthography.

(8) alaye! [ale:y] 'watch out!' alaye [alaìyà] 'large body of water; sea'

2.1.1.4 /ë/ Between consonants /ë/ is realised as [o] preceding /w/.(9) tyewe /t„ëwë / [t„ßoÂwà] 'friend'

newe /nëwë/ [noÂwà] 'spouse'

Following a labialised non-peripheral consonant /ë/ tends to be realised as [u] with the labial off glidefrom consonant imperceptible. In this case, if the following consonant is a rhotic (ie. a apico-post-alveolar consonant or a trill) then the phoneme is commonly realised as [ò].

(10) tweme (hit-npp) /t‚ëmë/ [tuÂmà] 'is hitting'twerne (hit-p.immed) /t‚ënÚë/ [tòÂnÚà] 'just hit'

Following /w/ it can vary between [ë] and [ù], sometimes rising to [u], while it is often realised as [ù]between a labialised peripheral and a velar consonant.

(11) iwenhe /iwënˆë/ [iwëÂnˆà ~ iwùnˆà] 'what?'ngkwenge /ÑkwëÑë/ [ÑgùÂÑà] '2sgDAT'

Between two bilabial consonants, where the first is labialised, /ë/ rises to [u].

(12) pwepelye /p‚ëpël„ë/ [puÂpël„à] 'tadpole'

Rounding of /ë/ also sometimes occurs following a non-labialised bilabial consonant and precedinganother peripheral, especially another bilabial. Thus (a)peke 'might, maybe' is typically pronounced[(a)pëkà] but may occasionally be pronounced as [(a)pùkà]. Note also that where /ë/ precedes /y/conditioning from that environment takes precedence.

While /ë/ in the environment of a labialised consonant can have realisations which cover the samevowel space as /u/, in the environment of a lamino-palatal consonant /ë/ shares the same range ofallophones as /i/. Preceding /y/ the schwa phoneme can vary anywhere between [e] and [i].

(13) kngwarreye / ‚arëyë/ [k¸Ñ‚aÂreyà ~ k¸Ñ‚aÂriyà] 'One of the skin names'

Between two lamino-palatal non-approximants it is almost always realised as [ì], sometimes rising to [i].

(14) tnyentye /N„ën„t„ë/ [t n„ìÂn„d„? à] 'moon'

Following any lamino-palatal consonant, /ë/ will vary between [ë] and [ì] before peripherals,excluding /w/, and will vary through [ë], [è], and [ì] preceding an apico-alveolar consonant. It alsovaries between [ë] and [ì] when preceding a lamino-palatal non-approximant.

(15) yeparenye /yëpa®Ûën„ë / [yëÂpà®ÛëÁn„à ~ yìÂpà®ÛìÁn„à] 'k.o.caterpillar'

nyente /n„ëntë/ [n„ëÂntà ~ n„èÂntà ~ n„ìÂntà] 'one'alenye /alën„ë/ [alëÂn„à ~ alìÂn„à] 'tongue'

There are a number of forms where [ë] and [à] are both possible realisations of /ë/. Thereseems to be a relation between stress - secondary, tertiary, and sentential - and the occurrence of one of[ë] or [à]. The exact principles operating here are not clear and the choice between whether or not aparticular form contains phoneme /ë/ or /a/ is often a matter of guesswork, coupled with intuition.

(16) kemirreme /këmirëmë/ [këmirëmà ~ kàmirëmà] 'is getting up'

Elsewhere, and most frequently /ë/ is heard as [ë] medially.

(17) therre /t˜ërë/ [t˜†ëÂrà] 'two'utyerneme /ut„ënÚëmë/ [ut„ßëÂnÚëmà] 'is lifting s.t. up'

As mentioned previously, /ë/ is the only vowel to occur word finally in Mparntwe Arrernte andis, therefore, non-distinctive in that position. More particularly, it is the only vowel to occur morphemefinally (see §2.3.1 for further discussion). All words in citation end with /ë/, but in normal speech it isoften left out. When it does occur it is typically realised as [à], although it may also be realised as [ë].

(18) arnkentye /anÚkën„t„ë/ [a„nÚgëÂn„t„ßà ~ a„nÚgëÂn„t„ß] 'single men'squarters'

2.1.1.4 Initial (a)An intriguing feature relevant to the vowel phonology of Mparntwe Arrernte is that a large

number of words which may be pronounced with an initial consonant, can also be pronounced - both incitation and in normal speech - with an epenthetic [a] ~ [à] initially.

(19) (a)lheme (go-npp) [l˜ëÂmà ~ al˜ëÂmà ~ àl˜ëÂmà] 'is going'

It is, as yet, unclear exactly which forms allow this variation in pronunciation or what rulesdetermine the occurrence or non-occurrence of epenthetic [à] ~ [a]. As with the [ë] ~ [à] alternationmedially for /ë/, this alternation appears to be linked to stress assignment and possibly syllable count, aswell as vowel quality appearing in following syllables. These epenthetic phones are typically treated inthe orthography with an 'a' but it is not at all clear whether they should be considered as allophones of /a/or any other vowel phoneme for that matter. While the occurrence of /a/ versus no vowel initially is adistinctive one, neither possibility ever appears to contrast definitively with a form with epenthetic [à] ~

[a] initially. In other words, while there are minimal pairs involving /a/ and Ø initially, there are no wordswhich manifest initial epenthesis and, at the same time, show a contrast with either an /a/-initial word or aconsonant initial word.

(20) ampwe /am‚p‚ë/ [aÂmb‚à] 'old'mpwe /mpwë/ [mb‚àÂ] 'urine'(but never [àmb‚àÂ] for 'urine')

The fact that the initial epenthetic vowel never contrasts with /a/ could be taken as evidence thatit is an allophone of /a/. This, however, leaves one to explain why a form like apekepe 'weakened,unable to walk' always occurs with initial /a/, while an analogous form (a)peke 'might, maybe' allowsepenthetic 'a'.

The variable, epenthetic, occurrence of [a] ~ [à] in initial position in some words, is akin to thebehaviour of /ë/ in final position and this suggests a possible analysis which sees the epenthetic vowel asan allophone of /ë/. Under such an analysis one could say that in open syllables /ë/ is realised as [à] andhas a transient, or variable, occurrence; something which could be expected of schwa. Thus, althoughcontrasting medially, /ë/ would be seen as non-contrastive initially or finally. That it does not contrastinitially may be explained by the fact that it would neutralise with /a/ and Ø in this position. On thisanalysis, then, all four vowels do occur initially and the orthography could use 'e', instead of initial 'a' ornothing, to represent words which manifest epenthetic 'a'. The information on this point is, however, toosketchy to be confident of this solution.

Another solution is to say that the epenthetic 'a' is not a realisation of any vowel phoneme, butoccurs before various lexically determined consonant initial lexemes. This last solution is the one that isessentially adopted here as a matter of convenience. In the body of this thesis words which variablyhave [a] ~ [à] initially may be written with '(a)' (ie. optional 'a') at the beginning, but are regarded aswords which begin with consonants. Examples attempt to follow pronunciation and use 'a' or nothing atthe beginning of a word depending on what the speaker is understood to have said.

2.1.2 ConsonantsMparntwe Arrernte has 49 consonant phonemes, a very large inventory compared to most

Australian languages. Like many Australian languages it has stops and nasals at six contrastive points ofarticulation - bilabial, lamino-dental, apico-alveolar, apico-post-alveolar, lamino-palatal, and dorso-velar. Unlike most languages of the world (see Maddieson 1984:27), but like all Arandic languages, ithas a phonemic series of pre-stopped nasals at each of six places. To best explain phonotactic

constraints and environments for allophonic and morpho-phonemic variation, it is useful to recognisethree natural classes associated with these six points of articulation: apicals, laminals and peripherals.Peripheral is a term coined by Dixon (1980:139) to cover consonants articulated 'at the extreme back orfront of the mouth' and it corresponds to the Jakobsonian feature 'grave'. It is also useful to recognise arhotic-class which includes the apical trill and the lamino-post-alveolar (retroflex) consonants (see§2.1.2.2.1).

Another atypical feature exhibited by Mparntwe Arrernte is that two series of consonantphonemes can be identified on the basis of whether or not the phoneme has the secondary articulationfeature of labialisation. With three exceptions, each of the non-labialised phonemes can be seen tocorrespond to a labialised phoneme at the same place and manner of articulation. In the data, labialisedlaminal pre-stopped nasals (Nˆ‚ & N„‚) and a labialised inter-dental nasal (nˆ‚) are not attested. Thereappears to be no explanation as to why these three gaps, in particular, exist. Further data may, indeed,reveal their existence and the phoneme inventory would have be to revised accordingly. FollowingBreen (1977:379 [Breen cites Hale (pc)]), /w/ is treated as being the labialised counterpart of the velarapproximant /û/. Table 2-2 gives the consonant phonemes and their orthographic equivalents. Table 2-3 provides, for each consonant phoneme, a word containing that phoneme, as well as demonstrating anumber of important phonemic contrasts using minimal and near-minimal sets. A : Phonemic Symbols

Bilabial Lamino- Apico- Apico- Lamino- Dorso- (Peripheral) Inter-dental Alveolar Post- Palatal Velar Alveolar (Peripheral) (Retroflex) ( Non-Labialised Consonant Phonemes)

Stops p t˜ t tÛ t„ kNasals m n n nÚ n„ ÑPre-stopped Nasals M Nˆ N NÚ N„Laterals l l lÛ l„Approximants ®Û y ûTrill r

(Labialised Consonant Phonemes) Stops p‚ t˜‚ t‚ tÛ‚ t„‚ k‚

Nasals m‚ - n‚ nÚ‚ n„‚ Ñ‚

Pre-stopped Nasals M‚ - N‚ NÚ‚ - ‚Laterals l ‚ l‚ lÛ‚ l„‚Approximants €(w) ®Û‚ y‚ wTrill r‚

B : Orthographic Symbols Used to Represent Consonant Phonemes ( Non-Labialised Consonant Phonemes)

Stops p th t rt ty kNasals m nh n rn ny ngPre-stopped Nasals pm thn tn rtn tny kngLaterals lh l rl lyApproximants r y hTrill rr

(Labialised Consonant Phonemes) Stops pw thw tw rtw tyw kw

Nasals mw - nw rnw nyw ngwPre-stopped Nasals pmw - tnw rtnw - kngwLaterals lhw lw rlw lywApproximants (w) rw yw wTrill rrw

Table 2-2 : Mparntwe Arrernte Consonant Phonemes and their Orthographic Equivalents

Non-Labialised Consonant Phonemes

(a)pere athere atere arteme (a)tyeke kere/(a)pë®Ûë/ /at˜ë®Ûë/ /atë®Ûë/ /atÛëmë/ /(a)t„ëkë / /kë®Ûë/[àpë®Ûà] [at˜†ë®Ûà] [atë®Ûà] [a„tÛëmà] [àt„ßëkà ] [kë®Ûà]'river red 'grinding 'afraid' 'is covering, 'loose' 'game

gum' stone' building' animal'

(a)menge (a)nheme (a)neme arne (a)nyente (a)ngepe/(a)mëÑë/ /(a)nˆëmë/ /(a)nëmë/ /anÚë / /(a)n„ëntë/ /(a)Ñëpë/[àmëÑà] [ànˆëmà] [ànëmà] [a„nÚà] [ànyèntà] [àÑëpà]'a fly' 'is wetting 'is sitting' 'tree' 'one' 'crow'

something'

(a)pmere uthneme (a)tneme artneme (a)tnyeme (a)kngeme/(a)Më®Ûë/ /uNˆëmë/ /(a)Nëmë/ /aNÚëmë/ /(a)N„ëmë/ /(a) ëmë/[àp¸më®Ûà] [ut˜†nˆëmà] [àt¸nëmà] [a„tÛnÚëmà] [àt¸n„ëmà] [àk¸Ñëmà]'camp, 'is biting 'is standing' 'is crying' 'is falling' 'is taking'

place' (of animal)'

(a)lheme aleme arlenge alyeme/(a)l˜ëmë/ /alëmë/ /alÛëÑë/ /al„ëmë/[àl˜ëmà] [alëmà][a„lÛëÑà] [al„ëmà]'is going' 'liver' 'far' 'is singing'

arenge ayenge ahentye/a®ÛëÑë/ /ayëÑë/ /aûën„t„ë/[a®ÛëÑà] [ayëÑà] [aûën„t„ßà]'euro' 'I' (S,O) 'throat,

desire'

arrenge/arëÑë/[arëÑà]'father'sfather'

Table 2-3 : Words Exemplifying Distinctions Amongst Consonant Phonemes (Part 1)

Labialised Consonant Phonemes

apwe ithwenge itwe artwe atywe akwarratye/ap‚ë/ /it˜‚ëÑë/ /it‚ë/ /atÛ‚ë/ /at„‚ë/ /ak‚arat„ë/[ap‚à] [it˜†ùÑà] [ìt‚à] [a„tÛ‚à] [at„ß‚à] [ak‚ara„t„ßà]'emu down' 'maybe not' 'near' 'man' 'calf of leg' 'right hand'

mwarre inwerle arnwere (a)nywerre ingwe/m‚arë/ /in‚ëlÛë/ /anÚ‚ë®Ûë/ /(a)n„‚ërë/ /iÑwë/[m‚arà] [ìnòlÛà] [a„nÚò®Ûà] [àn„òrà] [ìÑ‚à]'good, 'spider' 'humming 'do thinking 'night'healthy' noise' badly of'

apmwe atnwaye artnwepe (a)kngwelye/aM‚ë/ /aN‚ayë/ /aNÚ‚ëpà/ /(a) wël„ë/[ap¸m‚à] [at¸n‚ayà] [a„tÛ¸nÚupà] [àk¸Ñ‚ùl„à]'snake' 'heel of 'swamp' 'dog'

foot'

alhwe alwirreme arlwe alyweke/al˜‚ë/ /al‚irëmë/ /alÛ‚ë/ /al„‚ëkë/[al˜‚à] [al‚ìrëmà] [a„lÛ‚à] [al„ukà]'blood' 'is running' 'rounded 'stone knife'

away' stone'

awethe arwe aywerre awethe/awët˜ë/ /a®Û‚ë/ /ay‚ërë/ /awët˜ë/[awët˜†à] [a®Û‚à] [ayòrà] [awët˜†à]'more, again' 'handle of 'noise, 'more, again'

shield' sound'

arrwe/ar‚ë/[ar‚à]

'rockwallaby'

Table 2-3 : Words Exemplifying Distinctions Amongst Consonant Phonemes (Part 2)2.1.2.1 Phonetic Realisation of Consonants : MANNERS2.1.2.1.1 Nasals and laterals.

Beyond the specific features associated with certain places of articulation discussed below (cf.§2.1.2.2), the realisation of nasals and laterals is basically unremarkable.

2.1.2.1.2 Stops.In initial position and beginning a stressed syllable the stops will be voiceless and unaspirated. In

other positions, the question of whether a stop will be voiced or unvoiced tends to vary from one placeof articulation to another. The lamino-inter-dental stop /t˜/, for instance, always has a voicelessrealisation.

Positions where voicing of other stops is likely to occur are intervocalically, when beginning anunstressed syllable, and in a cluster preceded by a nasal or lateral. When a nasal-stop cluster is initial, orbegins a stressed syllable, the stop is always voiced (with the given exception of /t˜/). Otherwise stopsmay have a voiced or voiceless realisation. It is, however, important to realise that the preferredpronunciation of a particular form may hinge on whether the stop is voiced or not, even when the samestop, in an analogous environment, has the opposite voicing feature in the preferred pronunciation ofanother lexeme. Moreover, another constraint on what one might have assumed to be free variation ofvoicing is the fact that, comparatively, the apical stops /t/ and /tÛ/ tend to be realised as voiced morefrequently than the bilabial, velar, and lamino-palatal stops.

(21) arteme /atÛëmë/ [a„tÛëÂmà] 'is covering, building'marteme /matÛëmë/ [maÂdÚëmà] 'is closing (tr)'arnteme /anÚtÛëmë/ [a„nÚdÚëÂmà] 'is hurting; cramping'karnte-karnte /kanÚtÛë-kanÚtÛë/ [kaÂnÚtÛàkaÁnÚtÛà] 'a circle, circular'kethe /kët˜ë/ [kët˜†à] 'outside, clear, naked'meke-meke /mëkë-mëkë/ [mëÂkàmëÁkà] 'sacred (of places)'angkeme /aÑkëmë/ [aÑgëÂmà] 'is saying'mpwangke /mp‚aÑkë/ [mb‚aÂÑkà] 'whole, complete'tnyentye /N„ën„t„ë/ [tn„ìÂn„d„? à] 'moon'

ahentye /aûën„t„ë/ [aûën„t„ßà] 'throat, desire' Finally, it should be mentioned that, while the apicals and peripherals are fully stopped, the

laminals both have an audibly fricated release: /t„/ is realised as [t„ß] or [d„? ] and /t˜/ is realised as [t˜†].The lamino-palatal /t„/, in particular, may approximate the affricates [t¸ß] or [d¸? ], although it is alwaysconsiderably less fricated than in the typical English pronunciation of these sounds.

2.1.2.1.3 Pre-stopped Nasals.Initially, prestopped nasals are recognised by an audible release of air through the nose while

oral closure is maintained followed by a rapid transition from voiceless nasal to voiced nasal (forexample, /M/ is realised as [pm‹m]). Intervocalically they sound like homorganic clusters of voicelessstop plus nasal; however, in terms of phonotactic constraints they function as single consonants. Theremay be cases in which the prestopped nasal, in non-initial position, is voiced throughout, but this is quiterare.

The place of articulation of a pre-stopped nasal may be recognised by different auditoryproperties. For instance, the lamino-inter-dental has an audible degree of frication between stop andnasal portions; the lamino-palatal, on the other hand, has no associated frication but is recognised by thepalatal transition from the nasal portion to the following vowel; and the apico-post-alveolar can beidentified by a combination of the 'r-like' colouring, and the palatal transition from the preceding vowel tothe stop portion of the phone. When a pre-stopped nasal is the last consonant in a word and the final /ë/ vowel is elided,the nasal portion of the phone will be syllabified.

(22) ngkwerrpme /Ñk‚ërMë/ [Ñg‚òÂrpmà ~ Ñg‚òÂrpmŸ] 'k.o. berry'

Yallop (1977:17) and Maddieson (1984:27, 210, 330; cf. fn.17) analyse this consonant seriesas being basically a series of stops (plosives); for Alyawarra, for instance, Yallop labels the series"nasally released plosives". There are, however, phonotactic, allophonic, and historical reasons forpreferring to regard consonants of this type as 'pre-stopped nasals' in all Arandic languages. Busby(1979:24) notes that "phonotactically pre-stopped nasals ... have the same distribution as nasals inKaititj, and sometimes alternate with long nasals in both Kaititj and Alyawarra". Single nasals are in factthe historical source of pre-stopped nasals and pre-stopping of nasals remains an allophonic process insome of languages immediately to the south-east of the Arandic languages. In Diyari (Austin 1981a: 18-19), for example, apico-alveolar and lamino-dental nasals are optionally pre-stopped when they occurimmediately after the first (primary stressed) vowel of a word and are followed by a vowel, provided

that the initial consonant of the word is non-nasal. The general Pama-Nyungan word for 'shit' kunawould be realised in Diyari as [kudna] ~ [kuna] and the cognate Arrernte form is atne /aNë/ [at¸nà] 'shit,guts'.

2.1.2.1.4 ApproximantsPeculiar to a number of the Arandic dialects is the velar approximant /û/. In Mparntwe Arrernte

when a word is pronounced emphatically, or as a characteristic of individual production, /û/ may berealised as the voiced velar fricative [©]. It is, however, more often realised as a true approximant.Unlike the situation in Alyawarra (Yallop 1977:20) /û/ is never elided in adult (30+) speech. /û/ is onlyattested as the first consonant in a simple lexeme, always occurring after the vowel /a/. Earlier it wasnoted that /û/ is being treated as the non-labialised (ie. unrounded) variant of /w/. This is not simply anattractive analysis because of the symmetry it provides in the phonemic system, it is also supported bydiachronic evidence. Breen (1977:379), following an analysis proposed by Hale, argues that /û/derives, diachronically from a proto /w/ form. It should also be noted that across Arandic languages anddialects, cognate forms can be found in which one variety has /w/ and the other /û/ : Alyawarra /aûin„a/and Mparntwe /iwën„ë/ for 'mosquito' (these forms are cognate to Pitjantjatjara kiwinyi 'mosquito').

As in other Australian languages (Dixon 1980:146), /w/ and /y/, are not articulated in certainintervocalic environments but instead may be absorbed into a vowel sound to which each contributescertain features. Thus, in rapid speech, the sequence /ëyë/ may be realised sometimes as [e:] andsometimes as [i:] and the sequence /ëwë/ may be realised as [o:]. In careful speech these approximantsare articulated and are considered to begin new syllables. Otherwise /w/ and /y/ have a pronunciationmuch like their English counterparts.

(23) (rapid speech)kngwarreye / ‚arëyë/ [k¸Ñ‚are: ~ k¸Ñ‚ari:] 'one of the skin names'kweye /k‚ëyë/ [kwi:] 'oops! oh!'arreweme /arëwëmë/ [aro:mà] 'is shivering'

/®Û/ is produced with the tongue visibly lower, and the tip of the tongue less curled back, thanthe other apico-alveolar consonants. It has a realisation that is somewhere between the intervocalicpronunciation of 'r' in Australian English and the stereotypic, heavily retroflexed, post-vocalic 'r' ofAmerican English (but, unlike English it is never rounded except when labialised).

2.1.2.1.5 The Trill

The trill /r/ is usually voiced and only briefly trilled. In the emphatic and exclamatorypronunciation of a word the trill may be extended to what may seem to non-native speakers as anextremely exaggerated degree. In normal to fast speech /r/ may be realised as a tap [À] and - especiallywhen flanked on one or both sides by a low vowel phone - it may even be realised as [®Û]. When /r/ isthe final consonant in a word and the final /ë/ of the word is elided the trill tends to be voiceless [r›]. Thetrill belongs to the class of rhotics; see §2.1.2.2.1 for further discussion of this classification.

2.1.2.2 Phonetic Realisation of Consonants: PLACESThe bilabial, apico-alveolar, lamino-palatal and velar places of articulation do not appear to be

associated with any unique forms of realisation or with any unusual form of articulation that I am awareof. This section will concentrate, therefore, on the remaining two places. 2.1.2.2.1 Apico-post-alveolars (and the rhotic class) Associated with the apico-post-alveolar (retroflex) consonants are a number of featuresaudible on the preceding vowel. Some of these features are also associated with the trill /r/ and providethe basis for identifying a class of rhotics (see fn. 18): a vowel before /r/ or before one of the apico-post-alveolars will have an 'r-like' colouring (which I have not indicated in phonetic transcriptions), andthese consonants also provide the environment for a preceding /i/ to be high and long, for a /u/ to berealised as [ò] initially, and for /ë/, following a labialised consonant, to also be realised as [ò]. Note thecontrasts in example set (24).

(24) ilpeme /ilpëmë/ [ìlpëÂmà] 'is protecting' irlpe /ilÛpë/ [iÂ:lÛpà] 'ear' ulpmernte /ulMënÚtë/ [ùlp¸mëÂnÚdÚà] 'dust storm' urlpme /ulÛMë/ [òlÛp¸màÂ] 'narrow'

urrpme /urMë/ [òrp¸màÂ] 'chest scar'

A feature uniquely associated with apico-post-alveolar non-approximants is the fact that theycondition a palatal on-glide from a preceding /a/ vowel. The on-glide to the following apico-post-alveolar non-approximant is most prominent when the /a/ is in initial position in a word (eg. 25 and alsoTable 2-3).

(25) arlkweme /alÛk‚ëmë/ [a„lÛguÂmà] 'is eating'arnterre /anÚtërë/ [a„nÚtëÂrà] 'do intensively, do 'hard''

There are also two environments where apico-post-alveolar non-approximants may be realisedas apico-alveolar consonants. These are in initial position and also following the trill across a /ë/. Thus,for example, rlkerte /lÛkëtÛë/ 'sick' may be pronounced [lÛkëtÛà] or [lkëtÛà], and Arrernte/arënÚtÛë/ may be pronounced [arënÚdÚà] or [arëndà]. It is interesting to note that when native speakers are learning to write Arrernte they will oftenwrite an apico-alveolar consonant following medial /u/ as an apico-post-alveolar consonant. It appearsthat this is related to the fact that medial /u/ is always realised as [ò:], and as noted above this quality ofvowel (not the length) can be conditioned by the presence of a following apico-post-alveolar consonant(as a member of the rhotic class).

2.1.2.2.2 Lamino-inter-dentals Lamino-inter-dentals vary in their production: a comparatively large proportion of the tongue

may protrude between the upper and lower sets of teeth (touching both sets), or the tongue may bemore retracted with the consonant being articulated with the tip of the tonguecontacting under the top front teeth. The typical production is somewhere between these extremes.While the lamino-inter-dental stop is easily recognised because of its associated frication, the lamino-inter-dental nasal and lateral are extremely difficult to distinguish - for an English speaker - from theapico-alveolar nasal and lateral. In teaching English speakers Mparntwe Arrernte some native speakersdescribe the difference by saying that the apico-alveolars are 'hard' while the lamino-inter-dentals are'soft'. It is not clear, however, whether they are referring to a productional or an auditory aspect ofthese consonants.

Certainly there are acoustic differences. Busby (1979:133) has shown that "laminality has theacoustic characteristic of high frequency energy as compared to apicals and peripherals". As far aslaterals are concerned "the dental's F2 value is higher than that of the two apicals though not as high asthe palatal" (Busby 1979:51). With respect to nasals Busby (1979:55) found that higher F3 valuesdistinguish the laminals from the apicals and that a lower F2 value distinguished the dental from thepalatal nasal.

2.1.2.3 The Labialised Consonant PhonemesIn the production of labialised consonant phonemes rounding of the lips often occurs just prior to

closure, or approximation, of articulation and continues throughout. When a labialised consonant is thelast consonant in a word and is therefore in an open syllable, there is an audible labial off-glide. Inclosed syllables the labial off-glide is audible when preceding /a/ and /i/, or when the consonant isperipheral and preceding /ë/. There are no attested sequences /C‚u/. When non-peripheral labialised

consonants precede /ë/ in a closed syllable a labial off glide is imperceptible and the rounding from theconsonant causes /ë/ to be heard as [u], [ù], or [ò] (see §2.1.1.4). It is often tempting to associate thesemanifestations of /ë/ with a /u/ vowel instead. However, it is easy enough to show that what might betaken as /Cu/ sequences are in fact /C‚ë/ sequences.

The tests of this involves three of the productive verb reduplications (cf. §5.4.1): one thatreduplicates the initial #(V)C(C) of a stem and inserts -elpe- /-ëlpë-/ between copy and stem, and twoothers which reduplicate the final (V)(C)Cë- of a verb stem (before adding tense) and then one inserts -pe- /-pë-/between the stem and the copy and the other adds -nhe /-nˆë/ to both the stem and thecopy. Thus tanthe- 'to spear' becomes t-elpe-tanthe- (spear-C.Incep.rdp- ) 'to make as if to spear';tanthe-p-anthe- (spear-FREQ.rdp-) 'to spear again and again' or tanthe-nh-anthe-nhe (spear-NMZR.Hab.rdp) 'the one that always spears or pokes; the one that is always speared or poked'However, a stem like pwert-irre- (rock-INCH-) 'to turn to stone; to become stingy or unfriendly', whichis pronounced [p‚òtÛìrë-], is pronounced [p‚ùlpàp‚òtÛiìrë-] once it undergoes the first type ofreduplication. Since this reduplication type only copies up to the first C(C) of the stem and not thefollowing vowel, we must assume that the [ù] vowel in the pronunciation arises from a copy of the initialconsonant /p‚/ being followed by the initial /ë/ of -elpe-. Note that purt-irre- (clump-INCH-) 'clumpingor clustering', which contains a real sequence of /pu/, is pronounced [pò:tÛìrë-] and when it undergoesthis first reduplication it is pronounced [pëlpàpò:tìrë-] (p-elpe-pwert-irre- 'to continue to be on the vergeof turning into stone') with only /p/ reduplicated and no associated rounding of the following vowel.

Similarly, with the second and third reduplication type (which copies the final (V)C(C) of thestem) , a verb like ilwerne- 'to extinguish' which is pronounced [ìlònÚë-] is not reduplicated to give*[ìlònÚàpònÚë-] or *[ilònÚànˆònÚënˆà], but is reduplicated as [ìlònÚàpënÚë-] (ilwerne-p-erne- 'toextinguish again and again') or [ìlònÚànˆënÚënˆà] (ilwerne-nh-erne-nhe 'a fire extinguisher'). Thus whatis phonetically a sequence of rounded vowel plus consonant plus /ë/ (ie. [ònÚë-]) is, in fact, best treatedphonemically as /ë/ plus consonant plus /ë/ (ie. /ënÚë-/) with the first /ë/ being rounded by the precedingC‚. It is the phonemic, not the phonetic, sequence which is reduplicated.

While these reduplication types demonstrate that many occurrences of a rounded medial vowelin pronunciation are a consequence of some preceding consonantal feature of labialisation, they do notdemonstrate whether this feature arises from a cluster sequence (C)Cw or whether it is a feature ofunitary phoneme /C‚/. The unitary phoneme analysis has been chosen over the cluster analysis for tworeasons. Firstly, as described above, lip-rounding endures throughout a consonant's articulation. In theirproduction, therefore, there is no suggestion of a sequence whose latter part is labialised (ie. /w/).Secondly, under this analysis, it emerges that there are no consonant clusters which consist of more thantwo phonemes. If we accepted the cluster hypothesis to explain labialisation then we have the situation,

unusual for Australian languages, where there may be a cluster of three consonants (the final one beingw). The phonemicisation for a word like antywe 'nest' is, therefore, /an„‚t„‚ë/ and not /an„t„wë/.

A final point about labialised consonant phonemes, is that the labialisation may spread forwardor backward to affect /ë/ vowels in adjoining syllables. This is especially so if the adjoining syllable startswith a bilabial consonant. An example of forward spreading is found in the word pwepelye /p‚ëpël„ë/'tadpole', which in careful speech is realised as [puÂpël„à] but may, in normal to rapid speech, berealised as [puÂpùlyà]. Backward spreading labialisation is exemplified by the skin name perrwerle/për‚ëlÛë/ which may be pronounced as [pëÂròlÛà] or as [pòÂròlÛà].

2.2 StressThe assignment of stress (primary, secondary, clitics, etc.) in Mparntwe Arrernte is not entirely

clear, and deserves fuller investigation. One rule that covers a large number of lexemes, is that stress isassigned to the first syllable which is opened by a consonant.

(26) ineme /inëmë/ [inëÂmà] 'is getting'neme /nëmë/ [nëÂmà] 'is sitting'

One source of counter-examples to this rule appears to arise when there is an initial /a/ and thesecond vowel is /ë/. Some words meeting this description may have stress on either the /a/ or the /ë/.The name Arrernte /arënÚtÛë/ itself may be realised as either [aÂrënÚdÚà] or [arëÂnÚdÚà]. Otherwords may have stress only on the /a/, such as ampwe 'old' [aÂmbwà], or only on the /ë/, such as artwe'man' [a„tÛwàÂ].

Another source of counter-examples to the general stress assignment rule arises when suffix orclitic stress over-rides root stress. The verbal negator -tyekenhe, for instance has stress on its firstsyllable and when this adds to a root which has the shape (V)C(C)ë- it is the stressed syllable of thesuffix which bears the primary word stress (eg. 27).

(27) ne-tyekenhe (be/sit-VbNEG) /nët„ëkënˆë/ [nët„ßàÂkënˆà] 'isn't; notsitting'

The assignment of stress to suffixes and clitics is as problematic as that for simple lexemes, and Ican only reiterate that more work is required on this topic.

2.3 Phonotactics

2.3.1 Word StructureDixon (1980:127) describes the word structure norm for Australian languages as follows:

"...every word must consist of at least two syllables; each word must begin with a single consonant andcan end in a consonant or a vowel. There is just one vowel in each syllable; between any two vowelsthere must be one, or a sequence of two, consonants. We can summarise this in a formula:CV(C)CV(C)."

He later states (ibid:167) that "in many languages roots, as well as words must have at least twosyllables".

Mparntwe Arrernte shares with this Australian norm the fact that there are no diphthongs andthat the maximum consonant cluster size is two. It does, however, deviate from the norm in all otherways.

To begin with, there are a small number of monosyllabic words; mainly, but not solely, pronounsor interjections: the /t˜ë/ '1sgERG'; re /®Ûë/ '3sgS/A'; nge /Ñë/ '2sgS/A'; me /më/ 'here it is'; ngke/Ñkë/ 'give it here'; mpe /mpë/ 'let's go'; mpwe /mp‚ë/ 'urine'. If we consider verb roots, then a significantnumber of these are also monosyllabic. Amongst these are perhaps the most commonly used verbs inthe language.

(28) ne- 'sit, be' tne- 'stand' lhe- 'go (away); move; walk'knge- 'carry' nthe- 'give' ntywe- 'drink'

The majority of words are, however, not disyllabic, but trisyllabic. Basic, underived, lexemes rarelyexceed four syllables.

(29) [3] arletye /alÛët„ë/ [a„lÛëÂd„? à] 'raw, uncooked'[3] tengkwelknge /tëÑk‚ël ë/ [tëÂÑk‚ùlk¸Ñà] 'snot; a cold'[4] inarlenge /inalÛëÑë/ [inaÂlÛëÑà] 'echidna'[4] kwementyaye /k‚ëmën„t„ayë/ [kuÂmën„d„? ayà] 'no name'

Previous examples have shown that words need not begin with single consonants; they can beginwith vowels or consonant clusters. In fact, the majority of lexemes - more than 60% - begin withvowels, and of those approximately 50% begin with /a/, 35% with /i/ and 15% with /u/. As far asconsonants occurring initially are concerned, the main constraints are:

i. the two apical series tend to neutralise to apico-alveolar initially,

ii. /û/ never occurs initially, andiii. /Nˆ/ and /t˜‚/ are, as yet, unattested initially.

As noted previously, the first consonant in words which have an epenthetic 'a' initially, are hereconsidered as consonants which can occur initially.

One regular feature of Mparntwe Arrernte phonotactics is that all morphemes - roots, affixes,and clitics - end with /ë/. This is not true in all Arandic dialects; Western Arrernte, for example, has both/a/ and /ë/ morpheme finally. Cognate to Mparntwe Arrernte awe- /awë-/ 'to hear' and we- /wë-/ 'tothrow a missile at', Western Arrernte has we- /wë-/ and wa- /wa-/ respectively. Breen (ms.a:4) hassuggested that because of the predictability of this vowel word finally it would be better not to write it.Arguments against this position are:

i. in citation forms this vowel provides a syllabic peak for counting the number of syllables;ii. native speakers hear it and so want it to be represented;iii. it would mean that mono-syllabic words may be represented with a single consonant or consonant cluster even though /ë/ is never elided in these words; andiv. since all roots and affixes have equally predictable final vowel, the logical extension of the non-representation of this vowel in writing, would be that suffixes added directly to roots should, by rights, have no intervening vowel and could therefore merge with the representation of clusters.

For these reasons I have chosen to represent the final /ë/ in both the phonemic and the orthographicforms of morphemes.

To summarise, we can say that the smallest word structure is C(C)ë; the upper limit on simpleroots tends to be VC(C)VC(C)VC(C)ë or C(C)VC(C)VC(C)VC(C)ë, and the general word structurewith the highest frequency of occurrence is VC(C)VC(C)ë. All syllables are here analysed as beingopen and the three occurring syllable shapes are : V, CV, or CCV. The fact that many consonantclusters which occur medially also occur initially is taken as evidence that clusters begin syllables. Thisaccount of syllable structure is not unproblematic as Breen (ms. 1988) points out.2.3.2 Consonant Clusters2.3.2.1 Homorganic clusters

Like all Australian languages (see Dixon 1980:166), Mparntwe Arrernte has homorganic nasal-plus-stop sequences for all places of articulation. It is also among the minority of languages (op. cit.)which have homorganic lateral-plus-stop sequences. These statements are true for labialised as well asnon-labialised consonant phonemes. Labialisation is best treated as a feature of the whole consonant

cluster, thus what is phonemicised as C‚C‚ is best understood as something like CWC (which isanalogous to an autosegmental representation of such forms). See table 2-4 for examples.

All consonant clusters may occur intervocalically. While all non-labialised homorganic clusters -nasal-stop and lateral-stop - are attested word-initially, of the labialised homorganic clusters only/m‚p‚/, /n„‚t„‚/, and /Ñ‚k‚/ are attested at the beginning of a word.

mpenge nthenhe ntange arntenge ntyeme ngkeme/mpëÑë/ /nˆt˜ënˆë/ /ntaÑë/ /anÚtÛëÑë/ /n„t„ëmë/ /Ñkëmë/[mbëÂÑà] [nˆt˜†ëÂnˆà ] [ndaÂÑà] [a„nÚdÚëÂÑà] [n„d„? ëÂmà][ÑgëÂmà]'ripe, 'where?' 'flour seed' 'sister-in- 'is giving 'cracking out'

cooked' law' off odour'

altheme alte arlte altyele/al˜t˜ëmë/ /altë/ /alÛtÛë/ /al„t„ëlë/[al˜t˜†ëÂmà] [aÂldà] [ayldàÂ] [al„d„? ëÂlà]'plucking 'hair' 'day' 'female out' cousin'

ampwe intwarre arntwerreme ntyweme ngkwerne/am‚p‚ë/ ? /in‚t‚arë/ /anÚ‚tÛ‚ërëmë/ /n„‚t„‚ëmë / /Ñ‚k‚ënÚë/[aÂmbwà] [ìndwaÂrà] [a„nÚdÚòÂrëmë] [n„d„? uÂmà] [ÑgwëÂnÚà]'old' 'the other 'is 'is 'bone, leg'

side' growling' drinking'

althwalthwe arltwe altywere/al˜‚t˜‚al˜‚t˜‚ë/ ? /alÛ‚dÚ‚ë/ /al„‚t„‚ë®Ûë/[al˜t˜†‚al˜t˜†‚à] [a„lÛdÚ‚wàÂ] [al„d„? ò®Ûà]'rotten of 'empty' 'open' wood'

Table 2-4 : Homorganic Clusters

2.3.2.2 Heterorganic ClustersHeterorganic clusters can be divided into three types: (a) those that begin with an apical nasal,

(b) those that begin with an apical lateral, and (c) those that begin with an apical trill. Thus the firstelement in any heterorganic cluster is apical. The second element for heterorganic clusters of type (a)and (b) is always a peripheral consonant, while the second element for type (c) may be a peripheralconsonant or a laminal consonant.

The second element of a heterorganic cluster which begins with an apical nasal may be either aperipheral stop or a peripheral nasal. As table 2-5 shows /k‚/ is the only labialised consonant phonemewhich can occur after the apical nasals. The ten clusters of this type only occur intervocalically.

p p‚ k k‚

anperre ankele ankwen(w) /anpërë/ /ankëlë/ /an‚k‚ë/

[anbëÂrà] [angëÂlà] [angwàÂ]'shallow' 'male 'asleep'

cousin'

arnperrke arnkentye arnkwerte-arnkwertenÚ(w) /anÚpërkë/ /anÚkën„t„ë/ /anÚ‚k‚ëtÛë-anÚ‚k‚ëtÛë/

[a„nÚbëÂrkà] [a„nÚgëÂn„t„ßà ] [a„nÚg‚òÂtÛa„nÚg‚òÁtÛà]'centipede' 'single 'crooked, zig-zag'

men's camp'

m m‚ Ñ Ñ‚

Anmatyerre anngen /anmat„ërë/ /anÑë/

[anmaÂd„? ërà] [aÂnÑà]' a language 'fruit, seed'

name'

iltyarnme aternnge

nÚ /il„t„anÚmë/ /atënÚÑë/[ìl„t„ßaÂnÚmà] [atëÂnÚÑà]'yabby' 'dirty'

Table 2-5 : Nasal-Initial Heterorganic Clusters

Lateral initial heterorganic clusters differ from nasal initial heterorganic clusters in two respects.Firstly their second element is never a peripheral nasal, but may instead be a peripheral pre-stoppednasal as well as a peripheral stop. Secondly, lateral-velar stop clusters are attested initially (eg. rlke/lÛkë/ [lÛgà ~ lgà] 'wind'), while all other types only occur intervocalically. As with nasal initialheterorganic clusters, there is a regular gap where one would expect to find a cluster with a labialisedbilabial second element (see table 2-6).

p p‚ k k‚

alpeme alkere atalkwel(w) /alpëmë/ /alkërë/ /atal‚k‚ë/

[albëÂmà] [alkëÂrà] [ataÂlg‚à]'is going back' 'sky' 'across'

arlpentye arlkeme arlkwemelÛ(w) /alÛpën„t„ë/ /alÛkëmë/ /alÛ‚k‚ëmë/

[a„lÛpëÂn„d„? à] [a„lÛgëÂmà] [a„lÛguÂmà]'long' 'is calling 'is eating'

out to'

M M‚ ‚

tyelpme alknge alkngwirremel(w) /t„ëlMë/ /al ë/ /al‚ ‚irëmë/

[t„ßëÂlp¸mà ] [aÂlk¸Ñà] [alk¸Ñ‚irëmà]'chips' 'eye' 'is forgetting'

arlpmenye Imerlknge irlkngwelÛ(w) /alÛMën„ë/ /imëlÛ ë/ /ilÛ‚ ‚ë/

[a„lÛp¸mëÂn„à] [imëlÛkÑà] [ilÛk¸Ñ‚à]'ashes' 'place name’ 'burial pit'

Table 2-6 : Lateral Initial Heterorganic Clusters

The final type of heterorganic cluster, the trill-initial-cluster, also has either peripheral stops orperipheral pre-stopped nasals as its second element. Unlike the previous two types, there are alsoexamples where the second element is a laminal stop or a labialised bilabial stop. A labialised lamino-inter-dental stop is also attested in second position but there are no instances of labialised lamino-palatalstop or any labialised nasals in second position (see table 2-7).

p p‚ k k‚ t˜ t˜‚ t„ t„‚

arrpenhe arrpwere urrke urrkwale urrthe arrthwarrthwe urrtyalthe/arpënˆë/ /ar‚p‚ë®Ûë/ /urkë/ /ur‚k‚alë/ /urt˜ë/ /ar‚t˜‚ar‚t˜‚ë/ /urt„ë/[arpëÂnˆà] [arp‚ò®Ûà] [òrkë] [òrk‚aÂlà] [òrt˜†à] [art˜†‚arÂt˜†‚à]

[òrt„ßaÂl˜t˜†à]'(an)other' 'magpie' 'pus' 'mulga 'a type 'sp. of bird; 'liar'

country' of rock' owlet - nightjar'

M M‚ ‚ Nˆ Nˆ‚ N„ N„‚

urrpme urrknge irrtnye/urMë/ /ur ë/ /irN„ë/[òrp¸mà] [òrk¸Ñà] [irt n„à]'scar' 'mushy' 'dry skin,

bark, husk' Table 2-7 : Trill Initial Clusters

2.4 Morphophonological Processes2.4.1 /ë/ elision

Wherever two morphemes are joined, the final /ë/ of the preceding morpheme disappears if thefollowing morpheme begins with a vowel.

(30) /ë/ Æ Ø / + V X

This rule applies to reduplication (31a), compounding (31b), case marking (31c), derivation (31d) andcliticisation (31e).

(31) a. /ipëtÛë + ipëtÛë/ Æ [ipëÂtÛipëÁtÛà]hole + hole 'rough, bumpy'

b. /aNë + iwë + më/ Æ [at niÂwùmà]guts + throw away + npp' 'gutting an animal'

c. /Ñ‚k‚ëÑë + ipërë/ Æ [ÑgùÂÑipëÁrà]2 sgDAT + AFTER 'after you; from you'

d. /atë®Ûë + al˜t˜ë/ Æ [atë®Ûal˜t˜†à]afraid + BadCHAR 'coward'

e. /t˜ë + i ë/ Æ [t˜†iÂk¸Ñà]1sgERG + TOO MUCH 'I'm always the one (to do X)'

2.4.2 DeretroflectionVerb inflections beginning with the apico-post-alveolar (retroflex) phonemes /lÛ/ or /nÚ/ are

realised as alveolar [l] and [n] respectively when they attach to a stem ending in a non-labialised laminalnon-approximant followed by /ë/. This affects -rne 'past immediate' (eg. 32a) and -rle 'Generic Event'(eg. 32b), as well as the following complexes beginning with -rle (cf. §5.4.3 & §6.5) : -rle.ne'continuous'; -rle.pe 'do while going along'; -rle.lhe 'do & go' (eg. 32c); and -rl.alpe 'do & go back'.

(32) a. /l˜ë + nÚë/ Æ [l˜ëÂnà]go + p.immed 'just went'

b. /n„t„ë + lÛë/ Æ [n„d„? ëÂlà]give off odour + GenEvt 'stinks (inherently)'

c. /uNˆë + lÛë.l˜ë + më/ Æ [ut˜†nˆëÂlàl˜ëÁmà]bite + do & go + npp 'is biting and going off'

That this is a morphophonogically conditioned rule, as opposed to a general phonological rule, isshown by the following examples of simple lexemes in which /lÛ/ and /nÚ/ are realised as retroflexeseven though they follow a laminal across /ë/.

(33) ntyerle /n„t„ëlÛë/ [n„d„? ëlÛà] 'boning tool' ntyerne- /n„t„ënÚë-/ [n„d„? ënÚë-] 'to smell (tr.)'

Chapter ThreeSimple Noun Phrases, Nominals, and Nominal Morphology

As the subclasses of nominals are defined by the position they take up in a fully expanded nounphrase, it will be useful to preface the discussion of nominals and nominal morphology with a discussionof the structure of simple noun phrases.

3.1 Simple Noun PhrasesA simple noun phrase (NP) may be defined as one which has no further NPs embedded in it. On

this criterion NPs containing relative clauses, conjoined NPs, or NP-relator phrases (ie. possessives,proprietives, etc.) are to be considered complex NPs, as are part-whole constructions and thepronominal inclusion (ie. plural pronoun) construction (cf. §10.1). Simple NPs may be pronominal ornon-pronominal. A simple pronominal NP contains only a pronoun marked for case. Roughly speaking,a fully expanded simple non-pronominal NP would contain the following slots in the given order:

[Classifier Noun]Hd Adj.P Quant.P Demonstrative 3pnDef -CASE Figure 3-1 : Structure of a fully expanded simple noun phrase

In fact, while all other orderings are rigid, the ordering amongst the Adjective Phrase, QuantifierPhrase, and Demonstrative slots is more fluid than given above and only the most typical ordering isgiven. Case is suffixed to the final element of an NP and is the only slot which is obligatorily filled. Anyfiller of any of the other slots may stand as the sole nominal in a NP, and every NP must contain at leastone nominal. Examples of simple NPs are given in (1).

(1) a. [inarlengeN]Hd [arrpenhe mape]Quant.P -keechidna other pl.(grp) -DATto the other echidnas [T6-4]

b. [crowbarN]Hd ulthe-ntyeAdj re3pnDEF -nhecrowbar press down-NMZR(heavy) 3sg -ACC(...carried) the heavy crowbar [T7-5]

c. [ngkwarleClass untyeyeN]Hd nhengeDem -Ønectar/honey corkwood REMEMB -NOM(S)

that corkwood nectar (is ...) [T3-1]

d. [Ø]Hd nhenheDem re3pnDEF -Ø---- this 3sg -A(ERG)This one (used to invite ...) [T9-5]

Whenever an adjective, quantifier, demonstrative, and/or third person pronoun (acting as a typeof definiteness marker) occur(s) in a NP without a classifier nominal or a noun, then the particular entityreferred to by the NP must be understood (ie. given) from the immediate speech context. In otherwords, there is an ellipsed head in such cases and the modifiers which are used to identify the referent ofthe NP function anaphorically. In texts such NPs tend to convey subsequent, rather than initial, mentionsof a participant (eg. 2).

(2) Artwe kngerre nyente-Ø irrp-intye-ke. ... Kngerre re angke-ke:

man big one-NOM(S) go into-DO COMING-pc. ... big 3sgSspeak-pc:

One big man came in. ... The big one said:

Classifiers and nouns together form a complex head, but either may occur as the only member ofthe head of the simple NP. Classifiers are nominals which refer to a general category (eg. kere 'gameanimal') and the noun with which they co-occur must be a member of the category indicated (eg. aherre'kangaroo'). There are cases where classifiers, like the modifiers mentioned above, act to refer back to aspecifically mentioned entity (ie. an aforementioned noun which is a member of the classifier's category),but they may also be used when the referent of the noun phrase is the general category itself. Unlikethe modifiers which occur outside the head, classifiers always, and only, reaffirm properties inherent tothe range of entities to which the noun term may apply. However, not all nouns have a correspondingclassifier. This means that, while all NPs may contain a noun, not all NPs can contain a classifier.

3.2 CaseCase is discussed in detail in chapter 4. The fourteen cases and their realisation on selected

nominals is given in table 3-1. Boxes and asterisks in the table indicate where a nominal shows the sameform for more than one case and underlining indicates the suffixes which realise the various cases.

Table 3-1 : Mparntwe Arrernte cases and their realisation on different nominals

3.3 Nouns and AdjectivesDixon (1980:274) observes that in Australian languages it may "be difficult to formulate an

entirely grammatical criterion to distinguish adjectives from nouns". Amongst the reasons for this are thefacts that "in most Australian languages nouns and adjectives take the same inflections, and they cangenerally occur in either order in an NP (loc.cit.)."As mentioned previously, while all nominals in Mparntwe Arrernte may bear the same cases, they have afixed ordering within a simple non-pronominal NP. Whenever an NP contains both a noun and anadjective, the noun must precede the adjective.

There are cases, however, where a form bears both a noun sense and an adjective sense, butthis is not very common. When this does occur, the form may occur twice in the same NP functioning asboth head and modifier. For example, iperte means both 'hole' and 'deep' and the NP iperte iperte (holedeep) means 'deep hole'. In such an example the first form is always identified by speakers as the nounand the second as the adjective.

It is also worth pointing out that certain adjectives may have a derived noun form. For instance,there is the adjective kngerre 'big' as well as the noun kngerrepenhe 'big one; something that is big'.Moreover, nominal reduplication frequently derives adjectives from nouns, but never appears to derivenouns from adjectives (see §3.10.5).

Adjectives occur within an adjectival phrase which allows for more than one adjective to appeartogether within a NP. By contrast, a simple NP may contain only one noun, noun compoundsnotwithstanding. Both nouns and adjectives (as well as verbs and adverbs) may be modified by theintensifier nthurre, but with nouns this is interpreted as 'real, true' as in artwe nthurre (man INTENS) 'areal man [one who has been initiated]', while with adjectives it is interpreted as 'very' as in kngerrenthurre (big INTENS) 'very big'.

Nouns and adjectives are both rich open classes. Prototypical nouns refer to tangible entitiesbut, contra Strehlow (1944:62), there are also a substantial number of primary abstract nouns (eg.altyerre 'Dreamtime, dream,God'; ahentye 'desire'). Adjectives cover the full range of semantic subtypesidentified by Dixon (1982:1-62). These are: value, dimension, physical property, colour, humanpropensity, age, value, and speed.

3.4 Classifiers

Earlier it was noted that the head of a noun phrase may be complex, containing both a classifierand a noun in that order. What are here called classifiers have frequently been called 'generic nouns' forother Australian languages (cf. Yidiñ, Dixon 1977; Yankunytjatjara, Goddard 1983). Classifier ispreferred here because it acknowledges the similarity in function of these forms with classifier formsdescribed for languages outside Australia. The complex head may be called a classifier construction or,more conventionally within the Australianist context, a generic-specific construction.

To date, nineteen classifier nominals have come to light and in all cases they have at least oneother related sense. This other sense is always a noun, rather than a classifier,sense. These classifiers may be divided into three types: social status classifiers; inherent natureclassifiers and function/use classifiers.

3.4.1 Social Status ClassifiersSocial status classifiers refer to people (including totemic beings) and places. Unlike other

classifiers, these terms may all precede 'skin' names (ie. subsection names cf.§1.2.4.1) and group namesto identify the general group a person or place belongs to. Furthermore they may all precede nounsreferring to animals, plants, and natural phenomena to indicate the totemic affiliation of a person or aplace. The four members of this class are given in (3).

(3) artwe 'initiated man' eg. artwe alartetye (man leader) 'spokesman'relhe 'woman' eg. relhe aleperentye (woman f.kurdaitcha) 'kurdaitcha

woman' ampe 'child' eg. ampe yeperenye (child k.o. caterpillar) 'child ofYeperenye totem'

pmere 'place' eg. pmere Mparntwe (place Mparntwe) 'AliceSprings'

For Yankuntjatjara Goddard (1983, 94) uses the label 'social status generics' to cover a similarclass which only refers to people. That places in Mparntwe Arrernte fall within the same grouping is notunusual. In Wilkins (1987), I pointed out that kin terms, totems, and places are often treated in the sameway by the grammar. For instance pronominal kin possessor suffixes (cf. §3.9.1) may attach to certainnouns referring to country as well as attaching to kin terms. Further, as noted in §§1.2.3-4, all placesare associated with one of four patrilineal semi-moieties and so have subsection names associated withthem, thus enabling kin terms to be applied to places. Moreover, for certain other Arandic languages,

such as Alyawarra, "places count as human for the purposes of interrogative pronoun usage" (Yallop,1977:100; see also Strehlow 1944: 98).

3.4.2 Inherent Nature Classifiers'Inherent nature classifiers' classify together entities that share a large number of physically

perceptible or physically associated characteristics. There are eight members of this grouping as shownin (4) and, as one Mparntwe Arrernte speaker pointed out, the classes cover the things that one typicallyfinds in, and immediately around, one's camp.

(4) thipe 'flying, fleshy creatures (birds and bats)' eg. thipe angepe 'a crow'yerre 'ants' eg. yerre lkerrke 'black meat ants'arne 'ligneous plants (trees, bushes) eg. arne ilwempe 'ghost gum'name 'long grasses' eg. name lyentye ' k.o. creek grass'ntange 'seeds of a nut or grain-like nature' eg. ntange tnyeme 'seeds of witchetty

bush'ure 'fire related entities' eg. ure kwerte 'smoke'kwatye 'water related entities' eg. kwatye urewe 'river, flood'pwerte 'rock related entities' eg. pwerte athere 'a grinding stone'

3.4.3 Function/Use Classifiers'Function/use classifiers' categorise together entities which people acquire, use, and prepare in

much the same way. The seven attested function/use classifiers are given in (5).

(5) kere 'meat creatures (ie. game animals)' eg. kere aherre 'kangaroo'merne 'edible foods from plants' eg. merne langwe 'bush banana'ngkwarle 'sweet honey-like foods/drinks' eg. ngkwarle urltampe 'sugar bag, native

honey'tyape 'edible grubs' eg. tyape tnyematye 'witchetty grub'ingwelpe 'native tobacco' eg. ingkwelpe mpurnpe 'hill country

tobacco'awelye 'medicines' eg. awelye untyeye 'corkwood tree

medicine'arne 'artifact, useable thing' eg. arne irrtyarte 'a spear'

These classifiers are only used when one is thinking of an entity from the point of view of how it is used,or from the point of view of what one wants to do with it. Thus a kangaroo (aherre) or echidna(inarlenge) that is being hunted for its meat will be referred to as kere aherre 'game-animal kangaroo' orkere inarlenge 'game-animal'. However, when, for instance a kangaroo or an echidna is a majorprotagonist in a story and is given certain human or supernatural characteristics, the classifier kere 'meat;game animal' is never used (see texts 4 and 10 in appendix 2).

3.4.4 Use of two classifiers togetherSince entities that have similar structural properties may not have the same uses, and entities that

have similar functions may have extremely different structural characteristics, it should not be surprisingthat there is overlapping membership between the classes designated by certain inherent nature classifiersand those designated by certain function/ use classifiers. For instance, nyengke 'zebra finch' is both akind of thipe 'flying, fleshy creature' and a type of kere 'meat creature'. Ngepe 'crow', on the other handis also a kind of thipe but, because its flesh is not edible, it cannot be classified as kere.

Where an entity belongs to two different classifications the noun which refers to the entity may bepreceded by both classifier nominals at the same time. There is, however, a strict ordering offunction/use classifier before inherent nature classifier.

(6) a. kere thipe nyengke b. arne pwerte athere c. merne ntangearlepe

meat BIRD zebra finch artifact rock grind.stone veg.food seed prickly wattle

a zebra finch (edible) ; a grinding stone (useable) ; prickly wattle seeds(edible)

Classifier constructs (generic-specific constructs) have often been treated as consisting of nounsin apposition, but I have avoided that analysis for the following reason. Unlike other constructionswhere nouns are in apposition, such as part-whole constructions and noun compounds, one element ofthe construction - the classifier - can be used on its own to refer back to the entity described earlier bythe full classifier construction (eg. 7).

(7) ... re petyalpe-ke ngkwarle urlt-ampe-kerte, ... . 3sgS come back-pc sweet-stuff hollow-honey-PROP, ... .

... re nyent-irre-tyeke alhe-ke, ngkwarle impe-nhe-me-le.

... 3sgS one-INCH-PURP go-pc sweet-stuff leave-DO PAST-npp-SS.

... he returned with some sugarbag (ie. native honey), ... . ... he left the honey behind as he went past to meet with (the white man). [From Rice in Hendersen (1986:28); my morphological analysis and translation]

As I pointed out earlier (cf. §3.1) this 'anaphoric' function resembles that of other noun modifiers; thus Iprefer to analyse classifiers (in their classifying function) as a separate nominal class from nouns.

3.5 QuantifiersMarking of number in the NP is optional and count nouns without quantifiers may have a singular

or a non-singular interpretation (eg. artwe 'man' or 'men'). Quantifiers may be used when one wants, orneeds, to be more specific.

As well as filling a specific slot in the NP (cf. figure 3-1), quantifiers in Mparntwe Arrernte maybe identified by their ability to be derived, through suffixation of -ngare 'TIMES' (cf. §7.4.3.3), intoadverbs indicating the number of times an action was repeated.

(8) nyente-ngare one-TIMES oncearrpenhe-ngare another-TIMES another time, againmape-ngare pl(grp)-TIMES a lot of timesalakentye thus many-times as many times as this (indicating)

Quantifiers may be further subdivided into amounts, collectives, and increase terms.

3.5.1 'Amount' quantifiersWith count nouns, amount quantifiers indicate, with varying degrees of exactitude, the number of

individuals belonging to the set of things referred to by the NP. With mass nouns, an idea of themeasure, or amount, of the substance referred to is provided. The most common amount quantifiers aregiven in (9).

(9) nyente 'one; alone; same; a' atningke 'many, large number of'therre 'two; a pair' arunthe 'many; much, large amount of'

urrpetye 'a few; three' arrpenheme 'some'

3.5.2 'Collective' quantifiersCollective quantifiers do not give an actual indication of the size of the quantity involved but,

instead, convey that the referents of the NP form an identifiable group or mass.

(10) mape 'a group; plural marker [pl(grp)]'ingkirre(ke) 'all, everything together'

The collective quantifiers are unique in that, even when the group referred to is composed of alarge number of individuals, they can co-occur with either a singular or a plural third person definitisingpronoun (cf.§3.7.3). When a singular definitising pronoun is used, the group referred to is beingfocussed upon as a singular entity in its own right (eg. 11 a.). If the focus is on the individuals of whichthe group is composed, then a plural definitising pronoun is used (eg. 11 b.).

(11) a. Kngwelye mape re artwe alethenge artange-le uthne-ke.dog pl(grp) 3sgA man stranger(O) co-operatively-ADV bite-pcThe pack of dogs (jointly) attacked the stranger.

b. Ingwe-le Ayeperenye mape itne irrarnp-irre-re-ke, ...night-LOC [sacred caterpillar] pl(grp) 3plS scatter-INCH-plS/A-pc,

...In the night the ancestral Yeperenye caterpillars scattered (in all directions), ...

3.5.3 'Increase' quantifiersIncrease quantifiers convey that the referent of a NP represents some form of increase in the

number or measure of a previously identified set or mass. Examples of such quantifiers include arrpenhe'other, another' and awethe 'more; again.

3.5.4 Quantifier PhrasesA quantifier phrase can be formed by modifying a member of one of the three general quantifier

categories with a member from another category, as the examples in (12) show.

(12) a. artwe therre arrpenhe b. artwe arrpenhe therre

man two other man other twotwo other men another two men

c. kere arrpenhe-me awethe d. kngwelye atningke ingkirrekemeat other-UQ(some) more dog many allsome more meat all of the many dogs

In §3.10.3.5 of this chapter the derivation of other quantifiers using -me 'unified quantity' isdiscussed. It is also worth noting that the forms kngerre 'big; a large amount of' and kweke 'small, a littlebit' function both as adjectives and as quantifiers.

3.6 DemonstrativesForms which fill the demonstrative position in a simple noun phrase are of two types. Firstly

there are a set of demonstratives which basically convey spatially deictic information and secondly thereis a single form nhenge 'remember' which indicates that an entity has been mentioned previously. In thissection we will also discuss the demonstrating form alakenhe 'like so, thus'.

3.6.1 Spatially Deictic DemonstrativesThe spatially deictic demonstratives are given in table 3-2 and it is necessary to point out that

all members of this class have both nominal and adverbal uses. Thus, a form like nhenhe can mean either'this' (eg. 13a) or 'here' (eg. 13 b).

(13) a. Artwe kngerre nhenhe re kere aherre tyerre-ke.man big this 3sgA game kangaroo shoot-pcThis big man shot a kangaroo.

b. Re re-nhe tyerre-ke nhenhe nthurre.3sgA 3sg-ACC shoot-pc here INTENSHe shot it right here (at this place).

Further, these Mparntwe Arrernte demonstratives are of interest because they make a distinctionbetween whether or not a person is asserting that they are "certain" that something is in a particularlocation or whether or not they are just guessing that it is there. As will be seen below (cf. §3.6.1.2),this distinction between "certainty" and "uncertainty" need not have anything to do with visibility, and so

this distinction is different from the better known "visible-invisible" distinction described fordemonstratives in languages in other parts of the world (see for instance Anderson and Keenan1985:289-295).

Table 3-2 : Spatially Deictic Demonstratives

Since modifiers frequently stand in place of the heads they would modify, there is no need todistinguish demonstrative adjectives from demonstrative pronouns in Mparntwe Arrernte as one does inEnglish. This is related to another point of contrast between English and Mparntwe Arrernte. Hallidayand Hasan (1976:62) note for English that a demonstrative acting as the head of a NP "cannot refer to ahuman referent except in the special environment of an equative clause." As example (14) attests, this isnot true for Mparntwe Arrernte.

(14) ..., unte gotta ampe kweke yanhe mwantye nthurre-le..., 2sgA have to child little that(mid) carefully INTENS-ADVatnyene-rle kwenhe, arntarntare-rle yanhe kwenhe."hold-GenEvt ASSERT, look after-GenEvt that ASSERT..., you have to hold onto that little child carefully, (you must) look after that

one. [T12-5]

Semantically, the spatially deictic demonstratives are inherently locative. That is, they all containthe component 'be at' in their semantic decomposition and they function to draw the attention of theaddressee to a spatial region in which an entity or event is located (see Lyons 1977:654). As such,when they occur on their own, they may occur optionally with, or without, the three case markers whichhave a locative function (ie. -le 'locative' [cf. §4.2.4.3], -ke 'dative'[endpoint location; cf.§4.2.5.1], and-nge 'ablative' [beginning point and dynamic location; cf. §4.2.6.1]). This optionality with respect tocases manifesting locative function is not available to other nominals, with the exception of place names,nor is it available to fuller NPs which contain a demonstrative and some other nominal (see egs. in 15).

(15) a. Artwe re inte-me nhakwe(-le) / ntyame nhakwe*(-le)man 3sgS lie-npp that[dist](-LOC) / swag that[dist]-LOCThe man is sleeping on that (one) over there / on that swag over there.

b. The thipe are-ke nhenhe(-ke) / arne*(-ke).1sgA bird see-pc this(-DAT) / tree-DATI saw the bird in this one / in the tree.

c. Relhe nhenge-le yanhe(-nge) / pmere*(-nge) kaltye-nthe-me.womanREMEMB-ERG that[mid](-ABL) / camp-ABL

knowledge-give-nppThat woman (you know the one) teaches in that (one)/ in that camp.

Another reflection of the close relation between these demonstrative forms and locatives is thefact that two of these demonstratives, nhenhe 'this; here' and yanhe 'that(mid); there (mid)', can beoptionally contracted with the locative case -le to give nhele and yale. All other cases, with the possibleexception of the dative, must be built on the long stem form of these demonstratives.

In keeping with their function, all seven of these forms take part in an ostensive equational framewhich is very common in day to day interaction and which is used to point out what and/or wheresomething is. The frame is made up of a demonstrative in initial position, followed by the NP whichrefers to the thing to be identified and finally there may be an optionally occurring existential predicatewhich indicates the stance of the entity (ie. ne- 'exist sitting'; inte- 'exist lying'; and tne- 'exist standing').See example (16). In the canonical situation of utterance, this ostensive structure would be accompaniedby a paralinguistic gesture directed towards the entity in question.

(16) Nhenhe / Yanhe / Nhakwe aherre (ne-me).this / that(mid) / that(dist) kangaroo (be-npp).This/ That / That-over-there is a kangaroo.

Table 3-2 (p. 111) shows that a number of subsets can be identified within the larger group ofspatially deictic demonstratives. A first division can be drawn between one form, alertekwenhe 'that;there', which is only used to refer "to the environment in which the dialogue is taking place - to the'context of situation' as it is called" (Halliday & Hasan 1976:18), and the other forms which may sharethis first use but are also used to refer to a situation set up by the text which may be totally disembodiedfrom the actual situation of utterance. In other words, these demonstratives are distinguished as towhether they are solely exophoric or whether they can have both exophoric and anaphoric uses.

3.6.1.1 Alertekwenhe 'that; there (exophoric)"The only form which is solely exophoric is alertekwenhe 'that; there (while pointing)'. It is used

when pointing out a physical object or event to the addressee, the location of which is not close to eitherthe speaker or the addressee. There is always a paralinguistic gesture which accompanies the use ofthis demonstrative. Most often it is a simple pointing gesture either with the hand, or sometimes with theeyes or lips. Alertwekwenhe 'that; there (while pointing)' also appears to entail, unlike the otherdemonstratives, that the entity/event which has been indicated is visible.

Since this form is only used in real, situated, conversation, I have no instances of it occurring innarrative texts. It does, however, appear in situated expository texts (eg. 17).

(17) Pmere kngerre nhenhe ne-ke. Alertekwenhe pmere ingkirrekeplace big this be/sit-pc There(pointing) place allartwe-kenhe, artwe-kenhe pmere.man-POSS, man-POSS place.This used to be an important place. That there (pointing to a particular site),

was a place for all men, a men's site.

The meaning of alertekwenhe can be rendered as follows:The thing[entity or event] I am talking about is at a place which is away from where you and I are. Iassume you can see it [It's the thing that I am showing you].

3.6.1.2 "Certain" vs. "Uncertain" formsThe remaining six spatially deictic demonstratives further divide into two subsets. Each subset

exhibits a three-way distinction as far as location is concerned. They can refer to 'the place which I thinkof as the place where I am' (ie. the place where speaker is; nhenhe & nhengkenhe); or 'a place, which(when thinking about more than two places) I think of as being close to the place that I am in' (ie. yanhe& yalange); or 'a place, which (when thinking about more than two places) I think of as not being closeto the place that I am in' (ie. nhakwe & nhawerne). These distinctions correspond to the traditionaldeictic notions of 'proximal', 'medial' and 'distal'. The pair of demonstratives which correspond to anyone 'distance' also share the same initial syllable: nhe- 'proximal'; ya- 'medial' and nha- 'distal'. There isno consistent patterning to the endings that these forms take and it would not appear that these forms aresynchronically analysable into smaller morphemic units.

In the explications of deictic distance given above I have tried to show that the interpretation ofdistance from the speaker is relative. Three things in a line leading from the speaker which would all be

considered physically close to the speaker can still be differentiated in terms of their relative proximity tothe speaker. The middle thing in the line, for instance, is not at the place where speaker is since this isreserved for the closest entity, but it is close to the place where speaker is when considering the positionof the third item.

Two things which are both considered to be in the place where the speaker is must both bereferred to by proximal forms. This is unlike English where 'this' and 'that' can be used to set up acontrast regardless of actual distance from speaker. So, while in English one can say : 'Do I do it withthis hand or that hand?' the Mparntwe equivalent would have to be 'Do I do it with this (nhenhe) hand,or this (nhenhe) hand?' To make the contrast more explicit, for the second reference one could use 'iltyearrpenhe nhenhe-rle peke' (hand other this-FOC maybe) 'or this other hand'.

The semantic distinction between the two subsets referred to above has to do with how certainthe speaker is that the thing (entity or event) referred to by the demonstrative is actually in the locationindicated (regardless of visibility). Underlying the 'certain' subset is an assertion that the speaker knowsthe location of the entity, underlying the "uncertain" set is the semantic component 'I have a reason tothink that the thing I'm talking about is in the place I say it is, but I can not say "I know it"'.

The 'certain' subset contains nhenhe 'this; here', yanhe 'that(mid); there(mid)' and nhakwe'that(dist); yonder'. These forms occur with much greater regularity than the 'uncertain' forms since theydescribe the unmarked situation, for demonstratives, where a speaker describes the situation of knownentities in known proximity to the speaker. In other words, the typical situation is one where a definitereferring description, such as that provided by demonstratives, asserts the truth or accuracy of thedescription with respect to the referent (Lyons 1977:177-97).

Lyons (1977:183) has argued convincingly, however, that "successful reference does not dependupon the truth of the description contained in the referring expression." It seems quite clear that aspeaker can have a specific referent in mind, and yet be uncertain of the evidence upon which s/he ispredicating a referring expression with respect to that entity. When using the 'uncertain' demonstratives,the speaker has a definite referent in mind and there is evidence which calls up a definite location withknow proximity, but the speaker is not sure that the definite location can be predicated of the specificreferent. Thus, in using these demonstratives, the speaker indicates that s/he is uncommitted to thevalidity of what s/he is saying, even though there is some sort of evidence that it may be true. Indescribing the 'uncertain' subset, which consists of nhengkenhe 'this; here (uncertain)', yalange 'that(mid);there(mid)(uncertain)' and nhawerne 'that(dist); yonder' (uncertain)', speakers will call them 'guessing'words or will mention that 'you haven't seen it yourself'. Thus somebody reporting secondhand about afight that was supposed to be taking place beyond a big hill said:

(18) Nhawerne twe-rre-me, pwerte ingkerne-nge.yonder(uncert) hit-RECIP-npp, hill behind-ABLThere's supposed to be fighting yonder, behind the hill.

When questioned as to why nhawerne was used instead of nhakwe the speaker answered "I don't knowif it's true, I haven't been there."

Another situation in which the 'uncertain' demonstratives are used is when several people aretaking something to be true in their conversation, and another person, who does not share the samebackground knowledge, enters into the conversation to check whether the proposition they are taking asfact is indeed true. In example 19, two people B and C both knew that a certain Catholic sister hadreturned to Alice Springs after several years absence and were taking this as given in their conversation,while speaker A did not know this fact and uses the 'uncertain' demonstrative nhengkenhe 'this; here(uncertain)' to check her assumption that Sister R. is now 'here' in Alice Springs.

(19) B to C: Yaye R. re ayenge knge-ke pmere Les-kenhe-werne.sister R. 3sgA 1sgO take-pc home Les-POSS-ALLSister R. took me to Les's house.

A: Re-me nhengkenhe?3sgS-INTERR here(uncert)Is she really (ie. Sister R.) here (in Alice Springs)?

As well as hearsay evidence, a speaker may 'uncertainly' indicate that an entity is in a specificlocation of the basis of some actual or imagined perceptual evidence which does not provide enoughinformation for an exact identification. Such perceptual evidence may be shadows passing by, noisesbeyond some barrier, or even olfactory impressions. For instance, while watching a murder mystery filmwhich had a scene where two silhouettes were performing some indistinct actions one speaker said:

(20) Ar-Ø-aye! Artwe yalange-le re-nhe twe-me.see-IMP-EMPH! man that[mid](uncert)-ERG 3sg-ACC kill-npp.Nhengekenhe-le arrpenhe mape twe-ke.this(uncert)-ERG other pl(grp) kill-pcHave a look! That man, I think, is killing her. This one killed the others (I

suppose).

In example (20) the speaker is venturing a guess both that a murder is happening and that it is a manwho is performing the murder. The location of the figures on the screen is not in question, only how theyare to be interpreted.

One further example brings out fairly clearly the distinction between the 'certain' and 'uncertain'demonstrative forms. One Mparntwe Arrernte woman and I had been working together in an office andI went out briefly to another room. At that time a person called Kwementyaye had just returned to thebuilding and I saw him and spoke to him. When I went back to the office the woman asked me:

(21) Ngwenhe-me yalange?who-INTERR there[mid](uncert)Who (if anyone) is out there?

I incorrectly answered *"Kwementyaye yalange", and she corrected me by saying:

(22) Kwementyaye yanhe!Kwementyaye there(mid)Kwementyaye is there!

She explained that she had used yalange 'there (mid)(uncertain)' because she had only heard somethingthat made her think someone else might have come in, she didn't see anyone and she wasn't suresomeone was there. On the other hand, since I had seen Kwementyaye and knew he was there, I couldonly use yanhe 'there (mid)(certain)', even though I couldn't see him when I was reporting his location.

The above examples demonstrate how the 'uncertain' subset of demonstratives is rooted largelyin the actual situation of utterance. They are used infrequently, and it would seem that younger speakersare not using these forms and are instead starting to use the 'certain' set exclusively. Anaphoric uses ofthe 'uncertain' demonstratives, as with nhengkenhe 'this (uncertain)' in example (20), are quite rare.Because of the infrequency of their use, it is not clear how their range of discourse functions compareswith that to be discussed for the 'certain' subset of spatially deictic demonstratives.

Table 3-3 : Preliminary definitions of the spatial sense of 'certain' and 'uncertain' demonstratives

Preliminary explications for the six forms under discussion are given in table 3-3. There areseveral features of the definitions which are worth noting. Firstly, these demonstratives are regarded aspredicates, based on 'be at', which locate an entity or an event at a place, the location of which isdetermined with respect to the place that the speaker regards as his/her present location. Followingfrom this fact is the fact that the components in the explication of nhenhe (this; here), the proximal'certain' form, are essentially contained within the explication of all other forms. Finally, the meaning ofthe 'certain' forms is fully contained in, and provides the basis for, the corresponding 'uncertain' forms.The sense of certainty attributed to the 'certain' forms is derived in part from the systematic contrast withthe overt semantics of the 'uncertain' subset and in part from the declarative form of the definition. An'uncertain' non-proximal form, such as yalange 'that (mid)(uncertain)', therefore, manifests two levels ofsemantic inclusion: 'uncertain' (yalange) contains 'certain' (yanhe) and non-proximal (yanhe) containsproximal (nhenhe). It is important to realise that the definitions given are for what Fillmore (1975:40)calls the gestural sense of the deictic expressions and are not necessarily the same for the possiblerelated symbolic or anaphoric senses of these demonstratives.

3.6.1.3 Discourse use of the 'certain' demonstrativesAn interesting feature of the use of the 'certain' demonstratives is that when a non-proximal form

is used exophorically to introduce a place or a thing at a place, then the next mention of it, an anaphoricmention, is often by use of the demonstrative which is one degree of proximity closer to the 'zero point'(Lyons 1977:638) or 'place of speaking'. The distal form can be replaced by the medial form (eg. 23a)and the medial form can be replaced by the proximal form (eg. 23b; see also eg. 20).

(23) a. Ingwe-le travel-irre-ke nhakwe (pointing), Imerle-werne-theke.

night-LOC travel-INCH-pc there(dist) [pointing], EmilyGap-ALL-wards

Ahelhe-ke itne irrpe-tye.lhe-ke yanhe-ke.ground-DAT 3plS go into-GO&DO-pc there(mid)Yanhe-le lyete ne-me re, ...There(mid)-LOC now be-npp 3sgS, ...During the night (they the sacred caterpillars) travelled over there[dist] (to

place pointed to), towards Emily Gap. And when they got there they entered into the ground there[mid]. There[mid] is where they are now, ...

b. Urreye re-therre pmere Uletherrke yanhe are-tye.lhe-ke.boy 2dl A place Mt.Zeil there(mid) see-GO&DO-pc.Nhenhe-nge-ntyele re-therre awethe-'gain lhe-me-le ...Here-ABL-onwards 2dlS again-same again go-npp-SS ...The two boys came upon Mt. Zeil which is there(mid). From here the two of

them travelled off again ...

In example (23) a. and b. it is as if by bringing a place, or a thing in a place, into the addressee'sapprehension one brings it a step closer to the actual speech situation. This phenomenon, althoughcommon, is not to be seen as the rule. The other common alternative is to use the same demonstrativeas is used exophorically for the later anaphoric reference (eg. 24).

(24) Arne yanhe (pointing) kngerre nthurre kwete.tree that(mid) [pointing] big INTENS stillYanhe-nge-ntyele intelyape-lyape arrate-ke.that(mid)-ABL-onwards butterflies appear-pc.That(mid) tree (indicating the one) is still very important(sacred).It's from out of that(mid) one that the (Dreamtime) butterflies appeared.

In traditional narratives the 'zero point' for deictic reference is the place in the story at which thestory starts, or restarts if a major protagonist repeats events in different places. The proximal form is,therefore, used in reference to this place and movement from that place will result in the new locationbeing treated (at least initially) as non-proximal. In the text from which example (25) comes, a demon ischased out of a camp that he had visited ('zero point') and he is killed at a point away from the camp,which accounts for the medial form yanhe 'that(mid); there(mid)' being used.

(25) ... kenhe atningke re kenhe alwerne-rlenge. ... Kelere-nhe

... BUT crowd(many) 3sgA BUT chase-DS. ... OK 3sg-ACCanteme itne twe-ke, yanhe antime re uyerre-ke, kunye.now 3plA kill-pc, there(mid) exactly 3sgS disappear-pc, poor-thing... but the crowd was chasing him. ... So then they killed him and he died

right there(mid), poor thing. [T11-43,47,48]

Even when there is no spatial sense of proximity, the proximal form nhenhe 'this; here' can beused in texts to refer anaphorically to a major protagonist or to an immediately preceding definite NPacting as the present focus of discourse. It thus refers to something which is in one's immediateapprehension and is relevant to the 'here and now' of the text itself. For instance, in example (26),which is taken from the same text as example (25), nhenhe 'this' is used in a NP referring to the majorprotagonist (a demon masquerading as a man) because he is being reintroduced into the text at thebeginning of a new series of events in the narrative.

(26) Arlte arrpenhe-le anteme, artwe nhenhe lhe-ke anteme pmere kngerre-werne.

day other-LOC now, man this go-pc now camp big-ALLThen, on another day, this man went to a big camp. [T11-27]

Finally it should be mentioned that the 'certain' demonstratives can manifest what Halliday andHasan (1976:52-53; 66-67) label 'extended reference'. They define this term as the "use ofdemonstratives to refer to extended text, including text as 'fact' ...' (1976:66). In this function thesedemonstratives often show up at the point in a text where the narrator is winding up the story s/he hasjust told and a demonstrative is used to make reference to the whole text (eg. 27).

(27) a. Nhenhe anteme kweke arntnerre-ntye ikwere-kertethis now little crawl-NMZR 3sgDAT-PROPayeye nhenhe re ne-ke.story this 3sgS be-pc.This then was about the crawling baby, that's what this story was. [T12-148]

b. Kele angke-tye ware-rle ile-rne yanh-aye.OK speak-NMZR DISM-FOC tell-p.immed that(mid)-EMPHO.K. that's just a bit of talk what I've just told.

3.6.2 nhenge 'remember' (REMEMB)The demonstrative nhenge 'remember' indicates that the entity to which the NP refers is

something from before which I (the speaker) think that you (the addressee) should be able to remember.It often functions as an indicator that something has been mentioned previously in the discourse, although

it might not have been mentioned recently. However, it can also be used when something is to beremembered from general context even if there has been no previous mention of it.

(28) a. Inspector nhenge mape-le school nhenhe-rlke inspect-em.ile-ke.Inspector REMEMB pl(grp)-ERG school this(O)-TOO inspect-

E.tr.CAUS-pcThose inspectors (you remember the ones) inspected this school too.

b. ... kem-irre-ke thipe kngerrepenhe anteme. Kem-irre-me-le,... get up-INCH-pc bird big-one now. get up-

INCH-npp-SS,ante nhenge-Ø alkere-k-irre-ke, ...and REMEMB-NOM(S) sky-DAT-INCH-pc.... a big bird arose. It arose and the aforementioned took flight. [T11-49;50]

The status of nhenge 'remember' as a demonstrative nominal is not totally clear. As the aboveexamples show, this form fills the demonstrative position when it occurs within an NP (eg. 28a) and itmay, like other demonstratives, stand on its own (marked for case) as a type of anaphor for the referentof a previously expanded NP (eg. 28b). However, in a number of ways it also behaves like a particle.For example, it may occur after a NP, following, for instance, the third person definitising pronoun andcase (eg.29).

(29) ..., arlpelhe kngerre therre anteme ikwere-nge nhenge..., wing big two now 3sgDAT-ABL REMEMB

arrat-intye-ke.appear-DO COMING-pc..., then two big wings appeared from out of him (you remember theone) as he came. [T11-24]

Moreover, nhenge 'remember' need not be associated with an NP in any way. There are twouses in which it has scope over a whole clause. Firstly, it may occur in various positions within a clausethat refers to a past event with a meaning that may be roughly translated as 'that time when X happened,you remember it ' (eg.30).

(30) The nhenge nge-nhe are-ke meetinge-ke.1sgA REMEMB 2sg-ACC see-pc meeting-DATI saw you that time at the meeting. (I'm sure you remember it.)

Secondly, nhenge 'remember' can be used as a type of conjunction between two clauses. In this usage itoccurs at the beginning of one clause to indicate that, whenever the event in that clause happens then theevent in the other clause happens (eg. 31).

(31) a. Re ayenge twe-me kwetethe,3sgA 1sgO hit-npp always,nhenge unte atyenge-werne petye-rlenge.REMEMB 2sgS 1sgDAT-ALL come-D.S.He always hits me whenever you come anywhere near me. (He's jealous)

b. Nhenge tyerrtye mape lthekelth-ile-lhe-tyekenhe,REMEMB people pl(grp)(S) stretch-CAUS-REFL-VbNEG,

kele itne ine-mer-ante kwete diabetes.O.K. 3plA get-HYPO-ONLY still diabetes.Whenever people don't exercise ,then they are very likely to get diabetes.

The facts presented above suggest that nhenge 'remember' is to be considered as belonging toboth the demonstrative subclass of nominals as well as belonging to the class of particle/clitics.

3.6.3 The demonstrating form alakenhe 'like so, thus'Alakenhe 'like so, thus' is used to indicate that some demonstration or description of how an

event is performed is being, or has just been, given (see §3.8.1). Its primary membership is in theadverbial class but it also behaves in some ways like a demonstrative. For instance, it may be used in atext to refer anaphorically to an event or series of events that have just been performed. In this functionit can be followed by a third person definitising pronoun indicating that it can occur as part of a NP.Since it has never been attested as occurring with any other elements in a NP, it is not clear exactlywhat position it fills, but, on functional grounds, it seems reasonable to assign it to the demonstrativesposition.

(32) Alakenhe re-nhe itne mpware-tyerte.

thus 3sg-ACC 3plA do-rem.p.habThat's what they used to do. [ie. They used to do those events just described.]

3.7 Personal PronounsAs far as personal pronouns are concerned, Mparntwe Arrernte, like a number of other Arandic

languages, is of interest because it possesses non-singular pronouns which vary according to the internalkin-relations of the group referred to. Mparntwe Arrernte also possesses a general set of pronounswhich are used when group kin-relations are not relevant. This general set will be presented firstfollowed by a discussion of the non-singular forms showing kin distinctions. This outline of personalpronouns concludes with a discussion of the further grammatical functions of the third person pronouns.

3.7.1 General FormsThe general set of pronouns show three number distinctions (singular, dual, plural) and three

person distinctions (first, second, third). In contrast to Alyawarra (Yallop 1977, 92), there is noinclusive/ exclusive distinction made for the 1st person non-singular forms, although inclusion may beemphasised using the 'pronominal inclusive construction' (ie. plural pronoun construction) discussed in§10.1.1.2 or through the use of switch-reference (cf. §11.4.2). As noted (and exemplified)in §1.2.4.3,second person plural forms may be used with singular reference in the context of kin avoidance andrespect.

As far as case distinctions are concerned, all unique (ie. unpredictable) pronominal forms will becovered by presenting the S/A (subject), accusative (O), dative, and possessive case-sets (see tables 3-4 to 3-7). All other case-forms of pronouns are generated by adding the relevant case suffix to thedative form of the pronoun.

Table 3-4 : S/A (subject) pronoun set

Table 3-5 : Accusative (O) pronoun set

Table 3-6 : Dative pronoun set

Table 3-7 : Possessive pronoun set

In examining tables 3-4 and 3-5 one can see that the first person singular S form is the same asthe O form (ie. ayenge), and there is a distinct A form (ie. the). This means that while all other pronounsshow a nominative patterning, the first singular shows ergative patterning. This is an intriguing feature ofthe language since it runs contrary to the hierarchy of features which governs the patterning of split casesystems (see Silverstein 1976:122-134 and §4.2.1). Note also that there are two basicallyinterchangeable forms meaning 'second person singular S/A' (ie. unte and nge). These two"irregularities" in the pronoun paradigm can be explained if we assume that Mparntwe Arrernte originallyhad a system like Alyawarra (see table 3-7) in which first and second singular pronouns both had threedistinct case forms for A, S, and O.

Table 3-8 : Alyawarra 1st and 2nd singular A,S,O forms (based on Yallop 1977:94)

The present Mparntwe Arrernte paradigm could be seen to arise through a simplification in thefirst and second singular pronouns from three to two core case distinctions. In this scenario, nge'2sgS/A', like the corresponding Alyawarra form nga, would have originally been the second singular Sform but, in the collapsing of distinctions, it would have been used as an A form as well, while the Aform unte would also have been used in S function. For the first person singular, on the other hand, itmust be assumed that the original S form would have taken on the O function as well and, in so doing,totally displaced some form akin to Alyawarra yinganha '1sgS -Acc'. The conflation to only twodistinctions here leads to the Ergative patterning.

3.7.2 Kin Distinctions in Non- Singular PronounsWhile the general set of pronouns is the most widely used, and appears to be the only set used

by children, speakers wishing to draw attention to the internal kin relations of a specific group have threenon-singular pronoun paradigms to chose from. For background to the features of the Arrernte kinshipsystem which are manifested in these non-singular pronoun paradigms see §1.2.4.1. One paradigmindicates that at least one member of the group belongs to the opposite patrimoiety to another memberof the group. In other words, the group consists of at least two people who would consider each otherto be malyenweke 'member of the opposite patrimoiety to me'. The other two paradigms are usedwhen all members of the group are of the same patrimoiety and so would consider each other to beanwakerre 'member of the same patrimoiety as me'. However, these two paradigms are distinguished

by whether or not all members of the group are considered to belong to the same generation moiety:one paradigm is used if all members of the group belong to the same generation moiety and the otherparadigm is used if one member of the group is nyurrpe 'opposite generation moiety (disharmonic kin)'with respect to another member. The S/A (nominative) forms of these three paradigms are given in table3-9 (following page).

An examination of forms in table 3-9 reveals that the paradigm indicating "same patrimoiety samegeneration" contains exactly the same forms as the non-singular general forms given previously. It mayalso be observed that, to a significant extent, the morphology of these pronouns is transparent.Roughly, a pronoun consists of the following basic elements:

i) a person/number root: ile- '1dl' mpwele '2dl' al- '3dl' (a)nwe- '1pl' arre- '2pl' itne '3pl'ii) a marker of kin relations within group:-anthe 'members of different patrimoieties in group'-ake 'members of same patrimoiety, but different generation moieties in group'-Ø 'all members of group are same patrimoiety and same generation '

iii) All non-same generation plural pronouns end in -rre.

Table 3-9 : Kin Distinctions in Non-Singular Pronouns This analysis does not account for four of the eighteen forms and the exceptions are all in the

paradigm indicating 'same patrimoiety and same generation' (ie. the general paradigm). To begin with,there are the first person dual and plural same patrimoiety-same generation forms ilerne and (a)nwerne,instead of the expected ile and (a)nwe . The -rne on these forms appears to go back to an originalmarker of exclusion (cf. Yallop 1977:98-99), suggesting that the pronoun system may have originallymanifested an inclusive-exclusive distinction like Alyawarra.

As for the other two forms, on the basis of the above pronoun formula, one would expect tofind ale 'third person dual same patrimoiety-same generation' and arre 'second person plural samepatrimoiety-same generation'. Instead, there are the suppletive forms re-therre (3sgS/A-two) andarrantherre respectively. As far as this latter form is concerned, it is the 'second person plural differentpatrimoiety' form which replaces the expected form, and so occurs twice within the paradigms.

As to the other case forms of these pronouns the following patterns are apparent. For the 'samepatrimoiety-same generation' forms case marking is as described for the general set of pronouns in§3.7.1. For the other two paradigms:(i) The object forms are generated by inserting '-n' between the person/number root and themarker of kin relations within group, and then suffixing -nhe 'accusative (O)' at the end. (eg ale-n-anthe-nhe '3dl dif. patri.-ACC')(ii) The dative is formed by inserting -ke dative in between the person/number root and themarker of kin relations within group (eg.mpwele-k-ake '2dl.DAT-same pat.dif.gen.')(iii) The possessive is formed by suffixing -nhe to the dative forms. (eg. nwe-k-anthe-rre-nhe'1pl-DAT-dif.pat-plural-POSS')(iv) All other cases are generated by suffixing the relevant case forms to the dative form of thepronoun (eg. arre-k-anthe-rre-nge '2pl-DAT-dif. pat.-plural-ABL).

Yallop (1977: 98-100) provides a useful comparative discussion of pronoun forms in Alyawarraand other Arandic languages. His discussion does not, however, cover Mparntwe Arrernte forms andhe is inaccurate in his statement (1977:99) that "probably in current Alice Springs usage, sectionreference (ie. kin distinctions in pronouns-D.P.W.) is not marked at all".

3.7.3 Extended use of third person forms.Apart from their strictly pronominal use, there are two further major functions of the third person

forms.Firstly, there is their 'definitising' function. Third person forms may occur as the last element of a

noun phrase to indicate that the referent of the phrase is a specific entity (or group of entities) which thespeaker assumes the addressee can identify from the speech context. They, therefore, function in a waysimilar to the definite article in English. Unlike the English definite article, however, the MparntweArrernte third person forms may co-occur with demonstratives and proper names (eg. 30b).Furthermore, they change in number to indicate the number of referents in the phrase (eg. 30a). Whenthey occur, third person pronouns, in 'definitising' function, bear case for the whole noun phrase.

(33) a. Artwe itne no ahel-irre-ke artwe mperlkere ikwere.man 3plS no angry-INCH-pc man white 3sgDATThe men didn't become aggressive towards the white man.

b. Gavan re Margaret ine-rle.lhe-ke.

Gavan 3sgA Margaret get-DO & GO-pcGavan picked Margaret up. (lit. The Gavan I'm sure you can identify got

Margaret and went.)

The second extended function of third person forms appears to be rooted in the fact that, aswell as referring to concrete entities, third person singular forms can be used to refer to abstract entities,including previously mentioned events. Thus, in example (34) re-nhe (3sg-ACC) 'him/her/it' refers backto a previously mentioned action of 'chasing each other around'.

(34) Arlte arrpanenhe re-therre re-nhe mpware-tyerte.day every 3dl(S) 3sg-ACC do-rem.p.habEvery day they two used to do it .(ie. chase each other around)

As an extension of this use in referring anaphorically to events, there are a number of thirdperson singular oblique forms which are commonly used as discourse markers. These discoursemarkers, presented in (35), indicate the relation of the previously mentioned event (or series of events),to the next event (or series of events) to be mentioned.

(35) ikwere-nge (3sgDAT-ABL) 'because of that; afterthat'

ikwere-nge-ntyele (3sgDAT-ABL-ONWARDS) 'since then; after that'ikwer-iperre (3sgDAT-AFTER) 'after that; as a

result of that'ikwere-le (3sgDAT-LOC) 'at that time...'

3.8 Interrogative forms3.8.1 Basic set of interrogative forms and their subdivision.

There are six basic interrogative forms in Mparntwe Arrernte, which divide into 3 subgroups.

a) ngwenhe 'who' iwenhe 'what' nthenhe 'where'b) nthakenhe 'how' nthakentye 'how many'c) ilengare 'when'

Group (a) interrogatives distinguish basic categories of real world entities and they differ frommembers of the other two groups in the following ways.

(i) Members of this group take the full set of cases common nouns take.(ii) They can follow a common noun, with whose basic category they agree, to form a question

which asks the addressee to specifically identify a particular referent from out of the set of possiblereferents which the common noun could refer to. They thus behave like English 'which' or 'what' in theirinterrogative adjective function; as in the translation of the following examples.

(36) a. Unte pmere nthenhe-le ne-ke?2sgS place where-LOC stay-pcWhich place do you live at?

b. Ampe ngwenhe-ke re key re-nhe nthe-ke ?child who-DAT 3sgA key 3sg-ACC give-pcTo which child did she give the key?

c. Arne iwenhe-le relhe Mpetyane re ke-lhe-ke?thing what-INST womanMpetyane 3sgS cut-refl-pcWith what thing did (that) Mpetyane (woman) cut herself?

Group (b) interrogatives frequently take as their response a physical demonstration rather than averbal answer. In accordance with this, each member has a corresponding form which is used toindicate that some form of demonstration has been, or is being, given.

Corresponding to nthakenhe 'how' is alakenhe 'like so, thus' and corresponding to nthakentye'how many' is alakentye 'these many, as many as indicated'. Although there is a clear morphologicalrelationship between the corresponding interrogative and 'demonstrating' forms, the synchronic meaningof the various elements is unclear.

Nthakenhe 'how' can only take cases which have spatial, temporal, or adverbial functions. Ithas never been attested in A or O function like interrogatives from group (a). The range of case formswhich nthakentye 'how many' may take is unclear.

Ilengare 'when?' is the sole member of group (c) It takes only those case forms which may havea temporal function. Diachronically it may be analysed as being composed of -ngare 'TIMES' (cf.§7.4.3.3) and ile- which in certain other Arandic languages is the base for the word meaning 'what' (eg.Alyawarra ileke 'what').

Various nuances of questioning arise from the interaction of these interrogative forms with thecase system and with various particle/clitics. For instance questions corresponding to English 'why?'may be formed by adding -ke 'dative', -nge 'ablative', or -iperre 'after' to iwenhe 'what'. The subtledistinction in meaning of the resulting forms are discussed in Ferber and Breen (1984). The range ofcommon questions based on nthenhe 'where' is given in (37).

(37) nthenhe-le? (where-LOC) 'where at? (central); through/along where?'

nthenhe-ke? (where-DAT) 'where at? (endpoint)'nthenhe-nge? (where-ABL) 'where at? (beginning; dynamic);

where from?'nthenhe-werne? (where-ALL) 'where to?; towards where?'nthenh-arenye?(where-ASSOC) 'where from? denizen of where?'nthenh-iperre? (where-AFTER) 'where from? (temporal/cause)nthenhe(-nge)-ntyele? (where-ABL-onwards) 'from where onwards?;

away from where?'nthenhe(-werne)-theke? (where-ALL-wards) 'towards where?'nthenhe-ke-kerte? (where-DAT-PROP) 'up until where?'nthenhe nthurre? (where INTENS) 'where exactly'nthenh-ampinye? (where-vicinity) 'in the vicinity of where?'nthenhe-thayete? (where-SIDE) 'which side?'nthenhe-kerleke? (where-CONNECT) 'on outer surface of where?'nthenh-ulkere? (where-MORE) 'Where is it? I want to see it.'

3.8.2 Compounding of interrogative forms with peke 'maybe' and kweye 'self doubt'In a number of Australian languages (Dixon 1980:277) the basic interrogative forms may also be

used as indefinite nominals so that, for example, the word meaning 'who' can also mean 'someone; one'.This is not the case for Mparntwe Arrernte which, instead, has general nominal forms which include anindefinite nominal sense amongst their meanings. For example, arrpenhe 'other, another' may be used tomean 'someone' (eg. 38).

(38) Arrpenhe kwenhe irrkwentye ine-tyeke.other ASSERT police(catch-NMZR) get-PURPSomeone should get the police.

Mparntwe Arrernte does, however, use interrogative forms as one of the elements in two typesof compound, each type having a particle as its second element and each type deriving a nominal havinga sort of indefinite or indeterminate sense.

In the first type of compound peke 'might, maybe' is attached to the basic interrogative form togive nominals which equate with English pronominal forms derived from question words compoundedwith 'ever'. For example; ilengare-peke (when-maybe) 'whenever' and ngwenhe-peke (who-maybe)'whoever'.

In the second type of compound kweye 'SelfDoubt', the exclamation used when you aresurprised by something that turns out to be different from what you thought, is added after the basicinterrogative forms. The resultant compounds are typically used when the speaker can't rememberexactly how to refer to something that they should know the name or term for. Thus, for example,iwenhe-kweye (what-SelfDoubt) corresponds to English 'whatchamacallit; thingamajig', and ngwenhe-kweye (who-SelfDoubt) corresponds to 'whoseywhatsit, thingo, what's-his-name'.

3.8.3 Reduplication of interrogative formsThe three interrogative forms from group (a) in §3.8.1 can be suffixed with -nte and totally

reduplicated to derive forms which refer to a number of different things of the same kind (ie. the samegeneral category) which are being talked about together . These derived forms have both interrogativeand non-interrogative uses (eg. 39).

(39) iwenhente-iwenhente 'What different things?; all the different things'ngwenhente-ngwenhente 'Who all?; all the assortment of peoplenthenhente-nthenhente 'Which different places?; all the various places'

3.9 Kin term morphology Kinship terms - or, more accurately, relationship terms - belong to a closed subclass of nounnominals which demonstrate distinct morphological possibilities. The bulk of the membership of thissubclass are indeed nominals which designate kin relationships, such as meye 'mother' and yaye 'sister'(see §1.2.4.2), but there are also a few lexemes which belong to this grouping that are not, strictlyspeaking, kin terms (see Table 1-1 for the full list of kin terms). These other terms do, however, refer totypes of social relationships that exist for Mparntwe Arrernte people. The terms in question are given in(40).

(40) tyewe 'friend'(-)arrpe 'self'

(-)artweye 'custodian, master, owner, parent'altyerre 'a person's Dreaming totem or country'pmere 'a person's traditional country'

3.9.1 Kin possessionThere are two ways of marking kin possession, as opposed to any other type of possession.

One way is through special possessive suffixes and the other is through a particular dative construction.These are discussed in turn.

3.9.1.1 Pronominal kin possessor suffixesThe first strategy to be discussed provides the criterion by which membership of the subclass of

relationship terms is established. Any member of this subclass may have any one of the following set ofpronominal kin possessor suffixes attached to it. Note that the forms only refer to singular possessors.

(41) -atye 1 kin POSS 'my relation'-angkwe 2 kin POSS 'your relation'-ikwe 3 kin POSS 'his/her/its relation'

Note the similarity between the suffixes and the first VC(C)e of the singular 'dative' pronoun forms:atyenge '1sgDAT', ngkwenge'2sgDAT', ikwere '3sgDAT'. Examples of possessed forms are given in(42).

(42) yay-atye (sister-1 kin POSS) 'my sister'arrp-angkwe (SELF- 2 kin POSS) 'yourself'altyerr-ikwe (Dreaming-3kinPOSS) 'his/her Dreaming totem or country'

These examples show that the pronominal kin possessor suffixes generally attach directly to theroot of the relationship term. However, there are a group of lexemes which show a reduced, orsuppletive, form when taking these suffixes, or the other suffix which only occurs with relationship terms;-nhenge 'kin dyadic'. These are tabulated below.

Full form Root form for attachmentsof suffixes specific torelationship terms

mother meye me-elder brother kake ke-grandfather (MF) tyemeye tye-father akngeye (a)nye-uncle kamerne (?) (a)tnye-

Table 3-10 : Kin-terms which have a reduced or suppletive form when taking suffixes specific to kin terms

An especially intriguing feature of relationship terms suffixed with one of the kin possessorsuffixes involves the placement of case suffixes. A case suffix may occur attached either to the kinpossessor suffix or between the relationship term root and the kin possessor suffix, or it may even occurin both places. These three possibilities are exemplified below (eg. 43) where m-ikwe (mother3kinPOSS) 'his/her/its mother' is marked for ergative case with the suffix -le.

(43) m-ikwe-le / me-l-ikwe / me-l-ikwe-lemother-3kinPOSS-ERG / mother-ERG-3kinPOSS / mother-

ERG-3kinPOSS-ERG

I know of no semantic distinction amongst the three structural types in (43) and the evidence suggeststhat the pronominal possessor forms are in transition between suffix and clitic status. The position ofcase in the first example suggests the possessor forms are suffixes, while the position of case andpossessor suffix in the second instance reflects the normal placement of a clitic on a case-markedphrase. The double marking is symptomatic of the indeterminacy involved.

3.9.1.2 Dative of kin possessionThe second structure which conveys kin possession is formed by placing a full kin term in

juxtaposition with a dative marked pronoun, proper name, or kin term (see §4.2.5.7 and §4.2.5.11).Usually the dative marked form (possessor) precedes the kin term (possessed), but the reverse orderdoes occur (eg. 44).

(44) atyenge akngeye (1sgDAT father) 'my father'Toby-ke alere (Toby-DAT child [FS/D]) 'Toby's child'

meye-ke meye (mother-DAT mother ) 'mother's mother'

3.9.1.3 Referential functions of possessed kin termsThese two strategies for indicating kin possession contrast with the strategy that is used for

conveying general possession of any type of entity (cf.§1.2.9), including the possession of kin relations.While 'my spouse', with third person reference, may be translated as newe tyenhe (spouse 1sgPOSS),or as new-atye (spouse 1kinPOSS), or as atyenge newe (1sgDAT spouse), it is only the latter twoforms which may also be used for address. In other words, only first person possessed kin termsformed in either of the manners specific to kin terms may be used for address. As noted in §1.2.4.2, kinterms which occur with any form indicating second person possessor may be used for self-reference.Thus, possessed kin terms carry some of the functional load of pronouns in that they can be used to referto the first and second person. In such cases kin obligations between speaker and addressee are usuallybeing emphasised (eg.45 below; see also § 1.2.4.2 , and examples 13 and 14 in chapter 1) .

(45) Atyenge tyeye, k-angkwe ngayekwe nthurre.1sgDAT yngr.sibling, e.brother-2kinPOSS hungry INTENS.My younger brother (you), your older brother (I) is very hungry.

[implied:Since I'm your older brother you should give me some food or money]3.9.2 -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' (DYADIC)

Like many Australian languages (see Merlan and Heath 1982), Mparntwe Arrernte has a way offorming 'dyadic' kinship terms. Merlan and Heath (1982:107) define 'dyadic' terms as ones "in whichthe kinship relationship is between the two referents internal to the kin expression". In MparntweArrernte, and other varieties of Arrernte, -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' attaches to certain kin terms, includingtyewe 'friend' (but excluding other general relationship terms), to form a lexeme which refers to a groupof people (usually only two) who are related to each other in such a way that one member of the groupwould call the other member of the group by the kin term which is the root of the formation. If the kinterm is not one which is used reciprocally between the members of the group, then the convention is that-nhenge 'kin-dyadic' suffixes only to the term used to refer to the senior kin-relation in the group (eg.46b and c). For this reason terms for junior kin members, such as ampe 'child; MS/D' can not occurwith -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' suffixed to them.

(46) a. tye-nhenge (MF; DS/D-DYADIC) 'grandfather (MF) and grandchild' b. nye-nhenge (father-DYADIC 'Father and child'

c. awenhe-nhenge (aunt[FZ]-DYADIC) 'Aunt and Niece/Nephew'

As the above examples show -nhenge 'kin-dyadic', like the pronominal kin possessor suffixes, and unlikeother suffixes, attaches to the reduced or suppletive forms of kin terms where they exist.

Dyadic kin terms which are formed with -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' tend to be used instead ofcoordinated kin terms and their semantics appears to be that of coordinate NPs. That is to say, at leasttwo entities, about whom one is saying the same thing, may be uniquely individuated from the groupindicated. This ability to individuate referents within the group is what differentiates such forms fromsimple dual or plural forms (in which there is no individual identification of the entities that make up thegroup). Very roughly, "KINTERM-nhenge" may be defined as follows:A group of people one always thinks of as belonging together in a group because of the way they aresaid to be related to each other.

One of these people is called [KINTERM] by the other (junior)member(s) of this group (if there is/are junior member/s).

<Knowing that they call this person [KINTERM] it is assumed that you know what this person calls theother person (people) in this group>I am thinking of these people together [now, in this context] because I am saying the same thing abouteach of them.3.9.3 Reduplicaton of kin terms

A number of kin terms, including all four grandparent terms, may be reduplicated. Unlikereduplication with other nominals (cf. §3.10.5) reduplication of kin terms appear to indicate affectionand/or respect for the person (people) referred to. In §1.2.4.2 it was pointed out that, although basicgrandparent terms also refer to grandchildren, reduplicated grandparent terms only appear to refer tograndparents not grandchildren (eg. 47).

(47) arrenge grandfather (FF; FFB/Z; BSS/D)arrenge-arrenge grandfather (FF; FFB/Z) affectionate and respectfulaperle grandmother (FM; FMB/Z; SD/S)aperle-aperle grandmother (FM; FMB/Z) affectionate and respectfultyemeye grandfather (MF; MFB/Z; BDS/D)tyemeye-tyemeye grandfather (MF; MFB/Z) affectionate and respectfulipmenhe grandmother (MM; MMB/Z; DD/S)ipmenhe-ipmenhe grandmother (MM; MMB/Z) affectionate and respectful

3.10 Nominal Derivation

In chapter 4, the nominal derivational use of certain case forms, such as -kerte 'proprietive', -kenhe 'possessive', and -arenye 'associative', will be discussed. In this section other processes andmorphemes which are used to create new nominal lexemes are presented.

3.10.1 Verb Nominalisation As mentioned in §1.4.4.1, there are two semantically distinct ways of creating a nominal from averb stem. The first involves the suffixation of -ntye/-tye 'nominaliser', and the second involves a form ofreduplication in which -nhe is added to both the stem and the copy produced from the stem. In bothcases it appears that the verb stem can contain all the formal derivational and inflectional material of afully expanded verb with the exception of the inflections, such as tense, which would typically occur stemfinally. The suffixes -ntye /-tye and -nhe can therefore be seen to fill this stem- final position.

3.10.1.1 -ntye/-tye Nominaliser (NMZR)The 'nominaliser' suffix -ntye/tye can derive nominals which have one or more of the following

three general senses.Firstly, a nominal derived in this way may refer to a person or thing that is involved in the

performance of an action. In contrast to reduplication with addition of -nhe, this usage does notnecessarily entail that the person or thing referred to is a habitual performer of the action, but can simplyrefer to someone or something who, at the point in time referred to by the speech event, performs theaction even if it is their first and only time.

(48) alharrke-ntye lighten-NMZR lightningalye-lhe-ntye sing (tr)-REFL-NMZR a song; singer; singingartnerre-ntye crawl-NMZR baby at the crawling stage

(49) The alhe-ntye yanhe re-nhe alhengk-are-me1sgA go-NMZR that (mid) 3sg-ACC recognise-see-nppI recognise that person who is walking there (in the mid distance) [lit. I recognise that (mid-distance) goer/walker]

Secondly , such a derived nominal may have an adjectival function.

(50) (nanthe) unte-ntye (horse) hurry off-NMZR (A) fast (horse)(pwerte) ulthe-ntye (rock) press down on-NMZR (A) heavy (rock)

Finally, a verb suffixed with -ntye / -tye 'nominaliser' can name an action or an event and, in thiscase, is semantically very similar to the gerund in English. In other words, as well as referring to aperson/thing or providing descriptive modification, these forms can portray the verb action itself as if itwere a thing (ie. reification; eg 51).

(51) a. Ntywe-nty-ipenhe imerte kwele artnerre-nhe-me-ledrink-NMZR-AFTER then QUOT crawl-DO PAST-npp-SS

ulyentye-werne, ...shade - ALL, ...After drinking he then crawled (past) towards some shade, ... [T12-45]

b. Ayenge angke-tye-kwenye ne-me, kwetethe.1sg S speak-NMZR-NomNEG be-npp, alwaysI'm not speaking anymore. [Lit. I am going to be without speaking]

It is very common for deverbal nominals formed in this pattern to be modified by the adjectivalnominal kngerre 'big; large amount of', and such phrases translate into English with a sense that the verbaction is 'always', or 'continually', happening. (eg. 52).

(52) Re angke-ntye kngerre.3sgS speak-NMZR bigHe's always speaking (or he's a big talker)

The two allomorphs - -ntye and -tye - of the 'nominaliser' suffix are apparently mutuallysubstitutable. The form -ntye, however, is by far the most frequently used.

3.10.1.2 Reduplication & -nhe: Nominaliser of Habitual Involvement (NMZR.Hab.rdp)This form of reduplication, replicates the final (V)C(C)e of the verb stem and adds -nhe to

both the stem and the duplicated part of the stem (ie. #(X)(V)C(C)e-# Æ #(X)(V)C(C)e-nhe-(V)C(C)e-nhe#). The resultant form always refers to someone or something which is habitually involved

in the performance of the verb action described in the stem. The involvement in the action may be in anyof the standard semantic roles (argument positions) associated with the verb stem. Thus it can conveyagentive nominalisation (eg. 52a), patientive nominalisation (eg. 52a&c), intrumental nominalisation(52b), source nominalisation (52d), theme nominalisation (53), and so on.

(52) a. twe-nhe-twe-nhe hit-NMZR.Hab.rdp 'a murderer, hitter; punching bag'b. twe-rre-nhe-rre-nhe hit-RECIP-NMZR.Hab.rdp 'weapons'c. arlkwe-nhe-arlkwe-nhe eat-NMZR.Hab.rdp `food'd. ine-nhe-ine-nhe get-NMZR.Hab.rdp 'the place one gets things from'

(53) Kwatye iperte kwatye kngerre-tayeme inte-nh-inte-nhe.water hole water big-TIME lie-NMZR.Hab.rdp

The water hole always lies there in the rainy season. [lit. The water hole is a habitual 'lier arounder' in the rainy season]. [T12-36]

It is common for nominalisations of this type, which are based on transitive verb stems, to form acompound with a noun nominal which is understood to fill the undergoer macrorole (cf. §1.4.3.1) of theunderlying predicate. This is analogous to "object" incorporation in English nominal compounds like'baby-sitter', 'nutcracker', and 'deerstalker'. In such compounds this other noun nominal alwaysprecedes the nominalisation formed by 'reduplication & -nhe'. The resulting compounds refer tosomeone or something that is always involved in a particular event that affects, or has as its focus, thereferent of the first element of the compound. As the examples in (54) demonstrate, this is a commonmeans for the creation of Mparntwe Arrernte words for concepts that have come from contact withnon-Aboriginal Australia.

(54) a. kere twe-nhe-twe-nhe 'a butcher (lit. a meat chopper)'meat hit-NMZR.Hab.rdp

b. therrke arlkwe-nhe-arlkwe-nhe'a vegetarian (lit. a grass/greens eater)''grass' eat-NMZR.Hab.rdp

c. ngkwarle ine-nhe-ine-nhe'a bottle shop (lit. a place for getting grog (sweet stuff) get-NMZR.Hab.rdp grog)

In contrast to derivations using -ntye/-tye 'nominaliser', nominalisations formed with'reduplication &-nhe' 'nominaliser of habitual involvement' only refer to people or things, but not toactions, and they encode that the relation to the verb stem action is necessarily habitual. Note that it iscommon for Arrernte speakers to use a verb nominalised with -ntye/-tye 'nominaliser' and modified withkngerre 'big; a large amount of' to describe the meaning of a form nominalised from the same verb stemusing 'reduplication & -nhe'. Thus, when asked what ntywe-nhe-ntywe-nhe (drink-NMZR.Hab.rdp)means, more than one speaker told me ntywe-ntye kngerre (drink-NMZR big) 'a big drinker; someonewho always drinks'.3.10.2 Productive Nominal-based Derivations 3.10.2.1 -artweye 'custodian'

The form -artweye 'custodian' attaches to nominals and pronominals in dative case form toderive a lexeme which refers to the person, or people, who have the main responsibility for looking afterthe entity referred to in the stem of the derivation. This form is frequently glossed as 'owner', 'master', or'boss', but it would be more accurate to define X-k-artweye (X-DAT-custodian) as: the person(people) who is (are) thought of as being the person (people) who should look after X properly and takecare of X (where X is a person, place, or thing). The examples in (55) demonstrate the range ofapplication of -artweye 'custodian'.

(55) ampe 'child' ampe-k-artweye 'parents'nwerne 'we all' nwerne-k-artweye 'our ancestors'unte 'you' ngkwenge-artweye 'your boss; your parents'kngwelye 'dog' kngwelye-k-artweye 'dog-owner'pmere 'camp, country' pmere-k-artweye 'traditional owners of

an area or a site'

In reality, the status of -artweye 'custodian' as word, suffix, clitic, or other is unclear. In section3.9 it was noted that (-)artweye could be regarded as one of the kin relation nominals since it may hostthe the kin possessive suffixes. The form does not, however, ever occur on its own as a free lexeme.

3.10.2.2 -anternenhe 'huge, giant, huge amount of'A dative form noun or pronoun may have -anternenhe 'huge' attached to it to indicate that the

referent of the nominal is physically huge or, where the referent is a mass noun, that there is a hugeamount of it (eg. 56).

(56) artwe 'man' artwe-k-anternenhe 'a giant'apmwe 'snake' apmwe-k-anternenhe 'a huge snake'kwatye 'water, rain' kwatye-k-anternenhe 'a huge amount of water; a huge rain storm'

3.10.2.3 -angketyarre 'place abundant in' (abundance)The form -angketyarre 'abundance' attaches to noun nominals to derive a term indicating a place

in which there is an abundance of the entity referred to by the noun stem.

(57) kere 'game animal, meat' ker-angketyarre 'good hunting grounds'urltampe 'native honey' urltamp-angketyarre 'place with many trees

full of native honey'

3.10.3 Nominal derivations with limited productivityThere are five derivational suffixes which only occur on a limited number of stems. Two of these

-atye 'grub', and -ampe 'honey' derive nominals with noun function from nominals with noun function.The form -althe 'bad.character' derives a nominal referring to an animate entity, typically human, fromcertain adjectival nominals and adverbs. The suffix -nye 'temporal nominal' derives nominals from asubset of forms which can act as temporal adverbs. Finally -me 'unified quantity' derives quantifiernominals from quantifier nominals.

It is quite possible that the three former suffixes (-atye 'grub', -ampe 'honey', -althe 'badcharacter') are originally from independent nominal morphemes which compounded with various roots.There are presently no independent nominals corresponding in both form and meaning to these boundforms so that a compounding analysis would have to posit the existence of these forms only incompounds. The suffix -nye 'temporal nominal' is likely to be related to the verb nominalising form -nyefound in other Arandic Languages (Strehlow 1944:62). While there are several morphemes which havethe form -me (eg. -me 'interrogative clitic'; -me 'non-past progressive'; and me 'here it is'), -me 'unifiedquantity' only shows close links with the -me used to link reduplicated nominals to form adverbialphrases like kweke-me-kweke 'little by little' (cf. §7.4.4.4).

3.10.3.1 -atye 'grub'

The form -atye 'grub' attaches to the names for certain trees and bushes to derive the names forthe edible grubs found in those trees and bushes (eg. 57). In at least one case -atye 'edible grub' alsoderives the name of a caterpillar associated with a particular bush.

(58) tnyeme 'witchetty bush" tnyem-atye 'witchetty grub'athenge 'iron wood' atheng-atye 'ironwood grub'utnerrenge 'emu bush' utnerreng-atye 'caterpillar from emu bush'(a)pwene 'broom bush' pwen-atye 'grub from the broom bush'arlkerle buck bush (?) arlkerl-atye 'grub from the buck bush'

3.10.3.2 -ampe 'honey'The particular source from which a sweet, edible, honey-like or toffee-like substance is collected

may be suffixed with -ampe 'honey' to derive the name for that edible substance (eg. 59). Note that allforms derived in this way can be preceded with the classifier ngkwarle 'sweet honey like substance' (cf.§3.4. 3).

(59) untyeye 'corkwood tree' untyey-ampe 'nectar of corkwood flower'yerre 'ant' yerr-ampe 'honey ant'urlte 'a hollow in a tree' urlt-ampe 'sugar bag' (honey of the

native bee found in hollow of trees)

3.10.3.3 -althe 'bad character' (Bad.CHAR)Derivations with -althe 'bad character' are derogatory terms which refer to animate beings,

typically humans. These forms indicate that the being in question is unfortunately characterised by themanner or characteristic indicated in the root (eg. 60).

(60) atere 'afraid, frightened' ater-althe 'cowardurrtye 'lie, pretense' urrty-althe 'liar'pwere 'shy, embarrassed' pwer-althe 'shameful person'ankeye 'to do in a begging manner' ankey-althe 'a very greedy

person'anyelknge 'to do action sneakily; steal' anyelkng-althe 'thief'

Warlpiri (Nash 1980:28) has a semantically similar formative, nji or nju which is glossed as'pejoratively characterised by'. Interestingly, even though the Warlpiri form also has limitedapplicability, the majority of roots which take this suffix correspond semantically to the roots that take -althe 'bad character' in Mparntwe Arrernte.

3.10.3.4 -nye 'temporal nominal' (tmp.nom)The suffix -nye 'temporal nominal' is added to two types of temporal adverb. First, it can be

added to all true temporal adverbs (cf. §7.3.1) which can have non-future reference and it indicates thata thing comes from that point in time. In (61) one can see that when -nye 'temporal nominal' is addedto an adverbial with future reference the resultant form is unacceptable. Nominal derivations with -nyemay be used in adjectival function (eg.62 ).

(61) apmwerrke 'yesterday' apmwerrke-nye 'something that's from yesterday'

arrule 'a long time ago' arrule-nye 'something from long ago'ahinpe 'not recent' ahinpe-nye 'something that's no longer

fresh'lyete 'today; now' lyete-nye 'brand new; very recenturreke 'later' *urrekenyeingwenthe 'tomorrow' *ingwenthe-nye

(62) Arrenge-arrenge atyenhe-le ayeye arrule-nye nhenheFather's father (respect) 1sgPOSS-ERG story long ago-tmp.nom

this atyenge ile-ke

1sg DAT tell-pcMy grandfather (FF) told this old-time story to me.

Second, -nye 'temporal nominal' can be added to the two spatial nominals arrwekele 'in front,front' and ingkerne 'behind, back' which are also used as temporal adverbs to mean 'before' and 'after'respectively. The derived form arrwekele-nye means 'first' (eg. 63) and ingkerne-nye means 'last'.

(63) Willie-le ayeye artwe mperlkere arrwekele-nye -kerte ile-ke.Willie ERG story man white front/before-tmp.nom-PROP tell-pc

Willie told a story about the first white man (to come to Alice Springs).

3.10.3.5 -me 'unified quantity' (UQ)The use of -me 'unified quantity' is not yet well understood. The main problem is that it is not

always clear whether, or how, it adds to the meaning of the quantifier nominals to which it attaches. Forinstance, there appears to be no discernible difference in use between awethe 'more; again' and awethe-me 'more; again'.

Two examples where a clear distinction can be discerned between root quantifier and derivedquantifier are given in (64).

(64) therre 'two' therre-me 'both'arrpenhe 'other; another' arrpenhe-me 'some' (eg. some meat or

books)

One could say that in contrast to the root form where the quantifier can refer to entities takenindividually, these forms derived with -me not only quantify the referent(s) but also indicate that thereferent(s) constitute a unified grouping and are not being thought of individually. Therre-me, like 'both'in English, means two entities which are being thought of as forming one established grouping (eg. 65).

(65) Re patele therre ine-ke ante patele therre-me-rle ntywe-ke.3sgS bottle two get-pc and bottle two-UQ-FOC drink-pcHe got two bottles and drank both bottles.

Similarly, while arrpenhe 'other, another' refers to a single individual or 'another' portion ofsomething, arrpenhe-me 'some' is an indefinite quantifier which refers either to a single grouping ofindividuals of unspecified number or to a single indefinite portion of a mass noun like 'water' or 'meat'.

In keeping with the 'unified quantity' sense proposed above, -me is also used when linking thethree basic number forms - nyente 'one', therre 'two', and urrpetye 'a few; three' - together to makecompound terms for larger numbers. Such numbers only go up to about ten and the typical pattern offormation is for the forms for larger numbers to precede the forms for smaller numbers.

(66) therre-me-nyente two-UQ-one 'three' (more specific than urrpetye)therre-me-therre two-UQ-two 'four'urrpetye-me-therre three-UQ-two 'five'

3.10.4 Nominal CompoundingTwo forms of nominal compound have already been discussed in §3.10.1.2 and §3.10.3.5.

Other types of nominal compound are not uncommon in Mparntwe Arrernte, although there does notappear to be any productive rule for their formation. As the examples in (67) show, the elements of thecompound may be different subtypes of nominal.

(67) kwatye-pwere rain-tail (noun + noun) lightningre-therre s/he/it-two (pronoun + quantifier) they-two [3dl S/A]ampe-kweke child-small (noun + adj) baby

Three areas of the noun nominal lexicon in which compounds are quite common are bodypart terms,names for flora and fauna, and place names. Interestingly, mono-morphemic body part terms providethe most frequently recurring elements in nominal compounds and, as exemplified below, they can occuras part of compounds within each of the three semantic domains just mentioned.

Compounds referring to body parts always have a body part term as their first element. There isa tendency for the referent of the compound to be a physical part of the body-part indicated in the firstelement of the compound (68), but this is not always the case (69).

(68) werlatye-alhe breast-nose nipplealhe-altywere nose-opening nostrilalknge-arlpelhe eye-feather eye-lashalknge-kwarte eye-egg eyeballarryenpe (arre-yenpe) mouth-skin lipsiltye-atnerte hand-stomach palm (of hand)

(69) arralte (arre-alte) mouth-hair beard, moustacheakwarratye (akwe-arratye) hand/arm-true, right right hand/arm

Note that there are three forms which refer to body parts and frequently turn up in nominal and verbalcompounds or derivations, but which never occur on their own as independent words. One of these isarre- which refers to the mouth and in fact occurs as part of the free form for 'mouth' arre-kerte (mouth-PROP). The second form is ake- which refers to the head and turns up in compounds such as ake-le-knge- (head-LOC/INST-carry) 'carry on the head' and ake-ngkwerne (head-bone) 'skull'. The free

form for 'head' (a)kaperte appears to be related to this dependent form but its etymology is uncertain.Finally, akwe- refers to the arm/hand as in (a)kw-irre- (hand/arm-INCH-) 'to wave; to sign with hands'and akw-alyenge (hand/arm-left hand/arm) 'the left hand/arm'. The corresponding free forms are iltye'hand, finger' and amwelte 'arm'. Note that Kaytetye (Koch p.c.) has, as free forms, arre 'mouth', ake'head', and akwe 'hand, arm'.

Compounds which designate flora and fauna tend either to describe a peculiar physicalcharacteristic of the referent (eg. 70) or to indicate some habit, or use, of the animal or plant in question(eg. 71).

(70) alknge-therrke (-therrke) eye-green 'cat'arrurrperle (arre-urrperle) mouth-black 'black-mouth snake'lyeke-kaperte thorn-head 'caltrop (ie. spiky headed plant)'arleye-ingke emu-foot 'k.o plant (?goodenia lunata?)

(71) menge-irrkwenhe-irrkwenhe fly-catcher 'kind of lizard'kwatye-inpe-k-inpe water-rock crack 'kind of hollow grass catchments (used as straw to suck

water out of rock cracks)

Place names may be based on the Dreamtime associations a place possesses or on a physicalfeature that characterises a place. Nominal compounds may reflect either of these relations (eg. 72).

(72) Uyenpere-Atwatye speartree-gap 'name of East-Side town camp'Ltyentye-Purte beefwood-cluster 'Santa Teresa Mission'Werlatye-Therre breast-two 'name of sacred women's site

near oldTelegraph Station'Kngwelye-Artepe dog-back 'name of a certain ridge along the

dogDreaming track'

Thus far, noun nominal compounds in which each element is clearly identifiable and meaningfulhave been presented. However, it must be pointed out that there are lexemes, analogous to 'cranberry'in English, in which part of the form is easily recognised as a morpheme in the language but the rest of theform is apparently unique to the lexeme (eg.73).

(73) alkng-arnte eye + ? eye browarr-utne mouth + ? jaw

awerrtye-pwere ? + tail/penis kind of long edible beansalkng-i(r)nere eye + ? cicada

3.10.5 Nominal ReduplicationReduplication of interrogatives and kin terms has already be discussed in §3.8.3 and §3.9.3

respectively, and the formation of noun nominals from verb stems using 'reduplication & -nhe' wasdiscussed §3.10.1.2. In this section we discuss other reduplicated forms which realise nominals.Reduplication of nominal roots is a common way of forming new nominal stems in Mparntwe Arrernte.It is, in fact, one of the morphological tools commonly used for developing or incorporating newvocabulary to cope with new concepts arising from a contact situation. For example atnwaye 'back ofankle including heel' is totally reduplicated to provide the word for 'high heel shoes', atnwaye-atnwaye.

As a number of observers have pointed out (amongst them Moravcsik 1978 and Anderson1985), cross-linguistically reduplication tends to convey a limited set of semantic notions. Amongst thenotions commonly conveyed by reduplication that are also conveyed by nominal reduplication inMparntwe Arrernte are multiplicity or plurality of referents (cf. §3.8.3; §§3.10.5.1.1.A(ii) & B(ii); and§3.10.5.1.2.A(i)), repetition (cf. §§3.10.5.1.2.A(ii) & B(i), and also §3.10.1.2), similarity (cf.§3.10.5.1.1.B(i)), and attenuation (cf. §3.10.5.1.1.C(i)). The following survey shows that nominalreduplications in Mparntwe Arrernte are not, however, limited to conveying only these notions (cf.§§3.10.5.1.1.A(i) & B(iii), and also §3.9.3). As Moravcsik (1978:316) points out, and as will bedemonstrated below, "the relation between the meaning of a reduplicative construction and itsunreduplicated counterparts is almost always that of proper inclusion, with the former properly includingthe latter".

There are several parameters which will be used to subclassify nominal reduplications in thefollowing discussion. These are:

(i) Is reduplication total or partial?(ii) Does the base of the reduplication occur as a morpheme on its own or not?(iii) Where the base is a free nominal lexeme in Mparntwe Arrernte, what subclass of nominal is the base and what subclass of nominal is the reduplicated form?(iv) What semantic distinctions does the reduplication convey?

3.10.5.1 Total ReduplicationIn this subsection we will only be concerned with total reduplications in which the complete base

form is copied and the copy is combined with the base with no intervening morphology. This form ofreduplication is the most common for nominals.

3.10.5.1.1 Base of Reduplication is an Identifiable LexemeA. Noun nominals derived into adjectival nominals:i) Colour Formations: Colour names for non-core colours (ie. colours other than white, black,

and red) are commonly formed by the reduplication of a noun root naming something that ischaracterised by that colour (eg. 74). In other words, to be X-X is to be the colour of X.

(74) therrke grass and other small, herbaceous, green plantstherrke-therrke greenulpmernte fine red-brown dust; dust storm

ulpmernte-ulpmernte reddish brown

ii) Distributed Feature: A root form noun whose referent can appear singly, but which oftenoccurs in large numbers together with others of its kind, may be reduplicated to form a stem which isused to describe something as having a large number of the root form referent distributed over its area(eg. 75). That is, for something to be X-X , that thing must have lots of X on it.

(75) iperte holeiperte-iperte rough of roads, holey, corrugatedlyeke thorn, pricklelyeke-lyeke thorny, prickly

iii) Characterised by Prominent Body Part: A body part term might be reduplicated to form astem which is used to describe someone, or something, in which that body part is seen to be particularlyprominent (eg. 76). Thus, to be X-X is to have a very noticeable body part X.

(76) ngkwerne bonengkwerne-ngkwerne boney, very skinnyatnerte stomachatnerte-atnerte pregnant

B) New noun nominals derived from noun nominals:i) Metaphorical: A noun root may be reduplicated to form a noun stem whose referent has a

characteristic which is commonly associated with the referent of the noun root (eg. 77). The relation

between root and reduplication can be represented roughly by saying that thing X - X is like thing X insome way.

(77) werlatye breast; milkwerlatye-werlatye kind of medicine plant with milky sapkwerrke the young of animalskwerrke-kwerrke the small digit: little finger, little toe.

ii) Variety and Multiplicity: There are a few cases where the reduplication of a noun root whosereferent is quite general and inclusive of many types gives rise to a noun stem whose referent is a groupof different kinds of the main root (eg. 78). This sense is closely related to that described in§3.10.5.1.1.A(ii) above. As in §3.10.5.1.1.A(ii), the root can occur singly but often occurs in groups: X- X is a group of different kinds of X.

(78) impatye foot prints, animal tracksimpatye-impatye lots of different kinds of trackstyipe a piece of something (especially meat)tyipe-tyipe lots of different pieces

C) New adjectival nominals derived from adjectival nominals:i) Approximation of Quality : An adjectival root might be reduplicated to create another

adjectival form which ascribes to a referent a quality that approaches, but is not quite, the root formquality (eg. 79). In other words to be X-X is to be almost X but not quite X. There is a quality of'resemblance' in this usage that is akin to that described for §3.10.5.1.1.B(i).

(79) arerte deaf, crazyarerte-arerte inattentive; heedless; stupidirrkaye invisibleirrkaye-irrkaye faded

D) Borrowed English Animal Names : A number of English words for introduced animal specieshave been borrowed into Mparntwe Arrernte and many of these only appear in a reduplicated form (eg.80). This reduplication seems to be restricted to English words which have the form C(C)VC(C); that isthey are closed mono-syllabic words. It may be that English words of such a phonological structure, in

fact, presuppose a reduplicated form when borrowed into Mparntwe. Other examples, which havenothing to do with animal terms, are milke-milke 'milk; kind of plant with white sap' and terake-terake'truck'. I would note, however, that the animals which take a reduplicated form are often found, andkept, in groups, even though they can occur on their own. Thus reduplication may be used to convey ameaning similar to that in §3.10.5.1.1.A(ii) and §3.10.5.1.1.B(ii).

(80) pike-pike pigtyweke-tyweke chook (chicken)yepe-yepe sheeprtake-rtake duck

3.10.5.1.2 Base of Reduplication is Not an Identifiable LexemeThere are many cases in which the template for a nominal reduplication never occurs individually

as a meaningful lexeme outside of the reduplication. Thus, while titye-titye means 'rough surface', there isno free form titye. For such cases it obviously does not make sense to ask what category the basebelongs to and what category is derived through reduplication. Instead forms of this sort are classifiedaccording to the general nominal class the form belongs to.

A) Nouns:i) Entities Which Occur Multiply: Entities which are not typically perceived of as occurring

singly, but which usually occur grouped together in one place, are often named by reduplicated formswith no analysable root (eg. 81). That is, X-X are lots of the same thing which are thought of as alwaysoccurring together in one place. This sense is clearly linked to §3.10.5.1.1.A(ii) and §3.10.5.1.1.B(ii)above.

(81) mpele-mpele a rash (of the kind where little bumps rise up on the skin)tatye-tatye kind of grass species (? five minute grass?).ntenye-ntenye dots, especially those used in dot paintings;

also used for freckles.

ii) Onomatopoeic Animal Names: Names for animals can be based on the characteristic,repetitive sounds that an animal makes (eg. 82). This would be similar to calling a cow a 'moo moo'.Thus, X-X is the animal that makes the sound X-X (over and over again).

(82) tiye-tiye mudlarkrtirre-rtirre kingfisherngwerrknge-ngwerrknge pig

B) Adjectival Nominals: i) Recurrent Patterns : Terms which describe a thing as being characterised by a repeatedpattern or shape in it are also frequently conveyed by reduplicated forms which are not derived from ameaningful root lexeme (eg. 83). The sense of such lexemes may be conveyed roughly as follows: for athing to be X - X is for that thing to have something about it which occurs over and over again.

(83) arnkwerte-arnkwerte crooked; windy; zig-zaggedarlwerte-arlwerte curly or fuzzy haired

3.10.5.2 Partial Reduplication. In partial reduplication only part of the base form is copied and this partial copy is added back

to the base with no intervening morphology. Partial reduplication is not widely attested amongstnominals and forms of this type are not able to be as easily subclassified as totally reduplicated forms. Ihave yet to find a form where the base which is reduplicated is itself meaningful. Moreover, it is far morecommon for the reduplication to be of the final syllables at the end of a stem rather than those at thebeginning. Nominals formed by partial reduplication appear to be most common amongst fauna terms,but they are not restricted to this domain (eg. 84).

(84) intelyape-lyape butterflyartityerre-tyerre willie wagtailtyelepe-lepe navel, belly button

A number of the partially reduplicated forms for bird species appear to be onomatopoeic inorigin (eg. 85).

(85) kwepale-pale bellbirdkwerr-kwerrke owl

Compared to English, a significant proportion of the Mparntwe Arrernte nominal lexicon involvesreduplication. The above discussion makes no claims to completeness as far as the number and type of

morphological and semantic subcategories of nominal reduplication are concerned. It does, however,cover what appear to be the major, and the most common distinctions. For comparison withreduplication types in other parts of speech see §5.4.1 with respect to verb reduplication and §7.4.4with respect to adverb reduplication.

Chapter 4Case: Forms and Functions

4.1 Overview of the case systemIn §3.1 we saw that case in Mparntwe Arrernte is strictly a property of NPs, including

pronominal NPs. It is an inflection which attaches to, or is manifested in, the last element of a NP and,unlike many Australian languages, it is never distributed amongst the individual constituents of a NP.Table 3-1, in the preceding chapter, showed the fourteen recognised cases and their differentialrealisation on selected nominals. Table 4-1 (following page) gives the full set of case forms as well aslikely criteria for the distinction of sub-classes of case-types (cf. §4.1.2).

Mel'c”uk (1986:37) has observed that case (in the narrow sense of 'governed nominal case') is,"as currently used in linguistics, at least three-way ambiguous." The three different senses of(grammatical) case which Mel'c”uk identifies are: case 1 - an inflectional category (ie. the term for theoverall system which indicates the grammatical status of governed nominals in a language); case 2 - aspecific relation within the system of oppositions that realise case 1 (eg. nominative, dative, etc. whichare determined through paradigmatic relations of case 3); and case 3 - "a case form, ie., a linguistic formwhich expresses a case 2 (roughly a particular case marker or a word form)." These three uses of 'case'may be distinguished by using the terms 'case system', 'case relation', and 'case form (or case marker)'respectively. While there will be some discussion of the notions of case system and case relation withrespect to Mparntwe Arrernte, the bulk of this chapter examines the various functions of the case forms.The distinct functions discussed with respect to a particular case form will not all be strictly indicative ofa case relation (or the case system), but they are always semantically related to the case form's functionin marking a particular case relation.

The classical Greek and Latin position with respect to case and the semantics of case is still verymuch with us. Lyons (1968:289) notes that, for classical grammarians :

"Case was the most important of the inflexional categories of the noun, as tense was the most importantinflexional category of the verb. It is significant that the term 'case' (originally more or lesssynonymous with

what was later called 'inflexion' was restricted to one particular inflexional category. The reason for thiswould seem to be that most of the other categories - gender, number, tense , person, etc. - could berelated to a principle of semantic classification. Although each case of the noun was given a labelsuggestive of at least one of its principle semantic functions (eg. the 'dative' was the case associated withthe notion of 'giving', the 'ablative' was the case associated with 'removal', etc.), it was impossible to givea satisfactory general definition of the category of case itself in semantic terms."

While it may still be impossible to give a unitary definition of the category of case (ie. case system), it is,at the very least, necessary to show the range of semantic functions case relations and cases forms havebeyond the function that determines their name, and it is also necessary to attempt to demonstrate thesemantic links which bind the different functions of a case form together. In this I follow Wierzbicka(1988:436-7) who suggests that :

"It seems more illuminating to postulate, as a general proposition, that case marking may have its ownsemantics: different markers of the same case [relation] may differ in terms of meaning. Thus, a givencase marker may carry not only a certain case [relation] meaning (say, accusative, or genitive), but alsoan additional meaning, such as animacy, countability or respect. These additional meanings cannot beexplained in terms of a need to distinguish syntactic categories from one another. Rather, it must beacknowledged that case markers often have a positive semantic function: they encode certain specificand precisely stateable meanings."

4.1.1 Inflection vs. DerivationTo understand clearly the criteria for identifying case forms in Mparntwe Arrernte one must first

understand the distinction between derivation and inflection used here. Following Anderson (1985:162),inflection "serves to 'complete' a word by marking its relations within larger structures", while derivation"produces new lexical items from other lexical material". Derivation thus creates new entries in thelexicon which are then available to take inflection in the regular process of building phrases, clauses, andsentences. This distinction is relevant because it explains why a number of the forms which would havetraditionally been treated in grammars of Australian languages as strictly derivational suffixes - such as -kerte 'proprietive'; -kenhe 'possessive; and -arenye 'associative' - are here treated as case inflections;some of which may also behave derivationally in the sense outlined above.

This particular treatment of such inflections may be justified as follows. For Yidiñ, Dixon(1977:134) noted that "'Genitive' is essentially a derivational affix ... (as in many Australian languages)forming a stem that functions as an adjective and takes the full set of case inflections; a genitive noun orpronoun must agree in case with the 'head noun' which it qualifies". These then are the characteristicfeatures that have traditionally been taken to define such 'so-called' derivational suffixes in Australianlanguages; (i) the derivation of adjectives and (ii) the attachment of true case inflection, in agreement withthe head, to the derivational suffix on the modifying lexeme. In Mparntwe Arrernte the functionallyequivalent suffixes do not meet these criteria. For instance, the form -kenhe 'possessive', whichcorresponds functionally to the Yidiñ 'genitive', is not attached to a noun but a noun-phrase which maybe composed of one or more elements (eg. 1).

(1) Kngwelye kweke [artwe kngerre nthurre-kenhe]-le re-nhe uthne-ke.Dog small man big INTENS-POSS-ERG 3sg-ACC bite-pc.The very big man's little dog bit him.

The constituent which -kenhe attaches to in (1) is the whole noun-phrase artwe kngerre nthurre'very big man'. One could not say, therefore, that an adjective has been derived in this case. Perhapsone could argue for an adjectival phrase but no unique lexeme has been derived. Furthermore, unliketrue adjectives which must post-modify the head (cf. §§3.1&3) in Mparntwe Arrernte, the -kenhe-phrase (and other similar cases) can precede the head. Thus, artwe kngerre nthurre-kenhe kngwelyekweke-le (man big INTENS-POSS dog little-ERG) would be an equally acceptable ordering for thesubject NP in (1). Note that in this situation the strict syntactic case inflection, -le 'ergative', is notattached to the modifying phrase as suggested by criterion (ii) above.

Finally, and most importantly, -kenhe 'possessive', like other case forms previously labelledderivational, expresses a relationship between two noun-phrases in which a -kenhe marked noun-phrase is subordinate to, and a modifier of, another case marked NP. This is clearly in keeping with thesense of inflection given previously (cf. Anderson 1985:185). These facts merely force us to accept thata noun-phrase can contain more than one case inflection, but each case inflection will be associated witha different level of embedding of noun-phrases (case always attaching to the final element of a phrase;see Dench and Evans 1988). The structure of the complex noun-phrase in (1) can, on this analysis, berepresented as in figure 4-1.

Figure 4-1 : Representation of a complex NP containing a genitive (-kenhe) phrase

In contrast with the inflectional use of -kenhe 'possessive' demonstrated above, there is also aclear derivational use. For instance the unique lexical item meaning 'bra' is werlatye-kenhe 'breast-POSSessive'. The derivational use of -kenhe appears to be highly idiosyncratic, while the inflectionaluse is totally productive. This is yet another common distinction between inflectional and derivationalprocesses (Anderson, 1985:163).

4.1.2 Formal criteria for identifying case formsMparntwe Arrernte case forms, therefore, refer to NP suffixes which have a primary inflectional

use to indicate the role played by the referent of a NP with respect to more complex propositionalstructures. The set of case suffixes can be identified on the basis of the following formal criteria.

Firstly, only NPs marked with the forms listed in Table 4-1 can undergo relativisation. NPsfunctioning as core arguments are distinguished from those functioning as peripheral arguments or phrasal(adnominal) modifiers of a head by the fact that the former NPs relativise leaving a gap (eg. 2) while thelatter relativise leaving a case marked pronominal copy (egs. 3 & 4).

(2) a. Ayenge merne-ke unthe-me.1sgS food-DAT look for-nppI'm looking for bush tucker (ie. fruit and vegetables) [Dative = core argument]

b. Merne ayenge-rle Ø unthe-me-rle ...food 1sgS-REL [gap] look for-npp-REL ...The bush tucker that I'm looking for ... [gapped Dative in relative clause]

(3) a. Ayenge merne-ke lhe-me.1sgS food-DAT go-nppI'm going out for bush tucker. [Dative = peripheral argument (adjunct)]

b. Merne ayenge-rle *(ikwere) lhe-me-rle ...food 1sgS-REL 3sgDAT go-npp-REL ...The bush tucker that I'm going out for ... [must have case marked pronominal

copy in relative clause]

(4) a. The Robert-ke newe are-ke.1sgA Robert-DAT spouse(O) see-pcI saw Robert's wife. [Dative = adnominal modifier (dative of kin possession)]

b. Robert the-rle *(ikwere) newe are-ke-rle ...Robert 1sgA-REL 3sgDAT spouse(O) see-pc ...(The) Robert whose wife I saw ... [must have case marked pronominal copy in relative clause]

As can be seen table 4-1, there are case forms which may mark NPs occurring at more than one ofthese levels of structure. As such, the type of relativisation - gap or pronominal copy - depends on thelevel of structure not the case form itself (compare examples 2-4 in which the dative case form functionsat three different levels of structure). This is one way in which case forms like -kenhe 'possessive' and -kerte 'PROPrietive' differ from the semantically similar clitic forms -arteke SEMBlative (§8.1.1.1) and-kwenye (§8.1.2.1) 'Nominal Negator' (privative); NPs with these clitics attached do not relativise.Note that in grammars of other Arandic languages the forms representing 'possessive' (Genitive),'proprietive' 'semblative' and 'nominal negator' have been grouped together as formally comparablesuffixes. A second criterion for the identification of case suffixes in Mparntwe Arrernte is the fact that thepronominals corresponding to case marked noun-phrases either have unique forms (eg. the - 1sgERG),have unique pronominal case suffixes attached to them (-nhe ACC), or, in the case of peripheral andadnominal forms, are formed by the attachment of the case suffixes to the dative forms of pronouns. Bycontrast, clitics like -arteke 'semblative' and -kwenye 'nominal negator' can attach to any pronominalform, regardless of its case. This leads to a related point. It was claimed earlier that noun-phrases canhave different layers of case marking. There is however a restriction on this: in Mparntwe Arrernte astrict syntactic case (ERG, ACC, NOM) can never have a semantic case (see Table 4-1) attached to it,while the alternative ordering of cases is possible (cf. eg.1). Clitics, can, however, attach to strictsyntactic case markers. Thus the following phrases are distinguished by their grammaticality.

(5) a. *kngwelye-le-kerte dog-ERG-PROP

b. kngwelye-le-kwenyedog-ERG-NomNEG

It wasn't the dog (that did it).

4.1.3 Subclassifying Case FormsThe above factors, taken together, uniquely identify the forms given in Table 4-1 as a coherent

set, but the question then arises: Can these case forms be further subcategorised using formal criteria?The answer is both 'yes' and 'no'. 'Yes', if one accepts a large number of classes and a large degree ofoverlapping membership; and 'No' if one wants very neatly delineated subgroups. The choice takenhere has been to show, for each case form, which of five formal characteristics that form exhibits, and topartially delimit classes which parallel those identified in other Australian languages. The results are givenin Table 4-1 and the degree of overlap should be readily obvious.

It has been common to identify a class of 'core syntactic cases' which are 'inflections onto theobligatory constituents of a sentence' (Dixon, 1977:124); however, it is difficult to understand what'obligatory' would mean in Mparntwe Arrernte where there is widespread NP ellipsis. If one takes'obligatory' to mean 'semantically-necessary' then, depending on the predicate, there are a wide class ofcandidates. As noted above, the mark of a semantically entailed argument of a sentence in MparntweArrernte is its ability to relativise leaving a gap. I have identified a group of 'strict syntactic case forms' (-le 'ergative', -nhe 'accusative', and Ø 'nominative; accusative; ergative') on the basis that these are theonly case forms which have no other case relational function beyond the marking of a syntactically coreargument of the verb. As such, NP's marked with these case forms may always relativise leaving a gap.Even this involves a slight degree of hocus-pocus since it rests on an uneasy, but common, separation ofthe ergative, instrumental, and locative case relational functions of the form -le. It must be remembered,that the strict syntactic case forms are not the only forms which mark core arguments; for certainpredicates 'dative' -ke, 'locative' -le, 'ablative' -nge; 'allative' -werne ; and perhaps -le 'instrumental'also mark core arguments (cf. §5.1).

The 'strict syntactic case forms' are opposed to the 'semantic case forms'. This latter categoryincludes all forms which mark peripheral arguments and/or can be used to form a phrasal modifier withina NP. While 'strict syntactic case forms' are assigned to NPs by a predicate, taking into accountwhether the case-bearing element is nominal (CN) or pronominal (Pn), 'semantic case forms' canthemselves be seen to control arguments and so necessarily require definition.' In short, while the 'strictsyntactic cases' reflect meaning, the 'semantic cases' are meaning bearing. A number of these case forms- those which can occur on both core and peripheral arguments - are to be seen as having bothpredicative and non-predicative uses (cf. Simpson 1983:227-228).

Three formal criteria which one might use to further subdivide the semantic case forms are: (i)the ability to occur as the main predicator in a verbless clause, (ii) the ability to form phrasal modifiers of

heads in an NP (ie. adnominal usage) and (iii) strict derivational use to create new lexemes. The last twocriteria have been discussed and exemplified using -kenhe 'possessive' in the section on inflection versusderivation above (cf. §4.1.1). The first criterion can be exemplified by noting that the typical translationof a sentence like "Kwementyaye has a wife" would be that given in (6) [using declarative intonation].

(6) Kwementyaye newe-kerteKwementyaye spouse-PROPKwementyaye has a wife.

Here -kerte, which could be called 'the having suffix', predicates the relation between the subject of theclause, Kwementyaye, and the possessed entity attributed to him, newe 'spouse'. The case form -kerte'proprietive' is, therefore, designated the main predicator in this clause because it is the only predicator.

It is important to realise that while all semantic case forms are predicates, in the sense that theycontrol arguments, it is only those case formss which can predicate a stative relation between two entitieswhich may occur as main predicators in verbless clauses. By looking at Table 4-1 we find that -leinstrumental', -ketye aversive, and -werne 'allative' cannot be used in this way. This is because theynecessarily predicate the relation between an entity and an action: -le instrumental indicates the relationbetween an action and the object used to perform the action, -werne 'allative' relates the action ofmotion and the place towards which motion happens, and -ketye 'aversive' predicates the relationbetween an action and the thing which is avoided by performing the action.

An interesting feature which emerges from an examination of the three aforementioned criteria isthat a series of inclusions can be observed as far as the semantic case formss are concerned (see Table4-2). All case forms which can have a strict derivational use are also used to form phrasal modifiers inNPs. Similarly, all case forms which may be used as phrasal modifiers in NPs can be used as mainpredicators in verbless clauses. The reverse of these statements is not true.

Derivational ΠUse as Phrasal ΠUse as Predicator ΠFull set of use Modifier in NP in Verbless Clause Semantic Cases

(adnominal)

-kerte -kerte -kerte -kerte 'proprietive'-kenhe -kenhe -kenhe -kenhe 'possessive'-arenye -arenye -arenye -arenye 'associative'

-ke -ke -ke 'dative'

-nge -nge -nge 'ablative'-larlenge -larlenge -larlenge 'comitative'-iperre -iperre -iperre 'AFTER'

-le(LOC) -le(LOC) 'locative' -le(INST) 'instrumental' -werne 'allative' -ketye 'aversive'

Table 4-2: Series of set inclusions for semantic cases

The first step in the inclusion would appear to have a clear diachronic explanation; the truederivational use of case forms arises out of a previous modifier use in NPs. I would suggest that theattribute signalled by the modifier, may come to be seen to uniquely identify the head in such a way thatthe head is no longer necessary. Thus a unique lexeme is derived which now has the same referent aswe imagine a previous head to have had. Irlpe-kerte (ear-PROP) 'number seven boomerang' could, forinstance, be seen to arise from a phrase which meant 'boomerang' or 'thing' which 'has an ear'. I have noexplanation for the second step of inclusion. The final step of inclusion - showing that -le (INST), -werne (ALL), and -ketye (AVER) cannot be used as a predicator in a verbless clause - has alreadybeen explained above by the observation that these cases only relate an 'entity' and an 'event' and do notrelate two entities.

A subcategory of cases that is commonly recognised in grammars of Australian languages is thatof 'local case'. This appears to be established mainly on semantic grounds and includes those case formswhich have a significant, or primary, spatial function. These case forms, which I have labelled 'spatialcases', are a subset of semantic cases and are indicated for Mparntwe Arrernte in Table 4-1. Alsoindicated in Table 4-1 are those case relations/forms that are commonly treated as derivational, ratherthan inflectional, in other Australian languages.

4.2 Functions of Case InflectionsFollowing a brief discussion of the analysis of Ø case marking, each of the case forms will be

discussed in turn, detailing the different functions each case form can perform. Different functions, here,do not necessarily entail different senses or meanings of the case form itself. As Wierzbicka (1980:xix)observes, "[c]ases do not have meaning in isolation - their meanings are relative to specifiable syntacticconstructions". A different function may here be identified, for instance, if the case form attaches to aparticular stem type giving rise to a unique or perhaps unpredictable interpretation; or if the case form

operates at different syntactic levels; or if it is used to express notions associated with differentsemantico-functional domains (eg. space, time, discourse cohesion, etc.) and so on. None of the caseforms shows any phonologically conditioned allomorphic variation.

4.2.1 Ø Case-Marking; Split Case Marking; Tripartite Case SystemsIn recent years the analysis of the marking of core syntactic cases in Australian languages, has

been the topic of much discussion in Australianist circles. One subject of debate involves the underlyingraison d'etre for split case-marking where a nominative-accusative case marking pattern tends to holdfor nominals referring to higher animates, typically pronominals, while an Ergative-Absolutive casemarking pattern holds for remaining nominals (Silverstein 1976, 1981; Dixon 1976, 1977:254-55,Wierzbicka 1981; Comrie 1981:122-129, 181-184). Another focus of discussion has been the relatedquestion of whether one really wants to recognise four case relations - Nominative, Accusative, Ergative,Absolutive - or whether only three case relations are justified - Ergative, Nominative, Accusative(Goddard 1982, 1983; Blake 1985). Central to these discussions is the analysis of unmarked, or zero-case-marked, forms.

I will not attempt to add more to the theoretical discussion surrounding the above issues, but willoutline the position taken here as well as presenting facts from Mparntwe Arrernte that have a bearingon positions other people have taken. In this discussion I will make use of Dixon's three basic syntacticfunctions (introduced in Dixon, 1972:128 ff and understood here to be grammatical functions cf.§1.4.3.1): S = intransitive subject; A = transitive subject; O = transitive object.

In terms of marking of core syntactic cases Mparntwe Arrernte does indeed have a split: non-pronominal forms which bear case for the NP will take -le in A (ie. Ergative) function and will take Ø inS and O functions; pronominal forms, on the other hand - with one exception - will take Ø in S and Afunction and will take -nhe in O (ie. Accusative) function. As noted, and discussed in §3.7.1, theexception is the first person singular pronoun which has the form the for A grammatical function but hasthe form ayenge for S and O grammatical functions. In other words the 1st person singular pronounmanifests an Ergative pattern of marking while all other pronouns - 1st person non-singulars, 2nd person;and 3rd person form - are nominative-accusative. This is an interesting exception to Silverstein's(1976:122) observation that "[i]f an ergative system splits simply into two two-way case-markingschemes, then minimally either the [+ ego] (or the [+ tu]) forms are nominative-accusative, the restergative-absolutive".

Goddard (1982) has rightly argued that descriptions of Australian languages have commonlyconfused case marking (case forms) with systems of case (case function). He notes that "if we stick withthe traditional concept of a case as a substitution class, most Australian languages have a system of

THREE (core) cases: nominative, ergative, and accusative." This analysis is the one favoured forMparntwe Arrernte and, as a result, what would previously have been treated as absolutive case fornon-pronominals and the first person singular is now treated as a situation in which the accusative caseform and nominative case form are identical (ie. both are Ø-marked). Similarly, for pronouns other thanthe first person singular the ergative and nominative cases also have homophonous case forms (againboth are Ø-marked).

This allows for more elegant statements of certain syntactic phenomenon. Instead of saying thatthere is a certain relation between the absolutive nominal and the accusative pronominal in an examplesuch as (7), where there are two NPs which exhibit a part-whole relation and which are both undergoersof the action, it is more economical to say that both noun-phrases are in the accusative case function andthat such part-whole relationships require case agreement.

(7) Artwe-le nge-nhe tanthe-ke ulyepere-Ø.man-ERG(A) 2sg-ACC (O) spear-pc thigh-ACC(O)The man speared you in the thigh.

Similarly, this analysis reveals an implicit relation between the cases of definite and non-definiteexpanded NPs. It has been noted (cf. §3.7.1&3) that case is marked on the last element of a phrase,and when the NP is non-definite the final element of the phrase is a nominal but when it is definite thefinal element will be a form of the third person pronominal. It would seem an unnecessary complicationto say that definite NPs have a different set of case relations to their non-definite counterparts (see Table4-3).

Non-Definite NP Definite NP

Ergative (A) artwe kngerre-le artwe kngerre re-Øman big-ERG(A) man big 3sg-ERG(A)a big man (saw it) the big man (saw it)

Nominative(S) artwe kngerre-Ø artwe kngerre re-Øman big-NOM(S) man big 3sg-NOM(S)a big man (fell down) the big man (fell down)

Accusative(O) artwe kngerre-Ø artwe kngerre re-nhe

man big-ACC(O) man big 3sg-ACC(O)(I saw)a big man (I saw)the big man

Table 4-3: Comparison of case marking on definite and non-definite NPs.

As we can see from the Table 4-3, Ø can mark all three core case functions. The use of -leversus Ø for ergative case function or -nhe versus Ø for accusative case function is lexically determinedaccording to whether the item to bear case is nominal or pronominal. Nominative (S) case is the onlyone for which both lexical classes show Ø marking. Ergative case and accusative case will be discussedunder the forms which realise their substitution class: -le and -nhe respectively. The zero realisation ofthese cases have the same functions as the overt forms. Since lack of any marking is the identifyingfeature (in terms of substitution classes) of the nominative it will be discussed next.

4.2.2 Functions of Ø Nominative (S)In keeping with its traditional application, nominative in Mparntwe Arrernte is: (i) the case of

single direct core argument of an intransitive verb (ie. S function; eg. 8) and (ii) the case of citation (eg.9).

(8) Pwerte-Ø tnye-ke ahelhe-ke.Rock-NOM(S) fall-pc. ground-DATThe rock fell to the ground.

(9) Arritnye nhenhe-ke "irrarnte-Ø", kenhe yanhe-ke "ngkwene-Ø" name this-DAT "irrarnte"-NOM BUT that-mid-DAT "ngkwene"-NOM

The name for this one is "irrarnte" (black cockatoo), and for that one it is "ngkwene" (white cockatoo).

Further uses of the nominative case are listed below.(iii) Subject complements in equational sentences agree with the subject by taking nominative

case (eg.10).

(10) a. Kngwelye marle-Ø unte-Ø.dog female-Nom 2 sg-NOMYou're a bitch. ( A bitch is what you are.)

b. Irrkwentye mape itne-Ø nhele-ntye mape-Ø ne-me.policeman pl(grp) 3pl-NOM tease-NMZR pl(grp)-NOM be-npp

Those policemen are a "cheeky" (cruel) bunch.

(iv) Names, terms of address - Akin to its citation function, the nominative is the case of theargument expressing the name, or term of address, with verbs of naming. This is of interest because itmeans that the three semantically distinct verbs of naming - atniwe- 'to call anything by its name',anperne- 'to call someone by the appropriate kin term', ke- 'cut; to call a place one's totem, to callsomeone by a certain kin term' - semantically select for each of the three strict syntactic cases (ergative,accusative, and nominative cf. eg. 11).

(11) a. The Rosie re-nhe atniwe-me Missus re-Ø.1sgERG(A) Rosie 3sg-ACC(O) call-npp Missus

3sg-NOMI call Rosie (that name) Missus.

b. Ampe nhenhe-le nge-nhe ke-me/anperne-me ipmenhe-Ø.child this -ERG(A) 2sg-ACC(O) cut-npp/call(kin)-npp granny(MM)-

NOMThis child calls you granny.

Note that when a name/address term is definitised as in (11a) the 3rd person pronoun is not inaccusative form, as would be expected if it were a nominal complement agreeing with the object. Whenthis argument is a non-definite nominal, as in (11b), it takes Ø-marking and, therefore, in no way agreeswith the transitive subject. These facts determine the nominative status of the argument.

(v) Language Spoken - With the verb angke- 'to speak, talk', the language which a personhabitually speaks, or has an ability to speak, appears in the nominative.

(12) Ayenge Arrernte-Ø angke-me1sg S Arrernte-Nom speak-nppI speak Arrernte.

(vi) Body parts causing pain - Transitive verbs of affect, such as twe- 'hit'; tanthe- 'poke, spear',and ke- 'cut', can be used idiomatically as verbs indicating physical pain. In this sense they appear to beintransitive, although they do control two arguments in nominative case. These two arguments are aparticular body part, or parts, and the higher animate (typically human) which is experiencing pain in thispart (eg. 13).

(13) a. Arerre tyenhe-Ø tanthe-me ayenge-Øchest 1sg POSS-NOM spear-npp 1 sg-NOMMy chest is hurting me. [I can feel stabbing pain in my chest.]

b. Iltye re-therre-Ø-me kwete ke-me unte-Ø?hand 3dl-NOM-INTERR still cut-npp 2sg-NOMAre your hands still bothering you (from blisters)? [lit. Are the twohands still cutting you?]

Interestingly, in sentences such as (13b), there are speakers of about 30 and under who allowthe body parts to control number cross-reference of S/A in the verb. For these speakers the verb in(13b) could be ke-rle.ne.rre-me 'cut-dl.S/A-npp'. This, plus the typical ordering of the body part noun-phrase left-most, suggests that this argument is the main subject of the verb. Moreover, this argument istreated like the actor, or controlling noun-phrase, in English translations by bilingual speakers.

The facts of this unique construction might be explained through recourse to two interactingsystems; part-whole and transitivity. Part noun-phrases typically show case agreement with the noun-phrase referring to the whole of which they are a part. If a part is affected the whole is affected, ifsomething is located at the part, it is located at the whole, and so on; thus there is identity between thetwo. This, then, explains the shared case in this construction. The question arises, however, why onlynominative case is used with verbs that typically have an ergative and accusative argument? This mightbe explained by the fact that semantically this construction is a type of middle transitive in which thepotential actor and undergoer are identical; so there is no real distinction of actor and undergoerpossible. In this sense they are like reflexives, but differ from them in that reflexives typically focus on awhole entity often acting consciously on itself (in the case of higher animates). Here there is no realcontrol of the action, just experience of pain and the focussed entity in this construction, the body partwhich is the cause of pain in the whole, is clearly non-agentive. Nominative is clearly the favored case formarking a core role which is neither agentive nor patientive and is also favoured for marking theargument(s) of what are basically stative rather than active predicates.

4.2.3 Functions of -nhe ACCusativeThe case suffix -nhe 'accusative' attaches to the unmarked forms of pronouns, with the exception

of first person singular, and it indicates that the noun-phrase for which such a pronoun bears case is theobject of a transitive verb (ie. 0 grammatical function). The accusative marking for all other noun-phrasetypes is Ø. The suffix -nhe, therefore, unambiguously marks the role of undergoer - an entity which hastoken-specific semantics, but which, in relative terms, is the non-initiating, and typically controlled,argument with respect to the action of a predicate (Foley and Van Valin, 1984:32 ff).

(14) Ampe arntirte-le ilerne-nhe we-ke pwerte-le.child rotten-ERG(A)1dl-ACC(O) pelt-pc stone-INSTSome rotten kid pelted us (two) with stones.

As far as accusative cases with ditransitive verbs are concerned, we can make the followingobservations. Amongst ditransitive verbs at least two types can be identified, depending on the roles ofthe two non-Ergative arguments (cf. §5.1.3.3). The first type has accusative and dative arguments. Oneexample of this type is the verb ile- 'to tell (a story); tell someone to do' which in its 'tell a story' sense;marks the addressee with dative case and the linguistic content is realised in accusative case (15a). Theverb ile- 'to tell' also has a directive sense in which the addressee is accusative and there is a purposivecomplement which carries the content of the order (15b). Thus the one verb form may have differentsenses depending on which of its semantically core roles is in accusative case.

(15) a. Kngerrepate-le tnengkerre relhe therre-kerte re-nheElder-ERG(A) Dreamtime story womantwo-PROP 3sg-

ACC(O)ile-rne nwerne-ketell-p.immed 1pl-DATAn elder just told the Dreamtime tale about two women to us (all).

b. Elaine-le anwerne-nhe ile-ke alhe-rltiwe-tyeke.Elaine-ERG(A) 1pl-ACC(O) tell-pc go-pl.S/A-PURP

Elaine told us to go away.

The second relevant type of ditransitive verb is the very small number of double accusativeverbs. These verbs have two case frames one in which the recipient of a transferred object is in dativecase (16a) and one in which the recipient appears in accusative case (16b). The transferred object isalways in accusative case. The change in frames does not appear to involve a change in sense, butmerely a change in focus similar to dative shift in English. The archetypal example of this type is nthe-'give'.

(16) a. Artwe-le intilentye re-nhe nthe-tyenhe itne-ke.man-ERG(A) painting 3sg-ACC(O) give-npc 3pl-DATThe man will give the painting to them.

b. Artwe-le itne-nhe intilentye re-nhe nthe-tyenhe.man-ERG(A) 3pl-ACC(O) painting 3sg-ACC(O) give-npcThe man will give them the painting.

Accusative is not only the case of the object, but is also the case of complements to the object.Thus, for example, with verbs of affect the object may be associated with an accusative marked nominalcomplement which indicates the 'part' of the object entity which is affected. Note that in such cases, theaccusative-'part'-complement corresponds to what in English would be a prepositional phrase (eg. 17).

(17) The nge-nhe twe-ke kaperte re-nhe.1sgErg(A) 2sg-ACC(O) hit-pc head 3sg-ACC(O)I hit you on the head.

4.2.4 The Form -le: Ergative, Instrumental, and Locative:While it seems plausible that the diachronic process which neutralised the distinctiveness of final

vowels in the Arandic languages caused the syncretism of a proto-Arandic ergative/instrumental *-lu andlocative *-la, it is not synchronically clear the degree to which the ergative, instrumental, and locativecase functions of the form -le are to be regarded as polysemous or homophonous. Although it ispossible to distinguish these three general case functions on formal grounds, extended uses of -le maynot always be clearly associated with just one of the three.

Amongst Australian languages more than three-quarters have the same form for ergative andinstrumental functions, while the remaining languages have locative and instrumental covered by the oneform (Dixon, 1980:304). The Arandic languages are amongst the very small minority of Australian

languages where these three functions are covered by a single form (see Blake 1977:5). It is also worthnoting that in Luritja (Green, p.c.) both the ergative form and the locative form each have aninstrumental function.

The semantic linking of these three functions would be quite natural, and it is the instrumentalwhich would semantically connect ergative to locative. In an archetypal situation where an instrument isused, the effect produced by the instrument is what the agent had intended. In a sense then, bothinstruments and agents typically cause something to happen, and what the instrument does can be saidto be the same as what the agent who wields the instrument has done, or at least intended to do. (ie.The agent causes the instrument to do something wanting to cause something else to happen). Thiswould explain the linkage of ergative to instrumental, but where does locative fit in? Again, when oneconsiders an archetypal situation, the instrument is in contact with the agent, and is commonly broughtinto contact with a patient (if there is one). The component of contact requires co-location. Instrument,therefore, has a natural association with both location and agency. It is not far-fetched, therefore, toexpect that such semantic links would - in the course of time - reduce the probable original homophonyof ergative/instrumental and locative in Arandic to polysemy, under the impetus of an iconicity principlethat suggests one form should have one meaning.

The formal criteria which allow us to distinguish each of the three general case functions are asfollows. Firstly ergative, being a core function, always relativises leaving a gap, while instrumentalalways relativises leaving a pronominal copy. Locative may mark either core or peripheral argumentsand so can relativise leaving either a gap or a pronominal copy. Secondly, the Ergative form of the firstperson singular is the while that for first person singular instrumental and locative is atyenge-le (1sgDat-le). This distinguishes the core Ergative function from the other case functions of -le, but does notdistinguish between these other two functions. The instrumental can be seen to be distinct from thelocative from the observation that lexemes encoding inherently locative notions, such as thedemonstratives (cf. §3.6.1), may optionally be marked with -le when in locative function [eg. nhenhe(-le)= here], but must always be marked with -le when in Instrumental function [eg. nhenhe*(-le) 'with this'].Moreover, as noted in §3.6.1, the demonstratives nhenhe 'here; this' and yanhe 'there (mid); that (mid)'have contracted locative forms with -le - nhele and yale -, but these same contractions are not used ininstrumental function.

Having demonstrated that each of the three general case functions of -le may be distinguishedformally, each one will be discussed in turn.

4.2.4.1 Functions of -le Ergative (A)

The suffix -le 'ergative' only attaches to non-pronominal nominal elements and indicates that thenoun-phrase which is so-marked is in the transitive subject (A) grammatical function. Using Foley andVan Valin's terms (1984:32), in a transitive sentence, -le 'ergative' always marks the role of actor - anentity which, relative to the undergoer role indicated by accusative case in Mparntwe Arrernte, isconsidered the potential initiator or controller of the action of a predicate . In Mparntwe Arrernte theErgative argument may be animate (eg. 18a) or inanimate (eg. 18b). (18) a. Arelhe kngerre therre-le ampe mape-Ø ilte-ke.

womanbig two-ERG(A) child pl(grp)-ACC(O) scold-pcThe two big women scolded the children.

b. Kwatye urewe-le iwerre re-nhe arte-me.water river-ERG(A) way 3sg-ACC(O) cover-nppThe (flooded) river is covering the road.

It is not always easy to predict which transitive verbs will allow an inanimate actor and what thenature of that entity will be. For instance, the two verbs werne- 'to blow' and ampe- 'to burn', whichhave both transitive and intransitive uses (cf. §5.1.3.4), only take inanimate actors when usedtransitively. It is also worth pointing out, in this context, that there is an idiomatic type of adversativeconstruct in which a verb of affect - for example tanthe- 'spear, poke', ke- 'cut', but most frequentlytwe- 'strike, hit, kill' - has as its ergative marked NP an ambient phenomenon (eg. meteorologicalphenomenon such as rain, cold, heat; eg. 19a), or a physical ailment (eg. 19b). The object of thisconstruct is always a higher animate, typically human. The semantic force of the construct is that theanimate entity is suffering because of the presence of the inanimate entity. The affect verbs, therefore,are not functioning in their primary, literal, sense.

(19) a. Irrernte-le ayenge twe-me.cold-ERG 1sgO hit-nppI'm suffering from the cold. [lit. The cold (weather) is hitting me.]

b. Margaret re-nhe tengkwelknge-le twe-ke. Margaret 3sg-O a cold(snot)-ERG hit-pc

Margaret has caught a cold. [lit. A cold struck Margaret.]

It should be noted that Mparntwe Arrernte is only morphologically Ergative, as far as non-pronominals are concerned; in several aspects of its syntax it manifests a tripartite or nominative -accusative system (cf. §4.2.1; Ch. 10 & Ch. 11).

4.2.4.2 Functions of -le INSTrumentalInstrumental -le marks an entity which the subject (S or A) of a verb uses to perform the verb

action. Unlike the ergative function, which is only relevant to transitive sentences, the instrumentalfunction appears with both transitive (eg. 20a) and intransitive (eg. 20b) verbs. As the examples in (20)show, -le 'instrumental' is commonly translated by English 'with' or 'using'.

(20) a. Ampe urreye-le thipe we-rle.pe-ke pwerte-le, shanghai-le.child boy-ERG bird pelt-Do Along-pc rock--INST, sling shot-

INSTThe boy went along pelting birds with stones, with a sling shot.

b. Irretetye-le ayenge lhe-me,ngkwerne kurne-warte.walking stick-INST 1sgS go-npp, bone bad-SINCEI get around using a walking stick, because of my bad leg [as you should know].

Unlike some Australian languages (Blake 1977:46; Goddard 1983:81), the instrumental caseform can mark the active use of a body part in the performance of an action.

(21) Re ikwere angke-rle.ne-me iltye-le3sgS 3sgDAT speak-CONT-npp hand-INSTShe's handsigning to him.[lit. She is speaking to him with her hands].

Finally, there is an interesting idiomatic usage in which human animates can be marked with theinstrumental to indicate that the human actor of a transitive verb action accomplishes the action by gettingsomeone else to do it (eg. 22).

(22) Me-l-atye pmere kethe-lh.ile-ke atyenge-lemother-ERG-1KinPOSS house uncovered-CAUSE-pc 1sgDAT-INST.My mother got me to clean the house.[lit. My mother cleared up the housewith (using) me.]

That this is an instrumental usage and not an ergative one is clear from the fact that the NPatyenge-le '1sg DAT-INST' is used instead of the '1sgERG(A)'. In example (22) the person referred toby the ergative marked NP does not do the action, but does initiate it and control it, as befits the actorrole. The person in the instrumental role is merely used to achieve the intentions of the actor, and there isa strong implication that they themself do not want to do the action. Thus example (22) is in distinctcontrast to a benefactive construction like that in example (23), where the implication is that the personwants to do the action.

(23) The pmere kethe-lh.ile-ke me-k-atye.1sgA house uncovered-CAUSE-pc mother-DAT-1KinPOSSI cleaned up the house for my mother.

While this construct is attested a number of times in my corpus, speakers vary as to whether theythink such sentences are acceptable when they are presented out of context. It appears to be amongstthat category of utterances which speakers will admit that they say, but which they feel is not properArrernte. This is likely to be associated with the idiomatic feel that adheres to it.

4.2.4.3 Functions of -le Locative4.2.4.3.1 Spatial Functions

a) Static Location - With stance verbs (existential/position verbs like ne- 'to be sitting'; inte- 'tobe lying down' and tne- 'to be standing') and other verbs that do not entail movement or change ofposition of core arguments, the suffixation of locative -le to a NP indicates the place at which an entity isstatically located (eg. 24). The suffix -le 'locative' manifests the basic predicate 'be at' and is commonlytranslated by English 'in, at, on, around'. The exact interpretation of the locative relation is dependent onseveral aspects of the situation described, including the canonical relationship between the thing locatedand the entity marked as the location (cf. §7.4.2.5; note particularly eg. 24b)

(24) a. Artwe nhenge Ewyenpere Atwatye-le ne-me.man REMEMB spear-tree gap-LOC live-npp

That man (you know the one) lives at Eastside camp (Speartree Gap).

b. Relhe mape ure-le inte-rle.ne-tyeme.womanpl(grp) fire-LOC lie down-CONT-pp

The women were lying (sleeping) around the fire.

This function of -le 'locative' contrasts with -nge 'ablative', which may be used for 'dynamiclocation' and 'beginning point location' (cf. §4.2.6.1), and -ke 'dative', which may be used for 'endpointlocation' (cf. §4.2.5.1). In many languages the same form is used to mark the place where a person orthing is at rest, the place where an object has come to be located, the place where the undergoer orfocus of an event such as 'seeing' or 'spearing' is located, and the place within which an active event iscontained. As the following examples from Warlpiri show, the suffix -rla/-ngka 'locative' can be used inall these situations (as can the English preposition 'in').

(25) a. Wati ka ngurra-ngka nyina-mi.man AUX camp-LOC sit-nonpastThe man is sitting in camp.

b. Karnta-ngku ka miyi ngurra-ngka/ parrija-rla yirra-rni.woman-ERG AUX food camp-LOC/ coolamon-LOC put-nonpastThe woman is putting the food in the camp/in the coolamon.

c. Wati-ngki ka jurlpu watiya-rla nya-nyi.man-ERG AUX bird tree-LOC see-nonpastThe man sees the bird in the tree.

d. Wati-ngki ka nantuwu warru-warrka-rni ngurra-ngka.man-ERG AUX horse around-ride/climb-nonpast camp-LOCThe man is riding the horse around in the camp.

In Hale's (1982:258) terms, the locative in all the above examples indicates that something (the figure) isportrayed as being coincident with (ie. at the same place as) something else (the ground). MparntweArrernte, however, can use -le 'locative' only in the equivalent of (25a), where there is static (central)location; for the equivalents of (25b) and (25c), where there is location at an endpoint, the dative caseform -ke must be used, and for the equivalent of (25d), where an active event is being located (ie.dynamic location), -nge 'ablative' must be used to indicate location.

b) Path or Medium of motion - With verbs of motion a -le location complement indicates thepath along which something moves, or the medium within which it moves. Rough English equivalents are

'along', 'within' and 'through'. This interpretation of -le 'locative' is consistent with its sense of staticlocation described above, since in both cases this form indicates that the figure always remains locatedin/at/on the marked reference point for the duration of the action or state being considered (eg. 26).

(26) a. Re Stuart Highway-le lhe-me.3sgS Stuart Highway-LOC go-nppHe's travelling along the Stuart highway.

b. Thipe kenhe lhe-nhe-lhe-nhe alkere-le.birds BUT go-NMZR.Hab.rdp sky-LOCBirds, on the other hand, are fliers [ie they habitually go along in the sky]

4.2.4.3.2 Temporal FunctionLexemes describing periods of time (day, parts of a day, month, and seasons), as well as their

quantification, may be marked with locative -le to indicate the period of time in which an action/eventtook place (endured), with the implication that the event was completed within that time period(compare with -nge 'ablative' cf. §4.2.6.4).

(27) a. Ingwe-le kake ilerne pety-alpe-ke Robert-nge.Night-LOC brother 1dlS come-back-pc Robert-ABLMy brother and I came back with Robert last night.

b. Urreye re ingke lhe-ke Irrkenayeme-werne arlte urrpetye-le.boy 3sgS foot go-pc Connor's Well-ALL day few/three-LOCThe boy walked to Connor's Well in 3 days.

4.2.4.4 Other Uses of the -le formAs mentioned the outset -le has a number of uses which cannot be clearly associated with just

one of these three general functions.

4.2.4.4.1 Manner Adverb formative: The suffix -le can be used to derive manner adverbs from certainadjectival nominals (28a) and may optionally be attached to true manner adverbs (28b). It, therefore,functions something like '-ly' in English (cf. §7.4.3.1).

(28) a. Kwementyaye lhwarrpe-le / arerte-le / nterte-le angke-keKwementyaye sad-ADV / deaf-ADV / quiet-ADV speak-pcKwementyatye spoke sadly / stupidly / quietly.

b. Re-therre mwantye(-le) irrpe-ke pmere-ke.3dlS carefully(-ADV) go into-pc camp-DATThey two went carefully (slowly) into the camp.

This use could be associated with either the instrumental or ergative functions (or both). It is notuncommon in languages of the world that the method of indicating 'the thing used in performing an action'is also used to indicate the 'manner "used" in performing an action'; thus the connection with instrumentalfunction is highly plausible. Note, however, that they each answer different questions. An "instrumentalphrase" would answer the question iwenhe-le? 'what with?' while the adverbial phrase would answer thequestion nthakenhe? 'how?; in what way?'.

The possible link with Ergative becomes clear when languages nearby are examined and it isfound that a number of them have ergative marking on manner adverbials in transitive sentences, inagreement with the transitive subject. In Yankunytjatjara, Goddard (1983:57) notes that what he callsactive adjectives (see §7.1) 'constitute a separate phrase which need not be continguous to the actorNP, but which agrees with it in case' and which 'like English 'manner adverbs', describe how a particularaction was carried out.' If a similar analysis is to be proposed for Mparntwe Arrernte a diachronic stepmust be postulated whereby ergative cross-reference of manner forms was generalised to all subjects,transitive or intransitive. Note that both examples in (28) involve intransitive verbs. This hypothesis isnot implausible since Mparntwe Arrernte, syntactically, treats S and A in the same way, and since themarking for agreement with intransitive S would have been Ø making it formally indistinct from theadjective form, thus making -le a more salient marker of adverb status. This hypothetical change mayhave been pushed along by the fact that -le already marked temporal adverbials, as well as marking thesemantically related instrumental.

4.2.4.4.2 Compound Ligature in nthe- 'give a' constructsThere is a type of idiomatic causative construct in which an adjective (29a) or verb root (29b)

which indicates a negative or unsettled state of the emotions (ie.sadness, fear, surprise) can becompounded with nthe- 'to give', obligatorily using -le as the link between the two elements. Theresulting compound is a transitive verb stem meaning 'for someone or something to cause someone tofeel in a negative or unsettled way' as indicated by the first part of the compound. Typically, this implies

that the actor - if there is one in the conventional sense - did not intend to cause these feelings. This is incontrast to parallel verb stems formed by suffixing -(lh)ile 'causative' to the elements which form the firstpart of the construct presently under discussion (cf. §5.5.3).

(29) a. Nanthe-le ayenge atere-le-nthe-ke.horse-ERG 1sgO afraid-?-give-pcThe horse gave me a fright.

b. Re-rle angke-ke-le-rle Christine re-nhe apate-le-nthe-ke.3sgS-REL speak-pc-ERG-REL Christine 3sg-O dumb found-?-

give-pcWhat she said left Christine awestruck.

Another similar form, the verb meaning 'to teach', optionally uses -le to link kaltye 'to beknowledgeable about' and nthe- give.

(29) The ampe itne-nhe Arrernte kaltye(-le)-nthe-me1sgA child 3pl-ACC Arrernte knowledgeable(-?)-give-nppI teach the children Arrernte.[ie. I cause the children to beknowledgeable about Arrernte.]

4.2.4.4.3 Cohesive Function: Switch ReferenceThe suffix form -le is the general marker of same subject (SS) in switch reference, and the

subordinate clauses which it marks may have a temporal 'when/while' sense or a reason/cause sense.One can also talk about a fusion of same subject -le, with the 'non-past-progressive' -me, to give -me-le, which appears in a number of complex clausal structures that entail same subject. These include'event seriation' as well as the derivation of manner adverbs from verbs. For a complete discussion of -me-le and same subject use of -le see chapter 11.

Austin (1981:330) notes that it is common amongst Australian languages with switch-referencefor locative to mark same subject. One explanation for this may be that the entailment of coincidencebetween place of located entity and place of the locating reference point, is extended to necessarycoincidence of the performer of two actions. Note however, that same subject -le can convey thetemporal sense associated with locative -le, as well as the 'adverb formative' sense of -le which waspreviously attributed to either the general instrumental or ergative case functions. There is no one clear

general function to associate this usage with, and this, more than any other sub-function, may beevidence of an underlying semantic connection between the three general case functions of -le.

4.2.4.4.4 Language being spokenWith the verb angke- 'to speak' -le can be used to mark the language someone is speaking. This

is usually seen to be in contrast with other languages you could expect that person to be speaking(compare with the nominative cf. §4.2.2.v).

(30) Arreng-atye Anmatyerre-le angke-rne.grandfather(FF)-1KinPOSS Anmatyerre-INST/LOC speak-p.immed.My grandfather(FF) was just speaking in Anmatyerre.

It is unclear as to whether the instrumental function of -le is relevant here (ie. the language being'used' is Anmatyerre), or whether this is an extension of the locative function, parallel with English use of'in' in the translation of (30).4.2.5 Functions of -ke DATive4.2.5.1 Spatial Functions

(a) The case suffix -ke 'dative' marks the person/place/thing at which something becomeslocated after moving, or being moved, there. This function is inconsistent with inherently directed motionverbs such as lhe- 'go' and petye- 'come', but occurs with 'oriented motion' verbs such as tnye- 'fall' andirrpe- 'go into' (eg. 31a) and with verbs of transfer and putting such as nthe- 'give' (eg. 31b) and arrerne-'put' (see §7.3.2.4 and fn. 19 in chapter 7). This suffix, in this particular function, roughly corresponds tothe English prepositions 'to', 'into', and 'onto' (compare with -werne 'allative' cf.§4.2.7.1).

(31) a. Lewetyerre lhwenge-ke irrpe-ke.goanna(S) burrow-DAT go into-pcThe goanna entered the burrow.

b. Eli-le ingkwerlpe nthe-me Margaret-ke.Eli-ERG native tobacco give-npp Margaret-DATEli is going to give Margaret some tobacco.

(b) An NP marked with dative -ke may be used to give the precise location of the object or'focus' argument of a verb at the end point of an event which can take place over a distance without

either S/A or 'focus'/O moving. It may be used to give the location of the object of perception verbs(eg.32) or the location of the object of a verb like tanthe- 'to spear', or the location of the 'focus'argument of an intransitive verb like arlke- 'shout for, shout at'. Compare with the spatial functions oflocative -le (cf. §4.2.4.3.1).

(32) The nyengke are-ke apere-ke.1sgA zebra finch see-pc red gum-DATI saw the zebra finch in the gum tree.

4.2.5.2 AddresseeThe dative case form marks the argument which fills the semantic role of 'addressee' with say/tell

verbs, and as such it is typically translated by English 'to' (eg. 33).

(33) Ipmenh-l-atye-le ampe itne-ke atnengkerre ile-ke.granny(MM)-ERG-1KinPoss-ERG child 3pl-DAT Dreamtime story(O)

tell-pcMy granny told a Dreamtime story to the kids.

4.2.5.3 Focus of internal human states(a) Dative marks the focus/reason for a person's emotional or attitudinal state. The emotional

predicates for which the Dative provides a complement may be a nominal predicate (eg. 34a) or anintransitive verb (eg. 34b).

(34) a. Re atere nanthe-ke.3sgS afraid horse-DATHe's afraid of horses.

b. Anwerne Christine-ke irrar-irre-tyenhe.1plS Christine-DAT 'homesick'-INCH-npcWe're going to miss Christine.

(b) An NP marked for dative case indicates the content of a cognitive state (eg.35).

(35) a. Ayenge alye-lhe-ntye nhenhe-ke kaltye.1sgS sing-REFL-NMZR this-DAT 'be knowledgeable of'I know this song.

b. Council mape itirre-ntye ngkwinhe-ke itirre-me.Council pl(grp)(S) think-NMZR 2sgPOSS-DAT think-nppThe council is thinking about your idea.

(c) Dative case forms may mark an entity which is not, or will not be, in the perception of aperson but which is the focus of attention of the action they are performing (eg. 36).

(36) Me-k-angkwe karelhe-Ø toyota-le.mother-DAT-2KinPOSS wait-IMP toyota-LOCWait for me (your mother) in the toyota.

4.2.5.4 Dative of AttemptWith certain transitive verbs what would typically be the O argument may be replaced by a

dative marked argument. Unlike the accusative case which marks an actual undergoer the 'dative ofattempt' indicates an intended but non-actual undergoer. This argument is the goal of an attemptedperformance of the action, but the action may either be unsuccessfully performed (37a) or the potentialobject may not be presently available for actual performance of the action (37b). This last being closelyrelated to the function in §4.2.5.3 c. In this function the dative is commonly translated by 'at' or 'for'.

(37) a. Re aherre-ke tyerre-ke3sgS kangaroo-DAT shoot-pcHe shot at the kangaroo (but missed).

b. Kwekenhenhe-le arrpenhe mape-ke awe-melittle this-ERG other pl(grp)-DAT hear-npp.This little one is listening out for the other ones. [ie. Trying to hear when

they're coming].

4.2.5.5 The conscious reason for performance of an action.

(a) The dative typically marks an adjunct which encapsulates the purpose for an action beingperformed (eg. 38). Compare with the purposive suffix -tyeke (cf. §5.3.2.2)

(38) Amp-aye! Kwatye in-Ø-aye tea-ke.child-EMPH! water get-IMP-EMPH tea-DATHey (my) child! Get some water for tea. [So that I can make some tea.]

(b) As in many languages, the dative marks an adjunct which refers to the person/people whowill benefit from performance of the action. In other words it commonly marks the semantic role ofbenefactive and, as such, is typically translated into English by 'for' (eg. 39).

(39) Kele nthetye kere-ke lhe-ke nye-k-ikwe-ke.O.K. youngman(S) game-DAT go-pc father-DAT-3KinPoss-DATSo, the young man went out for meat for his father.

(c) An adjunct which indicates the person on behalf of whom, or in place of whom, the action isperformed is also occurs in the dative (ie. the person deputised to do the action; the 'deputative'function).

(40) Unte kwenhe angke-tyeke ngkwinhe mape-ke, Arrerntemape-ke.

2sgS ASSERT speak-PURP 2sgPOSS pl(grp)-DAT, Arrerntepl(grp)- DAT

You should speak on behalf of your people, for Arrernte people.

4.2.5.6 Topic of what is being saidWhen used with a say-tell verb, a dative complement can designate the general topic of what is

being said (eg. 41). As such it is translated by 'about' and functions in a way similar to -kerte'proprietive' (cf. §4.2.8.2.c).

(41) Itne angke-rre-rne re-rle mpware-ke-ke.3plS speak-RECIP-p.immed 3sgA-REL do-pc-DATThey were just speaking about what he did.

4.2.5.7 Temporal FunctionWhen -ke 'dative' is attached to a quantified temporal the resultant adjunct indicates the amount

of time an action endures for. There is no entailment that an action is completed within that time (eg.42).

(42) Arlte nthakentye-ke arrantherre Ti-Tree-le inte-ke?Day how-many-DAT 2plS Ti-Tree-LOC sleep-pc.How many days have you camped at Ti-Tree for?

4.2.5.8 Kin PossessionIn §3.9.1.2 it was noted that a pronoun, proper name, or kin term will occur in dative case to

designate a possessor where the possessed entity is designated by a kin term. This is a fixed NP withthe possessor typically preceding the possessed (eg. 43).

(43) ... Elizabeth-ke newe-le knge-ke crowbar ulthe-ntyere-nhe,

... Elizabeth-DAT spouse-ERG carry-pc crow bar press down-NMZR3sg-ACC,

... Elizabeth's husband carried the heavy crow bar ... [T7-5]

4.2.5.9 Dative as linker in nominal/adverbial reduplicationsIn §7.4.4.4, I discuss a type of morphologically linked reduplication in which dative -ke occurs

to link full reduplications of lexemes indicating temporal periods, spatial distance, adjectival qualities orquantification (including ennumeration). Such reduplications derive new members of the class of adverbs.With temporal periods and quantifiers, such a derived form may indicate the recurrent, or repetitiverelation that two or more individual entities of the same kind have with respect to other entities and theevent they are performing. With spatial distance terms this form of reduplication describes a reciprocalrelation that holds between two or more entities (eg. 44 ).

(44) Kele mweteke therre kaperte itwe-k-itwe ne-rlenge,O.K. car two(S) head near-DAT-near be-DS,itne ultake-lhe-ntye re-nhe iteth-ile-ke.3sgA break-REFL-NOM 3sg-ACC alive-CAUS-pc.

So, when the two cars were bonnet to bonnet (lit. head near to near), they started the broken one (by jump starting it).

4.2.5.10 Cohesive functions: Switch ReferenceIt should be noted that, at least diachronically, the alternative different subject marker -rleke is

based on the dative form. The common different subject marker is -rlenge (cf. Ch. 11).

4.2.5.11 Discussion of Dative FunctionsThe majority of functions which have been identified for the Dative involve a sentient being,

typically human, as the subject (S or A) of an action or state for which the dative is a complement oradjunct. These functions typically require that this person is 'cognizant of the entity marked by the dative'and that 'the entity marked by the dative is in some way the cause (or) reason for the person's presentaction or state'. Semantically, then one component shared by these particular functions may besomething like: Person X[S/A] has Y[DAT] in mind (or is aware of Y), and because of that X is/isdoing/is feeling Z[state, action, emotion]. Thus when a person is afraid of a horse (cf. eg.34a) 'S/he isaware of the horse and because of that feels afraid'; or when a person gets water for tea (cf. eg. 38),'s/he has tea in mind and because of that gets water'; or even when a person attempts to shoot akangaroo and misses (cf. eg.37a) it is true that 's/he had the kangaroo in mind (was aware of thekangaroo) and because of that shot at it'. This component is relevant at least to the functions under§§4.2.5.3-5; and possibly to those under §§4.2.5.2,6,&8.

That the dative marking of kin possession (cf. §3.9.1.2 & §4.2.5.8) may also contain the abovesemantic component can be explained as follows. Goddard (1983:74) notes for Yankunytjatjara thatthe use of the case forms -ku/-mpa 'purposive' in genitive constructions is semantically linked with theirpurposive and benefactive use. He goes on to say (1983:75) that "The genitive construction inYankunytjatjara, as in most Australian languages, is far more restricted [ie.more than in English (DPW)],taking in relations of ownership, use, custody, and care (including kin relationships), depending in part onthe type of head noun involved." In Mparntwe Arrernte, where the dative, which is cognate to the -kuallomorph of the Yankunytjatjara 'purposive', is restricted to kin possession, I would suggest that the useof the dative reflects the obligations and prescribed behaviour entailed in kin relations (rather thanGoddard's concept of custody and care). The construction X[human noun]-DAT Y[kinterm] 'X's kinrelation Y', which is often rendered in Aboriginal English as 'Y[kin term] for X' (eg. she is wife forThomas), would, on this analysis, contain among its semantic components: 'Y is the person who, whens/he has person X in mind, should behave/act towards X in a certain way (as laid down by tradition)'. Itmay even be that this prescribed behavioural component is part of all kin terms, at least in pragmatic

terms, and the use of the dative for kin possession may merely reflect this component, rather thanconveying it..

Another semantic component which links a different, but overlapping, set of the above functionshas to do with the previous non-coincidence of two entities, and their subsequent coincidence.Roughly, this can be explicated as 'X not be at Y, then X become be at Y'. This component is clear fortransfer, and motion where the dative marks the end point location of a theme (cf. §4.2.5.1a). It is alsoconsistent with at least some purpose uses of the dative (cf. §4.2.5.5a), where an action is performedsuch that the performer will be able to have in their possession the dative marked nominal. A similarfeature may also be relevant to benefactive (cf. §4.2.5.5b) and deputative (cf. §4.2.5.5c) uses of thedative. With respect to this last use, the deputative, note that English uses the phrase 'in place of' whichparallels the semantic link which would be postulated for Mparntwe Arrernte.

Finally, it is worth noting that the Dative typically occurs with verb actions that must be directedtowards some entity for the action to be performed efficiently. This links motion, transfer, say/tell verbs,and certain verbs of affect and perception; as opposed to such classes as verbs of ingestion, corporealverbs, and so on. The entity towards which an action is directed regularly occurs in the dative. So,while it may, for instance, be unnecessarily metaphorical to see the addressee of a say/tell verb as a'goal' or 'target', it is nevertheless true that speech is typically directed towards an addressee (since thisprovides the optimum situation for communication). The above components do not account for all uses of the Dative, but merely provide the majorsemantic links amongst various functions. They also, hopefully suggest the direction of possibleextension into functions not mentioned in this discussion, such as the temporal, and reduplicative linkinguses. We may designate the general semantic role covered by the dative the focus, subtypes of whichare goals, benefactives, recipients, addressees and so on. The dative form enters into opposition with -werne 'allative', -nge 'ablative', -le 'locative', -kenhe 'possessive', -nhe/Ø accusative, and -ipenhe 'after'.4.2.6.A Functions of -nge ABLative4.2.6.A.1 Spatial Functions

(a) With motion and transfer verbs (eg. ine- get), -nge indicates motion away from the entityreferred to by the phrase to which it is attached (eg. 45).

(45) Re pmere-nge lhe-ke lhere-werne.3sgS camp-ABL go-pc creek-bed-ALLHe went from the camp to the creek.

(b) Locates S/A at the beginning point of an action which can take place over a distance withouteither S/A or O or Focus moving(eg. perception verbs, to spear, shout, etc). In this function, -nge'ablative' would again be translated by English 'from' (eg. 46).

(46) Relhe-le amp-ikwe are-me arrken-irre-rlenge pmere-nge.woman-ERG child-3KinPOSS see-npp playful-INCH-DS camp-

ABL The woman watched her child playing from the camp.

(c) Dynamic Location: The ablative suffix locates a dispersed activity by marking the areacontaining that activity. Thus it has a similar function to the Japanese particle de 'locative (of action)'.

(47) Alknge therrke-therrkeunte-rl-unte-rliwe-ke pmere-nge.eye green run-SPORAD.rdp-pc camp-ABLThat cat ran here, there, and everywhere in the camp.

(d) Relative Location: With spatial nominals and compass point terms, -nge 'ablative' marksthe reference point in relation to which another object is located in the way indicated by the spatial term(eg. 48; cf. the relative location construction in §7.3.2.2).

(48) Ilwempe re pmere-nge ayerrere-le tne-me.ghost gum 3sgS camp-ABL north-LOC stand-nppThat ghost-gum stands to the north of the camp.

4.2.6.A.2 Use in Comparative ConstructionsThe ablative suffix -nge is also used to mark the standard of comparison in comparative

constructions. As such it can be translated as English 'than'.(49) Kwementyaye kele anteme atyenge-nge arlpenty-ulkere.

Kwementyaye O.K. now 1sgDAT-ABL tall-MOREKwementyaye is already taller than I am.

4.2.6.A.3 Reason/Cause/Control Functions(a) A NP or clause marked with -nge 'ablative' can indicate the reason for something happening

and, as such it may be translated by English 'because'.

(50) M-angkwe unte are-tyeke lhe-tyek-aye,mother-2KinPOSS(O) 2sgS see-PURP go-PURP-EMPH,rlkerte kngerre-nge re.sick big-ABL 3sgSYou should go visit your mother because she's very sick.

(b) The ablative suffix attaches to the controller in a comitative relation (cf. §4.2.12.3).

(51) Les Kathy-nge petye-rneLes Kathy ABL come-p.immed.Les just arrived with Kathy.[ie. It was Kathy's idea to come, or Kathydrove him here]

(c) Closely related to the usage in (b), the suffix -nge 'ablative' marks the mechanical means oftransportation and so may, in this function, be translated using 'by'.

(52) Ayenge ingwenthe irrepelane-nge lhe-tyenhe ngkwenge-werne.1sg S tomorrow plane-ABL go-npc 2sgDAT-ALLTomorrow, I'll be travelling by plane to where you are.

4.2.6.A.4 Temporal FunctionThe form -nge 'ablative' suffixes to particular names for points or periods in time. These include

the English borrowings for names of months, names of days, clock times, year dates, day dates, and alsothe Mparntwe Arrernte term altyerre meaning Dreamtime. The suffix indicates that an event has itsoccurrence at that point in time.

(53) Kele 1953-nge the imper-rle.lhe-ke Bungalow School.O.K. 1953-ABL 1sgA leave-DO&GO-pc Bungalow SchoolSo, in 1953 I left the Bungalow School. [From a text by Basil Stevens,

'Kaltyirrekerle Kerte' (School Days) which appeared in Yeperenye Yeye (1985)]

4.2.6.A.5 Cohesive Functions(a) Switch-reference: The ablative form marks a different subject 'reason' clause when suffixed

to negativised verb (cf. §11.2.4) [ie. X do something because Y didn't do something]. Note that

diachronically the switch reference marker on non-negated verbs, -rlenge, is also based on the ablative(cf. Chapter 11). .

(54) Ayenge ne-ke, re mantere lhewe-tyekenhe-nge.1sgS sit-pc, 3sgA clothes wash-VbNEG-ABL(D.S.)I stayed because he didn't do the washing. [So, I had to do it; or I

didn't have anything clean to wear.]

(b) Discourse: When -nge attaches to ikwere '3 sg DAT' the resulting form can be used in atext to indicate that a preceding episode/event is over and the text is moving onto another episode/eventwhich is related to, and temporally subsequent to, the immediately preceding episode/event (cf. §3.7.3).

(55) Ikwere-nge re pmere-werne alpe-ke inte-ty.alpe-tyeke.3sgDAT-ABL 3sgS camp-ALL go-back-pc lie-GO.BACK&DO-PURPAnd so, after all that, has returned home to sleep.

4.2.6.B The morphemic complex -nge-ntyele 'from X onwards'The ablative suffix -nge is uniquely associated with an extensional suffix -ntyele 'onwards' (cf.

§7.4.2.4) which often attaches to it. The form -ntyele 'onwards' may occur without a preceding -ngeand its meaning appears to be the same as the combined form -nge-ntyele. This meaning can beexplicated roughly as "from X onwards". These forms indicate that, although there is a change in place,time, state, or event, there is still a continuing association with the previous state, time, place, or event,as well as an association with the later state, time, place or event.

Note that -ntyele has a reduced variant form -tyele which occurs less frequently. This variationis similar to the -ntye ~ -tye variation of the verbal nominaliser suffix (cf. §3.10.1.1).

4.2.6.B.1 Spatial: ExtensionThe morphemic complex -nge-ntyele 'from onwards' marks the point from which a path or other

linear object extends (eg. 56).

(56) Iwerre nhenge Ntaripe-nge-ntyele Imerle-werne-theke inte-me.way REMEMB Heavy tree.gap-ABL-ONWARD Emily.Gap-ALL-

WARDS lie-nppThe path extends from Heavy tree gap to Emily Gap.

4.2.6.B.2 Temporal FunctionThe complex -nge-ntyele 'from onwards' can also occur on temporal nominals and nominals

referring to stage of life or historical periods to indicate that some state or event took place 'from thattime onward'. In this function it is often translated by English 'since'.

(57) Ampe-nge-ntyele ayenge tnengkerre nhenhe-ke kaltye.child-ABL-ONWARDS 1sgS Dreamtime.story this-DAT knowI've known this Dreamtime story since childhood.

4.2.6.B.3 Source or origin in a transformationWhile the ablative on its own may mark the original thing which undergoes a transformation into

something else, it is far more common to use -nge-ntyele 'from onwards' for this function.

(58) Artwe ampwe-le kwetere mpware-me atnyere-nge-ntyele.man old-ERG club(O) make-npp ironwood-ABL-ONWARD

The old man made a fighting club (nulla-nulla) out of ironwood.

4.2.6.B.4 Discourse FunctionA form with much the same function as discussed in § 4.2.6.A.5(b) above is derived by adding -

nge-ntyele 'from onwards' to ikwere '3sgDAT'. Sentence (55) above would apparently mean the samething if ikwere-nge 'after that' was substituted with ikwere-nge-ntyele 'after that'.

4.2.6.C Discussion of ablative functionsThere appear to be two main semantic components shared by a majority of the functions

attributed to -nge 'ablative'. These components are:

(i) a sense of something (event, entity) having prior coincidence at the thing (event, entity,time) which is the beginning point of some event (state or activity) - something X be (at) Y beforebeing/becoming (at) Z [and not (at) Y]; and

(ii) a sense of non-coincidence - X not be same W (place, state, event, time) as Y.

Some functions may contain only one or other of these components. For instance the functionsof 'dynamic' (cf. §4.2.6.A.1c) and 'relative' (cf. §4.2.6.A.1d) location contain only the secondcomponent (ie. non-coincidence) and not the first (ie. 'prior co-incidence'). Still other functions maycontain none of these components. These are linked, however, to the central components by virtue ofsharing other components with functions that do have at least one of these criterial features. Thisappears to be the relation which holds between the 'point in time' temporal function (cf. §4.2.6.A.4),which has neither of the above components, and 'dynamic' location which has component (ii); like'dynamic location', the temporal funtion of -nge 'ablative' orients a whole event, but in time instead ofspace. Cause or reason functions of -nge 'ablative' appear to stem from the fact that a causal event isprior to the event (or state) which it initiates. Thus causality is linked with component (i) above. Thecomitative function (cf. §4.2.6.A.3b) and the 'means of transport function' (cf. 4.2.6.A.3c) stem fromthe causal function in that in both these cases it is the NP marked with -nge 'ablative' which initiates (orenables) the event. While I would maintain that no single (or even core) definition of -nge 'ablative' canbe given for Mparntwe Arrernte, I am not presently sure of exactly how many senses (as opposed tofunctions) this form has.

To further understand the various functions of the ablative it would be useful to examine thevarious other forms -nge enters into opposition with. These are -werne 'allative', -ke 'dative', -le'locative', -tyeke 'purposive', -kerte 'proprietive', and -larlenge 'comitative'. Two forms whichappear to have overlapping functions with -nge are -iperre 'AFTER' and -arenye 'associative'.

4.2.7.A Functions of -werne ALLative4.2.7.A.1 Spatial Functions

(a) In conjunction with motion verbs, -werne 'allative' attaches to a nominal phrase to indicatethe place or direction towards which motion takes place. There is no entailment on whether the movingobject ever arrives at that place, although this is frequently implicated. Allative phrases may occur ascore or peripheral arguments.

(59) a. "Awerle map-aye pmere arre-k-antherre-nhe-werne bad dog pl(grp)-EMPH home 2plPOSS-ALLalpe-rltiw-Ø-aye!"go back-plS/A-IMP-EMPH"Hey you pack of mutts go back to(wards) your own home!"[T8-19]

b. Wenke re nthep-irr-intye-meyng.woman 3sgS woman's dance-INCH-DO COMING-npp

aherre ikwere-werne.kangaroo 3sgDAT-ALLThe young woman came dancing towards the kangaroo.[T10-18]

(b) With verbs which describe an action that can take place over a distance without either theS/A or the Focus/O moving (eg. perception verbs, to spear, shout, etc.), a -werne marked phraseindicates the place or direction towards which the action is directed. In such cases the allative phrasefunctions as a peripheral adjunct (eg. 60).

(60) Antekerre-werne re arlke-rne amp-ikwe-ke.South-ALL 3sg shout-p.immed child-3KinPOSS-DATShe just called out towards the South to her child.

4.2.7.B The morphemic complex -werne-theke/-thepe '-to-wards'Parallel to the association of -ntyele 'onwards' with -nge 'ablative' (cf. §4.2.6.B), -werne

'allative' is also associated with an extensional suffix. This suffix has two allomorphs, -theke and -thepe, and can be glossed as '-wards'; as in 'towards', 'upwards' and 'southwards' (cf. §7.4.2.4). WhileMparntwe speakers use both forms, -theke is the most frequently encountered variant. Somespeakers claim that -thepe is, in fact, an Eastern Arrernte (Ikngerripenhe) form. It is not, as yet, clearwhat dictates the use of one variant or another in the speech of Mparntwe Arrernte speakers.

The morphemic complex -werne-theke '-to-wards' has a number of uses which are distinct fromthose of simple -werne on its own, and which are antonymically related to some, but not all, of the usesof -nge-ntyele 'from-onwards'.

4.2.7.B.1 Spatial Functions(a) As with -werne (4.2.7.A (a)) above, an NP suffixed with -werne-theke can be used with a

motion verb to indicate the place/direction towards which motion happens. Its interpretation differs from-werne 'allative' in that, while -werne phrases with verbs like lhe- 'go' and alpe- 'go back' may beinterpreted as the place where the moving entity ends up, -werne-theke only has the sense that motion isdirected with respect to this reference point. In other words, while -werne may, with some verbs, beinterpreted as either 'to' or 'towards', -werne-theke is only to be interpreted as 'towards'.

(61) ..., [re] are-me-le wenke re-nhe petye-rlenge..., 3sgA see-npp-SS yng.woman 3sg-ACC come-DSikwere-werne-thepe.

3sgDAT-ALL-wards..., when he saw the young woman coming towards him. [T10-16]

(b) The morpheme complex -werne-theke 'allative-wards' may perform the exact same functionas distinguished in 4.2.7.A (b) for -werne 'ALLative'. In short, it can form a phrase which indicates theplace or direction towards which an action which can take place over a distance (eg. perception verbs,cf. example 62) is directed.

(62) Kethe-werne-theke are-rle.ne-me-le imerte theoutside-ALL-wards see-CONT-npp-SS then 1sgAawe-me-le alturle-ampinye-ke, ...hear-npp-SS west-vicinity-DAT, ....While I was looking outside I heard something in the vicinityof the west,... [T8-10]

(c) The point to or towards which a path or other linear object extends can be marked by -werne-theke '-to-wards'. (Compare with -ke-kerte, cf. §4.2.8.B)

(63) Iwerre nhenge Ntaripe-nge-ntyele Imerle-werne-theke inte-me.way REMEMB Heavytree Gap-ABL-onwardsEmily Gap-ALL-wards

lie-nppThe path extends from Heavy tree gap to/towards Emily Gap.

4.2.7.B.2 Endpoint in a transformationWith certain verbs that indicate that an entity has been transformed from one state into another -

werne-theke '-to-wards' can indicate the endpoint of the transformation; that is, the resultant state. Assuch it can be translated by English 'into' (eg. 64)

(64) The ayeye nhenhe Angkelethe-nge-ntyele1sgA story this English-ABL-onwardskngartiwe-me, Arrernte-werne-theketurn over-npp, Arrernte-ALL-wordsI'm translating this story from English into Arrernte.

4.2.7.C Discussion of allative functionsThe senses of -werne 'allative' and -werne-theke '-to-wards', unlike their relational opposites -

nge 'ablative' and -nge-ntyele 'from onwards', are largely confined to the spatial domain. Note,however, that as with -nge-ntyele 'from onwards', we see change of state being treated with the samemorphology as change of location. In this case the endpoint towards which both types of change leadmay be marked with -werne-theke '-to-wards'. Note further, that -werne 'allative' is in semanticcontrast with -ke 'dative' which may mark the end point location of a thing that has moved (cf. §4.2.5.1).With an oriented motion verb like tnye- 'to fall' an allative phrase indicates motion towards the referentof the phrase and entails that it hasn't reached the referent yet, while a dative phrase entails that themoving entity actually reached the referent of the dative phrase. Thus there is a clear distinction betweepotential goal, marked by allative, and actual goal (location) marked by dative. It has often been notedthat it is common for a dative to take on allative functions (cf. Blake 1977: 60-61, 1987:46-52, Blansitt1988), but this is usually discussed in terms of case syncretisms in which the dative takes over the role ofan allative in a language with no allative case form. It is important to realise that a language may, likeMparntwe Arrernte, manifest two distinct allative relations, one carried by the dative and the othercarried by a 'true allative'.

4.2.8.A Functions of -kerte PROPrietive4.2.8.A.1 Possession

A noun phrase marked with -kerte 'proprietive' may be used adnominally (eg. 65c) orpredicatively (eg. 65a,b) to indicate that the head or topic noun phrase possesses, or contains, thereferent of the proprietive phrase. Thus, in some senses, the proprietive is the converse of thepossessive relation; that is, with the proprietive the possessed entity carries the relational suffix and it isthe possessor which is focussed rather than vice versa. Like the 'POSSessive' case which is marked by-kenhe (cf. §4.2.9), the sense of possession with the proprietive is very broad including alienable,inalienable and kin possession.

Unlike the 'POSSessive', the proprietive has no entailment of ownership for alienable possession.For instance -kerte 'PROPrietive' can predicate the temporary possession of an entity which is on loan(eg. 65a). In adnominal use the -kerte phrase typically post-modifies the head.

(65) a. Lyete re Kwementyaye-kenhe mwetekaye-kertenow 3sgS Kwementyaye-POSS car-PROPToday he has Kwementyaye's car.

b. Aherre ne-me apethe-kerte, tayele arlpentye-kerte,kangaroo be-npp pouch-PROP, tail long-PROP,iltye therre-kerte, ante ingke therre-kertehand two-PROP, and feet two-PROPKangaroos have a pouch, a long tail, two arms, and two legs.

c. Artwe angkwere urrpetye-m-urrpetye-kerteman sister few-UQ-few-PROPre yanhe petye-me3sgS there(mid) come-nppThe man with six sisters is coming just over there.

4.2.8.A.2 Characteristics/Attributions(a) Very closely related to the general sense of possession just discussed, and perhaps actually

indescriminable from it, -kerte 'PROPrietive' is used, again adnominally and predicatively, to conveyattributes which characterise an entity (ie. person, place, or thing).

(66) a. Arlwerte-arlwerte-kerte-kwenye, arlpentye-kerte-rlecurly-PROP-NomNEG , long-PROP-FOCNot the curly haired one, the long haired one.[Not the one with curly hair, the one with long hair].

b. Unte-me newe-kerte?2sgS-INTER spouse-PROPAre you married? [Do you have a spouse].

(b) Derivational use - Names of entities with characteristic attributes: A number of wordsreferring to real world entities are derived by adding -kerte 'PROPrietive' to an attribute, typically somepart of the entity, which characterises the referent of the noun lexeme. In other words there are somecases where X-kerte is used as the common name for a thing and the name means 'the X-haver' or 'thething with the prominent X'. Examples are atnethekerte (the stinger-haver) 'scorpion', kngwelyekerte(the dog-haver) 'Greyhound bus' and irlpekerte (the ear-haver) 'the number 7 boomerang (which has apart which looks like an ear)'.

(c) Topic of a linguistic act: A proprietive phrase with -kerte may be used to convey, in generalterms, what a song, story, or conversation is about. In this function it may be used adnominally (eg. 67a)or predicatively (eg. 67b) with respect to a noun phrase referring to a linguistic act (like a story), or itmay be used as a peripheral adjunct with say-tell verbs (eg. 67c).

(67) a. Re-rle alye-lhe-rne-rle utnerreng-atye-kerte.3sgS-REL sing-REFL-p.immed-REL emubush-grub-PROPWhat he just sang was about the utnerrengatye caterpillar.

b. The ayeye ampe-kweke-kerte ile-me ampe mape-ke.1sgA story child-little-PROP(O) tell-npp child pl(grp)-DATI'm going to tell a story about a baby to the kids.

c. Iwenhe-kerte itne angke-rre-pe-rre-me?What-PROP 3plS speak-RECIP-FREQ rdp-nppWhat are they spending so much time talking about?

It is worth noting that titles of stories and songs are derived in this way using -kerte'PROPrietive'. In such derivations it is typically the main protagonist(s) or main entities of concern in thestory or the song, which take such marking. Most frequently the title has a term for story or song as itshead and the proprietive phrase modifies this (eg. 68a), but occasionally the title consists solely of theproprietive phrase (eg. (68b).

(68) a. Ayeye Kngwelye Kweke-kerte.story dog little-PROPThe story of the little dog.

b. Artewe-kerte.Bush-turkey-PROPAbout the Bush Turkey. [T11]

4.2.8.A.3 Accompaniment(a) As a sentential adjunct (peripheral NP) a phrase marked with -kerte 'proprietive' tends to

refer to an entity (person, thing) which accompanies the subject in the performance of an event (state or

action). Unlike some Australian languages (cf. Dixon, 1977:203-312), there is no constraint on theanimacy of the subject or the accompaniment. Typically the accompanying entity is under the control ofthe subject.

(69) a. Apmwerrke, merne-rlke-kerte kere-rlke-kerte, ayengeyesterday, bread-TOO-PROP meat-TOO-PROP, 1sgSirrpe-nhe-ke pmere kake-kenhe-ke re-nhe nthe-tyeke.go into-DoPAST-pc home e.brother-POSS-DAT 3sg-ACC give-

PURPYesterday, I entered my brothers house with some bread and some meat to

give to him.b. Anwerne ulenye lhe-ke kere-ke kngwelye-kerte.

2sgS hunt go-pc game-DAT dog-PROPWe went hunting for game with dogs.

Two further sub-types of the accompaniment function may be identified as follows: (i) theaccompaniment of equipment, and (ii) the comitative use.

(i) In the first case, given particular entities and events, the accompaniment phrase mayinferentially be interpreted as an instrumental, as in example (69)b above. However, while -kerte'proprietive' is clearly the form which marks entities that the subject is equipped with for theperformance of an action (eg. 69b, 70a) it does not entail that those entities are in fact usedinstrumentally. Example (70b) demonstrates that an 'equipment-nounphrase' with the proprietive can befurther marked with the instrumental case form -le.

(70) a. Artwe re kere-ke lhe-tyeme irrtyarte-kerte, amirre-kerte,man 3sg-S game-DAT go-pp spear-PROP, womera-PROP,ante alye-kerte.and boomerang-PROP.The man was going off hunting for game with a spear, a spear-thrower,and a boomerang.

b. Ngke-ke-rle are-me-le, nwerne tnye-rle.pe-kecrack-pc-REL see-npp-SS 1plA dig-Do Along-pctherre-ke-therre-le, crow bar nyente-kerte-le.

two-DAT-two-ADV, crow bar one-PROP-INST.When we saw where they (the witchetty grubs) had cracked out we dug

along two at a time using one crow bar each.[Four people had gone out with two crow bars] [T7-12]

The accompaniment sense is clear with peripheral adjuncts, however it may also apply inadnominal and predicative uses. This is however very difficult to distinguish from possession andattributional senses. For example, in a noun phrase such as arelhe atneme-kerte 'the woman with adigging stick', it is not clear whether the proprietive phrase is restrictive in the sense of picking thewoman with the digging stick out from other women, or whether it indicates possession, or whether the'accompaniment of equipment' sense is the primary one. Indeed, given different contexts, eachinterpretation might be appropriate and it may otherwise be inappropriate to distinguish three senses.

(ii) In the second case a comitative sense, which contrasts with -larlenge 'comitative' (cf.§4.2.12) and the comitative use of -nge 'ablative' (cf. §4.2.6.A.3), may be distinguished. Here -kerte'proprietive' attaches to the person who is being controlled, or who is the non-initiator, in a comitativerelation.

(71) Christine Margie-kerte lhe-me IAD-werne.Christine Margie-PROP go-npp IAD-ALLChristine is going with Margie to IAD. [ie. It was Christine's idea to go, or shewas driving and Margie was tagging along.]

4.2.8.B The morphemic complexes : NP-ke-kerte / V-tyeke-kerte 'endpoint, extent'The proprietive can attach to a dative marked noun phrase or a purposive marked verb to form

an adverbial phrase which indicates the end point extent of a state or an action. Noun phrases markedin this way may have a spatial or temporal adverbial function, while verbs marked in this way have only atemporal interpretation.

4.2.8.B.1 Spatial FunctionWith predicates with a motion component NP-ke-kerte 'NP-DAT-PROP' indicates the place

up to, and including which, an act of motion extends. This does not entail that this point is thedestination, or that motion ceases. For example, one can travel up to a certain point and then turn andtravel in another direction; the turning point being the endpoint extent of one line of travel and the

beginning point of a new one (eg. 72). NP-ke-kerte 'up until NP' may also indicate the endpoint extentof a linear, extended object, as in (73).

(72) Alhere-ke-kerte alhe-Ø; kele anteme ayerrere-irre-Ø.creekbed-DAT-PROP go-IMP; O.K. now north-INCH-IMPGo up until the creek bed, then turn north.

(73) Irrtyarte ikwerenhe urteke-ware, pwerlepe-ke-kerte.spear 3sgPOSS short-DISMIS, shoulder-DAT-PROPHis spear was just a short one, it went up to his shoulder.

4.2.8.B.2 Temporal FunctionThe morphemic complex -ke-kerte '-DAT-PROP' can occur on temporal nominals and

nominals referring to stage of life and historical periods to indicate that some state or event lasted up untilthat point in time (eg. 74) .

(74) Ayenge Bungalow Schoole-ke irrpe-ke wenke-ke-kerte.1sgS Bungalow school-DAT enter-pc young woman-DAT-PROPI went to the Bungalow school until I was a young woman.

When -kerte 'proprietive' attaches to a 'purposive' marked verb, the resultant form indicates thatsome other state or event is in process and continues until the verb event marked by the morphemiccomplex is accomplished. The typical inference is that the cessation of the main verb event is contingentupon the accomplishment of the event marked with -tyeke-kerte '-PURP-PROP' (eg. 75).

(75) Re artne-pe-kwete-artne-ke, m-ikwe petyalpe-tyeke-kerte.3sgS cry-FREQ-still-rdp-pc, mother-3KINPOSS come back-PURP-

PROPHe kept on crying until his mother returned.

It is worth suggesting, in passing, that the contribution of -kerte 'proprietive' in these morphemecomplexes is to indicate the inclusion, or containment, of the spatial or temporal point specified within thepath or temporal range indicated. In a sense then it would have a function parallel to that of 'including' in

the English phrase 'up to and including'. Note that, as mentioned previously, dative can have the functionof marking final, end-point, location (destination) and so could be expected to be used to show 'extent'(cf. §4.2.5.1). By contrast, as noted with respect to example (72) the -ke-kerte '-DAT-PROP'complex can mark a point that is not a final destination, but one which is contained within a longer pathof travel.

4.2.8.C Discussion of proprietive functionsThe case form -kerte 'proprietive' is the equivalent of what has often been glossed as the

'HAVING' suffix for Australian languages (cf. Dixon 1976:203-310). As the above list of functionsshows, -kerte covers a semantic range which only partially overlaps with that of English 'have', and'other English lexemes which may commonly translate -kerte are 'with' and 'about'.

For another Australian language, Kayardild, Evans (1985:100) has suggested that the primaryfunction of the proprietive -kuru should be explicated as 'X can expect Y to be in the same place as Xwhen X wants, and X can do with Y what X wants'. Such an explication would suffice for those uses of-kerte 'proprietive' where someone's ownership of an alienable object is concerned, but this is by nomeans a central use. In fact, -kerte 'purposive' is often used to skirt around the whole issue of owership(cf. 4.2.8.A.1 above). Indeed, for Mparntwe Arrernte, there is no evidence that there is a singleprimary function of the proprietive. While it does not, at present, seem possible to explicate a singlecore invariant for -kerte 'proprietive', there are a number of recurrent semantic components sharedbetween different (but not all) functions.

If X is Y-kerte, then for a number of functions it must be the case that 'Y is in the same place asX'. This is true of the accompaniment functions, as well as some possessive uses. For another subset offunctions there is a shared semantic component 'What Y does is what X wants it to do'. This expressesthe sense that the noun phrase marked with -kerte 'proprietive' refers to a non-initiating entity. Note thatthis is similar to, but not as strong as, the second part of Evans explication of -kuru 'proprietive' forKayardild. In comitative uses in Mparntwe Arrernte (cf. 4.2.8.A.3a(ii)), it would be untrue to say that'X can do with Y what X wants' although it is true that in this function, as in other accompanimentfunctions, that the referent of the proprietive marked noun phrase is doing an action which is the same orsimilar to that of the subject of the action, and which it is doing, at the subject's instigation. This elementof being controlled is also relevant to the alienable possessive functions of -kerte 'proprietive'.

The attribute functions (cf. §4.2.8.A.2) contain, amongst other components, the component that'Y is something that X has which one can say causes it to be different from other things of the samekind'. Thus 'greyhound buses' are distinguished from other buses by having a dog on the side (cf.§4.2.8.A.2b), a story about a little dog is distinguished from other stories by virtue of having a little dog

in it (cf. example 68a), and a married person is distinguished from other people by virtue of having aspouse (cf. example 66b). It is often the case that in attributional uses Y is a part of X. The part-wholerelation is also, by definition, a feature of -kerte's use in describing inalienable possession. As notedpreviously, the notion of inclusion, or being a part of something, may be relevant to -kerte's occurrencein the morphemic complex referring to endpoint extent (cf. 4.2.8.B above).

4.2.9 Functions of -kenhe POSSessiveEvidence from the pronouns (cf. §3.7) suggests that the possessive suffix is originally composed

of the dative -ke and a form -nhe which may be the reflex of the accusative suffix or which may insteadbe the original possessive suffix. Note, for instance, that the 3rd person singular possessive ikwerenhe isformed by adding -nhe to the suppletive 3rd singular dative form ikwere.

Similarly, complex pronouns such as arr-anthe-rre '2pl-OPP.Moi-pl', which form the dative byplacing -ke between the first two morphemes (arre-k-anthe-rre), form the possessive by adding -nhe atthe end of the dative form complex: arre-k-anthe-rre-nhe '2plPOSS'. On one analysis then, it would bepossible to say -nhe is a possessive morpheme and it controls dative form for both nominals andpronominals. Two factors which go against this approach, and which favour viewing -kenhe as a singlemorphemic unit synchronically, are the following:

(i) while non-core case forms are based on the dative forms for pronouns, cases are usually attached directly to a nominal without any intervening case form

necessary. There is however no such possessive form as *artwe- nhe (man-POSS) 'man's'.

and (ii) native speakers tend to regard -kenhe as a single indivisible unit.

4.2.9.1 PossessionAs its gloss implies the main function of -kenhe 'possessive' is to mark possession, and in this

function it may be used adnominally, or predicatively. It forms one of three constructions in which it is thepossessor argument which is subordinated and the possessed argument is the head or focus of theconstruct. The other two constructs are inalienable possession marked by apposition of part and wholearguments (cf. §10.1.2), and kin possession marked by the dative (cf. §3.9.1.2 and §4.2.5.8). Thepossessive phrase with -kenhe has a broader range of application which includes the expression ofinalienable possession and kin possession. This is not to say that a POSSessive phrase is a priorisubstitutable for the appositional construct or the 'dative of kin possession'; each construct has its ownsemantics and functional range. For example, a 'dative of kin possession noun phrase', such as atyenge

tyeye (1sgDAT younger sibling) 'my younger sibling', may be used either as a term of address (you) oras term of third person reference while the corresponding POSSessive construct, tyeye tyenhe (youngersibling 1sgPOSS) 'my younger sibling', may only be used as a term of third person reference.

Of the three constructs mentioned the POSSessive construct is the only one which expressesalienable possession. In this use it entails ownership of the alienable object (eg. 76). This is in distinctcontrast to the PROPrietive (cf. §4.2.8) which has a similar range of application as far as possession isconcerned, but which has a converse alignment of head and modifying argument, and which only entailsthat the 'possessor' has something with them (ie. the possessed entity) but with no entailment ofownership.

(76) A: Imp-Ø-aye, nhenhe Yeperenye-kenheleave-IMP-EMPH this Yipirinya-POSSmwetekaye, atyenhe-kwenye.vehicle,1sgPOSS-NomNEG

B: Iwenhe-nge unte Yeperenye-kenhe mwetekaye-kerte?what-ABL 2sgS Yipirinya-POSS vehicle-PROP

A: Hey, leave it alone, this is Yipirinya's vehicle, not mine.B: Why do you have Yipirinya's vehicle?

Furthermore, while an English phrase such as 'John's picture' may refer to the picture that John owns orthe picture of John (among other interpretations, cf. Anderson 1985), in Mparntwe Arrernte anequivalent POSSessive construct (picture John-kenhe) would have only the first sense (ie. ownership),while the second sense would be conveyed by the PROPrietive (picture John-kerte [a picture with Johnin it]).

4.2.9.2 Entity used to provide desired commodityAdnominally -kenhe may also be used to create a noun phrase referring to something by means

of which, or from which, some desired commodity can be obtained. Here -kenhe attaches to thedesired commodity and the modified noun refers to the general class of entity of which the referent of thenounphrase is a specific member (eg. 77).

(77) a. Kngwelye aherre-kenheDog kangaroo-POSS

A Kangaroo dog

b. Makite kere-kenhegun game-POSSA hunting rifle

c. arne kwatye-kenhetree water-POSSA water tree (ie. a tree from which one can get drinking water)

d. pwerte ure-kenherock fire-POSSA flint [a stone for fire]

e. urtne merne-kenhecoolamon v.food-POSSA coolamon for putting bush fruit and bush vegetables in.

There is no sense of ownership or possession in this use of -kenhe, although it does require a habitualassociation of the head entity to the modifying entity as well as the sense that the referent of the phrase issomething people use to acquire a desired commodity. This construction is akin to common Englishnoun-noun compounds such as bird-dog; cattle-dog; fruit tree, etc.

4.2.9.3 Derivational Use: Terms for Entities with Particular Functionsin Respect to Another Entity

Derivationally -kenhe 'possessive' has a use which is similar to that in §4.2.9.2, in that thereferent of the derived lexeme is related by its function to the referent of the base of the derivation. Thisform derives new lexemes where X-kenhe refers to 'something people use for thing X (in some way),and which is thought of as only belonging with thing X (and not belonging with anything else)' (eg. 78).

(78) a. werlatye-kenhe = a brabreast-POSS

b. rlkerte-kenhe = medicines

sickness-POSS

c. kwarte-kenhe = egg cartonegg-POSS

d. floor-kenhe = carpet/floor tilesfloor-POSS

As can be seen from the above list, this derivation has been used to incorporate a number of newartifacts arising from contact with white settlement.4.2.9.4 Discussion of possessive functions

While each function of -kenhe 'possessive' would require separate definition, it is worth notingthat all of -kenhe's uses appear to share a semantic invariant which may be explicated along the followinglines:

(Y) X-kenhe = 'when one thinks of Y, one thinks of it as something that is usually in thesame place as X (,this is the right place for Y to be)'. [ie. X belongs with Y]

Thus, when one thinks of a 'bra' one thinks of it as usually being in the same place as 'breasts' (cf.example 78a), and when one thinks of a 'kangaroo dog' one thinks of it as usually being in the placewhere 'kangaroos' are (cf. example 77a) and when one thinks of the 'Yeperenye bus' one thinks of it asusually being in the place where 'Yeperenye' is (cf. example 76). This definition of the semanticinvariant (which must not be seen as a full definition of -kenhe 'possessive') attempts to capture a senseof habitual association, but does not entail that the two associated entities are always together in oneplace. Thus, while -kenhe 'possessive' is consistent with inalienable possession, it does not entail it.Note that -kerte 'proprietive' (cf. §4.2.8) contains no sense of habitual association but only entails thattwo things happen to be together at a certain point in time, not that they belong together.

4.2.10 Functions of -arenye ASSOCiative4.2.10.1 Spatial Function

The case suffix -arenye 'associative' typically associates a person, animal, or thing with the placewhere they habitually live or are usually found. The suffix is added to the term designating the particularplace and may be translated by: 'from X'; 'X-dwellers'; 'denizens of X'; or 'belonging to place X'. Such'associative' phrases may be used adnominally (eg. 79a) or predicatively (eg. 79b and c).

(79) a. Tyerrtye Iwepethek-arenye mape ikwere mwarre ne-ke.person Jay Creek-ASSOC pl(grp) 3sgDat good be-pcThe people from Jay Creek (or the people belonging to Jay Creek)were kind to him.

b. Aherte, rapite kwenhe, ipert-arenye.rabbit, rabbit ASSERT, hole-ASSOC.Aherte, that is rabbits, are hole-dwellers. [denizens of holes]

c. Urlpe nhenhe ayerrer-arenye ne-me.red ochre this north-ASSOC. be-npp.This red ochre is from the north.[i.e. is the kind that's typically found in the north.]

A person may have a number of different places with which they are habitually associated,besides the place where they reside, and -arenye 'associative' may be used to convey each of theseassociations. Thus, an Mparntw-arenye (Alice Springs-ASSOC; Alice Springs-dweller) person whoworks for the Institute for Aboriginal Development (IAD) may also be said to be I.A.D.-arenye andbecause they were born at Santa Teresa Mission (Ltyentye Purte) would also be regarded to beLtyentye Purt-arenye. This same person could have traditional responsibilities for yet another place and,once again, -arenye 'associative' would be appropriate for predicating this association.

4.2.10.2 Kinship: Group AssociationAs well as places, -arenye 'associative' may also, although more rarely, attach to family names

and terms for kin and family groups. Associative phrases of this type indicate that one person, or anumber of people, belong to the family group indicated. In fact one can ask "ngwenh-arenye?" (who-ASSOC) meaning what (family) group of people does this person belong with."

(80) a. Anwakerre-kwenye, Malyenweke-arenye.SAME PATRIMOIETY-NomNEG OPPOSITE-PATRIMOIETY-ASSOCShe's) not the same patrimoiety (as us), (she) belongs to theopposite patrimoiety.

b. Ampe ngwenhe Stevens-arenye?

child who Stevens-ASSOCWhich child is one of the Stevens family?

Note that, idiomatically, -arenye 'ASSOCiative' attaches to nyente 'one' to form nyentarenyewhich means 'a loner; alone, by oneself'. [Literally, habitually associated with one].

4.2.10.3 Part-Whole RelationsThere are also uses of -arenye 'ASSOCiative' which in English could be translated by 'part of'.

In these cases -arenye attaches to the term for a whole object and the 'associative' relation is predicatedof some object which would be considered as either a separable or inseparable part of the whole. A lidto a teapot can be said to be teapot-arenye 'part of the teapot; belonging to the teapot', similarly thearm, amwelte, can be said to be tyerrty-arenye (body/person-ASSOC) 'part of the body; part of aperson'.

4.2.10.4 Derivational Uses(a) Used to derive personal names: The place with which a family or a person has a habitual,

and identifying, association may form the basis of a family or personal name, or a nickname. -Arenye'ASSOCiative' is added to place names to derive these personal names. A number of families from theWestern Arrernte area are recognised as having surnames which are derived in this way. Thus thesurname Mukatarinja [Mwekatarenye], at least originally means "those people (the family) with ahabitual association with Mwekata". Example (81) shows this form used as a nickname.

(81) "Iwepetheke-areny-aye. Nthenhe-wern-aye?"Jay Creek-ASSOC-EMPH. Where-ALL-EMPHHey Jay Creek! Where are you going? [You should be over here].

(b) Names of things associated with a particular location or habitat: A number of wordsreferring to entities of different types have been derived by adding -arenye 'ASSOCiative' to the place orhabitat in which the referent of the derived form is typically found. Thus X-arenye refers to "somethingwhich is habitually found in place X" (eg. 82).

(82) a. alayarenye = sea shell (sea-dweller; belonging to the sea)

b. arnarenye = insects (tree, plant-dwellers)

c. irrerntarenye = spirit being who inhabits one location. [May be invisibleor may look like people who still wear traditional clothing.] (cold-dwellers;belonging to the cold.)

4.2.10.5 Discussion of associative functionsThe functions of -arenye 'ASSOCiative' listed above have a clear semantic association with one

another. Note, for example, that in its spatial, kinship, and part-whole functions -arenye always attachesto a form which refers to something which can be seen to contain the thing which the phrase modifies orpredicates something about. It therefore goes on the whole term which contains the part; the familygroup term which contains the individual member or members; and the place term which would spatiallycontain the entities which would live, work, or simply exist there. Moreover, the association which -arenye describes is always a habitual or typical association: the part is necessarily associated with thewhole; the individual has a family and kin grouping with which they are always associated; and variousentities will be associated with the place where they are typically found. A rough, overarching,explication of the phrase (X) Y-arenye would be something like:

When one thinks of X one commonly thinks of Y.X is something/someone which is often found within (the place where) X (is).

Of course, since an entity may be uniquely associated with a particular place it is not surprisingthat this association may be used to identify and name such an entity. Thus, the derivational uses are alogical extension of this basic meaning.

4.2.11 Functions of -iperre ~ -ipenhe = AFTERThe forms -iperre and -ipenhe are here treated simply as stylistic, but not semantic, variants. In

my data and investigations I have been unable to determine a semantic split across any of the functions inwhich these two forms participate which native speakers could identify consistently. Thisnotwithstanding, it should be pointed out that Rosie Ferber (an Mparntwe Arrernte person) and GavanBreen do identify (1984:15) a semantic difference between these forms. It is worth quoting them inextenso on this point. Discussing the question form iwenhe ipenhe, which translates as 'why?', they say:

"This has a very similar meaning to iwenhe iperre, and we could have the same question and answer withipenhe instead of iperre. They are not exactly the same, though.

If we compare the questions:

Thenhe iperre unte? and Thenhe ipenhe unte?where AFTER you where AFTER you

we can see a difference between iperre and ipenhe. If you ask a person Thenhe iperre unte?, he is astranger and you want to know which country he comes from. If you ask him Thenhe ipenhe unte?,you'll be asking him where he's been since you just lately saw him. The answer to the first one might be:Yenge apele alturle iperre. 'I'm from the west.' The answer to the second one might be: Yenge townipenhe apetyalperne. 'I just came back from town.'

It should also be pointed out that I beg to differ with Ferber and Breen (1984) regarding themorphological status of -iperre and -ipenhe. They regard, and write, these forms as independent words,while I say they are bound suffixes like all other case forms. My justification is that they do not takeindependent word stress, they cannot be said independently in citation form (ie they are dependent onanother element for their occurrence), and, like all vowel initial suffixes and clitics - but unlike vowelinitial words - they require, in normal speech, the elision of the final /ë/ of the word to which they areattached. Of the two allomorphs, -iperre is by far the more commonly occurring.

4.2.11.A Functions with Nominals4.2.11.A.1 Temporal Functions

(a) A nominal representing a specific time period or event can be marked with -iperre~ ipenhe to indicate a prior time or event after which something else happens. [ie. after; from; havingdone X (, then Y)]

(83) a. ...nwerne lhe-ke ... dinner-iperre ......1plS go-pc dinner-AFTER ......After dinner, we went ... [T7-1]

b. ..., ankw-iperre kem-irre-me-le window-le tne-rle.ne-me-le...., sleep-AFTER get up-INCH-npp-SS window-LOC stand-CONT-

npp-SS

...after sleeping I got up and was standing at the window. [After having been asleep ...].[T8-8]

(b) -Iperre ~ ipenhe 'AFTER' can indicate something which has a previous, but presentlydiscontinued, association with the thing to which the case is attached (eg. 84). In this sense this suffixmay be translated as 'formerly' or 'from'.

(84) The kenhe knge-ke ... kwatye plastic nhenge, plastic orange1sgA BUT carry-pc ... water plasticREMEMB, plastic orangejuice-iperre nheng-ulkere-larlenge. P.-le kenhe knge-ke kwatyejuice-AFTER REMEMB-KIND-COM B.-ERG BUT carry-pc.

waterarrpenhe ngkwarl-iperre kngerre nhenge yanhe-ulkere-larlenge.other grog-AFTER big REMEMB that(mid)-KIND-COM.I carried water in a plastic thing, in one of those things that had formerly had

orange juice in it. B., on the other hand, carried some more water in a big thing, likethat which had previously contained wine. [T7-7,8]

4.2.11.A.2 Cause/Result Functions(a) The immediate, or direct, cause of a certain event or state will be marked with -iperre ~

-ipenhe 'AFTER' (eg. 85).

(85) a. Mern-iperre atnerte kngerre.Food-AFTER stomach bigI'm full. (Lit. I have a big stomach because of food [i.e.the food I've just eaten]).

b. Re ilwe-kearrwengkelthe kurn-ipenhe.3sgS die-pc disease bad-AFTER

He died from a bad disease.

(b) Closely related to function 4.2.11.A.1a, -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' can indicate a thing orquality which is the direct result of the entity/event referred to by the form to which the suffix attaches(eg. 86).

(86) a. Artwe re aherr-ipenhe are-ke.man 3sgA kangaroo-AFTER(O) see-pcThe man saw the evidence of a kangaroo, [i.e. the tracks,droppings, and eaten plants]

b. Wale mape pmer-arenye itne-ke artwe re-therre ile-kewell group camp-ASSOC 3pl-DAT man 3-dl-A tell-pcnhenge, altyerr-iperre nhenhe-ketye kwenhe.REMEMB, dream-AFTERthis-AVER. ASSERT.So, the two men told all the people from the camp about this, toprevent the results of this (bad) dream (happening). [T11-T29,30]

4.2.11.A.3 Spatial FunctionPlace or direction terms suffixed with -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' can be interpreted as marking

the place where a person/thing was before moving to be in the place where they are now.

(87) a. Wale, artwe arrpenhe re anper-irre-nhe-ke artwewell man other 3sgS pass-INCH-DO PAST-pc manantekerr-iperre ikwere.south-AFTER 3sgDATWell, this man went past the man from the south. [From a text by Willie

Rice in Hendersen ed. 1986]

b. Darwin-iperre m-atye petyalpe-ke apmwerrke-ulkere.Darwin-AFTER mother-1KinPOSS come-back-pc yesterday-MOREMy mother came back from Darwin a few weeks ago.

While this use of -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' appears to overlap with some of the spatial functions of -nge 'ABLative' there are differences. One difference, according to some speakers, is that in a sentencelike (87)b, -iperre 'AFTER' conveys that the person had spent quite a bit of time in Darwin. If,however, -nge 'ABLative' is used instead, this would be consistent with Darwin simply being a briefstop-over point; for connecting flights for example. As another example of the distinction between -nge'ABLative' and -iperre ~ -ipenhe, note the difference in interpretation between examples (88)a and(88)b.

(88) a. The re-nhe ine-ke Ian-nge.1sgA 3sg-ACC get-pc Ian-ABLI got it from Ian (i.e. the money or the book)

b. The re-nhe ine-ke Ian-iperre1sgA 3sg-ACC get-pc Ian-AFTER I

got it from Ian (it would refer to a rash, or disease but not money /book).

Thus with the transfer verb ine- 'get' a person could be marked as the source from which an objectmoved to another person by using -nge 'ABLative'. However, if -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' is used,then the person is not the source of a moving object but the source from which something like a diseasehas spread. This sense can obviously be seen to overlap with the causal sense of 4.2.11.A.2a.

It is also, worth pointing out that -arenye 'ASSOCiative' (cf. §4.2.10) also contrasts in its spatialusage with -nge 'ABLative' and -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER'. Thus even though, when attached to aplace term, all three could be translated by English 'from', they are all semantically distinct. We havealready seen how -nge 'ablative' and -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' are distinguished. As for -arenye'associative', it differs from each of these other two morphemes in the same way. -Nge 'ablative' and -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' entail that an entity moved away from the place suffixed with these forms.This is not an entailment with -arenye 'associative' which only requires habitual association with theplace. The question in example (89), 'Are you from here?', can therefore only use -arenye'ASSOCiative' and not the other forms. If either of the other forms had been used, one would be askingthe addressee if s/he was presently in a place that is away from the place that s/he is presently located,which would be illogical.

(89) Unte-me nhenhe-arenye/*-nge/*iperre?you-INTERR here-ASSOC/*-ABL/*AFTER

Are you from here?

4.2.11.A.4 Cohesive Function, DiscourseAs with -nge 'ABLative', -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' attached to ikwere '3sg DAT' can be used

to introduce new events or episodes into a text. Ikwer-iperre could roughly be translated by "After thatthen ....", and clearly marks that the preceding episode event has come to an end and a new one isbeginning.

(90) Ikwer-ipenhe thipe kweke re alkere-k-irre-me-le3sgDAT-AFTER bird small 3sgS sky-DAT-INCH-npp-SSpmere-werne alkere-le-lhe-me-le alpe-kehome-ALL sky-LOC-go-npp-SS go back-pcAfter that, then the little bird took off into the air and flew home.

4.2.11.B -TENSE-le-iperre verb forms 'After V happens, then Y'Adverbial clauses (eg. 91a andb) and adnominal modifiers (eg. 91c) may be derived by suffixing

-iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' to verbs subordinated with "same-subject" -le (cf. chapter 11). Such formscan convey the range of temporal and cause/result functions given above for -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER'on nominals. Thus, V-tense-l-iperre can convey such notions as : 'After V happens, then Y' (eg. 91a);'V happening is the immediate cause of Y' (eg. 91b); and 'something which has, or is, the quality or resultof doing V action' (eg. 91c).

(91) a. ... nwerne lhe-ke, merne arlkwe-ke-l-iperre, dinner-iperre... 1plS go-pc food eat-pc-SS-AFTER dinner-AFTERUndoolya Road itwe pwerte nhenge yanhe mape-werneUndoolya Road near hill REMEMB. that(mid) group(pl)-

ALLtyape-ke unthe-tyeke.witchetty-DAT look-for-PURP.We went, after eating some food, after dinner, to the spot along the

Undoolya Road near where those mountains are, to look for witchetty grubs. [T7-1,2]

b. Ngkwerne ultake-lhe-ke re arne-nge tnye-ke-l-iperre.bone-Sbreak-REFL-pc 3sgS tree-ABL fall-pc-SS-AFTER

Her leg was broken from her falling out of a tree.

c. Newe-l-ikwe ilte-ke artwe ntywe-ke-l-iperre re-nhe.spouse-ERG-3KinPOSS scold-pc man drink-pc-SS-AFTER

3sg-ACC His spouse berated the drunken man. [ie. the man who hadpreviously been drinking].

4.2.11.C Discussion of functions of 'AFTER'It seems logical to say that all the functions discussed above for -iperre ~ -ipenhe are derived

from its primary temporal sense of 'after'. In other words, -iperre ~ -ipenhe 'AFTER' always marksome entity or event which comes before, and is often conceptually linked to, some other entity or eventbeing talked about. Thus the cause, here, always temporally precedes the result. Similarly, in a case like(86a) above, where the -iperre phrase is referring to the results themself, it is marking the entity whichwas there before (ie the kangaroo) and which left the results of its presence behind it (ie. droppings,tracks, etc.). As for the spatial use, I noted that -iperre ~ -ipenhe always marks the place that an entitywas located at before moving. Finally, the discourse cohesive function is clearly a temporal functionindicating that an event/episode follows after the event/episode so-marked. It might be said, then, thatas well as providing its gloss, 'after' is also a sufficiently simple explication for -iperre ~ -ipenhe'AFTER'.

4.2.12 Functions of -larlenge COMitativeWhile -nge 'ABLative' and -kerte 'PROPrietive' both have a comitative function (cf. §4.2.6.A.3

and §4.2.8.A.3) which relates to the numerous other functions of these forms; -larlenge's only use is as acomitative. In general it is used in situations where the two entities in the comitative relation are thoughtof as being equally in, or out of, control of the event they are involved in. Two types of comitativerelations with -larlenge can be identified:

4.2.12.1 Simple ComitativeIn the simple comitative use, -larlenge indicates that two entities are together in the same place

and are playing the same role in the event described by an utterance. -Larlenge 'comitative'could attach to the phrase referring to either entity, and this would only change which entity is beingfocussed, but would not describe a different event or a different relation between the entities (unlike -nge'ablative' and -kerte 'proprietive', see discussion in §4.2.12.3). The noun phrase without -larlenge

'comitative' refers to the entity in the comitative relation which is in focus (as the head of theconstruction).

(92) a. Pwepelye irrpenge-larlenge arnerre-le ne-me kwaty-iperre.tadpole fish-COM rock-hole-LOC be-npp rain-AFTERAfter the rain tadpoles along with fish live in the rockholes.

b. ..., atningke ikwere-larlenge mpwepe-le re tne-ke...., mob(alot) 3sgDAT-COM middle-LOC 3sgS stand-pc..., with the mob [standing around him] he stood there in themiddle (ie he stood in the middle of the mob.) [T11-37]

4.2.12.2 Comitative of ContainmentAn interesting feature of -larlenge's usage is that when one is talking about a thing (typically a

mass noun) being together with the thing which contains it, -larlenge 'COMitative' must occur on thecontainer and not the contained (eg. 92). In this usage the form often translates as 'in, inside'.

(93) a. Artwe-le lhengkiwe-ke tobacco ikwerenheman-Erg hide-pc tobacco 3sgPOSStyampite-larlenge pmere arrengekwe-ke.tin-can-COM house other side-DATThe man hid his tobacco (which is) in a tin-can, on the other sideof the house. [ie the tobacco in the tin can was hidden - bothcontainer and contained]

b. ... re petyalpe-ke urlt-ampe-kerte; arntape-larlenge3sg S come back-pc hollow-honey-PROP; bark-COMngkwarle urlt-ampe.sweet-stuff hollow-honey(sugarbag)....he returned with some wild honey (ie. sugarbag; from hollow intree); wild honey in a piece of bark. [From text by Willie Rice in

Henderson ed. 1986]

It is quite possible that example (92)b above is meant to have an interpretation more in line with that ofthe 'comitative of containment' than with the simple comitative.

4.2.12.3 Discussion of comitative functionsIn both uses of -larlenge 'COMitative', the two entities which the form relates are thought of as

being in the same place as each other and they both have the same type of involvement with respect tothe event specified. As far as 'container' and 'contained' are concerned, the asymmetry in ability to besuffixed with -larlenge 'COMitative' may have to do with the fact that the actual location of the'contained' is fully dependent on the location of the 'container', whereas the reverse proposition is notequally true.

The way in which -larlenge differs from comitative uses of -nge 'ABLative' and -kerte'PROPrietive' has to do with the fact that it does not ascribe 'control' to either of the entities in therelation. 'Control' here refers either to one entity's acting as the initiator of an event also involvinganother, or the inherent dominance relation between the two entities. By contrast, -nge 'ABLative' (cf.§4.2.6.A.3) marks the controlling argument in a comitative relation while -kerte 'PROPrietive' (cf.§4.2.8.A.3) marks the controlled argument in a comitative relation. The heads of each of these twocomitative constructs are, therefore, the 'controlled' and the 'controller' respectively. The examples in(94) demonstrate the contrast in the comitative use of each of these three forms. Note that eachsentence can be given the same English translation, although the optional used of 'along' and 'together'helps disambiguate the control relations.

(94) a. Rosie Margaret-nge lhe-ke lhere-werne.Rosie Margaret-ABLgo-pc creek-bed-ALLRosie went (along) to the creek with Margaret. [It

was Margaret's idea; Margaret drove].b. Rosie Margaret-kerte lhe-ke lhere-werne.

Rosie Margaret-PROP go-pc creek-bed ALLRosie went to the creek with Margaret (along).[It was Rosie's idea; Rosie drove]

c. Rosie Margaret-larlenge lhe-ke lhere-werne.Rosie Margaret-COM go-pc creek-bed-ALLRosie went to the creek (together) with Margaret. It

was both/neither of their idea; someone else drove].

The examples in (94) demonstrate how Mparntwe Arrernte requires its speakers to specify controlrelations for comitatives, whereas English does not. Whether the 'co-control' sense associated with -larlenge 'COMitative' arises from its position in a system vis-a-vis -nge 'ablative' and -kerte'proprietive', or whether it is part of its inherent meaning, is still a matter for investigation.

4.2.13 Functions -ketye AVERsiveThe suffixe -ketye 'AVERsive' is unique in that it may be added directly to either noun or verb

roots (cf. §5.3.3.3). When it is attached to nouns, it acts as a case suffix, according to the criteriaoutlined previously (cf. §4.1.2), and it is this usage which the present section discusses. Note that as anominal case -ketye 'AVERsive' only ever functions to convey outer periphepal arguments.

4.2.13.1 Avoidance of entity which could cause something bad to happen-Ketye 'AVERsive', in its most frequent usage, indicates that the subject does (will do) the verb

action in order to avoid something bad happening. The noun phrase which is marked with -ketye'aversive' is the entity which would cause this bad thing to happen unless it is avoided (eg. 95). Commontranslations for X-ketye in this function are for 'fear of X'; 'lest X (do something bad)'; and 'so that Xdoesn't do anything bad'.

(95) a. Kngwelye itne-ke-ketye kwele alknge-therrkedog 3pl-DAT-AVER QUOT cat(eye green)-Salwirre-me-le unte-ke.run-away-npp-SS hurry-away-pcFor fear of the dogs the cat made a hurried escape.[Lest the dogs got it, the cat ran away]

b. Arrpenhe angke-ke, "Kwatye-werne alpe-rre-tyekeother-S say-pc., water-ALL go back-dl S/Ailerne, ure-ketye."1dlS, fire-AVER.The other one said, "We have to go back to the water, for fear ofthe fire. [or else the fire will get us.] [T9-13]

c. Kwatye re-nhe antywe-Ø, uterne-ketye.water 3sg-ACC drink-IMP, summer/sun-AVERDrink the water so that the heat (sun) won't get to you.

4.2.13.2 Kin AvoidanceIn the function discussed in §4.2.13.1 above, the -ketye 'AVERsive' marked NP would be the

direct cause of an event that would have physically bad consequences. The suffix -ketye 'aversive' can,however, also be used in situations of kin avoidance, where the person who is the subject of the actiondoes the action to avoid a socially bad situation. In such cases the aversive-marked noun-phrase wouldnot actually cause something bad to happen, but its avoidance makes sure that there is no closeproximity betwen proscribed kin relations (eg. 96). In this usage -ketye 'AVERsive' often translates as'away from'.

(96) a. Door-ketye lhe-rlt.iwe-Ø ayenge arrate-nhe-tyenhe.nge.Door-AVER go-pl S/A-IMP, 1sgS appear-DO PAST-CNTNGNTYou mob get away from the door, so that I can get out.[Woman talking to her elder brother, with whom she had an avoidancerelation (cf.§1.2.4.3. Note the use of plural S/A marking on the imperative

verb form, event though only one person is being addressed. This is afeature of the avoidance language in this relationship].

b. Artwe re mwer-ikwe-ketye ularr-irre-ke. man3sgS mother-in-law-3KinPOSS-AVER face away-INCH-pc

The man turned away from [for fear of] his mother-in-law.

4.2.13.3 Spatial Sense: Away FromFor some few speakers -ketye 'AVERsive' can be used in association with the form ularre 'to

face away' to simply convey the spatial notion "away from" without any sense that some bad situation isto be avoided. For these speakers there is a distinction in the pronominal forms between -ketye'AVERsive' added to the suppletive dative pronominal forms to indicate aversion (eg. ikwere-ketye [3sgDat-AVER] = for fear of him/her/it) and -tye added to these forms to indicate "away from" (eg. ikwere-tye [3 sg DAT-AWAY] = "away from him/her/it").

(97) Mweteke pmere-ketye ularre ne-me.

car camp-AVER face-away be-nppThe car is facing away from the camp.[One could use pmere ikwere-tye here.]

4.2.13.4 Discussion of aversive functionsThe gloss 'AVERsive' is used because it is true that in most cases a bad event or situation is

being averted. Comparable forms in other languages have been glossed as 'Negative Causative' (eg.Yallop, 1977:975-76, for Alyawarra -ikitja), 'Lest' , 'Fear', or 'Fearitive'. In both the functions in§4.2.13.1 and §4.2.13.2 above, the S/A of the main verb event performs the action with the intention ofmaking sure that some particular second event or situation does not happen, because it would be a badthing to happen. (i.e. X do Y not wanting bad thing Z to happen). In §4.2.13.1, however, it would bethe referent of the noun phrase suffixed with -ketye 'AVERsive' which could cause the bad event tohappen (W could cause bad thing Z to happen.), whereas in §4.2.13.2 it is the failure to avoid thereferent which would bring about a socially bad situation (ie.not staying away from W would causesomeone P to be close to person Q, that would be a bad thing because W is not allowed to be close toQ (because of the way they are related to each other) ).

The use of -ketye 'aversive' in the simple spatial sense "away from" is clearly related to the abovesenses since in a large number of cases one does physically stay away from the thing referred to by the -ketye phrase in order to avoid something unpleasant. It is not yet clear, however, what the small groupof people who use -ketye in this sense have in common (socially; assuming it is related to a socialvariable), nor is it clear whether this is an original or an extended sense of the form.4.2.14 Summary of case functions

The above presentation of case forms and their functions demonstrates, albeit in a cursoryfashion, the very broad area of semantic/functional space covered by these few forms. Table 4-4 ismeant to be nothing more than a rough summary of this discussion. Its main purpose is two-fold.Firstly, it shows at a glance the approximate range of semantico-functional domains covered by eachform. Secondly, it shows the case forms which enter into systematic opposition within each domain.There have been points in the discussion where the manner in which several case forms divide up thesemantic space in a certain domain has been investigated explicitly. However, there is not enough spaceto discuss all the distinctions to be found, and this table must suffice as an indicator of these furtherdistinctions.

Table 4-4 is not meant to be complete, and presents only the most important divisions for eachcase form. Moreover, the semantico-functional domains under which specific uses of cases are listed donot always correspond to the headings used in the preceding discussion. The divisions justified within a

case form's range of meanings/functions intersect with, but do not necessarily correspond to, thedivisions which are most useful to capture the whole system of case. So, for example, while the heading"Reason/Cause/ Control" (cf. §4.2.6.A.3) within the section on -nge 'ABLative' gives an indication ofwhy the 'reason', 'COMitative', and 'means of transport' uses of -nge 'ABLative' are grouped together;when it comes to the wider system it seems more perspicuous to separate these subfunctions into theirmore specific groupings.

Chapter FiveCase Assigning Predicates, Verbs and Verb Morphology

5.1 Case Assigning Predicates5.1.1 Preliminaries

As noted in §4.1.3, for Mparntwe Arrernte, deciding what are the essential, or core, case roleswhich a particular predicate assigns is often a difficult task. NPs are freely ellipsed from utterances andthere are few obvious grammatical reflections of what are to be considered core arguments. S(nominative) and A (ergative) arguments trigger number agreement in the verb (cf. §5.4.2) so their statusas core arguments is easily determined. However, unlike Warlpiri (Hale 1974:1982) where there is anauxiliary that includes pronominal agreement with all the principal arguments of a verb (S/A, O, DAT),no clear diagnostic shows O (accusative) and DAT (dative) to be core without also picking out othercases that are usually considered to be oblique.

In §4.1.2 I indicated that the marking of a relativised position within a relative clause is hereused as a diagnostic for determining core arguments. Gapping (non-occurrence) of the coreferentialNP in the relative clause occurs only when that NP is filling a semantic role which is commonlyassociated with the predicate of the relative clause. Where the semantic role played by the coreferentialNP in the relative clause is not typically associated with the predicate then a pronominal copy, markedfor the relevant semantic role, must be present in the position relativised (cf. §10.1.3.6). Using this testwe find, for example, that when the head of a NP modified by a relative clause is coreferential to theallative (ALL) role in the relative clause then that position may be gapped if the verb in the relative clauseis lhe- 'go' (eg. 1b) but if the verb in the relative clause is are- 'see' then the position must be filled withan allative case-marked pronominal copy (eg. 2b).

(1) a. Re lhere-werne lhe-ke.3sgS creekbed-ALLgo-pc.She went to(wards) the creekbed. [Allative = core argument]

b. Lhere re-rle Ø lhe-ke-rle ...creekbed 3sgS-REL [gap] go-pc-REL ...The creekbed that he went to(wards) ... [gapped allative in relative clause]

(2) a. Re lhere-werne are-ke.3sgA creek-ALL see-pc.She looked towards the creekbed. [Allative = peripheral (oblique) argument]

b. Lhere re-rle *(ikwere-werne) are-ke-rle ...creekbed 3sg-REL 3sgDAT-ALL see-pc-REL ...The creekbed that she looked towards ... [allative pronominal copy in

relative clause]

Thus, Hale's (1982:264) claim for Warlpiri that :"the use of spatial cases with stance and motion verbs is not limited by the arbitrary lexical

property of verbs. It does not make sense to classify the verbs in terms of the spatial cases theyselect."is not equally applicable to Mparntwe Arrernte. As will be seen in §5.1.3 below, verbs in MparntweArrernte may be subclassified according to the spatial cases they select to mark core arguments.

The above diagnostic appears to reflect something more like the thematic role structure (ie.semantic role structure) of verbs rather than having anything to do with the syntactic subcategorisation ofverbs (in the strict sense of the term). The results obtained from applying this diagnostic correspondswith the frequency with which NPs marked for certain roles occur with certain predicates and alsoreflects, in most cases, the notional semantics of the predicates. As subcategorisation does not appearto be a useful notion for Mparntwe Arrernte the subclassification of predicates will be based on thematicrole structure. As a result, a predicate with a number of different senses may, correspondingly, havedifferent thematic role structures. Predicates in Mparntwe Arrernte are of two general types; nominal orverbal.

5.1.2 Nominal PredicatesNominal predicates are a small subclass and they are all of the type which Austin (ms. 1988:5)

has labelled extended nominals. Forms in this class take two NPs, one marked for nominative (S) caseand the other marked for dative (eg. 4). They are all stative in meaning and examples are given in (3).

(3) kaltye 'be knowledgeable of' kutne 'be ignorant of' arrangkwe 'no, nothing; have nothing of' atere 'be afraid of' (4) Ayenge ure-ke arrangkwe.

1sgS fire-DAT 'have nothing of' I don't have any matches.

5.1.3 Verbal Predicates

Verbal predicates may be initially subclassified according to transitivity type.5.1.3.1 Intransitive verbs

Generally speaking intransitive verbs all share the property that they take an argument markedfor S grammatical functions as opposed to an arguments marked for A grammatical function. Anapparent exception to this involves certain impersonal verbs describing 'meteorological events' likealharrke- 'to lighten' and aherlke- 'to dawn' which do not seem to take any NP arguments. Hale(1982:231) has suggested for Warlpiri that similar apparently subjectless verbs have as their understoodsubject either ngurra 'camp, home, country' or else nguru 'sky'. I have no evidence that this is the casefor Mparntwe Arrernte. Assuming that these verbs are indeed subjectless then their thematic structurewould be represented as { }. The following further subtypes of intransitive have been identified. Thefirst subtype may be considered the basic intransitive subtype while all further subtypes may beconsidered extended intransitives.

(i) S only verbs (ie. {S}): The basic intransitives have no other core arguments beyond theargument manifesting S grammatical function. Examples are arnpe- 'stride off; take steps', ilwe- 'die',and artne- 'cry'.

(ii) {S , SCOMP} verbs: The existential-positional verbs ne- 'be; sit', inte- 'be (of horizontallyextended object); lie (down)', and tne- 'be (of vertically extended object), stand' when used in theircopular, sense, take two NPs both marked for nominative case. One NP acts as subject and the otheras a subject complement (ie. predicate nominative). In this function, these verbs need not appear whenthe tense is understood to be present tense but must appear when any other tense is intended. Thismeans that the NP acting as subject complement , for instance purrke 'tired' in example (5a), may bethe apparent predicate in present tense stative or equative clauses.

(5) a. Ayenge purrke (ne-me). vs. b. Ayenge purrke*(ne-ke).

1sgS tired (be-npp). 1sgS tired be-pc.I'm tired I was tired.

(iii) {S, LOC} verbs: When the existential-positional verbs given in (ii) above are used in theirpositional (ie.locational) sense then their thematic role structure determines nominative and locative casemarking (eg. 6).

(6) a. Ure ahelhe-le ne-ke.fire(S) ground-LOC be/sit-pc.

A fire was on the ground. (ie. it existed sitting on the ground).

b. Ure ahelhe-le inte-ke.firewood(S) ground-LOC be/lie-pcFirewood was on the ground. (ie. it existed lying on the ground)

(iv) {S, ALL, ABL} verbs: The three intransitive deictic (ie. 'inherently directed') motion verbswhich suggest motion away from a fixed point - that is, lhe- 'go, move away from', unte- 'hurry off', andalpe- 'go back' - have three core roles in their basic thematic structure which are indicated bynominative, allative, and ablative case-marked NP's (eg. 7). There is a hierarchy amongst thesearguments such that an NP playing the allative role is more strongly associated with such predicatesthan is an NP filling the ablative role. For a justification of this hierarchy, with examples, see thediscussion of relative clauses in §10.1.

(7) Meye ilanthe pmere-werne alpe-ke Congress-nge.mother 1dl[dif.patr](S) camp-ALL go back Congress-ABLMy mother and I went back to camp from the Congress health clinic.

(v) {S, ABL, ALL} verbs: Deictic verbs like petye- 'come' and unte-tye- (hurry off-hither-)'hurry this way', which suggest motion towards a fixed point, have a thematic structure with the samethree semantic roles as for (iv) above. However, verbs in this group differ in that the hierarchy amongstthe case marked NPs involves the NP marked for ablative case having a stronger association with suchverbs than the allative (again see the discussion of relative clauses in §10.1.3).

(vi) {S, DAT} verbs: Quite a large number of semantically heterogeneous verbs have a thematicrole structure that is realised by a nominative NP and a dative NP. Examples of such verbs and their useare given in (8) and (9).

(8) karelhe- 'to wait for' kangke- 'to be proud of, happy about'antye- 'to get up onto; climb' unthe- 'to wander around looking for'

(9) a. ... kenhe aherre re karelhe-tyeme ikwere.... BUT kangaroo 3sgS wait-pp 3sgDAT... and the kangaroo was waiting for her. [T10-13]

b. Ayenge pwerte-ke antye-ke.1sgS hill-DAT climb-pc.I climbed a hill.

5.1.3.2 Transitive verbsTransitive verbs are recognised by the fact that they always have an A (ergative) role as part of

their thematic structure and the fact that they may be derived into non-transitive verbs using -lhe'reflexive'. The basic transitive verb also has an O (accusative) role (ie. {A,O}). There are a largenumber of basic transitive verbs covering a wide semantic range (cf. eg. 10).

(10) tnye- 'to dig' atnyene- 'hold on to, have'arlkwe- 'eat' ilte- 'to swear at, scold'

The O grammatical function is not a characteristic feature of transitive verbs in all occurrences since,for some verbs, it may be replaced by a dative marked NP to indicate an 'attempted action' (cf.§4.2.5.4) or an allative marked NP to indicate the direction in which an action was performed (cf. eg.2). However, unlike the O argument, the dative and allative NPs in these functions can not be said tobelong to the thematic structure of the verb. Under the diagnostic discussed previously they wouldrelativise with a pronominal copy rather than a gap while the O role relativises with leaving a gap.

The facts are unclear, but it may be that a number of verbs which are classified as {A,O} mayalso have an instrumental role associated with them. Candidates for classification as {A ,O, INST}include tanthe- 'to spear, stab', we- 'to hit with a missile' and nhe- 'to water'. If this thematic framedoes exist then such verbs would belong to the following general classification.

5.1.3.3 Ditransitive VerbsDitransitive verbs are here basically any verb that assigns a third case role beyond A and O.

Thus the relation between ditransitive and transitive verbs is similar to that between extended intransitiveverbs and basic intransitives.

(i) {A, O, O} verbs: The verb nthe- 'to give' and other verbs based on this form, such askaltye-le-nthe- (knowledge-LOC/INST-give-) 'to teach someone something', may assign two of itsthree core semantic roles (the theme and the goal) to accusative case. The third role (an agentive source)takes the A role (eg. 11).

(11) Carol-le ampe itne-nhe lesson re-nhe kaltye-le-nthe-me.

Carol-ERG child 3pl-ACC lesson 3sg-ACC knowledge-LOC/INST-give-npp

Carol is going to teach the children the lesson.

(ii) {A, O, DAT} verbs: The 'give' verbs mentioned in (i) have an alternative pattern of caseassignment in which one of the three roles (the goal) may appear as a dative-marked NP rather than anO (eg. 12).

(12) Kele inarlenge kweke ikwere itne lyeke mape nthe-ke.OK echidna little 3sgDAT 3plA prickle pl(grp)O give-pcSo, to the little porcupine (ie. echidna), they gave a lot of quills.

Other 'transfer' verbs also have a semantic 'goal' role represented in the dative as well as an Aand O role, as do 'put-type' verbs (ie. verbs of causative position), and certain verbs of 'saying andtelling'.

(13) yerne- 'to send something to someone'arrerne- 'to put; to sit something in position'ile- 'to tell something to someone'

Interestingly, the perception verbs are- 'to see', awe- 'to hear', and ntyerne- 'to smell' appear totake a weakly associated role, represented by a dative NP, which gives the location of the entity whichis being perceived (ie. it gives the location of the argument in O grammatical function; see discussion ofrelative clauses in §10.1).

(iii) {A, O, ABL} verbs: As well as an A argument and an O argument, verbs of 'taking' alsohave a core source role which is represented by an ablative-marked NP. Examples of verbs of this typeare given in (14).

(14) ine- 'to get; to take something from somewhere'irlwe- 'to take something off something else'tyarre- 'to take something out of something else'

Certain of these verbs, such as the last two given in the example set above, may be derived bysuffixation of -lhe 'reflexive' into a kind of middle transitive verb which has both an argument in Sgrammatical function and an argument in O grammatical function (ie. {S ,O}). In these derived 'reflexive'

forms the actor (S role) is the coreferential with the referent of the source role and the NP in Ogrammatical function still conveys the thing that is taken away (ie. the semantic role of theme; see§5.5.2iii for sentence examples).

(15) irlwe-lhe- 'to undress; to take something off oneself'tyarre-lhe- 'to pull something (eg. a thorn) out of oneself'

(iv) {A,O,NOM} verbs: As mentioned, and exemplified, in §4.2.2.iv, the three known verbs of'naming' shown in (16) have the namer coded for A function, the entity named coded for O function, andthe name coded in a nominative (Ø) marked NP.

(16) atniwe- 'to call anything by its name' anperne- 'to call a person by appropriate kin term

ke- 'to cut; to name a person by kin term, or name a place or totem as a person's dreaming or conception site.

5.1.3.4 Ambitransitive VerbsThus far only two verb roots have been attested which may be used as either transitive verbs (ie.

{A, O}) or as intransitive verbs (ie. {S}). These are ampe- 'to burn (of fire); for a fire (or fiery entity) toburn something' and werne- 'to blow (of wind); for a wind to blow something around/over'. The S/Arole for both of these verbs is restricted to a small class of inanimates which, by their very nature,perform the verb root action. In other words, the S/A may be thought of as a kind of "cognate" subject.For ampe- the S/A must be something like ure 'fire' or aherrke 'sun' while for werne- it must be rlke'wind' or some type of wind like antekerenye 'south wind'.

(17) a. Ure ampe-me anteme. vs b. Ure-le itne-nhe ampe-ke.fire(S) burn-npp now fire-ERG(A) 3pl-ACC(O) burn-pcThe fire is burning now. The fire burnt them.

(18) a. Rlke werne-me. vs. b. Rlke-le pipe mape werne-me.wind blow-npp. wind-ERG(A) paper pl(grp)O

blow-nppThe wind is blowing. The wind is blowing the papers (around).

5.2 Structure of the Verb

A fully expanded verb has seven functionally distinct slots as indicated in figure 5-1 on thefollowing page. This statement must be qualified slightly by noting that in some cases number agreementis expressed through portmanteau morphemes occuring within the continuous aspect slot or within thecategory of associated motion slot. The only two positions within the verb which are obligatorily filledare the initial and final positions. The first element in a verb is the verb root itself and the final elementmust be an inflectional suffix which indicates the dependency status of the verb. In this final slot may befound inflections indicating the tense, mood, and/or modality of a clause as well as inflections whichindicate the type of semantic relation a dependent verb holds with respect to a main verb.

5.3 Inflections occurring in final position in the verbThe three general types of dependency status which verb final inflections may manifest are:(i) Independent, or main verb , inflections.(ii) Inflections which , when attached to a verb, may require that a following copular verb act as an auxiliary indicating the tense or dependency status of

the whole clause.(iii) Dependent verb inflections.

Each of these different sets of inflections will be examined in turn.

5.3.1 Main Verb inflections5.3.1.1 Tense

Tense is distinguished from other stem final inflections by the fact that only these forms may befollowed by switch-reference markers; with the suffixation of switch-reference inflections the tense formslose their absolute tense sense and become relative tense markers (cf. §11.2.1). The six distinct tensesmay be divided into four past forms and two non-past forms. This two-way distinction of past vs. non-past forms is also found in certain other Australian languages (eg. Yidiñ; Dixon 1977). The past tenseforms are used for events before the moment of speaking while the non-past tense forms may be usedfor events after the moment of speaking. Two aspectual distinctions cross-cut the past vs. non-pasttense distinction; these are progressive and completive aspects. Using Chung and Timberlake's (1985)framework for tense, aspect and mood, 'progressive' may be defined

as referring to a perspective on an event in which the event frame (ie. "the interval of time on which thepredicate occurs" [1985:203]) is internal to the event or the event goes on before, during, and after theevent frame. In other words, the event (state or activity) is ongoing within the bounds of the chosentemporal perspective. 'Completive' refers to the fact that a particular event is viewed as having an end,

or a point of achievement, and it comes to that end, or is achieved, before, or within, some chosen point,or interval, for temporal reference. Two past forms - -tyerte 'used to happen' and -rne 'just happened' -manifest distinctions not encountered in the non-past; a metrical distinction between remote andimmediate past and an aspectual distinction between habitual and punctual. The six tense inflections andtheir meanings are given in table 5-1.

Table 5-1 : The Mparntwe Arrernte Tense System

In a survey of the 12 texts in appendix 1 it was found that, as far as usage for the purposes ofabsolute tense (as opposed to relative tense) is concerned, the past completive tense -ke was by far themost frequently occurring tense with 184 occurrences. The vast majority of uses of -ke 'past completive'were in the narrative texts (texts 7-12). The non-past-progressive tense -me occurred 60 times and it isthe absolute tense form which is most commonly found in procedural texts (texts 1-3) and expositorytexts (texts 4-6). In narrative texts, -me 'non-past-progressive' commonly, but by no means always,appears in the conversations of protagonists. The next most common tense was -tyerte 'remote pasthabitual' with 25 occurrences. This tense form appeared in both procedural and narrative texts, but notin the expository texts. Of the 25 occurrences of -tyerte 'remote past habitual', 19 were in traditionalnarratives (texts 9-12). The past progressive form -tyeme appeared 12 times, once in a personalaccount narrative and 11 times in traditional narratives. All five occurrences of the 'immediate past(p.immed)' tense -rne are in text 12, and all of its appearances in this text are in the recorded speech orthoughts of the protagonists. The tense form -tyenhe 'non-past-completive' only occurs once (in text11). The past completive tense form -ke merely indicates that an invent was completed (or achieved)before the present time of speaking and gives no sense of how long ago, or how recently, the event tookplace (eg. 19). The tense form -tyeme 'past progressive (pp)' is used when focussing in on an event inthe past as it is happening, and, like -ke 'past completive (pc)', it does not give any indication how longin the past the event was occurring. In all the examples attested in the texts, the event in progress in thepast later comes to completion (eg. 20).

(19) a. Arrule kngerre ne-ke artwe.long ago big live/be-pc manA very long time ago there lived a man. [T11-1]

b. Apmwerrke the Eli aknge-ke Nthepe-werne.yesterday 1sgA Eli take-pc [place name]-ALLYesterday I took Eli to Nthepe.

(20) a. Kenhe re kenhe mpwepe-le tne-tyeme,BUT 3sgS BUT middle-LOC stand-pp,atningke ikwere-larlenge mpwepe-le re tne-ke, ...many 3sgDAT-COM middle-LOC 3sgS stand-pc, ...Kele ikwere-ng-iperre arnterre unt-elp-unte-ke, unte-ke

antemeOK 3sgDAT-ABL-AFTER intensively run-C.Incep.rdp-pc,

run-pc nowSo he, on the other hand, was standing in the middle, in the middle of that

crowd he stood, ... . So then after that he tried really hard to run away, and then he ran off.[T10-36,37,42]

b. Re-rle kwele ne-tyeme artwe re-kemparre3sgS-FOC QUOT sit-pp man 3sgS-FIRSTuyerre-nhe-tyenheng-aye, are-rle.ne-me-le, ...disappear-DO PAST-SBSQNt-EMPH, see-CONT-npp-SS, ...She, so they say, was sitting, while she watched for the man (ie. her

husband) to first disappear past (into the distance), ... [T12-14]

The past metrical tenses give a rough measure of the distance in time from the speech event. Aperiod of about 1 week appears to be the lower limit for -tyerte 'remote past habitual (rem.p.hab)' andthe upper limit for -rne 'immediate past (p.immed)'. Typically, however, -rne 'immediate past' is usedwhen the event happened at the time just prior to the speech event (eg. 21), while -tyerte 'remote pasthabitual' is typically used when the event occurred habitually over a long period at some time muchlonger than a week ago (eg.22). The roughly one week limit is approached depending on thesignificance of the event. The Pope's visit in Alice Springs in 1986 was an extremely significant eventand so up to a week after he left it was considered an event that just happened (eg. 23a), while all therecent preparations for the Pope's arrival were relegated to the remote past (eg. 23b).

(21) "Arrken-irre-nty-ipenhe-yaye; kwetethe-rle fun-INCH-NMZR-AFTER-EMPH; always-FOC arrken-irre-p-irre-me kwenhe, ankw-irre-rne kwenhe." fun-INCH-FREQ.rdp-npp ASSERT, sleep-INCH-p.immed ASSERT"It's because of playing; (he's) always playing, he just went to sleep (a moment

ago)." [T12-63 : Wife responding to husband who had asked why his baby son was always asleep when he got home from hunting.]

(22) Arrule kwele mpware-tyerte, tyerrtye arrwekele-nye mape-le,long ago QUOT make/do-rem.p.hab, people before-tmp.nom

pl(grp)-ERG,ngkwarle untyeye yanhe-ulkere ke-me-le itne kwele arrerne-

tyertenectar/honey corkwood that(mid)-KIND cut-npp-SS 3plA QUOT

put-rem.p.habkwatye-kerleke ikwemeye re-nhe ntywe-tyenhenge.water-CONNECT sweet 3sg-ACC drink-SBSQNTLong ago, so they say, the first people (ie. the people from before), used to do

this: they cut down corkwood nectar of that sort and they used to put it to mix into water and then they'd drink that sweet stuff. [T3-5,6]

(23) a. Pope re petye-rne anwerne-nhe are-tyeke.Pope 3sgS come-p.immed 1pl-ACC see-PURPThe Pope just came to visit us.

b. Alakenhe nwerne-rle mpware-tyerte Pope-ke.like so 1plA-FOC do-rem.p.hab Pope-DATThat's what we used to do for the Pope's visit.

The non-past-progressive tense -me may be used to describe events which are ongoing in thepresent (eg. 24a), or for habitual statements with current standing (eg. 24b; see also 21a), or may alsooccasionally be used in a way similar to the "historical present" in English (eg. 24c). Further, the tensesuffix -tyenhe 'non-past-completive (npc)' contrasts with -me 'non-past-progressive (npp)' in futuresenses in that the former is used when asserting that an event will have happened at a certain time in the

future (eg. 25) while the latter only indicates that it will, or may, be happening sometime in the future.Compare examples (26) a and b.

(24) a. "The arrekantherre ayeye knge-tye-me1sgA 2plDAT story take-hither-nppayenge-rle angke-tyenhenge-rle."1sgS-REL speak-SBSQNT-REL"I'm bringing a story for you that I will tell." [T11-34]

b. Antyetyerre ahelhe-ke irrpe-me kwatye uyerre-rlenge, lhere-ke.frog ground-DAT go into-npp water disappear-DS, creekbed-DATFrogs go int the ground when the water disappears, (they go into) the sand

of the creek beds. [T5-6]

c. Nyente re-rle unthe-tyerte; pmere arrpanenhe-werneone 3sgS-FOC look for-rem.p.hab; camp many different-

ALL Ihe-pe-lhe-me nyente re. go-FREQ.rdp-npp one 3sgS He used to travel around on his own; (you see) he keeps going to all these different places by himself. [T11-2]

(25) Artwe nthetye therre-le kenhe, ..., re-nhe arrwekele altyerre-leman youngman two-ERG BUT, ..., 3sg-ACC before dream-

LOCare-ke ingwe ikwere-le re-rle nhenge arrate-tyenhe.see-pc night 3sgDAT-LOC 3sgS-THAT REMEMB appear-npcBut two young men, ... , dreamed beforehand, during the night, that he willarrive (in their camp). [T11-28]

(26) a. Ingwenthe kngwelye re-penhe ilwe-tyenhe.tomorrow dog 3sgS-PITY die-npcTomorrow the poor dog will die. (ie. Tomorrow the poor dog willhave died.)

b. Ingwenthe kngwelye re-penhe ilwe-me.tomorrow dog 3sgS-PITY die-nppTomorrow the poor dog will/may be dying. (But it may not die

until sometime later.)

5.3.1.2 The positive and negative Imperatives (Ø 'IMP' & -tyele 'NegIMP)The positive imperative is formed by a zero (Ø 'IMP') suffix to the verb stem. Simple

imperatives of this kind are not very insistent and do not assume that the addressee must do what thespeaker says (eg. 27a). Emphatic clitics (cf §8.1.2.15-17) commonly co-occur with the simple positiveimperative to give it greater force (eg. 27b).

(27) a. Are-Ø kweke yanhe inte-rlenge.See-IMP little that(mid) lie-DSHave a look at that little baby lying there.

b. "Arrate-warre-Ø! Arrate-warre-Ø! Pety-Ø-aye! Pety-Ø-aye! "appear-plS/A-IMP appear-plS/A-IMP come-IMP-EMPH come-

IMP-EMPH"(Everyone) Come out! Come out! (You must) Come here! Come here!"

[T11-32]

The negative imperative is formed by suffixing -tyele 'Neg.Imp.' to the verb stem and has greaterforce than the simple positive imperative (eg. 28).

28. "Ularre uthne-rr-intye-tyele!"Facing towards bite(of animal)-RECIP-DO COMING-NegIMP"Don't fight with each other while coming towards me!" (old dog

speaking to a pack of other dogs). [T8-20].

The subject (ie. S or A) of a verb marked for the positive or negative imperative is understoodto be the addressee and typically does not appear in the imperative clause.

5.3.1.3 -rle 'Generic event' (Gen Evt) This suffix -rle 'generic event' indicates that the verb to which it is attached does not identify a

particular event that has been, or will be, realised; but, instead, the verb identifies a generic event thatwould (or should) occur in the normal course of events. There are three distinct uses of -rle.

(i) When it is used to mark the simple main verb of an utterance, and no time reference isunderstood, then -rle 'generic event' creates a 'universal', or 'omni-temporal' statement (eg. 29). It isroughly equivalent to certain uses of the English simple present tense. 29. Pintye-pintye ntye-rle.

(k.o. grass) smell(intr)-GenEvt Pintye-pintye grass smells (ie. stinks, gives off odour).

(ii) Where time reference is already understood, then a verb marked with -rle 'generic event'designates a general habitual action which would be expected to happen during the time periodindicated. Here it is akin to some uses of 'will/would (eg. 30).

(30) Country kere kngerre ikwere-werne lhe-tyerte. Kele imertecountry game big 3sgDAT-ALL go-rem.p.hab. OK thenhalfway-up knge-rle.halfway carry-GenEvtThey used to go to the place where there was a lot of game (ie. meat). So they

would carry (that waterbag) halfway (to the main camp). [From a text by Davey Hayes on making and using skin waterbags.]

(iii) Finally, it is not uncommon for the English deontic modal forms 'gotta', 'can't', 'can', and'should' to be used in Mparntwe Arrernte and when they are used they are always followed by a verbinflected with -rle 'generic event' indicating what is, or should, necessarily be the case (eg. 31).Constructions involving English deontic modal forms followed by a verb marked with -rle 'generic event'are very common in oratorical-hortative texts (cf. §1.2.3)

(31) a. Ampe kweke nwerne-kenhe mape itne gotta same-again child small 1pl-POSS pl(grp) 3p1S 'got to' same-again ne-rle nwern-arteke again. be-GenEvt 1pl-SEMBL again

Our children have to be the same as us.(They have to do what we have to do). [From a text by Basil Stevens, 'Emily Gap lives: Our Culture Never Dies'

which appeared in Yeperenye Yeye]

b. Anwerne can't petye-rle nhenhe-le inte-tyeke peke,... 1p1S 'can't come-GenEvt here-LOC lie-down-PURP maybe We can't come and camp at this place,...[From transcript of a Four Corners

tape of Davey Hayes speaking about Emily Gap].

5.3.1.4 -eye Permissive (PERM)The suffix -eye 'permissive' attaches to a verb stem to form utterances which either seek

permission from the addressee for someone (speaker or other) to perform the verb action, or elserequest that the addressee assent to doing the verb action. Such utterances variously translate intoEnglish as: 'Can X do V?', 'May X do V?', 'Let X do V please?' 'Would X like to V?', 'Shall X doV?'.

Verbs marked with -eye 'permissive' most commonly co-occur in question forms where -me'interrogative' (cf. §9.3.3) is cliticised to the first constituent. The resulting question may either convey apolite request (eg. 32a) or an offer (eg. 32b).

(32) a. Ayenge-me pety-eye nge-nhe are-tyeke?1sgS-INTER come-PERM 2sg-ACC see-PURP.Can I come and visit you?

b. The-me nge-nhe pmere-ke iwe-nh-eye?1sg-A-INTER 2sg-ACC home-pc throw away-DO PAST-PERMWould you like me to drop you off at home? (eg. May I drop you off?)

Permissive marked verbs may, however, also occur in utterances that simply have interrogative(eg. 33a) or declarative intonation (eg. 33b). In this latter case the speaker almost demands that acertain person be allowed to do the action of the verb stem.

(33) a. Unte ikwere-nge lh-eye?2sgS 3sgDAT-ABL go-PERMWould you please go with him? (He may need help.)

b. The arrerne-rle.lh-eye.1sgA put-DO & GO-PERMLet me put it (my dirty washing) out please. (I'd be terribly

embarrassed if you did it and I want to get it over and done with.)

5.3.1.5 -mere Hypothetical (HYPO)Clauses containing a verb inflected with -mere 'hypothetical' may occur either as simple

utterances on their own or in a complex conditional construction. In the former case, the simpleutterance may be a wish (eg. 34a) or it may venture, or ask for, a hypothesis about what things would belike given certain circumstances that do not presently obtain (eg. 34b).

(34) a. The kere nhenhe arlkwe-mere.1sgA meat this eat-HYPOI wish I could eat this meat. [But it's not mine].

b. Bushe-ke-me nthakenh-irre-mer-aye kutne mape,bush-DAT-INTER how-INCH-HYPO-EMPH ignorant

pl(grp)(S),town-arenye mape?town-ASSOC pl(grp)(S)What would ever become of that lot of ignorant people, those town

people, if they were out bush? [ie. I can just imagine what wouldbecome of those ignorant townies out in the bush.]

One type of complex conditional structure contains the 'hypothetical' clause following either atemporal adverbial switch-reference clause (eg. 35a; cf. §11.2 & §11.3.1), or a declarative clausetypically containing the particle peke 'might, maybe' (eg. 35b). The initial clause presents conditions thatmight obtain, or might have obtained, and the clause with -mere 'hypothetical' suggests what couldhappen, or could have happened in those circumstances. Thus, -mere 'hypothetical' is used to conveycounter-factuals (eg. 35b).

(35) a. Dam itne mpware-rlenge, kwatye-le atake-mere.dam 3plA make-DS, water-ERG destroy-HYPO

When they build the dam, then the water could (hypothetically)destroy it [and put us all in danger].

b. Unte apmwerrke peke petye-ke, arratye unte re-nhe are-mere.2sgS yesterday maybe come-pc, true 2sgA 3sg-ACC

see-HYPO If you had come yesterday , then you certainly would have seenher.

5.3.2 Inflections where verb dependent on auxiliary to carry tenseWhen a verb carries either the suffix -tyekenhe 'verb negator' or -tyeke 'purposive' then an

existential-positional verb (cf. §5.1.3.1(ii)-(iii) and §10.3.3), typically ne- 'be; sit', may be required to actas an auxiliary bearing the tense or dependency type of the clause. This auxiliary verb typically followsverbs marked with these suffixes but this need not be the case. If the tense intended is present then theauxiliary usually does not occur and it is also optional with other tenses when the general time referenceis understood.

Historically the inflections to be discussed seem to be related to the nominalising suffix -ntye/-tye(cf. §3.10.1.1) and may be seen as semi-nominal in the sense that they are dependent on an auxiliary. In§5.1.3.1(ii) (cf. also §10.3.3), it was observed that NPs acting as predicates in equational clauses alsorely on existential-positional verbs to bear tense. Verbs marked with these inflections are non-nominal inthe sense that they, and not the auxiliary, determine the argument structure and case in the clause andtend to bear all other non-final verb inflections including number agreement for S/A.

5.3.2.1 -tyekenhe/-tyange 'verb negator' (VbNEG)There are two alternate forms of the suffix which is used to negate verbs. The first, and by far the

most common, is -tyekenhe, while the rarer alternate is -tyange. The evidence to date suggests that thetwo forms are freely interchangable without apparent distinction in meaning. As well as being used toindicate general negation (eg.36a) these suffixes may also be used in many situations where English'can't/couldn't' would be the best translation (eg. 36b).

(36) a. Anwerne-k-artweye mape-lepmere kurn-ile-tyekenhe ne-ke.

1pl-DAT-custodiangrp.(pl)-ERG country(O) bad-CAUS-VbNEGbe-pc

Our ancestors didn't (ever) hurt the country (ie. the land). [From a text byThomas Stevens]

b. Me-l-atyekake

are-tyekenhe lyete,Mother-ERG-1KinPOSS e.brother(O) see-

VbNEG today,re-rle lhe-ke-rlenge pwetye-

werne.3sgS-FOC go-pc-DSbush-ALL

My mother can't visit (ie. see) my brother today because he's gone out bush.

5.3.2.2 -tyeke 'Purposive' (PURP)The purposive inflection -tyeke is unique since it may, in fact, claim membership in each of the

three dependency classes identified earlier (ie. main; requiring auxiliary, and dependent). Its membershipin each of these classes corresponds with three broad semantic functions.

(i) Deontic : A verb marked with -tyeke 'purposive' may occur as the main verb in an utterance(with no auxiliary) to convey the sense that the S/A 'must' or 'should' do the verb action. The particlekwenhe 'assertive', or some other marker of emphasis, commonly, but not necessarily, occurs in suchutterances (eg. 37a vs. b).

(37) a. Re kwenhe lhe-tyeke,m-ikwe

rlkerte kngerre-nge.3sgS ASSERT go-PURP,

mother-3KinPOSS(S) sick big-ABLHe should go because his mother is seriously ill.

b. "Kwatye-werne alpe-rre-tyekeilerne, ure-ketye!" water-ALLgo back-dlS/A-PURP 1dlS, fire-AVER.

"We must return to the water for fear of the fire!" [T9-13]

(ii) "Time of intention" : When a verb marked with -tyeke 'purposive' takes an auxiliary, the tenseon the auxiliary indicates the time of the intention to do the verb action rather than the time of the verbaction. For example, where the tense on the auxiliary is a past tense, the clause containing -tyeke'purposive' indicates that the S/A intended to do the verb action but, for some reason, never got aroundto doing it (eg. 38).

(38) Re alhe-tyeke ne-rne.3sgS go-PURP be-p.immedShe was just about to go. (but she got held up)

Since the auxiliary is optional when the present time is understood, utterances with a purposivemarked verb may arise which have the appearance of the main verb use discussed in (i), but, whichhave the function being described in here. In the usage under discussion, an auxiliary referring to thepresent time - through tense marking with -me 'non-past-progressive' - could be added to the clause,however, when -tyeke 'purposive' is used in its deontic function no auxiliary can be added. Where theintention is in the present time, the clause with -tyeke 'purposive' indicates that the action will happen oris about to happen. In these cases, therefore, -tyeke 'purposive' may appear to function as a futuretense (eg. 39).

(39) The pipetanthe-tyeke (ne-me).

1sgA book(paper) write(spear)-PURP (be-npp)I'm going to write a book. (I'm intending to write a book.).

(iii) Purposive : The most frequent usage of -tyeke 'purposive', at least in texts, is to form adependent clausal complement or adjunct that indicates the event which is the purpose, focus, orintended endpoint result of the main verb action. It commonly translates as 'to' or 'in order to'. Certainverbs which select for a purposive complement (cf. §10.5.2), such as ile- 'to tell someone to dosomething' and uterne- 'to force someone or something to do something', require that the O of the mainclause be coreferential with the S/A of the purposive clause. In this case the subject (ie. S/A) of thepurposive clause is obligatorily absent (eg. 40).

(40) Kwementyaye-le re-nhe uterne-ke ntertene-tyeke.

Kwementyaye-ERG 3sg-ACC force-pcquiet be-PURP

Kwementyaye ordered (forced) him to be quiet.

However, as an adjunct, as well as in its other complement uses (eg. with ahentye-ne- 'want'), there areno entailments concerning the coreferentiality of arguments between the purposive clause and the mainclause. The purposive may act as an adjunct to the majority of verbs (eg. 41).

(41) a. Pilikane arrerne-Ø ure-ke,kwatye ite-tyeke.

billycan(O) put-IMPfire-DAT, water(O)

cook-PURPPut the billycan on the fire in order to boil the water.

b. Re ankwinte-me kwene-le antemekwatye arrpenhe-k-ante

3sgS sleep-nppinside-LOC now rain(S)

other-DAT-ONLYne-tyeke.be-PURPIt (the frog) sleeps underground until there is another rain. (lit. It liessleeping inside only for there to be another rain.) [T5-8]

Historically the form -tyeke 'purposive' arises from the dative suffix -ke added to the nominaliser-tye and many of its functions closely parallel those of the dative (cf. §4.2.5; §10.5.2).

5.3.3 Dependent Verb InflectionsThe dependent verb inflections described hereunder all form dependent non-embedded (ie.

adjoined) clauses. As an extension of their dependent uses, each of these inflections may show up,typically in conversations, as the final inflection on what appears to be the main verb of an utterance. In

other words, to use the term coined by Evans (1985, chapters 7&9; 1988), they all have apparentlyinsubordinate uses.

5.3.3.1 -eyemenge 'hope to do' (HOPE)Verbs marked with -eyemenge 'hope' generally have the sense that the S/A is, or was, hoping to

get the chance to do the verb stem action. Such verbs often carry the implication that something ispreventing, or will prevent, the hope from being realised. Most frequently -eyemenge 'hope' forms adependent verb in which the event that is hoped for is the intended outcome of performing the main verbaction (eg. 42).

(42) a. Apmwerrke ayenge arrare-ke kere-ke. Thearlkw-eyemenge ite-ke.

yesterday 1sgS miss out-pc meat-DAT. 1sgA eat-HOPE

cook-pc.Yesterday, I missed out on the meat. (Eventhough) I cooked it hoping to eat it.

b. Re-rle kwele ne-tyeme artwere-kemparre uyerre-tyenheng-aye,

3sg-FOC QUOT sit-ppman 3sgS-FIRST

disappear-SBSQNT-EMPHare-rle.ne-me-le, kweke re-nhe yern-

eyemengesee-CONT-npp-SS, little

3sg-ACC send-HOPEkwatye-werne lhe-tyeke.water-ALL go-PURP

She was sitting watching for the man (ie. her husband) to disappear so that she would have a chance to send the baby off to the water(hole). [ie. she is hoping to

send the baby off by itself, which is something that her husband wouldprevent.] [T12-14,15]

Example (43) is an instance where a verb marked with -eyemenge 'hope' is the only verb in anutterance. In other words, it is being used insubordinately .

(43) "Ayenge-rle lyete awethe ulyenye lh-eyemenge kwenhe."

1sgS-FOC today againhunting go-HOPEASSERT

I'm really hoping to go hunting again today. [T12-71]5.3.3.2 -tyenhenge 'Subsequent' (SBSQNT)

Both the dependent and insubordinate uses of -tyenhenge 'subsequent' share the sense that theoccurence of the verb stem event is temporally subsequent to some prior event. The two events must, ina very general sense, be related, but there is no inherent causal or conditional relation between them. Acausal or conditional interpretation is, however, common and consistent with the use of -tyenhenge'subsequent'. When used dependently, the clause containing -tyenhenge 'subsequent' may occur before orafter the main clause (eg. 44a & c). There is no entailment that the two clauses share arguments (eg.44c) but it is usually the case that at least one argument (typically the S/A) is shared (eg. 44a & b).Common translations of these these complex constructions are: 'Event-1 and then Event-2'; 'Event-2later on after Event-1'; and 'Event-1 before Event-2'.

(44) a. Re lhewe-lh-ke school-werne lhe-tyenhenge.

3sgS wash-REFL-pc school-ALL go-SBSQNT

He washed before going off to school.

b. Ayenge lhe-tyenhenge, the nhenhe-kemparre mpwar-eye.1sgS go-SBSQNT, 1sgA

this-FIRST do-PERMI'll go, if you let me do this first.

c. The aherre irrtnye-iwe-ke, urreke-le unteure ite-tyenhenge.

1sgA kangaroo skin-throw away-pc, later-LOC2sgA fire light-SBSQNT

I skinned the kangaroo before you got the fire going.

The most frequently encountered example of the 'independent' usage of a verb marked with -tyenhenge 'subsequent' is the formulaic expression for goodbye (eg. 45).

(45) Urreke are-tyenhenge.later see-SBSQNTSee you later.

This expression may be interpreted as meaning that some other, unspecified, events will occur first (forinstance the speaker, or addressee, will leave now) before the speaker sees the addressee again. Notethe parallel with the use of 'then' in such expressions as 'see you later then'.

5.3.3.3 -ketye 'Aversive' (AVER)-ketye 'aversive' is the only inflection in Mparntwe Arrernte which attaches to either nominal or

verbal stems. With nominals it is a case marker (cf.§4.2.13) and with verbs it is a stem final verbinflection which forms dependent clauses. On verb stems -ketye 'aversive' indicates that the main verbaction is, or should be, done in order to avoid the bad event indicated in the verb stem to which -ketyeattaches. Thus the main verb event may be seen as a precaution taken against the possibility of thedependent verb event occuring. Common translations associated with -ketye 'aversive' are 'lest', 'for fearof', and 'or else' (eg. 46). As with -tyenhenge 'subsequent', there is no entailment that the aversive clauseshare any arguments with the main clause. However, examples where there is not a shared argument areextremely rare.

(46) Arrentye re lengkiwe-lhe-tyerte,arrpenhe-le re-nhe are-ketye.

demon 3sgS hide-REFL-rem.p.hab,other-ERG 3sg-ACC see-

AVERThe demon used to hide himself for fear of someone seeing him.

Aversive clauses are commonly used in the formation of threats and warnings. In suchutterances the main clause is a positive or negative imperative (eg.47).

(47) Arne-ke antye-tyele atnye-ketye.tree-DAT climb-NegIMP fall-AVERDon't climb trees, you could fall. (ie. lest you fall)

A warning or threat may consist of the aversive clause on its own when the precaution to betaken is understood (eg. 48).

(48) Ayenge payuthne-ketye.1sgO ask-AVERAvoid asking me (I might lead you astray).

The aversive suffix is frequently extended by the suffixation of -nge 'ablative'. This appears tostrengthen the causal link between the aversive and the main clause and implies that the bad eventdefinitely would happen if the precaution in the main clause is not taken (eg. 49). Without -nge 'ablative',the suggestion is only that the bad event could happen (cf. examples 46-48).

(49) a. Medicine unte ntywe-tyeke kwete unte rlkerte kngerr-irre-ketye-nge.

medicine 2sgA drink-PURP still 2sgS sick big-INCH-AVER-ABL

You must continue to take the medicine or else you'll get seriously ill.

b. Lhe-rltiw-Ø-aye, the arrernantherre-nhetwe-ketye-nge.

go-plS/A-IMP-EMPH, 1sgA 2pl-ACC

hit-AVER-ABLPiss off (you mob), because I'll hit you all (if you don't).

There is a close association between -ketye 'aversive' and the particle athathe 'hurry before' (cf.§8.2.3.6).

5.3.3.4 Switch-referenceThe form and function of switch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte are described in detail in

chapter 11. The adjoined clauses which are marked for switch-reference either have a temporaladverbial or a causal sense. In its temporal adverbial sense a dependent, switch-reference, clauseconveys an event that acts as the reference point for identifying exactly when the main clause actionoccurs (eg. X while Y; X before Y; X after Y, etc.). In its causal function the dependent clause gives thereason for, or cause of, the main clause event (X because Y).

Roughly speaking, switch-reference clauses also indicate whether the dependent clause S/A isthe same as , or different to, the main clause S/A. The suffixes which convey same or different referenceeither attach to one of the set of tense inflections or to the negative inflection -tyekenhe 'verb negator'.When switch reference attaches to the tense morphemes they lose their absolute tense meaning andindicate the relative temporal relation between the dependent and the main clause (cf.§11.2). The suffixwhich indicates same reference is -le 'SS'. Different reference is indicated by -nge 'DS' when thepreceding inflection is -tyekenhe 'verb negator', otherwise it is indicated by -rlenge 'DS' or -rleke 'DS'.See chapter 11 for examples.5.4 Optional Verb Inflections

5.4.1 Verb ReduplicationThe "fillers" of the reduplication slot in the verb convey aspectual information which, roughly,

describes a macro-event composed of different types of repetitions of all or part of the event referred toin the verb stem (eg. frequently, sporadically, continually begin doing, or distributively). It is worth notingthat, rather than being considered actual morphemes that fill the position indicated in figure 5-1 (givenpreviously), verb reduplications in Mparntwe Arrernte are regarded as processes which utilise differentlinking morphemes and involve different parts of the verb stem.

The position following all other optional positions in the verb, and preceding the obligatory stemfinal inflections, is chosen as the seat of these processes because it is only this position which fits thedetails of all four different reduplications. There are two partial reduplications - reduplication with -pe'frequentive' (FREQ.rdp) and reduplication with -rliwe 'sporadic' (SPORAD.rdp) - which reduplicatethe final (V)(C)Ce of a stem and add linking morphemes between stem and copy. What the actual final(V)(C)Ce of a verb stem is depends on what non-final suffixes are stacked onto the verb (eg. 50). Theform of these reduplications is similar to reduplication with -nhe 'nominaliser of habitual involvement'which derives verb stems into nouns that are habitually involved in the verb stem action (cf. §3.10.1.2).

(50) a. lhe-rre-p-erre-keb. angk-irtne-rl-irtne-rliwe-me

go-dl.S/A-FREQ.rdp-pc speak-REVERS-SPORAD.rdp-npp(two) frequently went speak back to from time to time

Similarly, there is a full reduplication - reduplication with -lhile 'causative; distributive' (CAUS.rdp) -which requires all non-final suffixes to be established before fully reduplicating all information in the stem.A verb final suffix is then added to the end (eg. 51).

(51) atnye-nhe-lh-atnye-nhe-lhile-rnefall-DO PAST-CAUS.rdp-p.immedjust now dropped something all over the place in passing

The fourth reduplication - reduplication with -elpe 'continuous inception' (C.Incep.rdp) - isanother partial reduplication, but this time it is the initial (V)(C)C of the root which is reduplicated andthe linking morpheme -elpe is placed between the copy and the following full verb form (eg. 52).

(52) t-elpe-tanthe-meC.Incep.rdp-spear-nppcontinually making as if to spear

As there is no evidence of prefixing anywhere else in the language the idea of positing areduplication slot in the position before the verb root to account for this last reduplication type isunattractive. This solution would also miss the functional and semantic similarity of all four reduplicationprocesses. Since I have chosen to analyse reduplications as meaningful processes rather thanmorphemes, there need not be any restriction on which part of the verb stem is affected. As this lastreduplication type, unlike the other types, shows no interplay with the other optional slots in the verbstem, there is nothing which impedes positing that it is controlled from the same position as other verbreduplications. The position itself is, however, determined by the type of interplay the other threereduplications show with respect to the fillers of other optional slots in the verb. That is to say, for thefirst three reduplication types, the non-final, optional, inflections must be established before reduplicationtakes place and then a verb stem final morpheme occurs after the reduplication, thus establishing the

penultimate position in the verb stem as the position for reduplication. Each of the four productive verbreduplication types will be discussed in turn.

5.4.1.1 Reduplication & -pe 'happen frequently; frequentive' (FREQ.rdp)The basic rule for the formation of the 'frequentive' reduplication type may be written as:

#(X)(V)C(C)e-Æ #(X)(V)C(C)e-pe-(V)C(C)e- . The linking morpheme -pe is likely to have originatedfrom the proto-Arandic verb form for 'go' *ape-, which also occurs as a bound (fossilised) form in thecontinuous morpheme -rle.pe 'do continuously while in motion' (cf. §5.4.3) and the motion verb petye-'come' (originally 'go-hither-' cf. §5.5.10). While there is no sense of motion entailed by thisreduplication type, there is a sense that the verb stem action does "go on and on". That is to say, within agiven time period, the event represented by the verb stem is repeated with such a high frequency, or iscontinuous to such a degree, that it may be thought of as "always" happening, or happening habitually (atregular time intervals), within the given time frame (eg. 53 & 54). The overall sense of reduplication & -pe may roughly be explicated as: [verb event] Y goes on happening over and over again. There is not a time (within time frame X) whereone would say that the verb action does not happen.

(53) ne- 'sit; be; exist'ne-pe-ne- 'to just sit around, do nothing else'

angke-rre- (speak-RECIP-) angke-rre-pe-rre- 'to becontinually speaking

'speak toeach other'

to eachother'

(54) a. "Ingkirre-rle picture-werne lhe-rlt.iwe-p-iwe-me."all/every-FOC movies-ALL

go-pl.S/A-FREQ.rdp-nppEveryone keeps going off to the pictures. [ie. Everone's going to themovies goes on happening over and over again. There's not a time when you'd

say they're not going to the movies]. [T8-36]

b. "Kweke nhenhe-me iwenh-ipenhe-rle kwetetheankwe kngerre

little this-INTERwhat-AFTER-FOC alwaysasleep big

the are-ty.alpe-p-alpe-mekwenhe?"

1sgA see-GO BACK & DO-FREQ.rdp-npp ASSERT"Why is it that this baby is always in a deep sleep whenever I come back to see him?" [T12-60]

As is to be expected from its semantics, reduplication & -pe 'frequentive' is not possible with averb like ilwe- 'to die' when it has a singular subject, since the action is not repeatable. However, whenthe subject is plural, and refers to a large number of entities, this reduplication type may apply to suchverbs (eg. 55).

(55) Pweleke mape / *nyente ilwe-p-ilwe-me.

cow (bullock) pl(grp) / *one die-FREQ.rdp-npp

The cattle / *a cow keep(*s) on dying.

5.4.1.2 Reduplication & -rliwe 'happen sporadically; sporadic' (SPORAD.rdp)The formation rule for reduplication & -rliwe 'sporadic' may be represented as: #(X)(V)C(C)e-

Æ #(X)(V)C(C)e-rle-(V)C(C)e-rliwe-. The semantic effect of this reduplication type is to indicate thatthe event represented by the verb stem happens a number of different times, but each occurrence of theevent does not follow immediately after the preceding occurrence of the event. Further, the occurrenceof the verb stem event need not happen at regular time intervals, it may be intermittent. Thus, whilereduplication & -pe 'frequentive' refers to frequent, regularly spaced, occurrences of an event,reduplication & -rliwe 'sporadic' refers to infrequent, irregularly spaced occurrences of an event (within agiven time frame), hence the gloss 'sporadic' (eg. 56 & 57). This reduplication type may be defined asfollows: [verb event] Y happens over and over again. There are times (within time frame X) where one wouldsay that the verb action is not happening. One can not say exactly when Y will happen (again).

(56) ne- 'sit; be; exist'ne-rl-ne-rliwe- 'gets up and down from

time

to time, never sits still for

very long'ke-lhe- (cut-REFL-) 'cut oneself' ke-lhe-rle-lhe-rliwe- 'to

cut oneself from

time to time' (eg.

during ceremony)

(57) Atetherre yanhe irrpe-rl-irrpe-rliwe-me.budgerigar that(mid) go into-SPORAD.rdp-nppThat budgerigar is popping (its head) in and out (of its nest) from time to time.[lit. The budgerigar('s head) is sporadically entering (the nest).]

When an event's recurrence is dependent upon some other intermittent event first occurring, thenreduplication & -rliwe 'sporadic' may mark the consequent event and the whole structure roughlytranslates as 'whenever X, then Y' (eg. 58).

(58) a. The utyene are-tyenhenge, orperne-tyenhenge peke;

1sgA sore see-SBSQNT,or rub-SBSQNT

maybe;tanthe-rl-anthe-rliwe-me.spear-SPORAD.rdp-nppWhenever I look at, or rub against, my sore, it hurts (ie. it 'spears' me).

b. Re itelare-me-lere-rle lhe-ke Darwin-werne,

3sgA remember-npp-SS 3sgS-THAT go-pcDarwin-ALL,

re re-nhe twe-rle-twe-rliwe-me.3sgA 3sg-ACC hit-SPORAD.rdp-nppWhen ever he remembers that she ran off to Darwin (that time), he hits her.

The form -rliwe which occurs in this reduplication type appears to be related to the morpheme ofthe same form which means 'do verb action quickly' (cf. §5.4.3). This form is, diachronically, composedof iwe- 'to throw away' and -rle. The form -rle may be seen to be related to a wide variety of verbsuffixes, including -rle 'generic event' (cf. §5.3.1.3), the -rle which occurs to signal 'on going action' in themorphemic complexes that fill the continuous slot (§5.4.3), and the -rle which signals 'motion subsequentto action' in certain of the associated motion morphemic complexes (cf. chapter 6).

5.4.1.3 Reduplication & -lhile 'force to do; action on multiple objects' (CAUS.rdp)Reduplication & -lhile 'force to do, action on multiple object' is not very well understood. The

form -lhile is a suffix which derives causative verbs (cf. §5.5.3) and causative semantics are clearlyassociated with this reduplication type. The verb root of these reduplications is always intransitive, whilethe reduplicated form is transitive. This is a total reduplication type and the rule of formation may bepresented as follows (but see footnote 25): VerbStem-[intransitive] Æ VerbStem-lhe-VerbStem-lhile-.

One of the senses of this reduplication type is that the agent of the verb stem event forces the patient todo the verb action of the intransitive stem against the patient's own will or desire (eg. 59). This readingentails that both the agent and patient are sentient beings. Note that certain, but not all, simple causativeformations which allow an inanimate object do not allow an inanimate object in the associatedreduplication (eg. 60). It is common that there is more than one patient and/or that the action performedby the patient(s) is (are) continuous over a short time frame, but these are not entailments as example(60)b shows.

(59) a. Drunk-le atere-le-nthe-keakethe-le ane-rlte.ne-rlenge

Drunk-ERG afraid-INST/LOC?-give-pc outside-LOCsit-plS/A.CONT-DS

arawe-lhile-me-le, irrpe-lh-irrpe-lhile-me-le apmere-ke.disturb-CAUS-npp-SS, go into-CAUS.rdp-npp-SS

house-DATThe drunk gave the people sitting outside a fright, disturbed them, and drovethem into their houses. (lit. 'forced them to go into their house against their will')

b. Arlke-lhe-arlke-lhile-me artwe inentye-lepmere arnkentye-kescream-CAUS.rdp-nppman kurdaitcha-ERG camp

men's camp-DATpeke pmere arlwekere-ke

peke ingwele perte-me-le.maybe camp women's camp-DAT

maybe night-LOC creep up on-npp-SSWhen the kurdaitcha creeps up on the single mens's or single women's camps,

he causes (everyone) to scream (and run around).

(60) a. The bin arrate-lhile-ke.1sgA bin(O) go out-CAUS-pc

I put the bin outside. (ie. 'I caused the bin to go out.')

b. The ampe urreye / *bin arrate-lh-arrate-lhile-ke.

1sgA child boy / *bin go out-CAUS.rdp-pc.

I forced the the little boy / *the bin to go outside.

There are examples where the O argument of a verb that is formed by reduplication & -lhile isplural and inanimate. In such cases the sense of the reduplication appears to be that the agent causeseach member of the group which functions as O to do the intransitive verb action individually, one afterthe another. It is common for the individual entities in the group to end up distributed over a wide areaas a result of the verb action. As example (61) shows, the plurality of the O argument need not bespecified overtly but is understood by virtue of what the meaning of this reduplication type entails.

(61) a. Ampe-le merne atnye-lhile-ke.child-ERG bread fall-CAUS-pcA child dropped some bread. (ie. caused the bread to fall).

b. Ampe-le merne atnye-lhe-atnye-lhile-ke.child-ERG bread fall-CAUS.rdp-

pc A child dropped pieces of bread all over the place (one after the other).

5.4.1.4 Reduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception' (C.Incep.rdp)As mentioned earlier, reduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception' is the only form of verb

reduplication in Mparntwe Arrernte in which the initial part of the verb stem is reduplicated. The actualreduplication process for this type may be represented as: #(V)C(C)X- Æ #(V)C(C)-elpe-(V)C(C)X-. The effect of this reduplication type on the verb stem is to indicate that the verb stem action continuesto be in its beginning stages but is never achieved within the time frame considered. For example, theverb root tnye- means 'to fall', while the reduplicated form tny-elpe-tnye- means to 'be continually onthe verge of falling without actually falling'. Thus, tny-elpe-tnye- may be translated as 'staggering' or'stumbling along' when the performer of the action is a person, or it may be translated by 'teetering on thebrink (of falling)' when used with respect to a large rock perched on the edge of a cliff. Similarly, the

verb root therre- means 'to laugh', and 'to continue at the beginning of a laugh without actually laughing'would be th-elpe-therre- which is usually translated as 'to smile'. In speaking of a knownhypochondriac, one Eastern Arrernte woman used the verb stem ilw-elpe-ilwe- which is formed fromilwe- 'to die' and which means 'to be continually in the beginning stages of dying without ever actuallydying'. Thus, reduplication & -elpe indicates both the inception of the verb stem event and continuity atthat initial (pre-achievement) stage for a certain amount of time without achievement of the action, hencethe gloss 'continuous inception' is used. Common translations of this reduplication type are 'justbeginning to', 'on the verge of', and 'to pretend to do', but a more accurate definition may be rendered asfollows: [verb event] Y begins to happen and goes on beginning to happen [or begins to happen over and overagain]. There is not a time (within time frame X) where one could say that Y has happened.

(62) a. Ikwere-nge imerte kwele ankw-elpe-ankw-ile-tyenhenge,

3sgDAT-ABL then QUOTasleep-C.Incep.rdp-CAUS-SBSQNT,

keme-rl-irre-ke re-nhe.get up-REL-INCH-pc 3sg-ACCAfter that (she) then started getting the baby, who had just woken up, back tosleep. (lit. continued at the beginning of causing to sleep) [T12-55]

b. Apmwe-le kenhe kwele re-nheay-elp-ayerne-me-le, ...

snake-ERG BUT QUOT3sg-ACC bind-C.Incep.rdp-npp-SS

But a snake was coiling around him, ... [lit. was at the beginning of binding him but never tied it off or fixed the binding (ayerne- also means 'to tie')] [T12-

116]

It is not at all clear what the origin of the linking morpheme -elpe is. It is possible that, in parallelwith the used of a form that originally meant 'go' in reduplication & -pe 'frequentive' (cf. 5.4.1.1), -elpehas the same origins as alpe- 'go back'. Semantically, one could suggest that in reduplication & -elpe'continuous inception' the verb event is continually 'going back to the beginning', but this may be pushingthings too far.

5.4.1.5 Further comments concerning verb reduplication One type of iconicity that is well reported for reduplications (cf. Moravcsik 1978; Anderson

1982) is that repetition of all or part of the verb stem corresponds to repetition or continuity of the verbaction. Thus it is not surprising that all four reduplication types discussed in §§5.4.1.1-4 are associated,in at least one of their uses, with continuity and/or repetition. However, one further type of iconicitywhich is manifested by the partial reduplications discussed in §§5.4.1.1,2 &3, and which to myknowledge has not previously been reported for any language, is that reduplication of final elements inthe verb stem corresponds to the verb stem event being achieved over and over again (ie. the eventrepeatedly comes to an end; cf. reduplication & -pe 'frequentive' and reduplication & -rliwe'sporadic'), while reduplication of initial elements of the verb stem corresponds to the event continuing tobegin without ever being achieved (ie. the event stays at the beginning it never ends; cf. reduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception).

It is also important to realise that these verb reduplications are not mutually exclusive and oneverb form may contain at least two verb reduplication types (eg. 63). The principles of combination andinterpretation for these double reduplications is not well understood.

(63) a. t-elpe-tanthe-p-anthe-mespear-C.Incep.rdp-FREQ.rdp-nppalways making as if to spear (something), over and over again, without doing it

b. atnye-lhe-atnye-lhile-p-ile-mefall-CAUS.rdp-FREQ.rdp-nppkeeps on dropping individual objects all over the place all the time

c. angk-elp-angke-rl-angke-rliwe-mespeak-C.Incep.rdp-SPORAD.rdp-nppstuttering (or babbling) from time to time

Finally, it must be noted that certain enclitics and free particles may be inserted after the linkingmorpheme of a verb reduplication. This is discussed and exemplified in §8.3.

5.4.2 Number Agreement with S/A

Verbs may take suffixes which agree in number with their subject. That is, both S and Aarguments, but not O arguments, may trigger number agreement in the verb. This then is one piece ofevidence that, despite ergative morphology, aspects of the morpho-syntax of Mparntwe Arrernte arebest stated in terms of a nominative subject (cf. §10.3.3).

(64) a. Artwe therre-le nwerne-nhe twe-rlenerre-ke.man two-ERG(A) 1pl-ACC hit-dl.S/A-pc.The two men hit us all.

b. Nwerne re-nhe awe-rrirre-ke.1plA 3sg-ACC hear-pl.S/A-pcWe all heard it.

c. Artwe therre lhe-rre-me.man two-S go-dl.S/A-npp.The two men are walking away.

d. Nwerne shop-werne lhe-rltiwe-me.1plS shop-ALL go-pl.S/A-nppWe all went to the shop.

As the above examples show, there are suffixes which indicate whether the subject is dual andothers which indicate whether the subject is plural. When the subject is singular, there is no specialmarking on the verb. Number agreement is basically optional, but it tends to be most prevalent when theS/A of a verb has been omitted. One special case of this is imperatives, where it tends to be the rule toindicate number on the verb.

Different verb forms may take different number agreement suffixes. Moreover, the particularnumber agreement suffix which a verb form takes appears to be determined by the immediatelypreceding verb suffix rather than the verb root itself. Thus, while impe- 'to leave something behind' issuffixed directly with -rrirre to indicate 'plural subject' (ie. impe-rrirre-), impe-nhe- 'to leave somethingbehind while going past', which contains the associated motion inflection -nhe 'DO PAST', is suffixedwith -rltiwe to indicate plural subject (ie. impe-nhe-rltiwe-). Note also that, as far as the marking ofplural subject is concerned, there are continuous aspect forms and associated motion forms which may

also indicate number agreement. Such portmanteau forms may not be used along with fillers in thenumber agreement slot (see §5.4.3 and §5.4.4).

5.4.2.1 Dual subject markingAll forms which mark dual subject contain -rre in them, and it seems probable that these forms

are, in some way, linked historically with the derivational verb suffix -rre 'reciprocal' and the numberform therre 'two'. The suffix -rre itself is used to mark dual subject with the existential-positional verbs -ne- 'sit', tne- 'stand', and inte- 'lie' - and with the simple intransitive deictic motion verbs - lhe- 'go', unte-'hurry away', alpe- 'go back'. The verb petye- 'come' and verbs suffixed with the associated motioninflection -intye 'DO COMING' take the suffix -lerre to indicate dual subject. All other verbs mark dualsubject with -rlenerre. This last form is, at least historically, composed of the morphemic complex whichindicates continuous aspect (non-motional) -rle.ne (cf. §5.4.3), and the dual subject marker -rre. Thisform need not, however, indicate continuous aspect but always indicates dual subject (eg. 64a). Adistinction, may, therefore, be established between the dual subject suffix -rlenerre, which has noentailment of continuity, and the sequence -rle.ne 'continuous' followed by its associated dual subjectmarking -rre (ie. -rle.ne-rre), which does entail continuous aspect.

5.4.2.2 Plural Subject AgreementThe situation with plural subject agreement is not very clear. There are six different plural subject

agreement suffixes which have been attested so far, and each is associated with a different group ofverbs. In some cases there is a close semantic association between the group of verbs which take aparticular plural subject agreement suffix, but in other cases the associations are not obvious. The sixsuffixes, and examples of the six verb classes with which they are associated, are given in table 5-2.

Verbs which are inherently directed away from speaker all take -rltiwe to indicate plural subjectagreement, as do verbs suffixed with the associated motion inflection -nhe 'DO PAST'. The form -rltiwe 'plural subject' is apparently composed of -rlte, which marks plural agreement in the continuousaspect complexes (cf. §5.4.3), and iwe- 'throw away'. Here the agreement suffix seems to reflect thesemantic idea of 'awayness' inherent in the forms to which it attaches.

The suffix -rre, which marks dual subject agreement on a restricted set of stance and motionverbs, may also mark plural subject agreement on certain other intransitive verbs. The majority, but notall, of the forms which take -warre to mark plural subject agreement are also intransitive; this includes allreflexivised forms. Verbs which have been inchoativised with -irre may all take -re when the verb has aplural subject. This may have arisen from a dissimilation of -rre from the same sound sequence of thepreceding inchoative derivational suffix (ie. -irre-rre- > -irre-re-) .

The majority, but not all, of the verbs which mark plural subject agreement by means of the suffix-rrirre are transitive verbs. The possibly related -rnirre has only been attested marking plural subject ontne- 'to stand'. It is also worth pointing out that while most speakers use -rrirre as the plural agreementsuffix for impe- 'to leave something behind', others use a seventh form -lewarre for this verb.

Table 5-2: Plural subject agreement markers and examples from the verb classes they determine

5.4.3 Continuous AspectThe fillers of the continuous aspect slot are morphemic complexes composed of two elements.

The first element is either -rle or -rlte. The form -rle indicates the general notion of 'continuity' butexpresses no information about the number of the subject, while -rlte conveys the general notion of'continuity' as well as marking 'plural subject agreement'. The second element of the complex expresseseither that the verb event continues while the subject is in motion, in which case -pe is used, or that theverb event is merely continuous without any reference to motion, in which case -ne is used. Note that -pe is the modern reflex of the proto-Arandic verb form *ape- 'to go' which no longer occurs as a freeform in Mparntwe Arrernte and ne- is the verb which means 'to sit; stay; be'. The four complexes whichindicate continuous aspect are given in table 5-3 and their use is exemplified in (65).

Table 5-3 : Morphemic complexes indicating continuous aspect

(65) a. Thomas ulyentye-le ne-rle.ne-me.Thomas shade-LOC

sit-CONT-npp.Thomas is sitting around in the shade. (ie. is sitting continuously in the shade)

b. Thomas ulyentye-le ne-rle.pe-me.Thomas shade-LOC

sit-DO ALONG-nppThomas is continually sitting in the shade as he goes along. (ie.

eitherThomas is going along from shade to shade and sitting down each

time or Thomas is sitting while going along in the shade (eg. in a car)).

c. Yepe-yepe mape ilwe-rlte.ne-mekwete.

sheeppl.(grp) die-CONTpl.S/A-npp still

The sheep are still continuing to die.

d. Itne re-nhe twe-rlte.pe-ke.3plA 3sg--ACC hit-DO ALONGpl.S/A-

pcThey're hitting it (the tin can) as they go along.

There is another aspectual inflection, which is not yet well understood, that might also beassigned to this position in the verb. This form is -rliwe 'DO QUICK' and it is used to indicate that 'theverb action is done very quickly'. Speakers often translate this form as 'like lightning, quick as lightning'.It has a parallel structure to other forms in this slot in that it has an initial element -rle, although without itssense of continuous aspect, followed by the verbal element iwe- 'to throw away'.

(66) a. ... , husband tyenhe-keanteme imerte the ile-rliwe-me,

..., husband 1sgPOSS-DATnow then

1sgA tell-DO QUICK-npp..., so then, quick as lightning, I tell my husband [T8-22]

b. Pmere-werne-theke-rlke kwele rehalf-way

camp-ALL-WARDS-TOOQUOT 3sgS half-way

urrpare-lhe-rl.iwe-ke itwe-anteye.

erase-REFL-DO QUICKLY-pc near-still/tooFrom half way towards the camp to right up close she quickly rubbed

out her tracks. [T12-142]

There is no attested form -rlt.iwe which entails that a 'plural subject does the verb action quickly', but Ipointed out in section §5.4.2.2 that there is a simple plural number agreement form -rltiwe which occursonly on basic motion verbs indicating motion away from speaker. It is possible that this numberagreement form originally had an aspectual sense which it has since lost.

5.4.4 The Category of Associated MotionThe category of associated motion is discussed in detail in chapter 6. The fourteen associated

motion forms are : -intye 'do while coming', -inty.alpe 'do while coming back', -intye.lhe 'do whilecoming through', -irtne 'do while going back; do back to', -nhe 'do on the way past', -tye.kerle 'dowhile going downwards', -ty.antye 'do while going upwards', -tye.lhe 'go and then do verb action', -ty.alpe 'go back and then do verb action', -rle.lhe 'do verb action and then go', -rl.alpe 'do verb actionand go back', -artne.lhe 'quickly do verb action and go', -artn.alpe 'quickly do verb action and go back',and -ty.intye 'do verb action on Y's arrival'. As can be seen from the above list of forms, eleven of thefourteen forms that fill the associated motion slot in the verb stem are morphemic complexes (full stopsseparated the elements of the morphemic complex). Note that when an associated motion form is morphemically complex and the first element of thecomplex is either -intye 'Do COMING' or -tye 'prior motion' then -te may be inserted between the twoelements of the complex to indicate plural subject agreement eg. 67).

(67) a. ar-intye.t.alpe-meb. angke-tye.te.lhe-

kesee-DO COMING.plS/A.BACK-npp

speak-GO & DO plS/Athey see on their way back here they said when they got

there

This method of marking plural number agreement is also available to motion verbs in which -tye 'movetowards speaker (ie. hither)' has been attached to a basic deictic motion verb and the resulting form hashad alpe- 'go back' compounded to it (see §5.5.10; eg 68).

(68) knge-tye-t-alpe-metake-HITHER-plS/A-BACK-npp(they) are bringing (it) back

Where the first element of an associated motion complex is -rle 'subsequent motion' the markingof plural subject agreement may be by substituting -rle with -rlte. This method of marking plural numberagreement is the same as with the continuous aspect forms discussed in the previous section (ie. §5.4.3;69).

(69) ine-rlte.lhe-rneget-DO & GO pl.S/A-p.immed(they) just picked (her) up [ie. (they) just now got (her) and went]

The methods which are described above for the marking of plural number agreement inassociated motion complexes are not the only methods available. Unlike the continuous aspectcomplexes, plural subject agreement for verbs inflected for associated motion may, instead, be markedin the normal way with a filler in the number agreement slot of the verb stem (cf. §5.4.2). The two typesof marking may not co-occur. Thus corresponding to example (67)a there is also example (70)a, andexample (70)b may be used instead of example (69).

(70) a. ar-inty.alpe-rltiwe-meb. ine-rle.lhe-rltiwe-rne

see-DO COMING BACK-plS/A-nppget-DO & GO-plS/A-p.immed

seeing on their way back here(they) just picked (her) up

5.5 Verb Derivation5.5.1 -rre 'reciprocal' (RECIP)

The derivational suffix -rre 'reciprocal' attaches to transitive verb stems to derive an intransitiveverb stem which requires that the referent of its S argument is non-singular (compare examples 71a andb). Such derivations convey the sense that the entities in the S role are doing the verb stem action toeach other (eg. 71b, 72).

(71) a. Artwe yanhe-le re-nhe twe-ke.man that (mid)-ERG(A) 3sg-O hit-pc.

That man hit him.

b. Artwe therre yanhe-Ø twe-rre-ke.man two that(mid)-S hit-RECIP-pc

Those two men are fighting (lit.hitting each other)

Angke-'to speak' is the only attested intransitive verb which takes -rre 'reciprocal' (eg. 72).

(72) Anwerne gotta angke-rre-rleschoole nyewane ikwere

3sg S got to speak-RECIP-GenEvt school new

3sgDAT.We have to discuss the new school. (ie. we have to talk to each other about the new school).

5.5.2 -lhe 'Reflexive' (REFL)The derivational suffix -lhe 'reflexive' derives intransitive verb stems from transitive and

ditransitive verb stems. Three main uses of -lhe 'reflexive' may be identified.(i) Reflexive stems may encode the notion that someone or something animate performs the

action of the transitive/ditransitive verb stem upon themself (eg. 73). In effect the S argument of thereflexive stem is simultaneously agent and patient (cf. §11.4.4). When used in this sense the reflexiveaction may be intentional or accidental, depending on the verb stem action and the context.

(73) a. Atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le, hit-REFL-npp-SS, hit-REFL-npp-SS,

hit-REFL-npp-SSarlpmenye-le kwele perne-lhe-ke.ash-INST

QUOT rub-REFL-pc

While she hit herself and hit herself and heit herself, she covered herselfwith ashes. (mourning for the loss of her baby).[T12- 131]

b. Ampe kweke ntywe-lhe-kechild small(S)

drink - REFLE-pcThe baby is sucking its thumb. (lit. drinking itself).

(ii) There are a number of reflexive stems which encode that the S argument undergoes an actionthat it did not itself initiate. The S argument of such verbs is frequently inanimate (eg. 74).

(74) a. Arne knge-lhe-merlke-nge.

tree(S) take/carry-REFL-npp wind - ABLThe trees are moving in the wind.

b. Mweteke ikwerenhe ultake-lhe-ke.car

3sgPOSS(S) break(tr)-REFL-pc.Her car broke down.

(iii) When certain ditransitive verbs are suffixed with -lhe reflexive (see §5.1.3.3(iii)), the Sargument of the reflexive stem may be construed as acting as an agent and as a location. In such casesthere is also an O argument marked for the accusative case. Such reflexives convey the sense thatsomeone or something animate does the ditransitive verb action to a thing that they have located onthemself (eg. 75). In that such reflexive stems take both a NP in S grammatical function and a NP in Ogrammatical function, but no NP in A grammatical function, they may be regarded as middle transitives.

(75) a. Ayenge lyeke re-nhetyarre-lhe-ke

1sg(S) prickle3sg-ACC(O) pull s.t out of-REFL-pc

I pulled the prickle out myself.

b. Ar-Ø-aye! Artwe yanhe mantereirlwe-lhe-me, ingkirrenthurre.

see-IMP-EMPH man that(mid)clothes take off of-REFL-npp allINTENS

Have a look! That man there is taking his clothes off, absolutely all ofthem.

Compare also the following commonly used reflexive forms with their transitive/ditransitivecounterparts. These are, more or less, idiomatic forms which do not clearly fall into any of the divisionsgiven above; although the idiomatic sense is usually a fairly transparent extension of what would be theliteral meaning of the reflexive form.

(76) kare- 'to mind s.t. for s.o.' kare-lhe-'to wait for'

utyerne- 'to lift s.t up'utyerne-lhe- 'to be boastful; to skite'thele- 'to pour s.t. out'alhwe thele-lhe- [blood pour-REFL] 'to bleed'ile- 'to tell s.t. to s.o'

ile-lhe-'to apologise, admit'

alye- 'to sing s.o./s.t.'alye-lhe- 'to

sing; to sing a song'arrkerne- 'to taste/test s.o/s.t.' arrkerne-lhe-

'try to do s.t.'

5.5.3 -ile and -lhile 'Causative' (CAUS)The two related causativising suffixes - -ile and -lhile - have different distributions. While -lhile

is the only form used to causativise intransitive verbs either -ile or -lhile may be used to derive causativeverbs from nominals.

When -lhile is attached to an intransitive verb it forms a transitive or ditransitive stem whichgenerally has the meaning that the agent causes the object to do the action encoded in the intransitiveverb form (eg. 77; see also examples 60a and 61a given previously).

(77) tnye- 'to fall'tnye-lhile-

'to drop s.t.'arrate- 'to appear'

arrate-lhile- 'to take s.t. out ofs.t. else;

or to make appear'pwernke- 'to split open (intr.)' pwernke-lhile- 'to split s.t. open'mangke- 'to grow (intr)'

mangke-lhile- 'to raise; bring up'

Two interesting exceptions to the above generalisation involve the intransitive verbs therre- 'tolaugh' and artne- 'to cry'. When they are transitivised with -lhile the resultant forms do not mean 'tomake someone laugh' or 'to make someone cry'. Instead, therre-lhile- means 'to laugh at someone, tolaugh someone down' and artne-lhile- means 'to cry for someone, to mourn someone'.

A large number of, but not all, intransitive verbs may be causativised with -lhile 'causative'. See§5.5.4 and §5.5.10 for some examples of intransitive verb stems which can not host -lhile 'causative'.As mentioned previously (cf. §5.4.1.3), this form of the 'causative' suffix is also part of a productive verbreduplication type which means 'to force someone to do something against their will' or 'to act on themembers of a group individually, one at a time'.

Verbs which are derived by the addition of either -ile or -lhile 'causative' to nominals generallyhave the sense that the agent causes the object either to have the quality described in the nominal root orto become the thing referred to by the nominal (eg. 79). Although it appears that a nominal may freelytake either -lhile or -ile 'causative' when being verbalised it is worth pointing out that -ile 'causative' isthe more commonly used form. A small heterogeneous, group of nominals do, however, appear tooccur regularly with -lhile 'causative'.

(78) artwe 'initiated man' artw-ile- 'to initiate (ie. cause to become an

initiatedman)'

perrke 'a coal'perrk-ile- 'to make (wood)

into coals'ulkere 'slippery, smooth' ulker-ile-

'to smooth s.t.'nyente 'one'

nyente-lhile- 'to to unite two things'kertne 'top; above; over' kertne-lhile- 'to

raise s.t. up; to lift s.t.'

(79) Walye re-nhe imerte ulp-ile-me-le,twe-me-le,

branch 3sg-ACC then'dust'-CAUS-npp-SS, hit-npp-SS,

ngkwelty-ile-me-le; ...pieces-CAUS-npp-SS;The leafy branches are then crushed, chopped, and made into small pieces; ...

[T1-2]

5.5.4 The unproductive causative suffix -rneThe following pairs appear to demonstrate that Mparntwe Arrernte once had a widespread

causative suffix -rne.

(80) ntye- 'to give off an odour'ntyerne- 'to smell s.t.'

ilwe- 'to die'

ilwerne- 'to extinguish a fire'alw-irre-'to run away'

alwerne- 'to chase s.o./s.t.'ilpe- 'to protect s.o. with s.t.' ilperne-

'to accuse s.o.' (cause s.o.

to defend themself)'knge- 'to take; carry'

kngerne- 'to carry (while holding s.t.

up ??)'

These are the only such pairs which have been attested and speakers reject the use of -rne onother verb roots and nominals. Note that the intransitive verb roots in the above list cannot becausativised using -lhile 'causative'.

A substantial proportion of transitive verb roots in Mparntwe Arrernte end in rne. It is temptingto suggest that these arise, historically, from the use of -rne to causativise roots which no longer exist inMparntwe Arrernte. Below is a partial list of transitive verbs ending in rne.

(81) arrerne- 'to put'ngerne- 'to dig'

alyerne- 'to twist, wrig out' ngkerne- 'to stand s.t. up,to stop'

ayerne- 'to tie, bind'uterne- 'to force, order to do'

yerne- 'to send'urrerne- 'to blaim s.o. for s.t.'

nterne- 'to spear, poke,sew' perne- 'torub,paint'

5.5.5 -irre 'Inchoative' (INCH)

Intransitive verb stems may be derived from nominals through the suffixation of -irre 'inchoative'.In many of its uses -irre 'inchoative' is best translated as 'to be in the process of becoming' (eg. 82).

(82) purrke 'tired'purrk-irre- 'to be getting tired'

wenke 'young woman' wenk-irre- 'to be in the process ofbecoming a

young womanahele 'angry'

ahel-irre- 'to be getting angry'kaltye 'knowledgeable' kalty-irre- 'to learn'

When one wants to emphasise that the subject argument is well on the way to completelybecoming exactly what is specified in the nominal root, then the clitic -rle 'focus; relative clause, thatclause' (cf. §8.1.1.18) is added to the nominal root and -irre 'inchoative' is then added to this. Incontrast, the simple inchoative stem without -rle 'focus' makes no real commitment as to the degree towhich the subject changes towards becoming whatever is specified in the root. The distinction is roughlythe same as that between 'to become X' and 'to be in the process of becoming X'. Compare examples(83)a and b.

(83) a. Annge nhenhe urrperl-irre-mefruit thisblack-INCH-npp

This fruit is darkening.(ie. it is in the process of becoming black, butit may in fact be half black and green or just dark green; it is just ripening)

b. Annge nhenhe urrperle-rl-irre-meFruit this

black-FOC-INCH-nppThis fruit is becoming all black.(and could in fact be going rotten).

The form -irre 'inchoative' does not convey the sense of 'becoming' or 'changing' in all its uses.For instance it attaches to a small number of body part nouns to derive intransitive verbs which may beconsidered fairly idiomatic. In all cases the body part is associated in some way with the verb action.

(84) iltye 'hand,finger' ilty-irre-'to sign to someone, speak in sign

language'akwe 'hand arm'

(a)kw-irre- 'to wave'ahentye 'throat, desire' ahenty-irre- 'to want, desire'atnerte 'stomach' atnert-

irre- 'to be pregnant'alknge 'eye'

alkng-irre- 'to have a vision; to have a

conception totem enteryou;

to be conceived, born'alhe 'nose'

(a)lh-irre- 'to lust after; toleer at [to be sniffing

around like a dog]'

Examples of other inchoative stems which do not really have the sense of 'becoming' what isspecified in the nominal root, but are simply intransitive verbs of different types, are given in (85).

(85) arrkene 'playful; joke; fun' arrken-irre-'to play'

mpeltye 'diarrhoea'mpelty-irre- 'to have diarrhoea'

alkngwe 'forgetful'alkngw-irre- 'to forget s.t.'

5.5.6 Free Verbs or Derivational Suffixes? : The ambiguous behaviour of -ile 'causative' and -irre'inchoative'

In the preceding section I have treated the forms -ile 'causative' and -irre 'inchoative' asderivational suffixes, but this analysis is not unproblematic. There is evidence to argue that these formsare, in fact, more like free form verbs.

One set of facts which demonstrates the ambiguous nature of these forms involves reduplication&-elpe 'continuous inception'. As noted in §5.3.1.4, this type of verb reduplication copies the initial(V)(C)C of a verb stem (86).

(86) ultake- 'to break s.t.' ult-elp-ultake- 'to remain on the verge of breaking s.t.'However, with certain 'inchoativised' and 'causativised' verb stems derived from nominals, this form ofreduplication may reduplicate the initial (V)(C)C of either the nominal root (eg. 87 a(i), b(i)) or of thesupposed derivational suffix (eg. 88 a(ii), b(ii)) . I have been unable to discern a difference in meaningbetween these alternatives. The former case is consistent with the derivational suffix analysis and thelatter with the free verb analysis.

(87) a. kalty-irre- 'be knowledgeable-INCH-' to learn(i) k-elpe-kaltyirre- to be on the verge of learning s.t.(ii) kalty(e) irr-elp-irre- to be on the verge of learning s.t.

b. ankw-ile 'asleep-CAUS-' to put to sleep(i) ankw-elpe-ankw-ile- to be just about to cause s.o. to

fall asleep

(ii) ankw(e) il-elp-ile- to be just about to cause s.o. tofall asleep

Derived verb stems with idiomatic or unpredictable meanings - such as the previously discussedinchoative verbs based on body part nominals (cf. example set 84) - do not allow this alternation in whatmay be reduplicated. Only the initial (V)(C)C of the nominal root, and therefore of the whole derivedverb stem, may be reduplicated. This suggests that there are at least some clear cases where -ile'CAUS' and -irre 'INCH' should be analysed as derivational suffixes.

Possible evidence against these forms being derivational suffixes is the fact that they need not"attach" to single nominals but may "attach" to whole noun phrases (eg. 88). It would be difficult toargue that a single verbal lexeme has been derived in such cases, although one could perhaps argue forinchoative and causative verb phrases.

(88) a. Marle kweke re [relhemwarre kngerre]NP(-)irre-ke

girl little3sgS woman good

bigINCH-pc

The little girl became a beautiful woman.

b. Itne re-nhe [artwe Arrerntenthurre](-)ile-ke.

3sgA 3sg-ACC manArrernte INTENS

CAUS-pcThey made him a true Arrernte initiated man.

A final example of the ambiguous nature of -ile 'causative' and -irre 'inchoative' involves thevarious positions of these forms in the questions meaning 'What is X doing?'. The question form with -ileis used when the answer is expected to involve a transitive verb action and -irre 'inchoative' is used whenthe answer is expected to involve an intransitive verb action. 'X' is usually a nominal or pronominal termwhich refers to a person. The various possible forms of these questions are given below.

(89) a. (i) Nthakenhe irre-me X ?b. Nthakenhe ile-me X ?

howINCH-npp X

how CAUS-npp X

What is X doing?(intrans.) What is X doing?(trans.)

(ii) Nthakenhe X irre-me? Nthakenhe X ile-me? (iii) X nthakenhe irre-me?

X nthakenhe ile-me? (iv) *X irre-me nthakenhe?

*X ile-me nthakenhe? (v) *Irre-me nthakenhe X ?

*Ile-me nthakenhe X ?(vi) *Irre-me X nthakenhe?

*Ile-me X nthakenhe?

Notice in the above set of examples that irre-me 'INCH-npp' and ile-me 'CAUS-npp' mustalways follow nthakenhe 'how', while the 'X' nominal has full freedom of placement. This latter form mayeven occur between nthakenhe 'how' and the verb form(ative)s. If these were truly free verb forms thenthey would be expected to have full freedom of positioning. Instead, their relationship to nthakenhe'how' suggests that they always occur after, although not always immediately after, the form with whichthey must be seen to combine - at least semantically - to form the predicate of a clause. Compare thiswith the possible permutations of the question form meaning 'Where does X live?' in which the verb mayoccur in all positions.

(90) (i) Nthenhe-le ne-me X ?Where-LOC sit-npp X ?

Where does X live?

(ii) Nthenhe-le X ne-me?

(iii) X nthenhe-le ne-me?(iv) X ne-me nthenhe-le?(v) Ne-me nthenhe X ?(vi) Ne-me X nthenhe-le?

The relevant facts from the discussion above may be summarised as follows:(i) There are some uses of -irre 'inchoative' and -ile 'causative' in which they are clearlyderivational suffixes.(ii) There are other uses where these two forms show possibilities that would not be expected ofderivational suffixes but would fit with them being free verbs. These include: the ability to undergoprocesses, such as reduplication & -elpe 'cintinuous inception', which are restricted to verb stems;possible "attachment" to phrases as opposed to simple lexemes; and a certain freedom of separabilityfrom the element which would be considered the stem of the inchoative or causative formation.

(iii) In all cases the forms -irre 'inchoative' and -ile 'causative' follow the constituents which wouldbe considered the stem of their respective formations, although they need not always follow immediately.Thus, there is linear precedence even if it is not always immediate precedence. This is quite unlike otherfree verb forms.From these facts one may conclude that the weight of evidence is against -irre 'inchoative' and -ile'causative' being considered simple free verbs, although they could, in some of their uses, be analysed asfree verbs with extremely restricted syntactic possibilities. In some uses they are clearly derivationalsuffixes, in others they are more like clitics, and the possibility that they are verb forms which formphrasal units can not be ruled out.

5.5.7 Transforming English verbs into Mparntwe Arrernte verbsAs noted and exemplified in §1.2.3, it is not uncommon for Mparntwe Arrernte speech to be

peppered with English words which are regularised to conform to the rules of Mparntwe Arrerntegrammar. Verbs which are transitive in English always have -em 'English transitive, (E.tr.)' attached tothem, and if they are being used transitively in Mparntwe Arrernte then they take -ile 'causative'. If,however, they are used intransitively, they take -irre 'inchoative'. The normal range of the MparntweArrernte derivational and inflectional verb suffixes attach to these forms.

(91) mix-em-ile- 'to mix s.t. with s.t. else'turn-em-ile- 'to turn s.t. over/around/inside out'thank-em-ile- 'to thank s.o. for s.t.'

want-em-irre- 'to want'

English intransitive verbs which occur in Mparntwe Arrernte discourse simply have -irre'inchoative' suffixed to them (eg. 92).

(92) swim-irre- 'to swim'shower-irre- 'to bathe; swim; go into water'run-irre- 'to run'

5.5.8 The stacking of verb derivational suffixesInchoative verbs may be causativised using -lhile 'causative' and causative verb stems may be

reflexivised using -lhe 'reflexive'. Verb forms with all three of these derivational suffixes stacked on topof each other do occur (eg. 93).

(93) Ayenge kwatye-ke irrpe-meirrernt-irre-lhile-lhe-tyeke

1sg S water-DATgo into-npp cold-INCH-CAUS-REFL-PURP

I'm going swimming in order to cool myself down.[lit. I'm going into the water in order to make myself become cool]

Causativised verb forms may also be made into reciprocal verbs using -rre 'reciprocal' (eg. 94).

(94) Itne thethek-ile-rre-me-le urlpe-le, ...3plS red-CAUS-RECIP-npp-SS red ochre-INST, ...When they were making each other red with red ochre, ...

5.5.9 Verbs formed from compoundingVerbs formed from compounding may have verbs, nominals, or adverbials as the first element of

the compound and the final element is always a verb stem.

The compounding of two verb stems is not very common in Mparntwe Arrernte but it doesoccur (eg. 95; see also §5.5.10).

(95) pety-alpe- come-go back- 'to return'tyarre-knge- pull out-carry- 'to drag s.t. along'

Much more common is the compounding of nominal stems with verb stems (eg. 96).

(96) irraker-iwe- carved line-throw away- 'to carve a design into'atn-ine- guts-get- 'to gut an animal'

As with nominal compounds (cf. §3.10.4) it is very common for the first element of a compoundverb to refer to a body part (eg. 97). Such verb compounds often have idiomatic meanings.

(97) alh-arlkwe- 'nose-eat-''to snap at s.o., to get angry with'

alkng-uthne- 'eye-bite-' 'tobe jelous of'

irlp-angke- 'ear-speak-' 'to remember'

Perhaps the most recurrent form to be found in compound verbs is arre- 'mouth' which, aspointed out in the section on nominal compounding, never occurs on its own as a free form word. Asignificant number of the verb stems which describe actions involving the mouth have arre- as their firstelement (eg.98). It is not always possible to discern the individual meaning of the verb form to whicharre- 'mouth' compounds.

(98) arr-wantye- 'mouth-lick, suck' 'to kiss s.o'arr-angke- 'mouth-speak' 'to cry, wail'arr-a(r)lke- 'mouth-(?)shout to' 'to yawn'arr-althe- 'mouth-(?)to pluck out' 'to howl, shout'arr-ilpe- 'mouth- ? ' 'to chew'arre-tye- 'mouth- ? ' 'to whisper'arre-wanthirre- 'mouth- ? ' 'to whistle'

Examples of adverb+verb compounds are:

(99) anyelknge-(-l)-ine- 'sneakily (-ADV)-take-' 'steal'artange(-le)-twe- 'cooperatively (-ADV)-hit-' 'to

beat up on'

There are two forms ahirre 'do by imagining, percieve s.t. supernatural' and alhengke 'recognise'which are only attested in compounds with either are- 'see' or awe- 'hear' (eg. 100). These two formsare treated here as manner adverbs (cf. §7.3.3), but their presence may suggest that MparntweArrernte, like Warlpiri (Nash 1980:16, 42-55), possesses preverbs. This question deserves furtherinvestigation.

(100) ahirr-are- imagine-see- tovisualise; to imagine; to have a vision

ahirr-awe- imagine-hear- to imagine the sound of;to hear

supernatural voicesalhengk-are- recognise-see- to recognise by sight; to

decipheralhengk-awe- recognise-hear- to recognise the sound of; to

identify s.t.

by sound'

In Mparntwe Arrernte, verbs which share a certain semantic range often end in the samesequence of sounds. These sequences often correspond to free verb forms and, although it may bedifficult to identify the first part of the stem, it is tempting to suggest that the verbs originally arise fromcompounds. The five most common occurring verbs in such "compounds" are : (i) iwe- 'to throw away'which is found in verb stems which generally mean 'to cause s.t. to be away from s.t. else', (ii) are- 'tosee' which is generally found in verbs involving visual perception or verbs to do with looking after

something. (iii) ke- 'to cut' which shows up at the end of verbs that typically involve the physicalseparation of two things (including acts of requesting s.t. from s.o.)' (iv) angke 'to speak, say' which isoften found in verbs that involve making sounds through the mouth; and finally (v) -ine 'to get' whichoften occurs in compound verbs which involve 'obtaining' something. Examples involving each of theseforms are given in (101).

(101) (i) iwe- 'to throw s.t. away, to throw s.t. to; to drop s.o. off at'

pelh-iwe- saliva-throw away- tospit

irraker-iwe- carved line-throw away- to carve a design into s.t.irrtny-iwe- dry skin-throw away- to peel s.t. off of,

to skinatn-iwe- [name]-throw away- to

call s.t. by its namenthak-iwe- ?-throw away-

to char fur/scales off gamet-iwe- ?-throw away-

to scrape burnt coveringoff

ankert-iwe- ?-throw away-to push s.t.

lengk-iwe- ?-throw away-to hide s.t. somewhere

alty-iwe- ?-throw away-to tip s.t. out of, spill

kngart-iwe- ?-throw away-to turn s.t. over; translate

arramp-iwe- ?-throw away-to tease s.o.

nthar-iwe- ?-throw away-to pinch s.o.

(ii) are- 'to see'

lhengk-are- recognise-see-to recognise by sight

ahirre-are- imagine-see-to visualise; have a vision

alhe-l-are- nose-LOC/INST-see- to tricks.o.

alkng-are- eye-see-to

turn s.t. aroundite-l-are- [throat-LOC/INST]-see- to know s.t.;

rememberuy-are- in vain-see-

to misplace s.t.;be unableto see s.t.

where it should beitw-are- ?near-see-

towatch s.t./s.o going away

arn-are- ?-see-

to watch s.t./s.o. comingatw-are- ?-see-

to go to visit; approacharr-are- ?-see-

to miss out on s.t, to seenothing of s.t .arntarnt-are- ?-see-

to take care ofs.o./s.t.

k-are- ?-see-

to mind s.t. for s.o. else(iii) (a)ke- 'to cut; call s.o. by kin term, call s.t. a person's Dreaming site or totem'

twe-le-ke- hit-?-cut- to break animalsneck

atn-ake- [name]-cut-to praise s.o.; choose as the winneror as the best

pe-ke- ?-cut-to smash s.t.

ult-ake- ?-cut-to break s.t.

at-ake- ?-cut-to destroy s.t. that has been built; to fill in a hole.

pwern-ke- ?-cut- tosplit open, crack (intr.)

laye-ke- ?-cut-to ask for

in-ke- ?-cut-to ask (beg) for food, money

r-ake- ?-cut-to grab s.t. away from

wele-ke- ?-cut-to bark (of dog)

(iv) angke- 'to say, speak; to make sound characteristic to a thing'

arr-angke- mouth-say-to cry, wailirlp-angke- ear-say- to remember; call to mindaheye-angke- breath-say- to breatheant-angke- ?-say- to call s.o.

over

mp-angke- ?-say- to sigh;cry out in pain

(v) ine- 'to get, obtain'

tyarr-ine- pull out-get-

to pull s.t.atn-ine-

guts-get-to gut an animal

anyelknge(-l)-ine- sneakily(-ADV)-get- to steal s.t.untye-l-ine-neck-INST/LOC-get- to be elder sibling of s.o.terte-rl-ine-dirt?- FOC-get- to clean up s.t.

(home,meat)

5.5.10 Deictic motion verbs and their formationVerbs in the deictic motion subclass describe a motion path which is 'away from the place where

the speaker is' or which is 'towards the place where the speaker is'. This is a small closed subclass inMparntwe Arrernte, containing four basic verb roots and six verb stems which are derived from thebasic verb roots. The four basic forms comprise three intransitive verb roots - lhe- 'go', alpe- 'goback', and unte- 'hurry away' - and one transitive verb root - knge- 'take, carry'. These four verbsentail that motion is 'away from the place where speaker is', and they are the only basic verb roots whichtake the suffix -rltiwe to indicate 'plural subject' (cf. §5.4.2).

With the exception of alpe- 'go back', which is the only basic root to indicate a return rather thana straight motion path, these verb roots take the suffix -tye 'move towards speaker, move hither' toderive verb stems which describe that motion is 'towards the place where speaker is'. Thus there isunte-tye- (hurry away-hither-), 'hurry hither', knge-tye- (take- hither-)'bring', and the apparentlysuppletive form petye- 'come'. The form *lhe-tye- (go-hither) is not a possible form and it seemsreasonable to suggest that pe- was originally the verb meaning 'to go' in Mparntwe Arrernte, but that itwas replaced by lhe - 'to go'. In other words, petye- is composed of the original verb for 'to go', pe-,and the suffix -tye 'hither'. Evidence has been presented previously in this chapter (cf. §5.4.3, footnote

34, §5.4.1.1) which would confirm that (a)pe- was the proto-Arandic verb for 'go', although it is onlyretained in this meaning in Kaytetye. Note that the suffix -tye 'hither' does not attach to any other verbsin the language.

The verb root alpe- 'go back' may be compounded to the end of all three verb stems whichdescribe a straight motion path towards speaker. The result of this compounding is to derive verbs thatindicate that motion is 'back towards the place where speaker is'. The three compounds are pety-alpe-'come back', knge-ty-alpe- 'bring back' and unte-ty-alpe- 'hurry back'. In order to give a clearerpicture of the structure of, and relationships within, the deictic motion verb class, the ten verb stemsbelonging to this class have been organised into a table (cf. table 5-4)

Table 5-4: The deictic motion verb subclass

The deictic motion verbs are the only verbs in the language which cannot be inflected with thedeictic forms from the category of associated motion (cf. chapter 6). This is not surprising since thesemotion verbs are already inherently deictic. Further, while non-deictic intransitive motion verbs like tnye-'fall' and irrpe- 'go into' have corresponding transitive forms, tnye-lhile- (fall-CAUS-) 'to drop' andirrpe-lhile- (go into-CAUS-) 'to put into' (cf. §5.5.3), there are no derived transitive verb stems basedon the intransitive verbs from this subclass. Finally, it is worth mentioning that the members of thedeictic motion verb class have an extremely high frequency of occurrence in narrative texts (as anexamination of the narrative texts in appendix 1 will reveal).

Chapter SixThe Category of Associated Motion

6.1 IntroductionA particularly interesting and well-elaborated area of Mparntwe Arrernte grammar concerns the

ability to specify within a verb that the verb action is associated in some way with a motion event. Thus,a verb form inflected in this way may indicate that the verb action happened while the subject movedback towards speaker, or it happened after the motion of the subject was completed, or it happenedwhile going upwards, and so on. The fourteen forms which convey information of this type uniquely fillthe slot in the verb which follows all derivational suffixes and precedes the aspect and subject numberinflections (cf. figure 5-1). Because of their particular semantic contribution, as well as the fact that theytake up a specific position within the verb, these forms are regarded as constituting a unique grammaticalcategory which Koch (1984:23) has christened 'the category of associated motion'.

Although it has various morphological realisations and different degrees of elaboration, the'category of associated motion' is quite common in Australian languages of the Pama-Nyungan stock(Koch 1985). This category, however, appears to reach its fullest development in the Arandic sub-group (Koch 1984), as well as in languages, such as Diyari (Austin 1981:98-101) and Adnyamathanha(Tunbridge 1988), which are immediately to the south and south-east of this sub-group. While notknown under this name, the category of "associated motion" is also to be found in a number of languageselsewhere in the world, most notably amongst the Indian languages of North, Central and SouthAmerica. Elson and Pickett (1964:25), for instance, list among their meaning categories for affixalmorphemes a group labelled "movement and intention" under which they note:

"In some languages affixes are used to indicate movement direction, or intention, or a combination ofthese. Aztec has an elaborate system of indication of movement and direction, including such indicationsas 'going out to perform the action', 'coming in', 'going' and 'coming'. Isthmus Zapotec has two differentsystems regarding motion [affixes to the verb]... ."

6.2 Is this 'Aspect'?For Atsugewi (Palaihnihan, Hokan: California), Talmy (1985:116) notes that there are positons

in the affixal verb complex for what he labels "aspect-related satellites". These "satellites" dividesemantically into two groups which he calls 'primary' and 'secondary' aspectual notions. Of these twogroups he states:

"The 'primary' kind indicates how the action of the verb root is distributed with respect to the generalflow of time. The 'secondary' kind indicate how the action is distributed with respect to another ongoingevent, namely one of moving along."

Talmy's 'secondary' group is Koch's 'category of associated motion'.If Talmy's (1985:77) fairly standard definition of 'aspect' as the 'pattern of distribution of action

through time' is taken, then the forms which are here labelled as 'associated motion' do not fit neatly intothe category of 'aspect'. Talmy (1985:114) himself admits as much by noting that 'satellites' do notalways indicate pure aspect and a 'liberal interpretation' is to be given to 'aspect' so that "we can presenttogether many of the forms that seem to be treated by a language as belonging to the same group". InMparntwe Arrernte, however, forms conveying what would be considered typical aspectual notions arenot treated in the same way as the 'associated motion category': they either take up their own position inthe verb (cf. §5.4.3) or are manifested through processes like reduplication (cf. §5.4.1). Moreover, asTunbridge (1988:269) points out, it is spatial notions, not temporal notions, which are basic to thiscategory and, as such, "it should be regarded at the very least as a distinct sub-category of aspect[Talmy's solution: DPW], and preferably as a separate category of verb specification altogether [Koch'ssolution: DPW]".

6.3 Subclassification of formsThe fourteen 'associated motion' forms are given in table 6-1 and, as can be seen from the table,

they divide naturally into further subgroupings. The first major distinction is between those forms whichentail that the subject of the verb stem event is also the moving entity (ie. the figure/theme) in the motionevent, which is true of the top thirteen forms, and that form at the bottom of the table (ie. -ty.intye 'do onY's arrival') which entails that the subject of the verb stem event is different from the moving entity in themotion event.

Table 6-1: Subclassification of associated motion forms

The first division within the top thirteen forms has to do with the temporal relation between actionand motion. On the one hand the verb stem event may be concurrent with motion, while, on the other, itmay be non-concurrent with motion, occurring either immediately before or immediately after motion.

All associated motion forms convey some type of information about the nature of the motionpath. The 'action concurrent with motion' forms further subdivide according to whether the motion pathis directed with respect to speaker or whether it is merely oriented rather than deictic. The 'non-

concurrent' forms, by contrast, simply divide according to whether the motion path's shape is 'straight' or'return', and this is cross-cut by a division into whether motion is 'prior', 'subsequent' or 'subsequent andhurried' with respect to the verb action.

The associated motion forms can go on verb stems of all classes with the exception of the'deictic motion verbs' (cf. §5.5.10). As noted in §5.5.10, this incompatibility is predictable since muchof the information that the 'associated motion' inflections encode is identical to information lexicalised inthese particular verb stems. In fact, two of the verbs in 'deictic motion verb' subclass (ie. lhe- 'go' andalpe- 'go back') show up as part of some of the morphemically complex forms within this category.

It is important to realise that, although the 'associated motion' inflections convey similarinformation to certain motion verbs, these forms do not derive motion verbs. A verb form inflected for'associated motion' takes exactly the same case frame(s) and adjunct possibilities as the verb stemwithout any 'associated motion' inflection.

Each subgroup of 'associated motion' forms will now be discussed in turn. Of these subgroupsthe 'directed concurrent motion' group deserves the most attention because it manifests a number ofimportant and complex phenomena which are not represented in other subgroups.

6.4 Action and Motion ConcurrentThere are a number of ways in which the notion of concurrence of action and motion can be

understood and it is important to realise that a verb action will be distributed along a path of motion in away which is consistent with the inherent semantics of the verb stem. The forms in this subgroup do notentail that motion is continuous nor that the verb action continues with motion. Instead, they entail thatthe path of motion is to be regarded as continuous and that the verb action happens at some time in themidst of the path. If a verb stem, for instance, entails that the subject be stationary to perform the actionthen motion will be necessarily discontinuous, but a concurrent motion form may still be used if this'static' action takes place at a point intermediate to the subject's motion path. By contrast, where anaction can happen at the same time as motion, both may be interpreted as completely concurrent for theduration of the motion event.

It is best to illustrate this point with verbs which allow a full range of interpretations. A goodchoice here are the existential-positional verbs tne- 'to be standing', ne- 'to be sitting', and inte- 'to belying down', which at first glance might seem incompatible with a concurrent motion interpretation.

One interpretation available to these verbs when inflected for 'concurrent motion' is thatsomeone or something moved along, then stopped once and stood/sat/lay for a while, and thencontinued moving along again (eg. 1).

(1) Lhere-le re relhe ikwere-nge n-intye-ke;creekbed-LOC 3SgS woman3sgDAT-ABL sit-DO COMING-pc;nhenhe-werne petye-me-lehere - All come-npp-SSHe (stopped and) sat in the creek-bed with that woman on his way here.

Another possible interpretation, which can be seen as an extension of the first interpretation, iswhere the subject takes up the same stationary position at several points along the motion path (eg. 2).

(2) Ampe re ulyentye-le inte-ty.antye-ke, uterne-ketye-ngechild 3sgS shade-LOC lie down-DO UPWARDS-pc sun-AVER-ABLThe child lay down from shade to shade while going upwards, to escape

the hot sun. [The child is climbing a big mountain and keeps getting tired out from the heatand exertion].

Finally, someone or something may be standing, sitting, or lying all the time that they are moving.This is possible, for instance, when a person is in a vehicle (eg. 3), sliding in mud, on an escalator, and soon.

(3) Artwe makite-kerte Toyota ingkerne-leman rifle-PROP-S Toyota behind-LOCtn-inty.alpe-me; aherre-ke unthe-me-leStand-DO COMING BACK-npp; kangaroo-DAT look for-npp-SSThe man with the gun is standing coming back this way in the back of the

Toyota, while looking for kangaroos.

6.4.1 Concurrent motion directed with respect to speaker (ie. deictic forms)6.4.1.1 Definitions and Examples

(i) -intye = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving toward place where speaker is now (eg. 1, 4, & 5).

(4) "… alpe-rltiw-Ø-aye! Ularre uthne-rr-intye-tyele!" … go back-pl.S/A-IMP-EMPH! Facing bite-RECIP-DO COMING-NegIMP

"...(you mob) go home! Don't come fighting with each other in this direction!" [Old dog speaking to a pack of other dogs].[T8-19,20]

(5) ..., pmere Mparntwe-ke anteme irrp-intye-ke..., country (Alice Springs)-DAT now go into-DO COMING-pcre, Mparntwe-ke3sgS, (Alice Springs)-DAT…, then he (the first white man) came into Mparntwe (the Alice Springs region), into Mparntwe. [From text by Willie Rice, in Henderson ed. (1986:30)]

(ii) -inty.alpe = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving back towards place wherespeaker is now (eg. 3, 6 & 7).

(6) Ngkwarle re lhere-ke lhengkiw-inty.alpe-ke awethe."sweet stuff" 3sgA creek-bed-DAT hide-DO COMING BACK-pc

againOnce again he's hidden the grog in the creek bed on his way back here.

(7) Kunye kweke rlkerte-nge artn-inty.alpe-ke.Poor thing little sick-ABL cry-DO COMING BACK-pcThe poor little thing cried all the way back here because of her illness.

(iii) -intye.lhe= X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving through some place Z towards the place where the speaker is now (eg. 8).

(8) Alhekulye-le petye-me-le yanhe arrate-intye.lhe-ke,...Mt. Gillen-LOC come-npp-SS there (mid) appear-DO COMING THRU-

pcWhen coming through Mt. Gillen he appeared just there on his way towards

here. [From text by Willie Rice in Henderson ed. (1986:30) - my analysis]

(iv) -irtne= 1. X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving back towards place which is away from the place where speaker is now (eg. 9 & 10).

2. (a) X[SUBJ] does Y[VerbStemEvent] (back) to Z after Z has alreadydone Y to X (eg. 11).

(b) After having changed X becomes (or is caused to become) the same as it was before ( eg. 12).

(9) Nthenhe arrantherre arlkw-irtne-tyenhe Thursday-nge?Where 2pl(A) eat-REVERS-npc Thursday-ABLWhere will you eat on your way back on Thursday?

(10) Arrpenhe angke-ke, "Kwatye-werne alpe-rre-tyekeOther say-pc, "water-ALL go back-dlS/A-PURPilerne, ure-ketye!" Kele arrpenhe-le tyarre-kng-irtne-ke.1dlS, fire-AVER O.K. other-ERG pull out-carry/take-REVERS-pcOne of them said, "We have to return to the water, or the fire will get us!" So

the other one dragged him back (towards the water). [T9-13,14]

(11) Ilengare-me unte pwerte nhenge nth-irtne-me atyenge?When-INTER 2sgS money REMEMB give-REVERS-npp 1sg DATWhen are you giving that money (you remember) back to me?

(12) Iparrpemwarr-irr-irtne-Ø-ewe!quickly good-INCH-REVERS-IMP-EMPH+Hurry up and get well again! [lit. quickly become back to being well]

6.4.1.2 Comments on concurrent motion deictic forms and their useExamining the four forms defined above we see that two of these (-intye 'do while coming' and -

irtne 'do while going back away from') are simple monomorphemic suffixes, while the other two aresuffixal morphemic complexes composed from the verb forms alpe- 'go back' or lhe- 'go' attached to thesuffix -intye 'DO COMING'. At first blush it is tempting to analyse these morphemic complexesalternatively as a type of verb compounding; with the directed motion verbs attaching to a verb inflectedwith -intye. While this is most likely the diachronic origin of -intye.lhe 'DO COMING THRU' and -inty-alpe 'DO COMING BACK', this is not the best synchronic solution for two reasons.

Firstly, and most importantly, there is nothing to distinguish the functioning of the complexes fromthe functioning of the monomorphemic suffixes. They take up the same position in the verb with thesame inflection types following and the simplest analysis, therefore, is to say they are both of the same

category regardless of morphemic complexity. This point holds true for all the suffixal complexes in thecategory of associated motion.

Secondly, in analysing these as suffixal morphemic complexes it is easy to explain their ability tooccur with the vast majority of verb stems to convey a singular (idiomatic) meaning. The compoundinganalysis, on the other hand, leads us to try and explain why it is just these two verbs, and no others,which attach to -intye inflected verbs. Moreover, these are not necessarily the verbs that would beexpected in such a compound since the meaning which is realised is not the mere addition of themeanings of the morphems but is more idiomatic. In §5.5.10 it was noted that lhe- 'go' and alpe- 'goback' necessarily entail motion away from speaker; however, -inty.alpe and -intye.lhe entail motiontowards speaker. It is clear that alpe- adds the return path component to its complex, although it losesthe 'go away from speaker' component. The -intye.lhe form is even more idiomatic since neither -intye'COME DOING' nor lhe- 'go away from speaker" conveys the sense of 'going through a place' which isinherent in the complex. For these reasons it is preferable to see these complexes as unified formsdeserving their own defintions and their own entries in the lexicon.

Looking back at -irtne 'do while going back; do back to; reversive', it can be seen that this formhas three senses, only one of which is a concurrent motion sense. The meanings of this form all have incommon that something returns to its point of origin. Thus, either something moves back to where it was(cf. definition 1), or an action is done back to the original perpetrator of the action (cf. definition 2a), ora thing returns back to its original state (cf. definition 2b). Of these three uses of -irtne, the second senseonly occurs with those transitive verbs that can also be derived into a reciprocal (cf. §5.5.1), and thethird sense only arises with verbs of transformation, especially verbs derived with the inchoative -irre (cf.§5.5.5) or the causative -ile (cf. §5.5.3). The 'directed concurrent motion' use of -irtne has the samewide applicability as all 'associated motion' forms and so it is not surprising that certain decontextualisedsentences with a verb inflected with -irtne are ambiguous, as in example (13).

(13) Re ayenge tw-irtne-ke.3sgA 1sg O hit-REVERS-pca) He hit me on his way backb) He hit me back (after I hit him).

It is also worth pointing out that while the 'associated motion' use of -irtne 'reversive' is as aninflection to the verb, the other two uses are derivational. This being the case it is possible to addassociated motion suffixes to -irtne when it is used derivationally (eg. 14).

(14) Alakenhe arrantherre awe-me, akweke-me-kwekeLike so 2pl A hear-npp, little-by-littleware-rle the il-irtne-nhe-me ayeye re-nheDISMIS-TOP 1sgA tell-REVERS-DO PAST-npp story 3sg-ACCIn this way you all understand, just little by little I recreate [ie. tell back] the

(Dreamtime) story as we go past (the important sites). [From talk by Thomas Stevensdelivered to Yipirinya School students]

As the forms in this subgroup are all deictic, referring to both the place of the speaker and timeof the speech act, it is not surprising that they interact in a particular way with verb semantics, person-hood of verbal arguments, and tense of verb. To illustrate this point a 'point-action repeatable' verbtwe- 'hit' and an 'ongoing action' verb angke- 'speak, say' will be compared within the frame:

person X[SUBJ] 1sg[O or Focus] V-intye-non-past-progressive.

The important components of this frame are that the tense is non-past-progressive (taken as 'present'),the object or focus of the action is '1st person singular' (ie. me), and the 'deictic concurrent motion' form-intye 'DO COMING' is used. In this particular frame we find that twe- 'hit' is totally unacceptable (eg.15a) while angke- 'speak, say' is perfectly acceptable (eg. 15b). Both verbs, however, can be used ifthe tense is changed to 'past completive' (eg. 16a, b).

(15) a. *Re ayenge tw-intye-me.3sgA 1sgS hit-DO COMING-npp*S/he is hitting me as s/he comes (this way).

b. Re atyenge angk-intye-me.3sgS 1sgDAT speak-DO COMING-nppS/he is speaking to me as s/he comes (this way).

(16) a. Re ayenge tw-intye-ke.3sgA 1sgS hit-DO COMING-pcS/he hit me as s/he came (this way).

b. Re atyenge angk-intye-ke.

3sgS 1sgDAT speak-DO COMING-pcS/he spoke to me as s/he came (this way).

The explanation for this contrast in behaviour between twe- 'hit' and angke- 'speak, say' in thenon-past, lies in the fact that it is not possible for someone to be both moving towards the speaker andhitting the speaker at the same time. In other words, twe- requires the actor and the object to be in thesame place; thus, where the speaker is the object and the tense is non-past, the action can not beaccomplished in the midst of a motion path directed with respect to speaker, as required by 'deicticconcurrent associated motion' forms, but would necessarily be accomplished at the end point of such apath. The grammaticality of the past form in example (16a) is explained by the section below on the useof these forms in reporting events (cf. §6.4.1.3).

'Speaking', on the other hand, is an action which can simultaneously focus on a 1st personsingular addressee and take place in the midst of a path directed with respect to speaker (ie. the 1stperson argument). In short, one can start speaking to a person from quite a distance away whilecontinuing to move towards them.

The above example shows the number of interacting semantic factors that must be taken intoaccount if an acceptable utterance is to be produced using the 'deictic concurrent motion' forms. It isworthwhile pointing out that it is evidence of this sort which helps establish semantic components such as"while moving towards the place where speaker is" in the definition of forms such as -intye 'DOCOMING'.

6.4.1.3 The use of deictic concurrent motion forms in reporting eventsAn examination of how these forms are used in reporting events, and how the component "now"

in the meaning of these forms manifests itself, will conclude this discussion of the 'deictic concurrentmotion' subgroup. The diagram in figure 6-1 (on following page) will be useful for this investigation.

Figure 6-1 portrays one person going, or going back, from the Yipirinya School towardsEwyenpere-Atwatye (East Side Camp), stopping at the creek-bed and hitting me (the speaker) and thencontinuing on towards Ewyenpere-Atwatye. For what is basically a single event there are severalpossible, and mutually exclusive, reports which make use of the 'concurrent motion' forms. The choiceof which form is to be used in a report of the event is dependent on the spatial relation between the placewhere the report is being made and the motion path of the subject of the action.

Figure 6-1: Example scene of action in midst of motion path

If I (the speaker) stay at the creek and report what has just happened to me to someone elsewho is at the creek, then, assuming my assailant has continued his travels, I would have to use the form -nhe 'DO PAST' (from the next group to be discussed) in my report of the event (eg.17). This form isused because from the point of view of where I am now the motion path runs past (or through) me.

(17) Re ayenge twe-nhe-rne,3sgA 1sgO hit-DO PAST-p.immed.,Ewyenpere-Atwatye-werne lhe-me-le/alpe-me-le.East Side camp-ALL go-npp-SS/go back-npp-SSHe hit me on his way past going (back) towards East Side camp.

I would, however, use the form -intye 'DO COMING', -inty.alpe 'DO COMING BACK', or -intye.lhe 'DO COMING THRU' in my report if I later go to Ewyenpere Atwatye and tell somebodythere what happened. These forms are chosen because, from the vantage point of Ewyenpere Atwatye,the motion path of the past event is directed towards the place where I am now. The form -inty.alpe'DO COMING BACK' is used (eg. 18a) when the assailant's motion path is a return path whichoriginated in the vicinity of Ewyenpere Atwatye (dotted line in figure 6-1). If the report focusses on thefact that the path of motion comes through the creek, and it is not a return path, then -intye.lhe 'DOCOMING THRU' can be used (eg. 18b). Finally, -intye 'DO COMING' is used (eg. 18c) where themotion path is not a 'return one' and I simply want to say that the event happened amidst the motion pathwhich is directed towards where I'm making this report.

(18) a. Re ayenge tw-inty.alpe-ke, nhenhe-werne3sgA 1sgO hit-DO COMING BACK-pc, here-ALLpety.alpe-me-le.

come back-npp-SSHe hit me on his way coming back, as he was coming back towards here

(ie. to[wards] Ewyenpere-Atwatye) [Reported at Ewyenpere Atwatye, subject's motion path is a return path]

b. Re ayenge tw-intye.lhe-ke lhere-nge,3sgA 1sgO hit-DO COMING THRU-pc creekbed-ABL,nhenhe-werne petye-me-le.here-ALL come-npp-SS

He hit me at the creek on his way coming through (the creek bed), while coming to here (Ewyenpere Atwatye). [Reported at Ewyenpere-Atwatye, subject's

motion path is a straight path through a fixed intermediate point]

c. Re ayenge tw-intye-ke, nhenhe-werne petye-me-le.3sgA 1sgO hit-DO COMING-pc, here-ALL come-npp-SS

He hit me on his way coming here.[Reported at Ewyenpere-Atwatye, subject'smotion path is a straight path]

Finally, if my present viewpoint on this event is from Yipirinya (see Fig. 6-1), and my assailant'smotion path had been a return path back to Ewyenpere-Atwatye, then -irtne 'reversive' must be used inthe report of what happened.

(19) Re ayenge tw-irtne-ke, Ewyenpere-Atwatye alpe-me-le.3sgA 1sgO hit-REVERS-pc, East Side camp go back-npp-SSHe hit me on his way going back while he was returning towards East Side

camp.

Just as a straight motion path away from speaker is the unmarked (basic) case for deictic motionverbs (cf. §5.5.10), so it is for the 'directed concurrent motion' inflections. In other words there is noform which explicitly encodes "X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving towards a place which isaway from the place where speaker is now". In the situation where I am at Yipirinya reporting on myattack in the creek bed and my attacker's motion path is a straight line path from Yipirinya towardsEwyenpere-Atwatye then my report would be as in Example (20) with no associated motion inflectionon twe- 'hit'.

(20) Re ayenge twe-ke, Yeperenye-nge3sgA 1sgO hit-pc, Yipirinya-ABLEwyenpere-Atwatye-werne lhe-me-le.East Side camp-ALL go-npp-SSHe hit me on his way from Yeperenye to East Side camp.

The use of 'now' in the 'place where speaker is now' component of the definitions of -intye, -intye.lhe, -inty.alpe, and -irtne reflects the fact that whenever these forms are used it is the present spatial

perspective on the motion path which is conveyed. That is, even a motion path made in the past has ashape and direction which changes with the changing perspective of a reporter of an event that happenedalong that motion path and these changes in spatial perspective are captured in the present speech eventthrough use of these forms. Note, however, that one is only compelled to represent the present spatialperspective on the event and its associated motion path if they choose to use one of these associatedmotion forms. It is equally possible to just report the event as re ayenge tweke 'He hit me' no matterwhere the reporter is. Resorting to this last option is, however, seen as resorting to children's speech; ifthe motion path is known it should be indicated, to avoid doing so is to be 'uncooperative'.

Two further observations on the use of these forms in the reporting of events are relevant.Firstly, as is evident in examples (18) - (20), each form is frequently used in an utterance with a 'deicticmotion verb' which recapitulates much of the meaning of the form: petye- 'come' commonly occursalongside -intye 'DO COMING' or -intye.lhe 'DO COMING THRU'; petyalpe- 'come back' and -inty.alpe 'DO COMING BACK' are commonly used together; alpe- 'go back' recapitulates the meaningof -irtne 'REVERSive'; and lhe- 'go' corresponds to zero marking, or the unmarked form. Secondly,while I have chosen to give the reporter the patient role in the above sentences this is not to say that theprinciples outlined are constrained to this situation. If I, the reporter, had been at the creek and watchedsomeone else get hit then I would still be compelled to report the event according to the principlessketched above.

The facts just presented seem to corroborate Lewis' (1976:27) conclusion, based on non-linguistic data, that Aboriginal people from the central desert region appear to operate with what he callsa 'dynamic mental map' which is constantly being updated with the speakers new spatial orientation toimportant places and events. He states that:

"It would appear then, that the essential psycho-physical mechanism was some kind of dynamic image ormental 'map', which was continually up-dated in terms of time, distance and bearing, and more radicallyrealigned at each change of direction, so that the hunters remained at all times aware of the precisedirection of their base and/ or objective."

This linguistic data suggests that to use the 'deictic concurrent motion' forms felicitously in reports onemust similarly make use of, and constantly up-date, such a mental 'map' which indicates one's presentlocation and orientation with respect to a particular event located along a directed motion path which hasa particular shape.

6.4.2 Oriented Concurrent Motion

6.4.2.1 Definitions and examples

(i) nhe = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving past/through aplace/person/thing Z that the addressee knows the location of (eg. 21, 22)

[NB. When speaker is the reference point then -nhe necessarily involves"on way past the place where speaker is now" (cf. example 17)]

(21) Re peke angkethekwe nthurre ne-ke, re3sgS maybe thirsty INTENS be-pc, 3sgSanteme artnerre-nhe-ke kwatye ngentye-werne-theke.now crawl-DO PAST-pc water soakage-ALL-WARDS.It (the baby) must have been very thirsty, as it crawled through (the camp) on its

way to the soakage.

(22) … itwe-werne-theke re unte-ke, alknge-therrke… near-ALL-WARDS 3sgS hurry-pc, cat (eye-green)re, kenhe kngwelye itne kele re-nhe ine-nhe-rlenge.3sgS, BUT dog 3plA O.K. 3sg-ACC get-DO PAST-D.S.

It, the cat, hurried towards a near by one (ie. a tree), but the pack of dogs got it on the way past. [ie. past the women watching this] [From a story by Rosie

Ferber about a cat talking.]

(ii) -tye.kerle = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving downwards (eg. 23, 24).

(23) Artwe-le arrwe re-nhe twe-tye.kerle-ke.man-ERG wallaby 3sg-ACC hit-DO DOWNWARDS-pcThe man killed the rock wallaby on his (the man's) way down (the hill).

(24) Ampe pwerte-ke atnarnpe-me-le ne-tye.kerle-ke.child hill-DAT descend-npp-SS sit-DO DOWNWARDS-pcThe child slid down the hill. [Lit: The child sat while moving downwards,

descending the hill]

(iii) -ty.antye = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] while moving upwards (eg. 25, 26).

(25) Nanthe-nge ilerne pwerte-ke antye-me-lehorse-ABL 1dlS hill-DAT ascend-npp-SSne-ty.antye-rre-ke.sit-DO UPWARDS-dls/a-pcOn horseback we two rode up the mountain. [Lit: By horse we two satwhile moving upwards, ascending the hill/mountain]

(26) …, kunye-penhe that iwenhe-kweye ikwere-le…, poor thing-PITY that what-SELF DOUBT 3sgDAT-LOCtne-ty.antye-tyekenhe ne-ke; arrangkwe nthurre.stand-DO UPWARDS-Vb.Neg. be-pc; nothing INTENS.…, the poor thing wouldn't stand going upwards on that whatchamacallit;not at all [referring to an encounter with an escalator]

6.4.2.2 Comments on oriented concurrent motion forms and their useThe forms in the 'oriented concurrent motion' subclass, like the oriented motion verbs (cf.

§7.3.2.4 [esp. fn. 19]), do not anchor the path of motion at one end or another but indicate thedisposition of a motion path either with respect to the vertical axis (oriented up or down), or with respectto a reference point intermediate to the path (oriented past/through).

The two inflections which make reference to the vertical axis (-tye.kerle 'DO DOWNWARDS'and -ty.antye 'DO UPWARDS') are both suffixal morphemic complexes. The first element of bothcomplexes is -tye, which probably originally derives from the nominaliser -tye (cf. §3.10.1.1). Thesecond element is, in one case, the suffix -kerle which only occurs on kwene 'down, inside, under' toform a lexeme meaning 'downwards' (cf. §7.4.2.4). The second element in the other case is the verbantye- 'to ascend, climb, ride'. Thus, it is the second element of the complex which conveys the sense oforientation and the semantic contribution of the first element is completely unclear.

Once again, suggesting that these complex forms are to be explained, instead, by verbcompounding is a tempting, but fruitless, hypothesis. If the form -tye is here taken to be the nominaliserof verbs, then it is difficult to explain why the suffix -kerle would take tense; unless, of course, onemakes the assumption that it is originally a verb. Further, the sense of motion encoded in the complex isnot present in either -kerle or -tye. From this, it appears necessary to treat -tye.kerle 'DODOWNWARDS' as a complex unit, and so to treat -ty.antye 'DO UPWARDS' as in fact arising from acompound, which is possible, would be missing the parallelism between these two forms.

The monomorphemic form -nhe 'DO PAST' is very common in texts while the other two formsare not attested in my textual corpus at all. The suffix -nhe 'DO PAST' chooses as its reference pointsome person, place or thing by which, or through which, the motion path runs. This reference point isnot usually stated but is understood from context hence the component in the definition'place/person/thing that the addressee knows the location of' (ie.'you know where Z is'). For a non-native speaker it is often difficult to know what the particular reference point for -nhe 'DO PAST' is in anarrative text since it may be taken from the point of view of the narrator or from the point of view of theprotagonists in the story. For example, a person telling a story with accompanying sand drawings maytalk about some action happening on the way past, where the path of motion is drawn past the storyteller but not past any entity internal to the story. There is a need, therefore, to distinguish between textinternal and text external reference points.

The form -nhe 'DO PAST' is also used metaphorically in some fairly restricted temporal phrasesreferring to the passage of time. For example, the two verb forms uyerre-nhe- 'disappear on the waypast/through' and anper-irre-nhe- (pass-INCH-DO PAST-) 'pass by/through on the way by/through'can both be used with respect to time units 'passing' by (typically arlte 'days', as in example 27).

(27) Arlte arrpenhe uyerre-nhe-ke, impatyeday other disappear-DO PAST-pc tracksikwere-larlenge 'gain re inte-ke3sg DAT-COMM again 3sgS lie-down-pcAnother day went by and once again he camped there right with the tracks.

[From a text by Basil Stevens about a man, a dog, and a cannibal]

Just as the 'deictic concurrent motion' forms were each associated with a 'deictic motion verb'with which they commonly co-occur (cf. §6.4.1.3), so too are the forms presently under considerationassociated with a particular oriented motion verb. Verbs inflected with -tye.kerle 'DODOWNWARDS' commonly have their meaning reinforced by the use of atnarnpe- 'descend' (eg. 24).Not surprisingly -ty.antye 'DO UPWARDS' has a similar relationship with antye- 'ascend, ride, climb'(eg. 25). Finally, -nhe inflected forms commonly occur with the derived 'oriented motion' verb anper-irre- (past/through-INCH) 'go past, go through'. Note that the adverb of orientation anpere which formsthe basis of this verb has the same conflation of the senses of 'through' and 'past' as -nhe 'DO PAST'does (see §7.3.2.1).

6.5 Non-Concurrent Motion

6.5.1 Definitions and examples

(i) -tye.lhe = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] at a place after moving to be there (eg. 28, 29).

(28) Ahelhe-ke anteme itne irrpe-tye.lhe-rleke, …ground-DAT now 3plS go into-GO & DO-DS, …Then they (the Dreamtime caterpillars) went into the ground on their arrival

there (at Emily Gap), … [From a story by Davey Hayes about the sacred Yeperenye caterpillars]

(29) Ikwere-tayeme kenhe kwele, arrentye re3sgDAT-time BUT QUOTE, demon 3sgSarrate-tye.lhe-rlenge. Re angke-tye.lhe-ke: ...appear-GO & DO-DS, 3sgS speak-GO & DO-pc: ...But, just at that time, so they say, a demon arrived [lit.

come & appear] on the scene. He came and said:... [From a story by Basil Stevens about a man, a dog and a cannibal]

(ii) -tye.alpe = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] at a place after moving back to be there [ie. X do Y on returning to a place] (eg. 30, 31).

(30) Ikwere-nge arrerne-lhe-ty.alpe-rlenge lyeke-le3sg DAT-ABL put-REFL-GO BACK DO-SS prickle-ERGatnelhe tanthe-ke.bottom spear-pc.After that when he returned and sat down, a prickle stabbed him in the bum.

(31) …, kere aherre anyente anteme re-therre are-ty.alpe-rre-ke…, game kangaroo one now 3dlA see-GO BACK & DO-dlS/A-pc arne arrengekwe-le tne-rle.ne-rleke. tree opposite side-LOC stand-CONT-DS…, then the two of them returned and saw a kangaroo standing on the other

side of the tree.

(iii) -rle.lhe = X[SUBJ] doY[VerbStemEvent] at a place and then X move away from that place (eg. 32, 33).

(32) Ayenge ahentye-ne-tyekenhe ne-ke meye 1sgS desire-be-Vb-Neg be-pc mother

tyenhe iwe-rle.lhe-tyeke.1sgPOSS throw away-DO & GO-PURP.I didn't want to leave my mother behind. [Lit: throw my mother away and

then go] [From a text by Carmel Ryan, translated by Margaret Heffernan]

(33) Ny-ikwe lhe-tyerte unthe-tyekeFather-3KinPOSS go-rem.p.hab look for-PURPimpe-rle.lhe-me-le me-nhenge therre lhere-leleave-DO & GO-npp-SS mother-DYADIC two creek bed-LOCne-rle.ne-rre-tyeke …sit-CONT-dlS/A PURP.The father used to go hunting and leave the mother and baby behind in thecreek bed. [Lit: leave the mother and child and then go]

(iv) -rl.alpe = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] at a place and then X move from that place back toward the place where X moved from before doing Y (eg. 34, 35). [ie.

X do Y and return to the place he had been before]

(34) Aherre impatye are-ke-l-iperre re pertirre-rl.alpe-ke.Kangaroo track see-pc-SS-AFTER 3sgS turn around-DO & GO BACK-

pcAfter seeing some kangaroo tracks he turned around and went back (to his

camp to prepare for the hunt). [From a story by Basil Stevens abouta man, a dog, anda cannibal]

(35) Relhe Pengarte-le merne yalke kutye-rl.alpe-ke.woman(skin-name)-ERG veg.food bush onion gather-DO & GO

BACK-pc.The Pengarte woman gathered up bushonions and then returned.

(v) -artne.lhe = X[SUBJ] quickly do Y[VerbStemEvent] at a place and then X quickly move away from that place (eg. 36, 37).

(36) Urrek-aye, ayenge-kemparre kwatye-ke irrp-artne.lhe-me.later - EMPH, 1sgS-FIRST water-DAT go into-quicklyDO&GO-npp

Hang on a minute, I'll just have a quick swim and then go.

(37) The arreng-atye Old Timers-ke ar-artne.lhe-ke1sgA grandfather(FF)-1KinPOSS old timers-DAT see-quicklyDO&GO-pcI had a quick visit with my grandfather (FF) at Old Timers and then shot off.

(vi) -artn.alpe = X[SUBJ] quickly do Y[VerbStemEvent] at a place and then X quicklymove from that place back toward the place where X moved from

before doing Y [ie. X quickly do Y and then quickly return to the place he had been before that](eg. 38, 39).

(38) The merne-kemparre arlkw-artn.alpe-me1sgA food - FIRST eat-quickly DO&GO BACK-npppetyalpe-tyenhenge lyete-ware.come back - SBSQNT nowish-DISMISI'll just quickly eat my lunch first and then I'll come back in just a little while.

(39) Arrpenhe re ankw-inte-rlenge, ater-althe-leother 3sgA sleep-lie down-DS, afraid-bad.person-ERGre-nhe tw-artn.alpe-ke.3sg-ACC hit-quickly DO&GO BACK-pcWhile the other one was sleeping, the coward hit him and left as quickly as

possible.

6.5.2 Comments on non-concurrent motion forms and their useAll six members of the basic 'non-concurrent motion' set are dimorphemic complexes which

follow a single pattern of formation. The first element in these complexes conveys the temporal relation

between verb action and motion, while the second element conveys the general shape of the motionpath.

The initial elements -tye, -rle, and -artne in the morphemic complexes distinguish three types oftemporal relation between action and motion.

The -tye in the forms -tye.lhe 'GO & DO' and -ty.alpe 'GO BACK & DO' indicates that motionis prior to the performance of the verb action. That is, the verb action is performed at a place only afterthe subject has moved, or moved back, to be at that place. While this -tye is homophonous with the -tye discussed above for the forms -tye.kerle 'DO DOWNWARDS' and -ty.antye 'DO UPWARDS',and probably has the same diachronic origin (ie. from the deverbal noun formative -tye cf. §3.10.1.1), itis clear that they are not to be seen as the same synchronic form. The -tye found within the paradigm ofbasic 'non-concurrent motion' inflections clearly has a meaning, as noted above, which it contributes tothe morphemic complex, while the other -tye appears to lack any semantic features of its own and istotally subordinated to the complexes in which it occurs. Further, if one were to suggest that the -tyewhich conveys a sense of priority in this subgroup was the same as the nominalising -tye, then therewould be no source to derive the 'prior' notion from. Not even a pragmatic source for 'priority' ispossible since the temporal relation between action and motion (ie. go [back] and do) encoded in thetwo forms with -tye is not iconic with the ordering of the verb stem and the motion verb in the complex(ie. the verb [DO] precedes motion [GO (BACK)]).

The element -rle in the inflectional complexes -rle.lhe 'DO & GO' and -rle.alpe 'DO & GOBACK' conveys the sense that motion is subsequent to the performance of the verb action. In otherwords, the subject performs the action at a place and then s/he moves, or moves back, to some placeelse. The form -rle, like -tye 'motion prior', is a form which occurs elsewhere stem finally on verbs. Thisagain is suggestive of the diachronic origins of the 'associated motion' forms; however, the -rle thatoccurs as a stem final inflection on verbs has 'irrealis', 'continuous' and 'deontic' senses (cf. §5.3.1.3) butnothing really related to one action's subsequence with respect to another action. The two forms aretherefore synchronically identified as homophonous, with -rle 'subsequent motion' having a restrictedoccurrence in the two 'associated motion' complexes under discussion.

Finally, in -artne.lhe 'Quickly DO & GO' and -artn.alpe 'Quickly DO & GO BACK', -artne islike -rle 'subsequent motion' in that it conveys the sense that motion is subsequent to action, however, asthe glosses show, it also adds a component of speed. While the subsequent forms with -rle convey noentailment concerning the speed at which action, motion, and transition of action to motion take place,the subsequent forms with -artne require that action and motion be done quickly and, mostimportantly, that motion follows immediately on the completion of the action. The subject, therefore,performs the verb action quickly at a place and then immediately rushes off, or back, to another place.

The source of the form -artne remains a matter for speculation. Unlike -tye and -rle, there is noevidence of it having derived originally from a suffix which can occur finally on verb stems. The mostpromising source seems to be a motion verb with a speed component in it (like 'run' or 'hurry along').The following possible, and plausible, range of cognates is suggestive in this context: artnerre- 'to crawl'(Mparntwe Arrernte); artnpe- 'to run' (Kaytej); wadna- 'to run' (Arabana) and padna- 'go' (Parnkarla).

The deictic motion verbs lhe- 'go' and alpe- 'go back' provide the second element for the'associated motion' forms presently under discussion. They contribute to the meaning of the complexwhether a 'straight' motion path or a 'return' motion path is being referred to; in which case lhe- andalpe- are used respectively. As with the forms -inty.alpe 'DO COMING BACK' and -intye.lhe'DO COMING THRU', alpe- 'go back' and lhe- 'go' do not retain the notion that motion is 'away fromthe place where speaker is' when used as the second element of the morphemic complexes which makeup this sub-group. In this particular case, each of the six basic 'non-concurrent motion' forms can referto a motion event that is either directed towards or away from the speaker, or that is not directed withrespect to speaker at all. The 'GO' which appears in the glosses of these forms do not, therefore,provide the most perspicuous label and 'MOVE' might be a better choice.

In examining the textual occurrence of these forms it is clear that the "subsequent hurried" forms-artne.lhe 'Quickly DO & GO' and -artn.alpe 'Quickly DO & GO BACK' are much less common intexts than the other forms in this class, although they are well attested in general conversation. The otherfour forms, by contrast, are all well represented in the textual base. In narratives, especially, theyfunction to mark a shift in scene and/or a change in the new participants in a scene.

The 'prior' forms -tye.lhe 'GO & DO' and -ty.alpe 'GO BACK & DO', for instance, frequentlyserve to introduce a new participant into the story. In example (29) above, where two 'prior' motionforms have been used, this is the very first appearance of a demon in the text and this is a major turningpoint in the story. The inflected verbs arrate-tye.lhe- 'move and then appear at a place' and angke-tye.lhe- 'move and then speak at a place' both convey that the demon has moved and just come to aplace where the main protagonist is. Examples (28) and (30) are cases where main protagonists haveshifted from one scene to another and a new and important event is happening in the new location. Inexample (31) the main protagonists, two hunters, have just come upon (are-ty.alpe- 'go back and see')the focus of their endeavour, a kangaroo. Prior to this they were travelling along hunting for kangaroosand following this event they remain in this place to kill and prepare the animal. Thus, in this example,the 'prior motion' form helps to both introduce a new focal participant, the kangaroo, as well asindicating the shift of scene.

The 'subsequent' forms (-rle.lhe 'DO & GO' and -rl.alpe 'DO & GO BACK') are typically usedwhen all the participants in a scene are established but one of these participants leaves. If the focus stays

with the remaining participants in a scene, then this not only means that the number of participants hasbeen depleted, but it also tends to signal an important change and a new event taking place within thescene. For instance a number of stories have a theme, alluded to in example (33) (and exemplified bytext 12 in appendix 1), where a father leaves a mother and child behind (impe-rle.lhe 'leave and go') andthen the focus remains with the mother and child to show that when the mother is on her own with thebaby she is negligent. Alternatively if the focus remains with the participant who does a verb action andthen leaves the scene of that event, as is the case for the texts from which examples (32), (34) and (35)come, then this necessarily entails a change of scene and the verb marked for subsequent motion can beviewed as one of the first indicators of such a change.

6.6 The form -ty.intye 'do on Z's arrival'6.6.1 Definition and examples

(i) ty.intye = X[SUBJ] do Y[VerbStemEvent] to Z[OBJ/FOC] after Z move to be at place where speaker is (eg. 40,41).

(40) Gabriella ngkwenge karekhe-ke, ngkwenge angke-ty.intye-tyeke.Gabriella 2sgDAT wait-pc, 2sgDAT speak-DO on Y's arrival-

PURPGabriella waited for you so that she could speak to you when you arrived.

(41) Tyewe-nhenge therre-le arrentye re-nhefriend-DYADIC two-ERG demon 3sg-ACCtwe-ty.intye-rle.ne-ke kwetere-le.hit-DO on Y's arrival-CONT-pc club (nullanulla)-INSTBoth friends (who were laying in wait) beat the demon with clubswhen he came (to their camp).

In §6.3 I noted that the form -ty-intye 'DO on Z's Arrival' differs from all other associatedmotion forms because it attributes motion to the object (eg. 41) or focus (ie. DAT marked coreargument; eg.42) of the verb action rather than the subject. This form, therefore, also differs from theothers in that its application is restricted to transitive verbs and verbs which select a dative marked coreargument.

The morphemic complex -ty.intye 'do on Z's arrival' indicates that the object or focus moves tothe place where the subject is and then the subject does the verb action to the object/focus on his/her/itsarrival. The motion event is therefore temporally prior to the verb action and this would explain the useof -tye 'prior motion' as the first element in the complex. This use of -tye is in line with its use in the basicnon-concurrent motion group discussed previously (cf. §6.5). As well as indicating non-concurrence ofmotion and action, this morphemic complex also conveys that the motion path is directed. That is, themotion path is anchored at one end to the place where the subject is and motion happens in thatdirection. It seems reasonable to suggest that the -intye which occurs as the second element of thiscomplex provides this component of directedness and that it is, therefore, related to the form -intye 'DOCOMING' which belongs to the 'deictic concurrent motion' subgroup. If this is true, however, it is thennecessary to claim that -intye 'DO COMING' has lost the features of 'concurrent motion' and 'directedwith respect to speaker' when it fused to become part of the complex -ty.intye 'Do on Z's Arrival'. Notethat elicitation has revealed that no parallel forms *-ty.inty.alpe, *-ty.intye.lhe, *-ty.irtne, *-rl.intye,and so on, occur. In other words it would appear that -ty.intye 'Do on Z's arrival' is a one-off formationbased on elements from the basic 'non-concurrent motion' subgroup and the 'deictic concurrent motion'group.

The number of examples which attest this form is quite small. What examples there are do notcome from the textual corpus but have been attested in conversations or created during elicitation. It isimportant to point out that in all of these examples the subject of the action is human and s/he has beenconsciously waiting for the object/focus in order to do the verb action to them. As such the definitiongiven for -ty.intye may need to be revised if further examples show that these more specific features areconstant components of the form's use. A more general definition is given because it is only the semanticcomponents given therein which are clearly contributed by the suffixal complex, while the more specificfeatures of use described above, could be derived from other aspects of the utterance. The question forthese examples then is: are these more specific features actually part of -ty.intye 'do on Z's arrival' andalso recapitulated elsewhere in the utterance (and its context), or do other aspects of the utteranceuniquely contribute such features on their own? Only further investigation will answer this question.

6.7 Further Comments on the Category of Associated MotionHaving discussed the individual 'associated motion' forms and the subclasses into which they fall,

there are still some further observations which need to be made concerning the wider category of'associated motion' and its manifestation in Mparntwe Arrernte.

6.7.1 The analysis of 'associated motion' morphemic complexes

It has been argued that, on distributional and semantic grounds, it is better to treat the formswhich are dimorphemic in origin as unitary complexes rather than propose that they arise from asynchronic process of verb compounding. There are two features which might be seen to go against thisinterpretation.

One of these is the fact that, although the basic verb stem dictates the case form of arguments, itis the element that would be interpreted as a motion verb, and not the verb stem, which dictates the formof the following cross-reference inflection for number of subject (cf. §5.4.2). Thus, for example, all andonly, deictic motion verbs, with the exception of petye- 'come', take -rltiwe as the marking for pluralsubject. So this is the plural subject inflection which alpe- 'go back' and lhe- 'go' take as free verbs andit is also the same inflection which follows them when they are elements of 'associated motion'complexes. Interestingly -nhe 'DO PAST', which occurs only as an 'associated motion' form, alsodictates the use of -rltiwe for plural subject marking. This fact provides evidence that -nhe is originally amotion verb which compounded directly onto the stem of other verbs (see fn. 22). As for -intye 'DOCOMING', it shares with the free form petye- 'come' the fact that they are the only forms whichdetermine the use of the suppletive dual subject form -lerre (cf. §5.4.2.1). This suggests, as with -nhe'DO PAST', that -intye may have been a free form motion verb (see fn. 11) and also indicates the closeaffinity between -intye 'DO COMING' and petye- 'come'.

The second feature which might go against the 'unitary complex' hypothesis concerns the factthat, as mentioned in §5.4.4, plural subject marking need not always follow the 'associated motion' slotwhen the associated motion form is dimorphemic. In this situation, instead of a number inflectionfollowing the dimorphemic complex, the form -te may, alternatively, occur between the two elements ofthe complex. Examples of this are are-tye.te.lhe-me see-prior.pl S/A.go-npp 'plural subjects go andsee' and ar-intye.t.alpe-me see-do coming.pl S/A.go back-npp 'plural subjects see on their way back'.It is true that these facts show that the two elements of an associated motion complex are separable,however, since this method of number marking only occurs with motion complexes the facts also attestto the unique nature of such complexes. It is not clear why plural number marking can occur in either oftwo different positions when associated motion complexes are used, nor is it clear whether the choice ofone form of marking over another has semantic consequences or not.

6.7.2 The diachronic origin of the associated motion categoryTunbridge (1988), in discussing Adnyamthanha, and Koch (1984), in discussing Kaytetye, have

both suggested paths for the diachronic development of 'associated motion forms'. These paths ofdevelopment are also supported by the Mparntwe Arrernte data. One path involves the directcompounding of motion verbs to the end of verb stems and the latter interpretation of these forms as

inflections when the independent form of these motion verbs disappear. Evidence has been providedabove which suggests that this path could explain the origin of the forms -nhe 'DO PAST' (see fn. 22), -intye 'DO COMING' (see fn. 11), -irtne 'REVERSive' (see fn. 12) and -artne (cf. §6.5.2) which marks'quick subsequent motion' in the complexes -artne.lhe 'Quickly DO & GO' and -artn.alpe 'Quickly DO& GO BACK'. A second path of development involves, at the first stage, the ordering of a verb withsubordinating inflection (either a nominaliser or participial formative) before a tense marked motion verb,then the later compounding of these verb forms, and finally the semantic reanalysis of the subordinatingsuffixes and the coalescence of this suffix and the motion verb stem into a single inflectional complex.This path would explain the 'non-concurrent motion' complexes which have -rle as an indicator of'subsequent motion' (cf. §6.5.2) and -tye as an indicator of 'prior motion' (cf.§6.5.2). For both of thesepaths to lead to the formation of a single grammatical category, it would seem necessary to assume thatcertain general processes of analogy were at work and this lead, amongst other things, to a single slot inthe verb being given over to 'associated motion'.

6.7.3 Near lexical status of certain 'associated motion' marked verbsEarlier (section 6.3) I mentioned that the 'associated motion' forms could occur on all verb types

with the exception of the 'deictic motion verbs' and, apart from restrictions placed on the use of -ty.intye'Do on Z's Arrival' (cf.§6.6), this appears to be true. However, it is worth mentioning that certaincombinations of verb and associated motion inflection occur together so regularly that they are almost tobe regarded as separate lexemes. These include the forms given in (42):

(42) arnpe-nhe- step-DO PAST- to leave: to step pastuyirre-nhe- disappear-DO PAST- to pass by: disappearanper-irre-nhe- past/through-INCH-DO PAST- to pass byarrat-intye- appear-DO COMING- to arriventh-inty.alpe- give-DO COMING BACK- to give something back(to me)are-tye.lhe- see-GO & DO- to come upontnye-tye.lhe- fall-GO & DO- to lie down: go to bed

(when very tired)iwe-rle.lhe- throw away-DO & GO- to leave someone/something behind: to dropsomeone offimpe-rle.lhe- leave it-DO & GO- to leave someone/something behind; take one's leaveof

If the 'category of associated motion' ceased to be productive in Mparntwe Arrernte, one wouldstill expect the above forms to be retained and they would be the vestigial reminders that the categoryhad once existed.

6.7.4 Explaining the common co-utilisation of motion verbs and associatedmotion forms: the raison d'etre of the category of 'associated motion'

Finally, it may seem a curious fact that when an 'associated motion' form is used, then, it is usualto find within the same clause or sentence, or in the preceding or following sentence, a motion verbwhich reiterates the motion event described by the particular 'associated motion' form used. Tospeakers of English there appears to be unnecessary redundancy here. However, it is important toremember that it is not the main function of 'associated motion' forms to present and elaborateinformation about a motion event.

Just as tense, both absolute and relative, functions to locate events within the flow of time, the'category of associated motion' functions to locate events within the flow of space. Flowing space ismotion and 'associated motion' forms help to foreground, identify, and characterise the event of the verbstem by making it a figure whose disposition in this space-flow is characterised with respect to aparticular motion event acting as ground. In English it is common to want to focus on and elaborate thetime of an event and so it is not uncommon to use adverbial forms which will recapitulate features of themeaning of the tense on the verb. Similarly, in Mparntwe Arrernte, the use of motion verbs, in tandemwith verbs inflected with the corresponding 'associated motion' forms simply means that it is common inthis language to give a motion event its own prominence and elaboration as well as using that samemotion event as a background against which another event achieves prominence.

6.8 ConclusionIn the preceding discussion I have tried to elaborate some of the more important and interesting

characteristics of the 'category of associated motion' as it is manifested in Mparntwe Arrernte. Particularareas of focus have been the subclassification, definition, structure, origin and use of the forms within thiscategory. Where possible, some of the most salient features of this category's use in discourse havebeen elaborated. In this connection it is worth reiterating that the discussion of the use of 'deicticconcurrent motion' forms in reporting events revealed that speakers of Mparntwe Arrernte mustconstantly keep an updated view of their present spatial disposition with respect to a particular motionpath if they are to use these forms correctly. As far as I am aware, this is a feature of discourse andreporting which has never before been reported for any language. The existence of this newly

recognised grammatical category, as well as its position in the verb, provides new material for cross-linguistic studies of verb morphology (such as Bybee 1985) to work with and account for. Finally, that agrammatical category which is concerned with locating a verb stem event against the background of amotion event (ie. against the "flow of space") should arise in Central Australian languages may surely beassociated with the cultural importance that travel and spatial orientation has for the speakers of theselanguages. Myers' (1986:54) following comments concerning the Pintupi may equally be applied tospeakers of Mparntwe Arrernte. He states that:

"Orientation in space is a prime concern for the Pintupi. Even their dreams are cast in the framework ofspatial co-ordinates. It is impossible to listen to any narrative, whether it be historical, mythological, orcontemporary, without constant reference to where events happened. In this sense, place provides theframework around which events coalesce, ... Not temporal relation but geography is the greatpunctuator of Pintupi story telling."

Chapter SevenAdverbs and Adverb Morphology

While there tends to be a fair degree of agreement amongst grammarians of Australian languageswith respect to the identification, and typical membership, of the nominal, verbal, and even particle/cliticword classes, the status of adverbs as a common word class is much more questionable. I will,therefore, briefly discuss some of the issues associated with the establishment of an "adverb" class incertain other Australian languages before discussing adverbs in Mparntwe Arrernte.

7.1 'Adverb' in Australian LanguagesDixon (1980:271) lists "adverb(al)" as one member of "[t]he most typical set of word classes

required for an Australian language", but his examples of adverbals from Dyirbal (1980:282) are, as hestates, able to be regarded as a special subclass of verbs and the distinction between adverbals andverbs is made on the basis of semantic rather than formal criteria. He further mentions that "[s]omeAustralian languages have a separate class of non-inflecting adverbs"; this characteristic of beingcompletely non-inflecting is, however, often taken as being criterial for assignment to the particle class.For Yankunytjatjara, Goddard (1983:36) recognises both a class of 'free particles' and a class of'adverbs' but notes that the distinction between the two classes is, once again, semantic rather thanformal, since both are classes of "morphologically inert words". In his grammar of Martuthunira, Dench(1987) moves right away from the use of the term 'particle' as the label of a word class and insteademploys the term 'adverbs' for all non-inflecting word forms that occur as one of the constituents of aclause. In other words, what many Australianists, including myself, would call 'particles', he calls'adverbs'. Dench makes this substitution of terms in response to Zwicky's (1985) criticism of particlesas a syntactic category which "is distinguished entirely negatively: particles are the words left over whenall the others have been assigned to syntactic categories" (Zwicky, 1985:292). Zwicky's solution, theone followed by Dench, is to place forms that would typically be lumped together as particles intoclasses that are more firmly established on positive syntactic criteria cross-linguistically. Although hefollows Zwicky in this matter, Dench (1987:120) admits that :

"It is debatable whether lumping particles into an adverb class gains much more than just the abolition ofan embarrassing particle class. The problems inherent in a clear definition of 'adverb' in English and theextensive description of adverb types throughout the literature shows much the same syntactic andsemantic heterogeneity as leads Zwicky to revile 'particle' in the first place."

Closer to home, Yallop (1977:101-108) groups together 'adverbs' and 'uninflected words' in the samechapter in his description of Alyawarra. It is not clear, but his adverb subclass appears to be establishedprimarily on semantic grounds and includes uninflected forms, obligatorily inflected forms, optionallyinflected forms, derived forms and even clitic forms. Thus the Mparntwe Arrernte cognates of theAlyawarra forms may be found here distributed across the 'adverb' and the 'particle/clitic' word classes.

Two important facts emerge from these observations; firstly, that in some Australian languagesadverbs, unlike nominals or verbs, are established solely on semantic grounds, and secondly, that there isa close affinity between certain adverbial notions and certain notions that typically fall into the particleclass within Australian languages.

To further complicate the issue, forms which correspond to adverbial notions, may often betreated as defective or unique members of other more clearly established lexical categories. This raisesthe question of whether it would be better to treat these forms as members of a separate adverb class.Blake (1987:3), making a general observation for Australian languages, notes that :

"The translational equivalents of English adverbs of time and place may bear local case inflection or beuninflected and thus pose a problem for classification. They differ from particles in that they carry someof the grammatical relations also borne by nominals, e.g. locative. They are best considered sub-classesof nominals."

Here then, where one could argue that there are both formal and semantic criteria for establishing a classof 'adverbs', we are told that the class is best considered as a subclass of nominals. In recognition oftheir oddity, however, Blake (1987:45) coins the term "defective nouns" for such nominals which fail totake the full range of cases and which may, in fact, appear uninflected in a clause. His main formalargument for their nominal status "is the fact that they can be converted to verbs by derivational suffixesthat otherwise occur only with indisputable nouns, ..." (1987:45-46).

While the application of derivational morphology may certainly provide useful criteria forestablishing and distinguishing word classes, it is clear that they do not do so in all cases. In English, forexample, there are both adjectives and nouns which may take the derivational suffix -ly to formadjectives (kindly, sickly; princely, kingly), and the derivational prefix anti- may attach to nouns(antimatter), adjectives (antinuclear, anticlimactic), adverbs (anticlockwise) or verbs (antifreeze,antiknock). Similarly, in Mparntwe Arrernte reduplication appears to operate derivationally withmembers of the nominal class, the verb class, and the adverb class. I see nothing wrong, therefore, insetting up an adverb class which takes the same possibilities for derivation into verbs as nominals do,and this is the position I adopt with respect to Mparntwe Arrernte.

As far as forms conveying notions akin to manner adverbials are concerned, we find that if anadverb class or subclass is established for a particular Australian language then it is typical for the classto contain manner adverbs, although it may or may not contain temporal adverbs and typically does notcontain spatial adverbs. It is worth pointing out, however, that there are languages in which there is aformally distinct set of forms that convey manner adverbial notions, but which may not get labeled as'adverbs'. For instance, Warlpiri has "a large number of 'adverbial' elements ... and these occur only inconcert with an inflected verb" (Nash, 1980:42), but these elements, which convey the way an action isperformed or distributed, are labelled 'preverbs' rather than 'adverbs'. Nash (1980:16) notes that"Preverbs are rather like adverbs, but different enough as a class to warrant a different name".Similarly, Yankunytjatjara, in Goddard's analysis of the language, possesses a class of what he calls'active adjectives' . According to him (1983:32-33) 'active adjectives', such as wala 'quickly' andpuriny 'slowly, gently', "essentially describe an actor 'in action'" and differ from other adjectives in twoimportant respects : (i) they cannot be predicated of a subject in a verbless sentence and (ii) they "do notas a rule enter into NPs, but form a separate phrase showing case agreement with the actor NP". Asnoted previously, Goddard also sets up a separate class of adverbs and notes (1983:259) that "[it] maybe difficult to tell whether a word is an active adjective or an adverb if, due to its semantics, it almostalways occurs with intransitive verbs". Bowe (1987:90-102), in her discussion of sentence levelmodifiers in Pitjantjatjara, a sister dialect with Yankunytjatjara, comes to the conclusion, based ondifferential behaviour with respect to the placement of pronominal clitics, that there are not two differenttypes of adjective; Goddard's 'active adjectives' are indeed 'manner adverbials'. She points out that thecategories of 'adjective' and 'manner adverbial' which she sets up may share certain lexical items butboth classes also have members which will not be found in the other class. This latter exampledemonstrates the profusion of factors that may involved in choosing to employ one category label overanother and shows that the question of manner adverbs is not much clearer than temporal and spatialadverbs.

In this discussion I have attempted to do two things. Firstly I have tried to demonstrate thatsetting up an 'adverb' class for Australian languages is not typically a straightforward matter. Secondly, Ihave tried to canvass the relevant issues with respect to the association of adverbal notions with variousparts-of-speech in Australian languages. We are finally ready to discuss 'adverbs' in MparntweArrernte.

7.2 The identification of adverbs in Mparntwe ArrernteIn Mparntwe Arrernte the adverb class is set up on formal as well as functional and semantic

grounds. Given the discussion in 7.1 it should not be surprising to find that adverbs in Mparntwe

Arrernte lie at a point intermediate between nominals and particle/clitics with respect to the feature ofinflection. This then is one formal criterion for identifying adverbs; when used in adverbal function theymay, like particles, occur uninflected in a clause (1a), or they may, like nominals, bear one of the spatial-case suffixes (1b).

(1) a. Lyete re petye-rne.nowish/today 3sgS come-p.immedS/He just came right now.

b. Lyete-le re petye-rne.nowish/today-LOC 3sgS come-p.immed.S/He just came recently. [or He just arrived today.]

It is important to realise that when an adverb bears a spatial case suffix it is never understood asa subcategorised complement, as a nominal bearing spatial case suffixes may be, but is always anadjunct to the clause. In other words, nominals are distinct from adverbs in that they may instantiate thearguments of a verb's (more precisely, a predicate's) logical structure, while adverbs cannot do this.

That adverbs cannot instantiate verbal arguments becomes clouded by the fact that certainforms may have dual categorisation in both the nominal and the adverb class. In fact, there appears tobe a distinction within the adverb class such that temporal and spatial adverb forms have a greatertendency to dual categorisation than other adverbs (manner, aspectual, degree of achievement). Anapparently related fact is that spatial and temporal adverbs are typically able to take all spatial cases inadverbal function, and often do, while the other adverbs, in the rare cases when they are inflected,typically take only -le 'LOC/ADV'. With these latter adverbs there does not tend to be a discerniblesemantic distinction between inflected and uninflected forms, unlike the situation with spatial andtemporal adverbs (cf. (1)). Thus, corresponding to the fact that adverbs are intermediate betweenparticles and nominals, it appears that groups within the adverb class appear to be either more "nominal"or more "particle-like" in nature.

As I mentioned in 7.1, I am willing to claim for Mparntwe Arrernte that verbs can be derivedfrom both nominals and adverbs using the same derivational morphology: they may be transformed intointransitive verbs using the inchoative -irre (cf. §5.5.5), or transitive verbs may be derived using thecausative forms -lhile/-ile (cf. §5.5.3). Thus the adverb anyelknge '(do) sneakily', which has no nominalproperties beyond the fact that it can (optionally) take -le 'LOC/ADV' suffixed to it, may beinchoativised to give anyelkngirre- 'to sneak around'. The ability to take verb derivational morphology

distinguishes adverbs (as well as nominals) from the particle/clitic class. That we need to set up a classof adverbs distinct from "nominals" becomes clearer when further derivational evidence is taken intoaccount. In section (§7.4.3.2) below I show that value adjectives may be derived into adverbs using thesuffix -ntye (mwarre 'good, healthy' mwarrentye 'well (adv.)' ). These derived forms never occur as partof an NP, one of the crucial tests for nominal status (cf. §3.1). Going in the other direction, as noted in§1.4.4.1, certain forms - like mwantye 'carefully, slowly' - which convey adverbal notions cannot occuras part of an NP unless they are reduplicated to form adjectival nominals (eg. mwantye-myantye'careful'). That forms like mwantye 'carefully, slowly' and the derived form mwarrentye 'well (adv)' arenot particles can be shown by the fact that they optionally take the inflection -le 'LOC/ADV' (as in (2)).

(2) a. Unte mwarre-ntye(-le) angke-ke2sg good-vADVZR(-LOC) speak-pcYou spoke well.

b. Mwantye(-le) anteme unte ntywe-tyeke kwenhe tea re-nhe.

carefully(-LOC) now 2sgA drink-PURP ASSERT tea 3sg-O

You should drink the tea carefully.

Less reliable formal criteria that may be used in deciding whether a word is an adverb or notare positionality and co-occurring constituents within the clause. Adverbs may occur in various placeswithin the clause but spatial and temporal adverbs have a very high frequency of occurrence in the initialand final margins of the clause and 'manner, aspectual, and degree of achievement' adverbs have a highfrequency of occurrence immediately before the verb, or they may be found in the initial margins of theclause, but rarely occur after the verb. It is also generally true that adverbs occur only in clauses withverbal predicates or in clauses where the verb action is understood but the verb itself has been ellipsed(as in (3) where arntarntare-tyeke 'look after-PURP' is the understood verb).

(3) Kwekeyanhe-Ø mwanty-ewe kwenhe.little that(mid)-O carefully-EMPH+ ASSERTMake sure (you watch) that little one carefully.

When the various criteria discussed above are employed we get a set of adverbs which is notterribly dissimilar to the adverb class in a language like English in terms of the notions covered, thefunctions of the forms, and the identifiable subclasses within the group. The forms in this set may beused to answer the questions nthenhe? 'where?' ilengare? 'when?', or nthakenhe? 'how?' rather than thequestions iwenhe? 'what?' iwenhe-arteke? 'what like?', ngwenhe? 'who?' or nthakentye? 'how many?'.In a clause they function to give further information describing particular features of the event (such aslocation, precise time, and manner) beyond what is conveyed in the core of the clausal proposition itself(ie.beyond what is conveyed by the finite inflected verb and the arguments it takes). The very fact thatthe class of adverbs in Mparntwe Arrernte meets the 'traditional' notion of adverbs might be cause forconsternation: Lyons (1968:225) claims that "it is doubtful whether any general theory of syntax wouldbring together as members of the same syntactic class all the forms that are traditionally described as'adverbs'", and if this is so, then one would be surprised to find, for a language as different from Englishas Arrernte is, an adverb class defined on formal criteria that contains much the same type ofmembership as is traditionally associated with adverbs. Of course, the possibility can not be ruled outthat the researcher was unconsciously guided by 'Anglo-centric' notions in setting up such a class forMparntwe Arrernte, but I prefer to think of the results as confirmation that the 'traditional' notion of whatconstitutes an adverb class has both empirical and theoretical validity and that the term 'adverb' can (andshould) be used cross-linguistically to identify comparable categories set up on the basis of formal,semantic, and functional criteria.

7.3 Subclasses of AdverbsAs presaged by the discussion in 7.2, three basic subclasses of adverbs can be identified for

Mparntwe Arrernte: temporal adverbs, spatial adverbs, and a group of adverbs covering manner,aspectual, and 'degree of achievement' notions. These will be discussed in turn.

7.3.1 Temporal AdverbsOne way of distinguishing temporal adverbs is by their ability to occur on their own, uninflected,

as an answer to a question containing ilengare 'when'. This is exemplified in (4) with ingwenthe'tomorrow; near future'.

(4) Q: Ilengare Minister re petye-me?when Minister 3sgS come-nppWhen is the Minister coming?

A: Ingwenthe.tomorrowTomorrow.

This feature of temporal adverbs is in strict contrast to a temporal noun like arlte 'day' which must takeinflection before it can answer a question with ilengare 'when?'.

When a temporal adverb is uninflected it indicates that the occurrence of the clausal event withwhich it is associated is at the time, or within the temporal period, specified by the adverb. This is verysimilar to the temporal function of -le 'locative' described in §4.2.4.3.2 of the case chapter. Thedifference between a temporal adverb with -le 'locative' and one without it appears to correspond to thedifference between the time referred to by the adverb being conceived of as a having some form ofextent versus it being conceived of as a point. This distinction can be discerned in (1) above. When anadverb is suffixed with spatial case forms other than the locative, then the time indicated in the adverbtypically becomes a reference point for the relative location of an event in time (eg. (5b)) rather than theprecise temporal location of the event (eg. (5a) and cf. (1)).

(5) a. "Lyete ayenge aherre-ke unthe-tyeke lhe-me, ..." now/today 1sgS kangaroo-DAT look for-PURP go-npp,

...Now I am going out looking for kangaroo.

b. "Lyete-nge-ntyele kwenhe arrantherre ayenge now-ABL-onwards ASSERT 2plA 1sgO

alwerne-rle ine-tyeke."chase-GenEvt get-PURPFrom now on you will all chase me to get me . [ie. I will be your prey.]

Another feature of temporal adverbs is that they tend to occur initially in the clause orimmediately before the verb. In narrative texts the occurrence of temporal adverbs initially in a clausetypically coincides with, and acts as a signal of, a major scene change. Moreover, as is evidenced by thefour traditional narratives in the appendix, the conventional opening to a traditional narrative in MparntweArrernte involves the use of the temporal adverb arrule 'long ago' (eg. (6)).

(6) Arrule artwe ampwe irrkwe-rre-ntye therre ne-ke.

long ago man old hold-RECIP-NMZR two be-pcA long time ago there lived a pair of (old men) siamese twins.

In §3.10.3.4 it was observed that the suffix -nye 'temporal nominal' was added to temporaladverbs with non-future reference, as well as to two spatial nominal forms which have temporal adverbusage, to derive temporal nominals from adverbs. This then acts as a criteria for establishing one subsetof temporal adverbs. This set is given in (7).

(7) Non-future forms :apmwerrke 'yesterday; past few days, very recent past'arrule 'a long time ago, long ago'ahinpe 'not recent'lyete 'today, now, recently'

spatial/temporal adverbs :arrwekele 'before; in front, front'ingkerne 'after; behind, in back, back'

Adverbs referring to future time periods, and which can not, therefore, be suffixed with -nye 'temporalnominal', are given in (8).

(8) urreke 'later, later on'ingwenthe 'tomorrow, next few days, very near future'

The pure adverbs in (7) and (8) may be considered both 'deictic' and 'scalar'. They are deictic becausetheir time reference is made with respect to the time of speaking and they are scalar because the timeperiod they refer to has a non-specific, variable, duration. Thus an adverb like ingwenthe does nottranslate specifically as 'the day after today' but means something more like 'some not too long periodafter today which is limited to being at least the day after today'. As a reflection of these properties,these adverbs, like the interrogative ilengare 'when?', can host the clitic -ulkere 'more' (cf. §8.1.2.2).When one of these adverbs has -ulkere 'more' attached to it, the resulting complex refers to a timeperiod of greater duration from the fixed minimum than the adverb itself would usually be taken to cover.While ingwenthe can refer to 'tomorrow' or 'the next few days', ingwenthe-ulkere refers to something

more like 'a few weeks from now'. Similarly, urreke 'later' becomes urreke-ulkere 'even later, muchlater'.

There is a further class of temporal adverbs all of which are also temporal nominals. Theseforms meet the general criteria for temporal adverbs but do not have any other of the characteristics ofthe adverb types already discussed. This set, given in (9), refers to the various phases of the day and, asGoddard (1983:256) notes for similar forms in Yankunytjatjara, "[s]emantically, these words seem torefer primarily to the state of the light as the day proceeds through its cycle".

(9) kethe-kethe 'pre-sunrise, when sky is red' (a good time for hunting; reduplication of kethe 'outside of, cleared, naked')aherlkentye 'sun rise' (aherlke- 'for dawn to break' -ntye NMZR)ingwenthe-ingwenthe 'very early morning just past sunrise' (syn. ingwethnele ?)ingweleme 'morning, particularly late morning' (for some speakers

at least, this term can subsume the first three terms above)arlte-mpwepe 'midday' (arlte 'day' mpwepe 'middle')(a)ngwerre 'afternoon when sun is noticeably lower in the sky'(a)ngwerre-(a)ngwerre 'evening, period just preceding sunset'alkngerreke (?) 'time just after sunset but you can still see the light'ingwe 'night time'ingwe-mpwepe 'middle of the night' (ingwe 'night' mpwepe 'middle')

When the forms in (9) are used as uninflected adverbs in a clause, they indicate that the eventoccurs during that phase of a day. These adverbs need not make reference to a particular day, so theiruse need not be deictic (eg. (10)).

(10) Kethe-kethe itne ulenye lhe-rle.pre-dawn 3plS hunting go-GenEvtIn the pre-dawn they would go hunting.

While these forms need not be deictic, in conversation they can be used to refer to a timeperiod calculated with respect to the time of speaking. Thus ingwe 'night', by itself, can refer to either'this past night' - if the clause it is part of is in the 'past completive' tense, and the time of speaking is notdeep in the night (in which case it may be interpreted as 'this night, now') - or it can refer to 'thiscoming night' (if the clause is in a 'non-past' tense). Following similar considerations, unmodifiedingweleme could refer to 'this morning' or 'tomorrow morning'. Note that a number of the forms for

times of the day are clearly based on ingwe 'night' and this may be related to the fact that a daily cycleappears to be calculated from night to night (more accurately from post-sunset to sunset).

It is worth pointing out that forms referring to the seasons, which are given in (11), appear tohave only a nominal function and not an adverbal function.

(11) uterne 'summer; sunlight; heat from sun; (for some speakers) sun'uterne urle 'early summer' (urle 'forehead' thus the forehead of summer)alhwerrpe 'winter'alhwerrpe urle 'autumn' (urle 'forehead' thus the forehead of winter)ulpulpe 'spring'

Moreover, the terms apmwerrke 'yesterday, past few days, very recent past' and ingwenthe 'tomorrow,next few days, very near future' also have an adjectival function as well as an adverbal function. In theiradjectival function they modify either the noun arlte 'day' (eg. (12)) or they modify the English words forthe various days, in this latter case apmwerrke translates English 'last' and ingwenthe translates as 'next'(eg. (13)).

(12) a. arlte apmwerrke nhakwe b. arlte ingwenthe nhakweday yesterday that(dist) day tomorrow that(dist)the day before yesterday the day after tomorrow

(13) b. Tuesday apmwerrke b. Tuesday ingwentheTuesday yesterday Tuesday tomorrowlast Tuesday (ie. Tuesday just gone) next Tuesday (ie.Tuesday coming up)

While the phrases in (12) and (13) are not analysed as containing any adverbs, it is important to realisethat they may be used with a temporal adverbial function. In other words temporal adverbs are not theonly means for conveying temporal adverbial notion in Mparntwe Arrernte.

7.3.2 Spatial adverbs and related spatial expressionsSpatial adverbs may occur as the sole, uninflected member of an utterance which answers a

question containing nthenhe 'where?'. The adverb provides the location (eg. (14)) or orientation (eg.(15)) of the event specified in the question.

(14) Q:Nthenhe relhe mape nthep-irre-tyenhe Saturday-nge?

where woman grp(pl)S women's.dance-INCH-npc Saturday-ABL?

Where will the women dance on Saturday?

A: Nhakwethere (dist)Over there.

(15) Q:Nthenhe-werne amp-atye lhe-ke?where-ALL child-1kinPOSS go-pc?Where did my child go to? [Which way did my child go?]

A: Anpere.past(S/He went) past (here).

In line with there categorisation as adverbs, spatial adverbs may appear in a clause with or withoutinflection (eg. (16)). As far as their position within a clause is concerned spatial adverbs appear to occurmore frequently than temporals as the final constituent of the clause, but they are not uncommon in clauseinitial position or in the position immediately before the verb. The set of examples in (17) show spatialadverbs in various positions within a clause.

(16) Kertne(-werne) ar-Ø-aye!up/top(-ALL) see-IMP-EMPHLook up!

(17) a. Window-le tne-rle.ne-me-le imertewindow-LOC stand-CONT-npp-SS thenare-rle.ne-me-le kethe-werne-theke,see-CONT-npp-SS out-ALL-wardsWhile standing by the window and gazing outwards,

b. Ingkerne kenhe anew-ikwe artne-tyeme, ...behind BUT spouse-3kinPOSS cry-pp

But behind his wife was crying, ... [ie. in the back ground]

c. ..., artwe antekerr-arenye kenhe anpere lhe-ke...., man south-ASSOC BUT past go-pc..., the southern man, on the other hand, went past.

We may identify several subclasses of spatial adverb on the basis of what other word classes theforms have membership in. One important subclass, the spatially deictic demonstratives, has alreadybeen discussed in the section on nominals (cf. §3.6.1). Three other subclasses which may berecognised are 'adverbs of orientation', 'spatial part cum positional forms', and 'cardinal points anddistance forms'. Members of these three subclasses share two properties with each other that they don'tshare with the spatially deictic demonstratives. The first is their ability to occur in a construct called therelative location construction (see §7.3.2.2 for discussion) and the second is their derivation into motionverbs when they host verb derivational morphology (see §7.3.2.4). In my description of each of thesubclasses I will follow Talmy (1975, 1983) in using the terms figure and ground. The figure is the objector event whose disposition in space is the "salient issue", and the ground is the object with respect towhich a figure's disposition receives characterisation.

7.3.2.1 'Adverbs of Orientation'All forms which comprise the 'adverbs of orientation' subclass belong solely to the class of

adverbs. There are four attested forms and they all share the semantic property that they makereference to certain geometric characteristics of the figure and use these characteristics to describe thefigure's orientation with respect to the ground. The four forms are given in (18).

(18) ularre 'facing towards'untyeme 'facing away from'atalkwe 'across, crossing, over'anpere 'past, through, passing by'

A figure which has a discernible front may be said to be presenting that aspect towards theground or away from the ground. Ularre describes the former situation and untyeme the latter. In linewith their senses, both forms dictate a certain case form for the reference object : ularre 'facing towards'

determines use of the allative case -werne, typically extended by -theke '-wards' (eg. (19a)), anduntyeme 'facing away from' determines use of the ablative case -nge (eg. (19b)).

(19) a. Re ure-werne-theke ularre ne-me3sgS fire-ALL-wards facing sit-nppHe is sitting facing towards the fire.

b. Re ure-nge untyeme ne-me3sgS fire-ABL face.away sit-nppShe is sitting facing away from the fire.

Untyeme 'facing away' can also be used when the aversive suffix marks the ground. In this usage theaversive may have either its 'avoidance' (eg. (20a)) or its 'spatial' (eg. (20b)) sense (cf. §4.2.13).

(20) a. Artwe kwenhe gotta mwer-ikwe ikwere-ketye untyeme ne-rle.

man ASSERT have.to WM-3kinPOSS 3sgDAT-AVER face.away sit-GenEvt

A man really has to sit facing away from his mother-in-law. [maintaining typical form of avoidance behaviour]

b. Kele anteme kngwelye mape pmere ikwere-tyeOK now dog grp.pl camp 3sgDAT-AVERuntyeme uthne-rre-irtne-ke.face.away bite-RECIP-REVER-pc.So then the pack of dogs bit each other on their way back awayfrom the camp.

The other two 'adverbs of orientation', anpere 'past, through' and atalkwe 'across', both indicatethat the figure has a linear extension and occurs in an orientation such that the ground is in some waycentral to the extension. With anpere, the figure may be located away from the ground in which case itextends 'past', or 'tangentially to' the ground. Alternatively the figure may extend 'through' the middle ofthe ground with some of the figure extending at both ends beyond the ground The common glossesgiven by bilingual speakers for anpere are 'past' and 'through'. Thus, an extended linear object like a

spear (irrtyarte) can either lie past (alongside) an object (eg. (21a)), or it can be embedded throughsomething (eg. (21b)), and in both cases anpere will be used.

(21) a. Irrtyarte pwerte-nge anpere inte-me.spear rock-ABL past lie-nppThe spear is lying past (ie. beside/alongside) the rock.

b. Irrtyarte arrate-ke ahentye-le anpere.spear appear-pc throat-LOC pastThe spear stuck out through the neck (of the kangaroo). [the spear is

showing on both sides of the neck]

Anpere 'past, through' conveys a sense similar to the perlative case of some other Australian languages(eg. Warlpiri, in Hale, 1982:258ff). Moreover, it has a close semantic association with the 'associatedmotion' form -nhe meaning 'to do on the way past' and the two forms frequently co-occur in a sentence(cf. §6.4.2).

The situation where the figure extends over the ground from one end to the other is described byatalkwe which is most frequently glossed as 'across' and sometimes 'over'. As with the English glosses,atalkwe 'across, over' is consistent with a situation where the figure is either in contact with the surface ofthe ground (eg. (22a)) or else passes over above it (eg. (22b)).

(22) a. Irrtyarte pwerte-le atalkwe inte-me.spear rock-LOC across lie-nppThe spear is lying across the rock.

b. Eastside Bridge Todd lhere-nge atalkwe inte-me.Eastside Bridge Todd creekbed-ABL across lie-nppThe Eastside Bridge spans the Todd river (lit. lies over )

Both anpere 'past' and atalkwe 'across' can be used where a figure, treated as a point, is in motion. Insuch a case these adverbs locate the path of the figure which may be conceived of as an extended linewith respect to the ground (eg. (23)).

(23) a. Kele itware-ke ware re-nhe itne alhe-rleke anpere.

OK watch.go-pc DISMIS 3sg-ACC 3plA go-DS past.So the just watched him go of past (them).

b. Kwementyaye kamele-ke antye-ke desert-le atalkwe.Kwementyaye camel-DAT ride-pc desert-LOC across.Kwementyaye rode a camel across the desert.

7.3.2.2 'Spatial parts cum positionals'The forms in this subclass evidence a type of regular polysemy whereby each form can both

designate a spatially defined part of an object and describe a certain positional relation between twoobjects (a figure and a ground). This is a distinction which is commonly lexicalised in English; thus wehave 'the top' and 'above', 'the back (of)' and 'behind', 'the bottom of' and 'below', and so on. In theirspatial part sense these forms behave as noun nominals and in their positional relation sense they behaveas adverbs. At last count the 'spatial parts cum positional' subclass comprised ten distinct forms whichdistinguish five systems of spatial opposition. These five systems are:

(i) Verticality (ie. up or down)(ii) Containment -- An object or ground is perceived as having a containing boundary and on one side of that boundary a thing is within the object/ground and on the other side it is outside it.(iii) Front/Back -- Along the horizontal dimension an object, or ground, can be attributed a pair of opposed, biased parts depending on, as Wierzbicka (1972:103) puts it, which part normally first or last "comes into contact with what is outside".(iv) Peripheral/Central -- A line, area, or volume can have designated termini, perimeters, or bounds (sides); the point that is roughly equidistant from these termini or

bounds is the middle or centre.(v) Deictic -- Forms in this system indicate the proximity to the speaker of a figure in relation to another reference point (ground). The speaker, or the place where the speaker is, acts as an understood, and secondary ground.

The forms which realise these systems are given in (24).

(24) A. Verticality :kertne (a) 'top' (b) 'above, over, up'

kwene (a) 'bottom' (b) 'below, under, down'

B. Containment :kethe (a) 'the outside of' (b) 'outside'kwene (a) 'the inside of' (b) 'inside'

C. Front/Back :arrwekele (a) 'the front' (b) 'in front, preceding; before'ingkerne (a) 'the back of' (b) 'behind, following; after'

D. Peripheral/Central :itere (a) 'the side of' (b) 'along, beside of'mpwepe (a) 'the middle, centre' (b) 'in between, amongst'

E. Deictic :angathe (a) 'this side of Y' (b) 'X be on this side of Y'intwarre (a) 'the other side of Y' (b) 'X be on the other side of'

The tenth form in this subclass, arrengakwe, does not fit into any of these systems but can beseen to bear a relation to both the 'front/back' and the 'deictic' systems. It is often used to translate'behind' but is quite distinct from ingkerne 'the back of; behind' in that it is used where the ground is anobject which, like a fence or tree, has no discernible front or back and the part or figure whose locationis of interest is on the opposite side of this ground with respect to a secondary reference point. Thissecondary reference point is often, but not always, the speaker. The two senses of arrengakwe are,therefore, 'the side (part) of Y that is away from Z' and 'X be on the side of Y which is away from Z'.

In their adverb sense members of the 'spatial part cum positional' subclass can enter into aspecial construction in which the NP representing the ground is suffixed with -nge ABL and is followedimmediately by the spatial adverb. This structure predicates of the figure NP that it is not in contact withthe ground, but is close enough that it can be located by reference to the spatial (positional) relation itholds with respect to the ground. This construction will be labeled the relative location constructionsince the figure is not located 'at' the ground but 'relative' to it. The NP representing the figure mayprecede or follow this construct. The general form of the relative location construction may berepresented as in (25) and examples are given in (26).

(25) NPfig , V, [NPgrd-nge SpatialAdverb](26) a. Re ingke-lhe-me [atyenge-nge ingkerne].

3sgS foot-go-npp 1sgDAT-ABL behindHe's walking behind me.

b. Artwe [relhe-nge arrwekele]-le tne-me.man woman-ABL in.front-LOC stand-nppThe man is standing in front of the woman.

The spatial nominal mpwepe 'centre, middle, in between', in its adverbial usage, entails two ormore reference points. In the relative location construction, the ablative suffix -nge must either beattached to a non-singular nominal (if the figure is between or amongst objects of the same type) or itmust be suffixed to each of the relevant ground nominals all of which precede mpwepe (eg. (27)).Examples (26b) and (27) demonstrate that spatial cases may be attached to the relative locationconstruction.

(27) Alyweke unte kwerne-me [yenpe-nge tyelke-nge mpwepe]-ke.Knife(O) 2sgA insert-npp skin-ABL flesh-ABL in.between-DATYou insert the knife between the skin and the flesh.

As indicated in §7.3.2, the relative location construction is not only used with the subclass underdiscussion but is also used with 'orientational adverbs' (cf. (21a) and (22b)) and with the 'cardinal pointsand distance forms' (cf. (34)).

In their 'spatial part' sense (ie. noun nominal sense) the members of the 'spatial part cumpositional' subclass can enter into 'part-whole' constructions (cf. §10.1.2) where the NP referring to thewhole immediately precedes the 'spatial part' noun . Since such part-whole constructions are complexNP's they must be inflected for case within a clause. In (28) there are two part-whole constructsinvolving ure 'fire' as the 'whole' and two spatially contrasting parts of the fire, its kertne 'top' and itsitere 'side'. Note that the verb arrerne-lhe- 'to put oneself down at' assigns dative case -ke to the firstcomplex NP (ure kertne 'top of the fire'), while the verb (a)ne- 'sit' assigns locative case -le to thesecond (ure itere 'side of the fire').

(28) "Alaye!Ure kertne-ke arrerne-lhe-tyel-aye, ampe-ketye-nge!watch-out! fire top-DAT put-REFL-NegIMP-EMPH, burn-AVER-ABL

Ure itere-le ware an-Ø-aye!"fire side-LOC DISMIS sit-IMP-EMPH(Mother to child) "Watch out! Don't sit down on top of the fire or you'll get

burnt! Just stay here at the side of the fire."

The contrasting senses of location that one can achieve using a 'spatial part cum positional' formin a part-whole construct as opposed to the 'relative location construction' is demonstrated in (29). Inboth (29a,b) the same action is performed but the product of the performance ends up in two differentplaces. In (29a), where there is the part-whole construct pwerte kwene 'bottom of the rock', the designends up on the bottom of the rock itself. In (29b), on the other hand, where there is a spatial adverb inthe 'relative location construction' (ie. pwerte-nge kwene 'beneath the rock'), the action of creating adesign is located beneath the rock and the design itself ends up in the dirt beneath the rock.

(29) a. Artwe ampwe-le inte-lhile-ke pwerte kwene-ke.man old-ERG design[lie-CAUS]-pc rock bottom-DATThe old man made a design on the bottom of the rock. [lit. cause (s.t.) to lie on]

b. Artwe ampw-le inte-lhile-ke pwerte-nge kwene (ahelhe-ke).man old-ERG design[lie-CAUS]-pc rock-ABL beneath

(ground-pc)The old man made a design beneath the rock (in the dirt).

7.3.2.3 Cardinal Points and Distance FormsCardinal points and distance forms are brought together into one subclass because they can

function both as adverbs and as adjectival nominals. Each subdivision, however, has its own distinctproperties and so they will be discussed separately.

a) Cardinal PointsWithin the horizontal plane there are two intersecting axes which are recognised by Arrernte

speakers. One axis runs roughly north-south, and the other runs roughly east-west. The basic set orcardinal point terms that describe this system are given in (30).

(30) ayerrere 'north'

antekerre or arleywe 'south'alturle 'west'ikngerre 'east'

While the evidence is scant, it does appear that more specific compass point terms can be formedthrough a compounding of the cardinal point terms given in (30). The available examples show only twoterms being compounded. In these compounds the north-south axis has primary status and provides thefirst element to the compound while the second element specifies whether the precise direction is west oreast of this axis. The four compounds that have been attested are given in (31) and little more can besaid about them.

(31) ayerrere-alturle 'north-west'antekerre-alturle 'south-west'ayerrere-ikngerre 'north-east'antekerre-ikngerre 'south-east'

As in other Australian languages, the cardinal point terms are used with great frequency toprovide direction, orientation, or immediate location of objects and events. While there are body partterms for the left and right hand, akwalyenge and akwarratye respectively, these are not used in a spatialor directional sense and there are no other forms corresponding to English 'left' and 'right'. Instead, thecardinal point terms are typically employed where English speakers would use 'left' and 'right'. Forinstance, while driving along the streets of Alice Springs or through the bush, all commands to alterdirections are given to the driver in term of the cardinal points. The forms of the command may involveeither an inchoativised form of the cardinal point term or simply the term itself in adverb function, oftenwith spatial inflection. Handsigning the directions typically accompanies the commands. An example ofsuch direction giving is given in (32).

(32) Ayerrere-werne-theke alh-Ø-aye. Kele anteme ikngerr-irre-Ønorth-ALL-wards go-IMP-EMPH. O.K. now east-INCH-IMPante ikwere-nge ayerrere-werne awethe-'gain turn-irre-Ø.and 3sgDAT-ABL north-ALL again-same.again turn-INCH-IMPKele arratye kwete, arratye kwete. Alturle-theke, kele ayerrereOK straight still, straight still. West-wards, OK northanteme. Kele nhenhe nthurre-ke ayenge atnarnpe-lhile-Ø.

now. OK here INTENS-DAT 1sgO descend-cause-IMPGo northwards. O.K. now turn east and after that turn towards the north again.

O.K. keep on going straight ahead, straight ahead. Turn west, and now north. O.K. drop me off right here.

Similarly, where English speakers would use 'left' or 'right' to differentiate one object from another (suchas the 'left foot', 'the right shoulder, or 'the tree on the left'), Mparntwe Arrernte once again uses thecompass point terms, but this time in adjectival function. As adjectives, cardinal point terms indicatethat the referent of the head of the NP is the one which, relative to other entities of the same kind, islocated in the direction indicated by the cardinal point term (eg. (33)).

(33) a. Alpere arrern-Ø-aye pwerlepe ikngerre-ke.hanging put-IMP-EMPH shoulder east-DATHang it (the bag) over your east shoulder.

b. Re tin-shed ayerrere arte-ke.3sgA tin-shed north-O build-pc.He built the north tinshed. [ie.the one which compared to others is in the north]

In §7.3.2.2 it was noted that the cardinal point terms, in their adverb function, can take part inthe 'relative location construction'; an example of this is provided in (34). An example of a cardinal pointadverb directing an event other than a motion event is given in (35).

(34) Itne pwerte-nge alturle(-le) ne-me3plS hill-ABL west(-LOC) be-nppThey live to the west of the hill.

(35) Ayerrere ar-Ø-aye!north see-IMP-EMPHLook north!

Earlier it was observed that the cardinal point axes were only 'roughly' directed: ayerrere, forinstance, usually means 'northish' rather than exactly 'north' by the compass. East and west may alwaysbe determined by movements of the sun, and north and south can, of course, be determined with respect

to the given east-west axis, but this is not the way people tend to determine directions within their owncountry. Within certain defined and well known areas, important landmarks typically provide the majorguides used for reckoning cardinal point orientation within the area and so the points that fix the axeswithin these areas often do not align with the compass. In the Alice Springs town are, for instance,Mparntwe Arrernte people direct themselves by reference to the fact that the MacDonnell Ranges forma rough east west line, and inside the range the Todd river flows roughly north to south.

b) Distance forms There are two basic forms which indicate relative distance, irrespective of direction, position, ororientation. These forms, which are given in (36), may refer to the distance between two entities, twoevents, or an entity and an event, or it may refer to the distance covered in the performance of an actionsuch as a motion event, a speech event (eg. shouting a long way), or an act of perception (eg. being ableto see only a short distance).

(36) itwe 'close, nearby, a short distance'arlenge 'distant, far, far way, a long way'

There is a third distance form, arlenge-arlentye 'very far away, a great distance', which is based onarlenge 'far' plus a compounded intensifier arlentye that only occurs attached to arlenge and never occurson its own.

Examples of distance forms functioning as adverbs are given in (37).

(37) a. ..., kenhe kele relhe nhenge petye-anteme-alpe-rlenge,..., BUT OK woman REMEMB come-now-back-DS,itwe anteme.near now..., while the woman (you remember the one) was right nowreturning close by.

b. Kenhe kwele artwe just arlenge-nge-anteye ar-intye-ke.But QUOT man just far-ABL-AS WELL see-DO COMING-pcBut, supposedly, the man had just seen (everything) from afar as he came.

c. ..., artnerre-ke-nhe-pe-nhe-tyennhenge arlenge-arlentye nthurre..., crawl-?-DO PAST-FREQ.rdp-SBSQNT very far INTENSre anteme kwele3sgS now QUOT..., and subsequently he had now, so they say, crawled (past) and crawled

(past) and crawled (past) a very great distance.

In their adjectival function these forms indicate that the modified noun is at the relative distanceindicated with respect to other specified (or understood) entities (eg. (38)). It seems that distance formsin adjectival function may often appear as the sole member of a NP where the head of the NP isunderstood to be pmere 'place, camp'. In this case it may be hard to distinguish a distance form'sadjectival function from its adverbal function (39).

(38) a. Kele kwele re arne itwe-le tne-tyeme, ...OK QUOT 3sgS tree close-LOC stand-ppSo it was supposedly standing at a nearby tree, ... b. Pmere

arlenge-ke kngerrepate mape-le lengkiwe-keplace far-DAT elder grp.(pl)-ERG hidetywerrenge nhenge re-nhe, ...sacred object REMEMB 3sg-ACCThe elders hid that sacred object in a distant place, ...

(39) a. ..., not itwe-ke peke kwele re are-ke, arrangkwe...., not close-DAT maybe QUOT 3sgA see-pc,

nothing...., he didn't even see (a game animal) at close quarters [ie. at a close place],

nothing at all.

b. Arlenge-le kenhe kwele ne-ke kwatye iperte re, ...far-LOC BUT QUOT sit/be-pc water hole 3sgS, ...But the waterhole, so they say, was at a distant (place), ... [ie. the waterhole

lay at a distance from the camp]

An interesting feature of the use of distance forms to indicate the relative location of one objector place with respect to another is the differential assignment of case to the entity which acts as ground.In discussing the distance of a figure with respect to the place where the speaker is, the speaker marksthe NP referring to the place s/he is in (ie. the ground) with the ablative case -nge (eg. (40a)). Similarlyif the speaker is referring to the distance of a place (the figure) with respect to another place (the ground)which is roughly on a path between where the speaker is and the place being located, then ablative caseis also used (eg. 40b). In contrast, the dative case -ke marks the ground if the place being located (thefiqure) is the place where the speaker is (eg. (40c)) or if it is between the place where the speaker is andthe place acting as ground (eg. (40d)). Thus, in contrast to English where the figure is always either'close to', or 'far from' the ground (but not 'far to', or 'close from'), in Mparntwe Arrernte the figure canbe 'close to' or 'close from' the ground, or 'far to' or 'far from' the ground, depending both on thealignment of the relevant entities with respect to the place of speaker and the entity chosen to be ground.

(40) a. Pmere nthenhe Amoonguna-nge arlenge / itwe ne-me?place where Amoonguna-ABL far / close sit/be-nppWhich place is far/close from Amoonguna. [Where speaker is in Amoonguna.]

b. Darwin Alice Springs-nge arlenge.Darwin Alice Springs-ABL farDarwin is far from Alice Springs. [Where speaker is in Amoonguna.]

c. Amoonguna Alice Springs-ke itwe(-le).Amoonguna Alice Springs-DAT close(-LOC)Amoonguna is close to Alice Springs. [Where speaker is in Amoonguna.]

d. Alice Springs Darwin-ke arlenge ne-me.Alice Springs Darwin-DAT far be-npp.Alice Springs is far to Darwin. [Where speaker is in Amoonguna.]

The logic dictating the use of -ke 'dative' or -nge 'ablative with the distance forms seems fairlyclear. As Wierzbicka (1972:98) points out, distance is not a static notion, but entails the idea ofmovement of some real or imaginary object. In Mparntwe Arrernte it appears that the speaker, indescribing relative distance, tends to imagine a motion path emanating from his/her present place oflocation. Ablative is used where the ground is at the beginning of this path or is roughly on this path and

is closer to the beginning point than the figure is. In other words the speaker would have to travel fromwhere s/he is, and from all places intermediate (close or far) to get to the figure location. Dative, on theother hand, is used where the ground is at the end point of this imagined motion path and the beginningpoint of the path (speakers location), or intermediate points on that path, are the ones whose relativedistance is of concern. Thus, the speaker would have to travel to the ground location (and not from it).[Compare with other uses of ablative and dative in §4.2.6 and §4.2.5 respectively].

Of course this system breaks down when the relevant entities can not be conceivably alignedalong a path emanating from the speaker. In this situation, if two entities are close to each other than thereduplicated form itwe-ke-itwe (close-DAT-close) 'close by each other' (cf. §7.4.4.4) is used andneither entity is case marked. In the case of two entities being far from each other it is not clear whetherit is possible to use arlenge-ke-arlenge 'far from each other', which is apparently an acceptable form butwhich is as yet unattested in conversation or text. Instead, -nge ABL is again used to mark one of theentities as the ground and the figure is said to be distant from it (eg. (41)). The principles dictating whichof the two entities is chosen as ground and which is chosen as the figure seem to include (i) whether ornot one of the two entities is stationary; in which case the stationary object is chosen as ground; (ii)whether one of two places has special significance for the speaker or not; the place of significance tendsto be chosen as ground; or (iii) the relative size of the entities; the larger the entity the more likely it is tobe chosen as reference point. These principles assume that the speaker is not imagining him/herself tobe at the place of one of the entities in which case that is automatically the point of (original) reference(cf. fn. 15).

(41) Mweteke ultake-lhe-ke-rle re pmere-nge arlenge ne-me.car break(tr)-REFL-pc-REL 3sgS camp-ABL far sit/be-nppThe broken down car is far from the camp.[said at point intermediate between the

car and the camp]

7.3.2.4 Derivation of spatial adverbs into verbs of motion and verbs of causative positionIn the introduction to this discussion of spatial adverbs it was mentioned that the members of all

three subclasses of spatial adverbs discussed here share the property that they can be derived intomotion verbs. When these forms take the inchoative -irre (cf. §5.5.5) then they become members of the'oriented motion verbs' subclass of motion verbs; along with such underived verbs as tnye- 'fall' andantye- 'ascend, go up, climb'. When these forms take causative morphology (ie. either -ile or -lhile

'CAUS' cf. §5.5.3) they are derived into transitive verbs which mean that 'an agent causes the object tomove with the orientation described in the root' (see (42) and (43); also (32)).

(42) Adverb Inchoative (-irre) Causative (-ile/-lhile)anpere 'past, through' anper-irre- 'to go past' anper-ile 'to move

s.t. past'kertne 'up, above, top' kertn-irre- 'to rise' kertne-lhile- 'to raise

or lift s.t. up'ayerrere 'north' ayerrer-irre- 'to go north; ayerrer-ile- 'to move or

to turn to the north' turn s.t. northwards'arlenge 'far' arleng-irre- 'to go a long arlenge-lhile- 'to move

distance' s.t. far away'

(43) a. Pmere-nge-rlke arleng-irre-ke re, ...camp-ABL-TOO far-INCH-pc 3sgS, ...He had gone far from (his) home too, ...

b. Tyerrtye mape irrkwentye therre-le anper-ile-ke StuartArms-nge,

person grp(O) police two-ERG past-CAUS-pc Stuart Arms-ABL,

The two policemen moved the people past the Stuart Arms hotel, ...

c. Ampe kweke akertne-lhile-lhe-me.child little up-CAUS-REFL-npp.The baby is lifting itself up. [ie. raising itself to a standing position]

7.3.3 Manner, aspectual, and 'degree of achievement' adverbsAs the title to this section suggests, this class of adverbs is, semantically, quite heterogeneous.

Roughly, forms in this class all provide information on how an action is performed, rather than where orwhen it is performed, but they do not all answer a question with, or even based on, nthakenhe 'how?'.In fact a number of the forms can't occur on their own without an overt verb to modify. The featureswhich bring the members of this class together were mentioned in §7.2: all forms in this grouping mayoptionally take the suffix -le to indicate their adverb status, but do not occur with any other case suffixes

attached, and they tend to precede the verb directly, often forming a tight phrasal - at times almostlexical - unit with the verb. Typically, their occurrence with -le 'LOC/ADV' or without -le 'LOC/ADV',does not carry an easily discernible semantic difference. However, it is worth noting that this is notalways the case, as (44) shows. Here, where the form arnterre 'do with great attention; do intensively'modifies angke- speak, it appears that when the adverb is uninflected (44a) it describes the physical actof producing the words (ie. loudly), but when -le is attached to the adverb (44b) it describes the way themessage was delivered (ie. forcefully).

(44) a. Re arnterre angke-me.3sgS intensively speak-nppS/He speaks loudly.

b. Re arnterre-le angke-me.3sgS intensively-LOC/ADV speak-nppS/He speaks forcefully. [eg. speaks strongly for his/her country]

The distinction between manner, aspectual, and degree of achievement forms within this classcan be made on semantic and formal grounds. Each group is discussed in turn.

7.3.3.1 Manner adverbsManner adverbs may indicate the speed with which an action occurs, the degree of force

invested in the action, and/or the way an animate being goes about the performance of an action. Aselection of some of the most common forms is given in (45).

(45) mwantye 'carefully; slowly'iparrpe 'quickly'arnterre 'do intensively; do with great attention; do "hard"'pwethepe 'do anyway, although not interested; do carelessly'kwenpe 'do anyway, without worrying about bad consequences;

do bravely (or foolishly)'tnyante 'do to "death"; do severely; do savagely'artange or arntangentye 'do co-operatively'anyelknge 'do sneakily'ankeye 'do in begging manner'

The forms in this class can be used to answer questions with nthakenhe 'how?', although forms vary asto whether they can occur on their own in an answer or whether they must co-occur with the verb theymodify. The two 'speed' forms mwantye 'carefully, slowly' and iparrpe 'quickly' may occur on their ownand, unlike the other forms, may be used with 'emphatic clitics' (cf. §8.1.1.15-17) to conveyinterjectional commands that demand that the addressee do the action with the speed or care indicated(eg. (46)).

(46) a. "Mwanty-ewe!" b. "Iparrp-aye!" carefully/slowly-EMPH+ quickly-EMPHBe careful! or Go slowly! Hurry up!

These two forms also tend to have a greater freedom of positionality, occurring before or after the verband not necessarily immediately next to it (eg. (47)).

(47) a. Iparrpe re mantere irlwe-lhe-ke kwatye-ke irrpe-tyeke.

quickly 3sgS clothes take off-REFL-pc water-DAT gointo-PURP

Quickly he took of his clothes in order to swim.

b. Re antye-ke mwantye nthurre ante arnterre itirre-ke

3sgS climb-pc carefully INTENS and intensivelythink-pc

itelare-tyeke iwenhe-rle urreye ikwere ile-ke.remember-PURP what-REL boy 3sgDAT tell-pcHe climbed carefully and thought hard to remember what the boy hadtold him. [From Ferber in Henderson (ed.) 1986; my translation and

morphemic analysis]Another form which may occur on its own in an utterance and which has a fair degree of

flexibility with respect to its position in a clause is alakenhe 'like so, thus, in this manner'. This is, by far,the most frequently encountered manner adverb. As mentioned in §2.6.3 (see also §2.8.1), this form is

used to indicate that a physical demonstration or oral description of the manner in which an action occursis provided in the immediate context of the utterance (48).

(48) a. Arelhe re angke-ke alakenhe, "Lyete ayenge lhe-me merne-ke."

woman 3sgS speak-pc thus, now 1sgS go-npp food-DAT ."

The woman spoke thus, "Now I'm going out for some food."

b. Alakenhe the pwerte iwe-ke.thus 1sgA stone throw-pcIn this manner I threw the stone. [Said while demonstrating the action.]

The other members of the manner adverb subclass must co-occur with an overtly manifestedverb and they must precede that verb; although they need not precede it immediately (eg. (49), also (44,(47b)). When these forms immediately precede the verb they typically form a tight unit with the verband the two are often said together as if they were a single lexical item. Indeed, I would argue that some'manner adverb + verb' combinations, such as anyelknge-(l)-ine- [do sneakily(-LOC/ADV)-get-] 'tosteal' and ahirre-are- [by imagining-see-] 'to envision, to picture in one's mind', should be recognised aslexical compounds (cf. §5.5.9).

(49) a. ..., re-nhe nhakwe mape-le artangentye-le..., 3sg-ACC that(dist) grp(pl)-ERG co-operatively-

LOC/ADVuthne-rrirre-me kwenhe, kngwelye mape-lebite-pl.S/A-npp ASSERT, dog grp(pl)-ERG..., that pack over there, the pack of dogs, is really ganging up and attacking

it (the cat). [lit. they are co-operatively biting the cat]

b. Kwenpe(-le) re arlkwe-ke arntirte re-nhe.without worry(-LOC/ADV) 3sgA eat-pc rotten 3sg-ACCWithout caring, s/he went right ahead and ate the spoiled (food).

c. Re re-nhe tnyante twe-pe-twe-me kwetethe.

3sgA 3sg-ACC severely hit-FREQ.rdp-npp always.He keeps on beating her severely all the time.

7.3.3.2 Aspectual adverbsAspectual adverbs roughly indicate the degree to which an action continues or continues to be

repeated. The three attested members of this class are given in (50).

(50) awethe 'do again; do more'kwete 'to still do; keep on doing'kwetethe 'always do'

Two of these forms, kwete 'still' and kwetethe 'always', are odd from the point of view of thelarger 'manner, aspectual, and degree of achievement' class of adverbs, because they have a highfrequency of occurrence after the verb. In fact, it is tempting to analyse them as particles except thatthey can host the case suffix -le 'LOC/ADV', although they do so very rarely. There may be evidencefrom 'particle/clitic insertion' (§6.3) to suggest that the form kwete 'still' is best considered a member ofboth the adverb and particle/clitic word classes. The form kwetethe 'always' acts as a noun modifier inat least one well discussed and culturally significant compound: pmere kwetethe (camp/countryalways) 'everlasting home, eternal place, the traditional home country of a person or a totem'. The useof these two forms as aspectual adverbs is exemplified in (51) (see also (49c) and (55a)).

(51) a. ..., urrperle mape-le nhenge re-nhe twe-me kwete.

..., black pl(grp)-ERG REMEMB 3sg-ACC hit/kill-npp still

..., Aboriginal people continue to kill that one.

b. Kunye-werne uyarne kwete unte-ke.poor thing-PITY(E.A.) in vain still hurry away-pc.The poor thing kept on running away in vain.

c. ..., are-tye.lhe-me-le atwetye re-nhe marle re..., see-GO&DO-npp-SS joey 3sg-ACC girl 3sgS nthep-irre-tyerte kwetethe.

dance-INCH-rem.p.hab always..., when (she) went and visited the joey, the girl always used to dance.

d. Kwetethe itne alakenhe mpware-p-are-me.always 3plA like so make/do-FREQ.rdp-nppThey always do it that way (by habit).

Awethe 'again; more' has been mentioned previously in the section on quantifier nominals (cf.§2.3). In its adverb function this form typically occurs before the verb and indicates that a verb action isbeing repeated once again, or that 'more' of the same previously established, and continuing, action istaking place (52).

(52) a. Awethe re lhe-me-le, pmere arrpenhe-ke arrate-tye.lhe-rle, ...again 3sgS go-npp-SS, camp other-DAT appear-GO&DO-

GenEvt,...Then he'd go off again and appear in some other camp, ...

b. Wenten awethe angke-ke Land Council ikwere.Wenten again speak-pc Land Council 3sgDAT.Wenten spoke some more about the Land Council.

All three 'aspectual adverbs' may be reduplicated. The shared semantic effect of reduplicationwith these forms is discussed in §7.4.4.1.

7.3.3.3 'Degree of achievement' adverbsForms in this subclass indicate, roughly, the degree to which an action can be said to be

successfully enacted. Their interpretation is dependent upon the Aktionsart of the verb; successful, orunsuccessful, enactment of a verb like lhe- 'go, move away' may refer simply to the starting point of theaction, beyond which the action is in motion and so achieved, while with a verb like ilwe- 'to die' theaction may be in process but is only achieved once the end point is attained. The three forms in thissubclass are given in (53).

(53) ingkwe 'nearly, to nearly accomplish an action, almost'

uyarne or uye 'do action in vain; unable to do'apale 'do action wrongly, make a mistake in doing; to be wrong

to do an action'

All members of this subclass occur somewhere before the verb they modify. Like certainmembers of the 'manner' adverb subclass, when these forms occur immediately before a verb, theadverb and verb may combine, from the point of view of pronunciation, to form a tight lexical unit. Infact, the verb (a)palunthe- 'to look for something that is lost, search for' appears to arise from thecompounding of apale 'wrongly' and unthe- 'to wander around looking for something (that isn't lost)' withslightly shifted semantics.

Ingkwe 'nearly' indicates that an action or end point state comes close to being achieved, but , infact, it never is (54).

(54) a. Ayenge ingkwe angke-ke "arrangkwe".1sgS nearly say-pc "no".I nearly said "no" (when I meant to say "yes").

b. Mwanty-aye, unte re-nhe ingkwe we-ke.carefully-EMPH, 2sgA 3sg-ACC nearly hit with missile-pc.Be careful, you nearly hit him (with the ball you threw).

Uyarne 'in vain', or simply uye, indicates that an entity is actively attempting to perform an actionbut they are, for some reason, unable to successfully achieve the action they are attempting. Typicallythere is some actual physical impediment preventing the performer from doing the action (55) (see also51b, T9-8). It is important to note that uyarne is often translated by 'can't', but in Mparntwe Arrernte itdoesn't have the deontic sense of 'not being permitted' that English 'can't' has. In Western Arrernte, onthe other hand, yarne apparently covers much the same semantic range as English 'can't'.

(55) a. Re kngerr-arteke angke-tyekenhe kwete ane-ke,3sgS big-SEMBL speak-VbNEG still be-pc,ikwere-nge itne re-nhe uye awe-tyerte.3sgDAT-ABL 3plA 3sg-ACC in vain understand-rem.p.hab

He still didn't speak like an adult and because of that they couldn't understand him. (ie. they tried in vain to understand him)[ From Ferber in Henderson (ed.) 1986; my translation and morphemic analysis]

b. Kwementyaye-le uyarne-le yake-ke ampe re-nhe,Kwementyaye-ERG in vain-LOC/ADV prevent-pc child 3sg-ACCkenhe re kwenpe-le lhe-rlenge.BUT 3sgS without worry-LOC/ADV go-DSKwementyaye tried in vain to prevent the child (from going), but she went

right ahead and took off regardless.

Apale 'wrongly', unlike the preceding forms, may be used with states as well as actions andprocesses. With an action or process, apale may either indicate that the event, although being achieved,was not achieved as intended or as one would have expected (56a), or it may indicate a moral sensethat it was simply wrong (or mistaken) to do the verb action (56b). With stative predicates apaleindicates that , with respect to the entity of which the state is predicated, the state is wrong or is not as itshould be (56c).

(56) a. The nge-nhe apale twe-ke.1sgA 2sg-ACC wrongly hit-pcI wrongly hit you. (ie. I made a mistake in hitting you; either I meant to hit

someone else, or I meant to hit you but missed or hit you in the wrong spot.)

b. Apale anteme ayenge lhe-ke.wrongly now 1sgS go-pcIt was wrong of me to have gone. [Said by someone who had a premonition

that something bad would befall his child who was left in camp with its mother]

c. Re apale relhe Pengarte-kerte.3sgS wrongly woman Pengarte-PROP.He is wrongly with a Pengarte woman. (He wrongly has a Pengarte woman. ie. She is not a possible marriage choice for him.)

7.3.3.4. Co-occurrence of manner, aspectual, and degree of achievement adverbs

A single clause may contain a member from each of the manner, aspectual, and degree ofachievement subclasses. Generally speaking, members from within the same subclass do not co-occur.While I have not had all that much success in exploring thoroughly the ordering and scoping relationshipsamongst co-occurring forms from these three subclasses, what information I have uncovered suggeststhat if all three types occur before the verb then the ordering amongst them is:degree of achievement adverb - aspectual adverb - manner adverbThis is only the relative ordering and there is no constraint that the forms must immediately precede eachother (eg. (57); see also (51b)).

(57) a. Old man re ingkwe awethe tnyante tnye-ke.old man 3sgS nearly again severely fall-pc.The 'old man' nearly had another severe fall. [lit. nearly fell severely again]

b. New-ikwe-le apale Kwementyaye re-nhe kwetethespouse-3KinPOSS-ERG wrongly Kwementyaye 3sg-ACC

alwaysnthurre kwele ankeye-le kakwe-me pwerte-ke.INTENS QUOT beggingly-LOC/ADV bite-npp money-

DAT.Her husband is forever wrongly hitting Kwementyaye up for money. [lit.

wrongly always beggingly biting for money]7.4 Adverb Derivation

Apart from reduplicated forms, which will all be treated together, adverb derivations will bediscussed according to the general subclass of adverb they are associated with. Thus, temporalderivations, spatial derivations, and 'manner, aspectual, and degree of achievement' derivations will bediscussed in turn, followed by a discussion of reduplications which give rise to adverbs.

7.4.1 Temporal DerivationsMany shades of distinction in terms of the temporal location of an event are achieved by use of

particle/clitics to modify temporal adverbs. For example, when -ante 'only, exclusively', -ulkere 'more',and ware 'dismissive' are used to modify lyete 'today, now' we get: lyet-ante 'the very first time', lyet-ulkere 'nowadays; recently', and lyete-ware 'in just a moment; just a moment ago'. Forms usedspecifically to derive temporal adverbs and temporal adverbials are given below.

7.4.1.1 -tyathe 'the whole time through; throughout' (All Time)The form -tyathe attaches to temporal nominals, temporal adverbs, and temporal phrases to

convey that an event continued for the whole of the time indicated (egs. (58, 59)).

(58) arlte kngerre-tyathe day big-All Time 'all day long'ingweleme-tyathe morning-All Time 'the whole morning'arrule-tyathe long time-All Time 'goes on and on'ingwe-le-tyathe night-LOC-All Time 'all night through'

(59) Ingwe ikwere-le-tyathe itne pmere ikwere-werne travel-irre-ke, ...night 3sgDAT-LOC-AllTime 3plS place 3sgDAT-ALL travel-INCH-pc ,

...Throughout the night they travelled to that place, ...

7.4.1.2 -ureke 'during'The form -ureke 'during' attaches to nominals or nominal phrases case-marked with -le 'LOC'

and indicates that an event happened at some stage during the course of the time period referred to bythe noun or noun phrase (egs. (60, 61)).

(60) a. atwe-rre-ntye-l-ureke b. nhenhe ikwere-l-ureke hit-RECIP-NMZR-LOC-during this 3sgDAT-LOC-during

during the war; during the fight during this time

(61) a. ..., kele yalke-rlke re-nhe anteme ite-me-le kweke..., OK bush onion-TOO 3sg-ACC now cook-npp-SS

littlere kwenhe ankwe-l-ureke.3sgS ASSERT asleep-LOC-during..., so (she) then cooked the onions during the time that the little

(boy) was asleep.

b. Alhwerrpe-l-ureke re rlkert-irre-ke.winter-LOC-during 3sgS sick-INCH-pcDuring the winter he fell sick.

7.4.1.3 -tayeme 'time'The suffix -tayeme 'time' attaches to non-temporal noun nominals or noun phrases to indicate a

significant time period, either historical or recurrent, which is characterised by the thing referred to in thenoun or noun phrase. This form is a borrowing of English 'time' and the derivation it creates can be usedas an adverbial that locates an event within the time period indicated (62).

(62) ngkwarle-tayeme sweet stuff-time in the time of year whenthere's a lot of sweet sap, nectar and honey

kwatye-tayeme water-time in the rainy seasonBungalow-tayeme Bungalow-time in the historical period when local

Aboriginal people were living and being educated at the Old

Telegraph Stationstation-tayeme station-time in the personal historical time for

someone who worked and lived on a cattle station

ikwere-tayeme 3sgDAT-time at the time just mentioned; during the episode mentioned

This form may also attach to full clauses to create an adverbial that locates an event during thetime of the event in the adverbial clause (63).

(63) Pmere mission-le ayenge ne-me-tayeme, ...place mission-LOC 1sgS live-npp-time, ...When I was living at the mission, ... [lit. during the time I am living at the

mission, ... (ie. Ltyentye Purte 'Santa Teresa')]

7.4.2 Spatial Derivations7.4.2.1 -thayete 'side of'

The suffix -thayete 'side of' is based on the English form 'side'. One of the several uses ofEnglish 'side' is as a compound formative which gives rise to compounds like 'north-side', 'top-side','river-side' and so on. Although the Mparntwe Arrernte form has a more restricted sense, it is this use of'side' which -thayete most closely resembles.

It appears that -thayete 'side of' only suffixes to forms which manifest an antipodal opposition(Lyons, 1977:281-282) which is, typically, spatial. That is, it attaches to those forms which indicate onespatial pole or extreme, which is diametrically opposed to another named spatial pole. Kertne 'top' andkwene 'bottom' are just such an antipodal pair, as are ayerrere 'north' and antekerre 'south'. Theattachment of -thayete 'side of' derives forms which are members of the 'spatial parts cum positionals'subgrouping discussed in §7.3.2.2. In their noun nominal 'spatial part' sense, they designate the area ofan entity, typically a place or thing, which has its main association with a particular cardinal point (eg.(64a)) or with a particular spatial part of the entity itself (eg. (64b)). Such derivations entail that there isa totally complementary, but opposing, area that is a part of the place or entity.

(64) a. Pmere inteye meke-meke nhenge ntherrtyeplace cave sacred REMEMB rangeantekerre-thayete-le ne-mesouth-side of-LOC be-nppThat sacred cave (you remember the one) is on the south side of the range.

b. Ntyame itne-kenhe toyota kertne-thayete-ke arrerne-keapmwe-ketye.

swag 3pl-POSS Toyota top-side of-DAT put-pc snake-AVER

(They) placed their swags on the top side of the Toyota for fear of snakes.

In their adverbal function, derivations with -thayete 'side of' indicate that an event takes placewithin the area referred to in the derivation (65a). Furthermore, they can occur in the 'relative locationconstruction' (cf. §7.3.2.2) to indicate a figure's location with respect to one side of a ground object(65b).

(65) a. Re are-tye.lhe-ke Anmatyerre mape ayerrere-thayete.3sgA see-GO&DO-pc Anmatyerre pl(grp) north-side ofHe came across the Anmatyerre people on the north side.

b. Ayenge lhere-nge angathe-thayete-le ne-me.1sgS creek bed-ABL this side of-SIDE-LOC live-nppI live on this side of the creek. [but I live away from the creek]

There are a few cases in which -thayete 'side of' does not attach to forms which have a spatialsense. The first instance is where it is suffixed to arrpenhe 'other, another' to give arrpenhe-thayetewhich can be glossed as 'other side' and which indicates the opposite area from the one the speaker andhearer are in, or from the one being talked about. Arrpenhe-thayete 'other side' can also designate kinrelations which are either of a different generation or, more often, of a different patrimoiety with respectto a given person. This leads to the fact that the conceptual domain of kinship, which can be conceivedof as being divided into diametrically opposed, but complementary, named sections, may be treatedsimilarly to space in that the terms designating the 'poles' of this system can also take -thayete 'side of'.So, for the two opposing generations we can have nwerne-kenhe-thayete (1pl.samePat.sameGen.-POSS-side of) 'our side, the same generation' and nyurrpe-thayete (opposite generation-side of) 'theside of the opposite generation'. For the two opposing patrimoieties we get anwakerre-thayete(1pl.samePat.dif.Gen-side) 'our side, the same patrimoiety' and malyanweke-thayete (oppositepartimoiety-side of) 'the side of the opposite partrimoiety'.

7.4.2.2 -ampinye 'vicinity of'The form -ampinye 'vicinity of' is clearly cognate with the Antekerrepenhe form '-ampenye'

which Breen (1982 ms.:3) describes as a noun stem formative "which is combined with location wordsand the compounds thus formed, with or without locative suffix (-l), function as locative phrases." Thisdescription is very roughly in accord with the facts for -ampinye 'vicinity of' in Mparntwe Arrernte,although the notion of what a 'location word' is must be reviewed. Further, the ability to occur with orwithout -le LOC/ADV is the diagnostic used here for the identification of adverbs rather than nouns.Moreover, while not providing a definition for '-ampenye', Breen's most consistent gloss is 'side'. If thisis the case, then the Mparntwe Arrernte form is semantically distinct from the Antekerrepenhe form.

In Mparntwe Arrernte -ampinye 'vicinity of' can suffix to spatial nominals, spatial parts cumpositionals (66b), cardinal point terms, body part terms (66a), place names and phrases referring toplaces or locations (66c). In other words, it may attach to anything that has a spatial/locational elementas part of its semantics. Thus, while kaperte 'head' would not normally be described as a location word,it does entail a specific spatial relationship between the part designated and the rest of the body. Thesense imparted by -ampinye is similar to 'in the vicinity of'. That is, one is not saying something is reallylocated at the place or thing that -ampinye suffixes to, but it is in that general area. This can be said ofsomething that is changing its location within one area and so is not located at one specific point (66a),or it can be said of something that has a specific location but the speaker is not sure of that location(66b) or is unable to describe that location precisely (66c).

(66) a. Menge kngerre alkere-le-lhe-me kaperte-ampinye.fly big sky-LOC-go-npp head-vicinity ofThere's a big fly flying around in the vicinity of (my) head.

b. Pwerte kwatye-kwatye re yakwethe kwen-ampinye(-le)ne-me.

stone water-water 3sgS bag inside-vicinity of(-LOC) be-npp.The quartz crystal (ie. transluscent stone) is somewhere inside the bag.[There are lots of things in the bag so it may be hard to find immediately]

c. Itne road mpwareke pmere re-rle ahelhe-ke irrpe-ke-rle-ampinye.

3plA road make-pc place 3sgS-REL ground-DAT go into-pc-REL-vicinity of

They are building a road in the vicinity of where it (the totemic ancestor) went into the ground.

7.4.2.3 -[ke]rleke 'outer surface contact; connected to' (CONNECT)The 'suffix' -[ke]rleke 'surface contact, connected to' is difficult to categorise in formal terms

since it appears to be in transition between a clitic form -rleke which only attaches to nominals in thedative case and a spatial suffix -kerleke which has incorporated the dative case -ke. This distinction inform is most obvious with the irregular dative pronouns. The third singular dative pronoun ikwere may,for instance, show up as either ikwere-rleke or ikwere-kerleke when suffixed with this form. I am notable to state with any confidence the social, pragmatic, or semantic distribution of these two variants. Iwould mention, however, that this is parallel to the situation concerning the aversive suffix -ketye (cf.§4.2.1.3). In recognition of this variation the form will be cited as -[ke]rleke 'CONNECT' in thediscussion. Note also that this form commonly 'replaces' the case marking on noun complements thatwould generally be assigned locative case -le or dative case -ke (in its sense of end point location) andso, although it can create forms which can have an adverbial function, it is not clear that whether it shouldbe analysed as an aberrant case form or a type of adverb deriving suffix. It has been included in thissection primarily on semantic grounds.

In the most general of terms -[ke]rleke 'CONNECT' predicates a spatial relation between twoentities and is attached to the entity functioning as ground. The nature of this spatial relation depends on

whether the two entities are discrete count nouns, like irrtyarte 'spear', or whether they can have a massnoun interpretation, like kwatye 'water'. Where the two objects are discrete and countable -[ke]rleke'CONNECT' is often translated as 'on' or 'onto'. These are fairly accurate translations if we acceptBennet's (1975:67) compositional definition of English 'on' as "locative surface", which is proposed toaccount for sentences like 'There's a book on the table' and 'There's a picture on the wall'. In thetranslation of both of these sentences the use of -[ke]rleke 'CONNECT' would be appropriate (67).

(67) a. Pipe table-kerleke ne-me. b. Picture wall-kerleke ne-mebook table-CONNECT be-npp. picture wall-CONNECT

be-nppThere's a book on the table. There's a picture on the wall.

In the case of the Mparntwe Arrernte form, however, some further semantic specifications must beadded. Firstly, -[ke]rleke can not be used to predicate a spatial relation of two entities which areassociated as part and whole. In other words the entities must be completely separate entities.Secondly, the thing that is located is portrayed as being fully connected in some way to the entity actingas ground. With count nouns this connection is between the outer surfaces of the entity and theconnection can be made utilising an intermediate object (68).

(68) a. Re kele ulyentye-le ne-rlene-me-le lyeke tyarre-lhe-ke;3sgA OK shade-LOC sit-CONT-npp-SS prickle(O) extract-

REFL-pcmpere-kerleke ante ingke artepe-kerleke.knee-CONNECT and foot back-CONNECTWhile he was sitting in the shade he pulled prickles out of himself; (they

were stuck) on his knees and on the tops of his feet.

b. The rope-le nyente-lhile-ke mweteke Toyota tyenhe-kerleke

1sgA rope-INST one-CAUSE-pc car Toyota 1sgPOSS-CONNECT

knge-ty-alpe-tyenhenge town-werne.take-hither-go back-SBSQNT town-ALLI attached the car onto my Toyota with a rope and then towed it

back to town.

c. ..., rlke-le anteme nhenge itere arrpenhe-thayete-werne anteme

..., wind-ERG now REMEMB side other-side of-ALL now

nhenge kwatye ikwere-rleke werne-ke.REMEMB water 3sgDAT-CONNECT blow-pc..., the wind had blown those things (the plant debris) on the surface of the

water across to the other side.Where the two entities to be related are mass nouns, the sense of being firmly in contact, and

connected, with each other is understood in terms of the two things being completely mixed together.There is no reference to outside surface contact in this instance since the contact can be seen to becomplete through and through, thereby forming a new whole (69a) or a new total (69b).

(69) a. ..., ngkwarle untyeye yanhe-ulkere ke-me-le itne kwele..., nectar corkwood that(mid)-KIND cut-npp-SS 3sgA

QUOTarrerne-tyerte kwatye-kerleke ikwemeye re-nhe ntywe-tyenhenge.put-rem.p.hab. water-CONNECT sweet 3sg-ACC drink-

SBSQNT..., they apparently gathered corkwood nectar of that sort and they used to mix it with water and then drink that sweet (concoction).

b. Pwerte lhang-Ø-aye nhenhe-kerleke twenty dollarmoney add on-IMP-EMPH this-CONNECT twenty dollarmpware-tyeke,merne-ke.make-PURP, food-DAT.Add some money onto this (money) to make up twenty dollars for groceries.

7.4.2.4 The four "-wards" suffixes: -ntyele / -tyele 'from onwards'; -theke / -thepe 'towards'; -ntape 'upwards'; and -kerle "downwards"

Mparntwe Arrernte possesses a system of four suffixal forms which are used to indicate thatsome entity or event is aligned with respect to a given point of orientation. This system realises twomajor oppositions. The first opposition is between -ntyele / -tyele 'from onwards; away from' and -theke / -thepe 'towards', while the second opposition is between -ntape 'upwards' and -kerle'downwards'. Corresponding to these oppositions, each pair of suffixes has a special affinity for anotherpair of spatial forms which maintain similar oppositions. The suffixes -ntyele / -tyele 'from onwards' and -theke / -thepe 'towards' are associated with the spatial cases -nge 'ABL' and -werne 'ALL'respectively (cf. §4.2.6.B & §4.2.7.b), while -ntape 'upwards' and -kerle 'downwards' only attach tokertne 'up, above, top' and kwene 'down, below, bottom' respectively. The adverbal and adverbialadjuncts that these suffixes form may describe static orientation (lean towards) as well as dynamicorientation (move upwards).

As well as attaching to the end of NPs marked with the ablative or allative case (70a),(functioning either as complement or adjunct), the forms -ntyele / -tyele 'from onwards' and -theke / -thepe 'towards' may also attach directly to nominals or adverbs which have an inherent spatial/locationalsense. As noted in §4.2.6.B, -ntyele / -tyele 'from onwards' indicates that an event or an entity isoriented away from the direction, place, or entity that this suffix attaches to (70b). The variant forms ofthis suffix parallel the variation in the form of the verb nominalising suffix -ntye / -tye, but I can offer noexplanation for the variation; -ntyele is the more common of the two variants. The suffix -theke / -thepe 'towards' indicates that an entity or event is oriented so that it is aligned towards the referencepoint which bears this suffix (70c). The variant form -theke is the most commonly encountered form inMparntwe Arrernte, while -thepe is encountered in other Arandic varieties such as Western Aranda.The use of both forms in Mparntwe Arrernte may simply be for stylistic effect.

(70) a. Thipe kweke antywe-nge-ntyele tnye-tyenhe ahelhe-werne-theke.bird little nest-ABL-onwards fall-npc ground-ALL-wardsThe baby bird will fall from out of the nest towards the ground.

b. Ikwere-nge arne ilwempe yanhe tne-me alturle-ntyele.3sgDAT tree ghost gum that(mid) stand-npp west-

onwards.Because of that, that ghost gum stands (leaning) from the west.

c. Arrwekele-theke are-tye-te-lhe-tyeke!front-wards see-GO-pl.S/A-&DO-PURP

You must go along and look towards the front.

The form -ntape 'downwards' is not attested except in combination with kertne 'up, above, top'and the only other occurrence of -kerle 'downwards', outside of its association with kwene 'down,below, bottom' , is in the 'associated motion' form -tye.kerle 'do while going downwards' (cf. §6.4.2).These suffixal form, therefore, reiterate the spatial information in the forms they are fixed to and add an'oriented towards' sense to them (71). The forms kertne-ntape 'upwards' and kwene-kerle 'downwards'are apparently synonymous with the two derived forms which involve the same two 'spatial part cumpositional' forms and the semantically more general suffix -theke / thepe 'towards': kertne-theke'upwards' and kwene-theke 'downwards'.

(71) a. Ilerne unte-rre-ke kertne-ntape pwerte kertne-werne.1dlS hurry-dlS/A-pc up-upwards hill top-ALLWe (two) ran upwards to the top of the hill.

b. Irrtyarte kertne-ntape tne-me.spear up-upwards stand-nppThe spear is standing upright. [ie. standing upwards with spear point up]

c. Inwerle atnarnpe-me kwene-kerle pwerte-werne.spider descend-npp down-downwards rock-ALLThe spider is descending downwards towards the rock. [ie. It is lowering itself down on its thread.]

d. Antyipere kaperte kwene-kerle arlpere ne-rlene-me.bat head down-downward hanging be-cont-nppThe bat is hanging upside down. [lit. The bat is hanging head downwards.]

7.4.2.5 A note on the expression of spatial locational conceptsIt is important to remember that much of the information as to the specific locational relation

between a figure and a ground is often left to pragmatics; the exact relation being pragmatically derivedon the basis of the sense of the particular locative case form chosen, the nature of the figure, the natureof the ground, and the particular event that is being predicated in the clause. So, for example, if -le'LOC' marks the ground and the verb ne- 'be, sit, live' is the clausal predicate, then the default

interpretation of the figure-ground relation will be 'on' when, for instance, the figure is a person and theground is a chair. If the figure is a group of people and the ground is a fire then the canonicalinterpretation will be 'around' the fire, and where the ground is a car and the figure a jerrycan of petrol,the default interpretation is that the jerry can is 'inside' the car. It would be unwise to underestimate thedegree to which this sort of inference, based on canonical associations between objects, is used in textand conversation. However, as we have seen in §7.3.2 and in this section, there are formal means bywhich a more precise characterisation of spatial location can be communicated when necessary.Compare, for instance, the four examples in (72) which have ilwempe 'ghost gum' as figure and pwerte'hill' as the primary ground. The expression of the different locational relations between figure andground in these examples involve the cardinal point term ayerrere 'north' in combination with -thayete'side of' (72a), -ampinye 'vicinity of' (72b) , as well as occurring in the 'relative location construction'(72b, c) and as an adjectival modifier (72d).

(72) a. Ilwempe pwerte ayerrer-thayete-le ne-me.ghost gum hill north-side of-LOC be/sit-nppThe ghost gum is on the north side of the hill.

b. Ilwempe pwerte-nge ayerrere-le ne-me.ghost gum hill-ABL north-LOC be-nppThe ghost gum is (just) north of the hill.

c. Ilwempe pwerte-nge ayerrere-ampinye-le ne-me.ghost gum hill-ABL north-vicinity-LOC be-nppThe ghost gum is somewhere around the area north of the hill.

d. Ilwempe pwerte ayerrere-le ne-me.ghost gum hill north-LOC be-nppThe ghost gum is on the north hill.

A further observation concerns Talmy's (1983:17-19) claim that "[e]xpressions that refer to aReference Objects parts in order to localise a figure divide into three kind according to the amount ofdistance they indicate". The three kinds involve (i) contact with; (ii) adjacency to; or (iii) being at somedistance from, a biased part. In Mparntwe Arrernte this corresponds, respectively, to (i) the use of a'spatial part cum positional' form in a part-whole construction : pwerte kertne-le (hill top-loc) 'on the hill';

(ii) the use of the 'relative location construction': pwerte-nge kertne-le (hill-ABL above-LOC) 'justabove the rock'; and (iii) the use of the 'relative location construction' in combination with -ampinye'vicinity of': pwerte-nge kertne-ampinye-le (hill-ABL above-vicinity-LOC) 'in the vicinity of the areaabove the hill'.

7.4.3 Manner, aspectual, and 'degree of achievement' derivations7.4.3.1 -le 'manner adverb formative' (ADV)

In §4.2.4.4.1 I discussed the fact that the case suffix -le, which indicates ergative, locative, andinstrumental case, could be used on nominals to indicate adverbial function and that it was not clearwhich, if any, of the case notions this adverbial function was to be associated with. Indeed, it wouldseem reasonable to argue that a significant number of adjectival nominals are derived into manneradverbs through suffixation of -le. While true manner adverbs may optionally host -le, adjectives mustbear it if they are to function as an adverb. I have, tentatively, assigned the gloss of 'ADV' to thisfunction of -le. Manner adverbs which are derived from adjectives using -le 'ADV' indicate that theperformer of the action is characterised by the adjectival quality and this is manifested in the way theyperform the verb action, or that the manner in which the performer does the action suggests that theadjectival quality could be predicated of them, at least for the duration of the performance. A largeproportion of the adjectives which commonly enter into this derivation describe human emotions,abilities, and bodily states. (egs. (73, 74)).

(73) pure 'shy' pure-le 'shyly'arerte 'deaf; stupid; unthinking' arerte-le 'stupidly; do without

thinking'alenpenye 'smart, clever' alenpenye-le 'cleverly'purrke 'tired' purrke-le 'tiredly'

(74) a. Lhwarrpe-le re ile-ke arrule-nye-kerte.sad-ADV 3sgA tell-pc long ago-tmp.nom-PROPSadly he told (us) about things from long ago.

b. ..., lyeke re-nhe kwele atere-le tyarre-tyenhenge..., prickle 3sg-ACC QUOT afraid-ADV extract-SBSQNTiparrpe-iparrpenthurre-le kwele mpere-kerleke.quickly-quicklyINTENS-ADV QUOT knee-CONNECT

..., and then (she) fearfully, and very very quickly, pulled out the prickles stuck into the (baby's) knees.

Compare this use of -le 'ADV' with the use of 'same subject' -le in the formation of adverbial clauses (cf.§4.2.4.4.3 and §11.2).

7.4.3.2 The unproductive suffix -ntye (val.adv) and value adverbsThe value adjectives mwarre 'good', (a)kenge 'bad', and kurne 'bad' all have corresponding

adverb forms ending in -ntye: mwarre-ntye 'do well, successfully', (a)kenge-ntye 'do badly', and kurne-ntye 'do badly'. As their glosses suggest, these 'derived' forms are used to evaluate the performance ofan action with respect to one's expectations as to how the action should be performed successfully (eg.75).

(75) a. Nwerne ahentye-ne-me ampe mape1plS desire-be/sit-npp child pl(grp)mwarre-ntye kaltye-le-nthe-tyeke.good-val.adv. knowledge-LOC/INST-give-PURPWe want to teach our children well.

b. Iwenhe-nge unte akenge-ntye angke-me, irrkwertethe-arteke.what-ABL 2sgS bad-val.adv. speak-npp, stutterer-SEMBLWhy are you speaking badly, like someone with a speech impediment.

These forms are not used to evaluate the consequences of the action nor do they suggest an evaluationof the performer. It sometimes appears that the value adjectives can occur on their own as adverbs in asentence (with no affixation), but it seems that these uses can be analysed as adjectival; where a given,or understood, entity is being evaluated rather than the performance of the action. Thus, although asentence like (76) might be translated into English as 's/he spoke well', it must be understood to meanthat the speaker is saying good things rather than saying them well.

(76) Re mwarre angke-ke.3sgS good speak-pcS/He said good things. [ie. S/He said correct and sensible things.]

Note that the English form -way may sometimes replace -ntye 'value adverb' on these adjectives(77), and it seems that -le 'ADV' (cf. §7.4.3.1) may also be used to derive 'value adverbs'.

(77) Relhe re kenhe mwarre-way re kwele tyerne-rlenge, ...woman 3sgS BUT good-way 3sgS QUOR responded-D.S, ...But the woman responded properly, ...

The -ntye suffix, in this function of deriving adverbs, appears to be of limited productivity. Itdoes, however, seem to be related to the -ntye ending which optionally occurs on the end of the manneradverb artange 'co-operatively' (cf. §7.3.3.1). It is also intriguing that this termination is formallyidentical to the productive verb nominaliser -ntye (cf. §3.10.1.1), but beyond this little more can besaid.

7.4.3.3 -ngare / -renge 'happens X number of times' (TIMES)The suffix -ngare / -renge 'TIMES' has already been mentioned and partially exemplified in §3.5.

There it was pointed out that this suffix attaches exclusively to quantifier nominals and derives an adverbthat indicates that the event which it modifies happens as many times as is indicated in the root of thederivation. Where the action happens more than once, then the actions are typically understood tohappen regularly one after another. Forms with -ngare / -renge 'TIMES' may also be used to indicatethe number of days or nights an action occurred. Thus, -ngare / -renge 'TIMES' derives new membersinto the class of 'aspectual adverbs' which was discussed in §7.3.3.2 (78).

(78) a. Itne kaperte ingkerne-thayete ayenge therre-ngare3plA head back of-side 1sgO two-TIMEStanthe-ke, ayenge ankw-ile-tyeke.spear/poke-pc 1sgO sleep-CAUS-PURP.They injected me twice in the back side of the head in order to put me to sleep. [ie. The doctors gave me two shots in the back of the head.]

b. Awethe-ngare apeke itne nhenge arne twe-rlt.alpe-me ...more/again-TIMES maybe 3plA REMEMB tree hit/chop-

plS/A.DO&GO BACK-nppSometimes (ie. at other times) they might chop some wood and bring it back ...

[From Stevens, in Henderson, ed.,1986:8; my translation and morphemic analysis]

The two variant forms of -ngare / -renge 'TIMES' apparently have the same meaning and canattach to the same range of quantifier nominals; the form -ngare is, however far more common.Strehlow (1944:104-105) observes that "-raÑa is the suffix usually employed in W[estern] A[randa]and N[orthern] A[randa], -Ñara that found in E[astern] A[randa] and S[outhern]A[randa]; but neither isunknown in the other districts". Note that the two variants appear to arise as a metathesis of the syllables'nga' and 're'. Morphemes which have metathesised variants are attested elsewhere in MparntweArrernte; for example, the word for 'a fly' may be either menge or ngeme. Metathesis as a source ofnew morphemes in Arandic languages could have been quite common. Turner and Breen (1984)describe a play language, called Rabbit Talk, which is used by speakers of the Akarre variety of Arandiclanguages and in which the main rule involves a shifting of the first consonant or consonant cluster, andany preceding vowel, to the end of the word.

7.4.4 Adverb ReduplicationsUnlike nominal reduplications (§3.10.5) and verb reduplications (§5.4.1), there are no attested

partial reduplications which act as adverbs. All reduplications which give rise to adverbs are, therefore,total reduplications; although a number of these have no attested root form (§7.4.4.1). As with nominaland verbal reduplication, some adverb reduplications are morphologically linked (§7.4.4.4).Semantically, most of the reduplications which realise adverbs, convey a sense of 'repetition' and/or'continuity' (cf. (1, 2, and 4 below)), just as we've seen for reduplications in other parts of speech.

7.4.4.1 Total Reduplications with no analysable root forms: Accompanying stance or noiseIn Wilkins (1984a:21) I claimed that there were a number of unanalysable reduplications which

could be classified as 'manner adjectives' and which indicated that "to do something X-X is to perform aspecific action over an over again". While I basically hold to this characterisation of their meaning - withthe additional component that the action is performed with a specific accompanying stance or noise -- Iwould now classify these forms as adverbs rather than adjectives (79, 80). One reduplication that fitshere on semantic grounds, but does have an analysable root, is rltare-rltare 'to do making a regularknocking or ticking noise' which is formed by duplicating rltare 'knock, tick, clap, sound made by hittingarne terwerre 'clapping sticks' together'

(79) male-male to move in manner appropriate to traditional form of meeting between strangers which involves repeated stylised

actions and preparation to do battle

artwiltye-artwilye to move along with spear held ready and aimedlthape-lthape do an action that results in the lapping sound that dogs make or that water in a rockhole makes against the sidesnentye-nentye do making shuffling or padding noises (spec. with feet)

(80) a. Kele male-male kwele re nyent-irre-tyeke lhe-ke, ...OK meet traditional way QUOT 3sgS one-INCH-PURP go-pc, ...So, he went to meet (with the stranger) in the traditional way, ...

b. Kngwelye-le lthape-lthape ntywe-me.dog-ERG "lappingly" drink-nppThe dog drinks making a lapping sound.

7.4.4.2 Reduplications to form temporal adverbsIn §7.3.1 I noted that the Arrernte day is divided into ten named time periods (cf. examples in

(9)) and that the terms for these time periods act both as temporal adverbs and temporal nominals. Thereader may have noticed that three of these ten time periods are designated by forms which arereduplications of recogniseable free root forms. Two of these reduplications, angwerre-angwerre'evening time preceding sunset' and ingwenthe-ingwenthe 'early morning just after sunrise', are derivedfrom forms that are themselves temporal adverbs; angwerre 'afternoon period' and ingwenthe'tomorrow, next few days, very near future' respectively. The third reduplication, kethe-kethe 'pre-sunrise, when sky is red' is based on the form kethe 'outside of; cleared; naked'

7.4.4.3 Reduplication of Aspectual AdverbsThe three aspectual adverbs discussed in §7.3.3.2 can all be fully reduplicated. The force of

these reduplications is to emphasise, and intensify, the degree of continuation or repetition indicated inthe root form adverb. These reduplications usually imply surprise over the fact that the action hascontinued or been repeated to the degree it has (eg. 81, 82).

(81) kwete 'still, keep on' kwete-kwete 'keep on and on, though you thought it might have

finished by now'awethe 'again, more' awethe-awethe 'again and again,

more than expected'

kwetethe 'always' kwetethe-kwetethe 'always, without a break; you'd think that there

could be a break'

(82) Mperlkere mape-le warle arte-me pmere meke-meke-kewhite grp(pl)-ERG house build-npp place sacred site-DATAlices Spring-le, pmere Mparntwe-le, kwetethe-kwetethe.Alice Springs-LOC, place Mparntwe-LOC, always-alwaysWhite people are forever building houses on sacred sites (here) in Alice Springs.

One reduplicated form that belongs in this grouping on semantic grounds is impene-impene 'tokeep on doing to the very end without a break'; there is, however, no attested form impene outside thisreduplication (83).

(83) Re pmere impene-impene(-le) mpware-me.3sgA house do to end(-LOC/ADV) make/do-nppHe'll keep on building the house until it's finished. [M.H. gave the context as

someone trying to get a house ready before impending rains.]

7.4.4.4 Morphologically linked reduplicationAdverbs may also be derived by linking certain nominal roots with their fully reduplicated copies

by using -ke 'dative' or -me 'unified quantity' (cf. §3.10.3.5). Reduplications linked by these morphemestypically derive manner or temporal adverb. Temporal adverbs arise when it is a temporal nominal root(eg. arlte 'day') which is reduplicated and manner adverbials arise from the reduplication of quantifiers(eg. nyente 'one') or certain adjectival nominals (eg. kweke 'little').

The form of reduplication where -me 'unified quantity' links the nominal root and its copy is bothformally and semantically similar to English forms such as 'inch-by-inch', 'little-by-little' (kweke-me-kweke), and 'day-by-day' (arlte-me-arlte) in which 'by' is used to link reduplicated forms. The sensethat the 'nominal-me-nominal' derivation conveys is that the whole of the action referred to is built up, orachieved, through repeated, incremental, actions. The increment, or measure, by which the action is builtup is indicated in the root of the reduplication (84).

(84) a. Nwerne lesson mape kaltye-le-nthe-me nyente-me-nyente.

1plA lesson pl(grp) knowledge-LOC/INST-give-npp one-UQ-one

We teach the lessons one-by-one. [ie. in order, not so much one at a time]

b. Unte kwenhe Arrernte-ke kalty-irre-tyeke kweke-me-kweke!

2plS ASSERT Arrernte-DAT knowledge-INCH-PURP little-UQ-little

You should learn Arrernte little-by-little! [Don't try to do it all at once.]

In §3.10.3.5 it was noted that -me 'unified quantity' was used to derive quantifiers where thequantified referents are identified as making up a coherent, unified group. This sense is in keeping withthe present use where incremental actions are seen to become unified to achieve the overall goal of theaction.

Where the dative suffix -ke links reduplicated nominals, the resultant adverbs indicate that theaction referred to is achieved over and over again according to some sort of regular pattern. The actionmay recur at some regular time interval (85a), the same number of actors may perform the action eachtime (85b), there may be the same number of recipients each time (85c) , and so on. Although -ke'DAT' is often translated by English 'to', there is only a superficial resemblance between English formslike 'day-to-day' and Arrernte temporal reduplications linked with the dative. When the root of thereduplication is a number term the sense of the derivation is akin to English 'at a time' in phrases like 'fiveat a time'.

(85) a. Re gotta lhe-rle urrkape-tyeke arlte arrpenhe-k-arrpenhe.3sgS have to go-GenEvt work-PURP day other-DAT-otherHe has to work each day.

b. ..., nwerne tnye-rlepe-ke therre-ke-therre-le crowbar nyente-kerte-le

..., 1plA dig-DO ALONG-pc two-DAT-two-ADV crowbar one-PROP-INST

..., we dug two at a time with one crowbar each, as we went along.[ie. There were four people and two crowbars and they were going along

digging up witchetty grubs.]

c. Lesson nhenhe ampe mape-ke nthe-Ø nyente-ke-nyente.lesson this child pl(grp)-DAT give-IMP one-DAT-one.Give this lesson out to the children one at a time. (ie. one each; one copy of the lesson to each child)

Examples (84a) and (85c) demonstrate fairly clearly the distinction between the 'nominal-me-nominal' and the ' nominal-ke-nominal' adverb deriving reduplications.

Chapter EightParticle/Clitics

This chapter contains a simple inventory of the particle/clitics which have been collected to date.Chapter 9 discusses in detail the the meaning and use of five members of the particle/clitic class anddemonstrates the complexities involved in assessing the exact contribution of a particle/clitic to anutterance.

As mentioned in §1.1.4.1, the collection of particle/clitics is not strictly a word class since itcontains both free and bound morphemes. A particle is here defined as any free word form whichcannot, by itself, take any form of inflection. A clitic, on the other hand, is a bound morpheme which canoccur post inflectionally and is not itself derivational or inflectional. There are four reasons why I chooseto treat particles and clitics together. Firstly , the formal boundaries between particles and clitics are, inreality , particularly difficult to define for Mparntwe Arrernte. Secondly, in Mparntwe Arrernte,members of the two form types often fall together because of related semantic functions, as shown inchapter 9. Thirdly, if one looks at a cross section of Australian languages (Pama-Nyungan and Non-Pama-Nyungan) then one finds a significant degree of agreement between the stock of meaningsencoded through the particle/clitic grouping. One language might, however, have a certain meaningencoded in a clitic form, while another has it in a particle form. This generalisation does not seem to holdfor languages outside of Australia (ie. that certain meanings like hearsay are going to be encoded inparticle or clitic form). Finally, as discussed in §8.3 below, there is a linguistic phenomenon which I amcalling 'particle/clitic' insertion that is restricted to certain members of both the particle subclass and theclitic subclass, and is not attested with nominals, verbs, or adverbs.

8.1 Clitics8.1.1 Enclitics which may attach to either verbs or nominals8.1.1.1 -arteke 'semblative' (SEMBL)

The enclitic -arteke 'semblative' means that something is 'like' or 'resembles' the thing, quality,time, or action to which it attaches (eg.1).

(1) a. Urreye nhenge-le mpware-ke artwe-l-arteke.boy REMEMB-ERG do-pc man-ERG-SEMBLThe boy behaved just like a man (does)

b. Re petye-ke re lhe-rlenge-arteke.3sg S come-pc 3sgS go-DS-SEMBLShe came at the same time as he went.

c. Lyet-ulkere ampe mape ne-tyeke arrengetoday-more child pl(grp) be-PURP grandfather(FF)itne-kenhe ne-tyert-arteke.3pl-POSS be-rem.p.hab-SEMBLNowadays kids should be like their grandfathers used to be.

8.1.1.2 -tetye 'instead'The clitic -tetye 'instead' signals that one thing or action occurred 'instead of' or 'in contradiction

to' another, as in the examples in (2).

(2) a. Re-tetye ater-irre-me, ayenge-kwenye.3sgS-instead afraid-INCH-npp, 1sg-Nom NEGHe's the one who's getting frightened; not me.

b. Ultake-lhe-ntye imp-Ø-aye, mwarre-tetye nth-Ø-aye.break-REFL-NMZR(O) leave-IMP-EMPH, good(O)-instead

give-IMP-EMPH.Leave the broken one give me the good one instead.

c. Ampe ikwere ahentye-ne-tyekenhe, ater-irre-me-tetye.child(S) 3sgDAT desire-be-VbNEG, afraid-INCH-npp-insteadChildren don't like him, on the contrary, they become afraid of him.

8.1.1.3 -warte 'since, because (as you should know)' (SINCE)The reason why a situation is the way it is may be indicated by the element to which the clitic -

warte 'since, because' attaches. At the same time as indicating a reason, -warte 'since, because'implies that the addressee should already be familiar with the reason. Further, -warte indicates that thesituation is what would be expected given the contents of the element to which it cliticises. This cliticmay be explicated roughly as follows: 'what else would one expect since, as you would know, X is thecase'. This is exemplified by (3).

(3) a. Kele nhenge irrkwe-rre-ntye-warte, arrpenhe uyarneO.K. REMEMB hold-RECIP-NMZR-SINCE, OTHER in vainmurnt-irre-tyerte, kenhe arrpenhe-le re-nhe tyarre-knge-tyerte.refuse-INCH-rem.p.hab, BUT other-ERG 3sg-ACC pull out-

take-rem.p.habSince these were siamese twins (as you know), the other one used to refuse (to

go hunting) in vain, but the other (twin) just used to drag him along.[T9-7,8,9]

b. Re lhe-ke-rlenge-warte, the mpware-me.3sgS go-pc-DS-SINCE, 1sgA do-npp.Since (as you would know) he's left, I'm doing it.

8.1.1.4 -me 'interrogative' (INTER)The interrogative clitic -me is discussed in detail in §9.3.3. It forms a question which seeks

information about the referent (thing or action) of the constituent to which it is attached. Constituentswith -me 'interrogative' attached to them occur clause initially.

(4) Penny-le-me puke mape arrern-irtne-ke?Penny-ERG-INTER book pl(grp) put-REVERS-pc.Was it Penny who put the books back (on the shelves)?

8.1.1.5 -athewe? 'isn't it?' (TAG)The clitic -athewe 'isn't it?' conveys that the speaker wants the addressee to agree that the

proposition that s/he has just stated is true, thus acting something like tag questions in English, asillustrated in (5).

(5) a. Bruce Lee-athewe mwarr-ulkere.Bruce Lee-TAG good-more.It's Bruce Lee who's the best, isn't it?

b. The karte-nge impe-k-athew-aye.1sgA cards-ABL leave(win)-pc-TAG-EMPHI won at cards, didn't I?!

8.1.1.6 -eye? 'is it?' Cliticising a single word or phrase with -eye? 'is it?' forms a type of "yes-no" question. The

force of the question is roughly: 'Is it true that X is the case?'. The usage of this form is demonstrated in(6).

(6) a. Ngkwinh-eye? b. Ingkwetwe-k-eye?2sgPOSS-is it? nearly hit-pc-is it?Is this yours? Did it nearly hit (him)?

8.1.1.7 -arteye? 'what about?'The clitic -arteye 'what about?' forms a question which asks whether a proposition which holds

for one thing also holds for the thing to which this form is cliticised (eg. 7). In other words, it asks: 'Whatabout X with respect to the proposition at hand, is the proposition true for X as well?'.

(7) a. Robert-arteye?Re-me petye-me?Robert-what about? 3sgS-INTER come-npp?What about Robert? Is he coming along (too)?

b. Alhe-me kwatye-ke irrpe-tyek-arteye?go-npp water-DAT go into-PURP-what about?What about going for a swim?[(one of a series of suggestions of what to do]

8.1.1.8 -kathene 'mistaken belief' (MISTAKE)A detailed discussion of -kathene 'mistaken belief' is contained in §9.3.2. This form basically

conveys the sense that 'someone mistakenly believed to be true' the proposition contained in, orconcerning, the thing/action to which -kathene 'mistaken belief' is attached (eg. 8)

(8) Kwekere-rle kwele ankw-inte-tyeme-kathene.little 3sgS-FOC QUOT sleep-lie-pp-MISTAKE

The little baby was mistakenly believed to be sleeping (by its mother). [In fact it was dead.] [T12-125]

8.1.1.9 -ante 'only, exclusively' (ONLY)That a thing or action is the only thing or action in the particular context, and there is nothing else,

is signalled by -ante 'only, exclusively' (eg. 9). Very roughly -ante means 'X and nothing/no one otherthan X'.

(9) a. Kwementyaye-kenhe pwerte atnyen-eye, ikwer-ante nthe-tyeke.Kwementyaye-POSS money hold-PERM, 3sgDAT-ONLY give-

PURPCould you hold on to Kwementyaye's pay and give it to her only (ie. don't

give it to anyone else).

b. Re arlkwe-tyek-ante lhe-ke.3sgS eat-PURP-ONLY go-pcHe went only to eat (and for no other purpose).

8.1.1.10 -anteye 'as well, too, again, still' (AS WELL) -Anteye 'as well, too, again, still' roughly conveys the sense that an event (stative or action) is to

be considered a "copy" of some other event or is an event that is happening in addition to another event.When the event is seen as the duplication of another event, then the "copied" event may be performed atthe same time as the original event, but by a different S or A, in which case the glosses 'too' or 'as well'are appropriate (eg. 10a,b). Where the event is repeated at some stage after the original event by thesame S or A, then the gloss 'again' is appropriate (eg. 10c). If the event is repeated continuously by thesame S or A argument, then native speakers may even translate -anteye as 'still'.

This clitic may attach to the verb which represents the duplicate or additional event (eg. 10a), orit may attach to a subject argument to indicate that that entity is performing the same action as anotherentity (eg. 10b), or it may attach to a spatial or temporal adverbial indicating the time or place at whichthe event was repeated by the same entity (eg. 10c). Note that -anteye 'as well' commonly attaches toawethe 'again, more' forming aweth-anteye 'once again, yet again'.

(10) a. Alturl-arenye map-arteke, itne "itye" angke-m-anteye.

West-ASSOC pl(grp)-SEMBL, 3plS "itye"(no) say-npp-ASWELL

Like the Western Arrernte people, they (Anmatyerre people) say 'itye' (no, nothing) as well.

b. Jocinta-le ankerte twe-ke, Thomas-l-anteye.Jocinta-ERG bearded dragon hit-pc, Thomas-ERG-AS WELLJocinta killed a bearded dragon and Thomas did too.

c. Kenhe kwele relhe ingkern-anteye kem-irre-ke.But QUOT woman(s) behind-AS WELL get up-INCH-pcBut once again the woman got up afterwards (after her husband or behind

him).[T12-94]

8.1.1.11 -kine / -'gain / -again 'same again'The enclitic -kine / -'gain / -again 'same again' is a borrowing of English 'again' and the three

variant forms represent the different degrees to which speakers maintain the English pronunciation of theform. In Mparntwe Arrernte the form is enclitic rather than free, a fact which might have arisen becauseof the English form's rough semantic matching with the clitic -anteye 'AS WELL' (cf. §8.1.1.10). In fact-kine 'same again' duplicates part of the functional range of -anteye 'AS WELL' and is used to indicatethat one action or thing is another instance of (ie. is the same again as) some previously mentioned actionor thing (eg. 11a). Like -anteye 'AS WELL', -kine 'same again' is regularly found attached to awethe'again; more' to give a form which means 'once again, yet again' as in example (11)b.

(11) a. Alakenhe kwele old people mape-lelike so QUOT old people pl(grp)-ERGawe-rrirre-tyerte-gain kwele.hear-plS/A-rem.p.hab-same again QUOTJust like that, so they say, old people used to hear (dog's speaking) the same

again (as I did). [T8-40]

b. ..., mpwepe-ke kwele re arrerne-lhe-ke, awethe-kine,..., middle-DAT QUOT 3sgS put-REFL-pc, again-same again,

lyeke re-nhe tyarre-lhe-rle.ne-tyeke.prickle 3sg-ACC pull out-REFL-CONT-PURP...., in the middle (of the path) he sat down and once again pulled the prickles

out of himself. [12 - 32]

8.1.1.12 -rlke 'too, as well' (TOO)The clitic -rlke 'too, as well' indicates that the constituent to which it attaches refers to one in a

series of two or more things or actions. Each of the things or actions in the list share the same generalproperty or have the same thing predicated of them, as in (12). A brief explication would be: 'What issaid about U, (and V, (and W )) can, at the same time, be said about X' (ie. X is another thing which fitsin the proposition in the same way as other things being mentioned').

(12) a. Artw-ante ane-tyange, relhe-rlke.man-ONLY be-VbNEG, women-TOOThere weren't only men but women as well.

b. Pmere ikwere-irre-me-le, nwerne ntywe-ke, arlkwe-ke-rlke.camp 3sgDAT-INCH-npp-SS, 1plA drink-pc, eat-pc-TOOWhen we got to the camp, we drank and ate too.

8.1.1.13 -kemparre 'be first' (FIRST) -Kemparre 'be first' marks a thing or action as being 'the first in a succession of' two or more

things or actions, as examples (13)a and b demonstrate.

(13) a. Re-rle kwele ne-tyeme artwe re-kemparre3sgS-FOC QUOT be-pp man 3sgS-FIRSTuyerre-nhe-tyenheng-aye, are-rle-ne-me-le...disappear-DO PAST-SBSQNT-EMPH, see-CONTR-npp-SS...She was sitting watching for the man (her husband) to leave first...(beforesending the baby off by itself) [T12-14]

b. Urreke nwerne n-eye-kemparr-aye,.....

later 1plS sit-PERM-FIRST-EMPH,Hey, in a while, could we have a rest first (before moving on to do anything

else) [T7-12].

8.1.1.14 -urrke 'before doing anything else' (BEFORE)The clitic -urrke 'BEFORE' may attach to nominal or verbal constituents, indicating that one

action is going to happen before anything else does, as in (14). There is apparently no entailment thatthere be a definite action which is going to follow the action indicated.

(14) a. Ayeng-urrke ne-m-ewe, unte-kemparre lh-Ø-aye.1sgS-BEFORE be-npp-EMPH+, 2sgS-FIRST go-IMP-EMPHBefore doing anything else (I'm adamant that) I'm going to have a rest here,

you go first.

b. Re lhe-k-urrke, kenhe re imerte petyalpe-me.3sgS go-pc-BEFORE BUT 3sgS then return-nppShe went before doing anything else, but she'll be coming back.

8.1.1.15 -aye 'emphatic' (EMPH)There are three emphatic clitics in Mpartwe Arrernte which can be used either to gain someone's

attention or to strengthen the force of the proposition being made (see also §8.1.1.16 and §8.1.1.17).They are commonly, but by no means necessarily, associated with imperatives. The three vary instrength of emphasis. The first of these, the mildest, is -aye 'emphatic', which roughly means 'I want youto listen to what I'm saying' (eg. 15).

(15) Arelh-aye, ayenge artwe arrpenh-aye, kngwely-irre-tyel-aye!woman-EMPH 1sgS man other-EMPH, dog-INCH-Neg IMP-EMPHHey lady, I'm really another man (ie. I'm not what you think I am). Don't

become like a dog! [ie. Stop trying to seduce me.]8.1.1.16 -ewe 'strong emphatic' (EMPH+)

The second 'emphatic' clitic is -ewe 'strong emphatic' (EMPH+), which has a slightly strongerforce than -aye 'emphatic' and basically means: 'I really want you to listen to what I'm saying'.Compare §8.1.1.15 and §8.1.1.17.

(16) Ampe map-ewe, apmwe-ketye ar-elp-ar-Ø-ewe!child pl(grp)-EMPH+, snake - AVER see-C.Incep.rdp-IMP-EMPH+.Hey children (listen carefully), you must begin watching out for snakes!.

8.1.1.17 -eyewe 'very strong emphatic' (EMPH++)The strongest of the three emphatic clitics is -eyewe 'EMPH++'. A simple explication of its

meaning is:'You've got to listen to what I'm saying' (see also §8.1.1.15 and §8.1.1.16).

(17) Ure kngerr-eyewe! Nwerne gotta alpe-rl-eyewe,fire big-EMPH++! 1plS got to go back-GenEvt-EMPH++,ampe-ketye-nge!burn-AVER-ABL!Heyyy!! There's a big fire! We've really got to get (the hell) back to where we

were, or else we'll be cremated.

8.1.1.18 -rle 'focal constituent; relative clause; 'that' clause' (FOC; REL; THAT)The clitic -rle marks three distinct, but related functions: 'focal constituent', 'relative clause', and

'that' clause'. In the first use, it can mark a constituent, other than a verb, which has focal prominence inan utterance (eg. 18a and b). In this function it is frequently used to give emphasis to an element which isbeing asserted in contradistinction to another given element. In general terms it means'this is what's beingtalked about at the moment'.

(18) a. Artwe-le-kwenye re-nhe mpware-ke, Relhe-he-rle.man-ERG-Nom NEG 3sq-ACC make-pc, woman-ERG-FOCIt wasn't a man who made it, it was a woman.

b. "Ayenge-rle kere-werne lhe-tyenhenge, ..."1sg S-FOC game-ALL go-SBSQNTI'm going hunting, ...[T12-5]

Secondly, -rle 'relative' may form a relative clause by cliticising to the first constituent of themodifying clause, as in (19) below. It may also optionally cliticise to the end of the verb. Case for the

whole NP attaches to the end of the clitic. For a detailed description of relative clause formation andrelative clause types, see §10.1.3.

(19) Artwe alpe-me [[pmere]Hd [apmwerrke-rleman go back-npp camp yesterday-REL.re mpware-k-rle]SREL -werne]NP3sgA make-pc-REL -ALLThe man is returning to the camp that he made yesterday.

Finally, -rle 'THAT' marks a that-complement clause for certain verbs of cognition, perceptionand saying/telling (cf.§10.5.2). Once again the form -rle cliticises to the first element of the subordinateclause but it cannot be repeated on any other element (including the verb). The complement clausefollows immediately after the verb to which it is subordinate (eg. 20).

(20) 'Unte re-nhe awe-tyenhenge ile-rlenge [re-rle kere arrwe2sgA 3sg-ACC hear-SBSQNT tell-DS 3sgA-THAT game wallabyarlkwe-tyekenhe ane-p-ane-me] ante re ngkwenge ile-tyenheeat-Vb NEG be-FREQ.rdp-npp and 3sgA 2sgDAT tell-npc[yanhe-rle atningke ane-me apwerte akertne-le]'there(mid)-THAT many be-npp hill top/up -LOC."You'll hear her tell (you) that she hasn't eaten any wallaby and she'll tell you that there are a lot of them living up there in the hills." [From a text by Rosie

Ferber in Henderson ed. 1986: 58 (my morphemic analysis and translation)]

8.1.2 Enclitics which attach only to nominals or to both nominals and adverbs8.1.2.1 -kwenye 'nominal negator' (NomNEG)

The 'nominal negator' clitic, -kwenye, has a number of uses. It may be used to indicate that thereferent of a nominal about which some proposition has been asserted does not fill the designated role inthe proposition (eg. (21) below, and cf. §8.1.1.17 (17) and §8.1.1.2 (2a)). Instead, the referent of someother nominal fills the role. (ie.'X is not a thing/person about which you can say Y is true'; 'It's notZ[person/thing] about which proposition Y is true (it's Z) ).

(21) Re are-ke aherre re-nhe, the-kwenye.3sgA see-pc kangaroo 3sg-ACC, 1sgA-NomNEG

He saw the kangaroo, not me. (ie. it wasn't me who saw it)

Additionally, -kwenye 'nominal negator' may indicate that something is lacking from a situation ora thing, as in example (22) below. In this function it is like the 'privative' case of other Australianlanguages. Note that arrangkwe 'no, nothing; be nothing of' also has a similar function (cf. §5.1.2 and§8.2.4.3).

(22) Itne kwatye-kwenye ane-me-le, itne ilwe-me peke.3plS water-NomNEG be-npp-SS, 3plS die-npp maybeBecause they have no water, they might die.[ie. 'they are without water']

Finally, when -kwenye 'NomNEG' attaches to a verb nominalised with -ntye/-tye (cf.§3.10.1.1), it can have the sense that the verb action has never yet happened or never will happen, asthe examples in (23) illustrates.

(23) a. New-ikwe are-tye-kwenye re ne-tyenhe.spouse-3KinPOSS(O)see-NMZR-NomNEG 3sgS be-npc.He will never see his wife again. [He will be without seeing his wife]

b. Atny-atye arrwekele-nge lhe-ntye-kwenye perreuncle(MB)-1KinPOSS before-ABL go-NMZR-NomNEG

THOUGHSydney-werne re peke lhe-tyenhe ingwenthe-ulkere peke.Sydney-ALL 3sgS maybe go-npc tomorrow-MORE

maybe.Though my uncle has never been to Sydney before, he might go some day.

8.1.2.2 -ulkere 'comparative, more; kind of' (more; KIND)The clitic -ulkere has two general uses, both of which are associated with comparison. In its first

function, it is used to create comparatives and attaches to a quantifier or adjectival nominal phrase toindicate that one thing is greater in terms of the quantity (eg. 24a) or quality (eg. 24b) designated thananother thing is. The standard of comparison is marked by -nge 'ablative' (cf. §4.2.6.A.2). Note that itis typically, but not necessarily, the case that the comparative precedes the standard of comparison.

(24) a. Purte nhenhe-ke therre awethe-ulkere arrerne-kecluster this-DAT two again-MORE put-pc

purte yanhe-nge.cluster that-ABL.There are two more put into this group than that group.

b. Ian arlpentye nthurr-ulkere nwerne-ke-ngeIan(S) tall INTENS-MORE 1pl-DAT-ABLIan is much taller than us.

As an extention of this same function, -ulkere 'more' attaches to temporal adverbs/nominalsreferring to points in time to indicate that the temporal reference has been increased. Thus, for example,from cliticising lyete 'now; today', ingwenthe 'tomorrow', and apmwerrke 'yesterday' with -ulkere 'more',we get lyet-ulkere 'nowadays; recently', ingwenth-ulkere 'a few days/weeks from now; sometime in thefuture' and apmwerrk-ulkere 'a few days/weeks ago, sometime in the recent past' respectively.

The second general function of the form -ulkere is to indicate that one thing is of the samegeneral kind as another, or is of the kind being described or indicated. When telling a story, or inconversation, speakers will often make the hand sign for a thing being referred to. So, instead of sayingthe word for the thing, they will often use the demonstrative nhenge 'you remember the one' with ulkere'kind' cliticised to it (ie. nhengulkere) meaning 'the thing of the kind that I just signed'.

(25) Unte warre kwatye pintye-pintye nheng-ulkere mape2sgA REMIND water water-reeds REMEMB-KIND pl(grp)itelare-Ø, kwatye-le tne-nhe-tne-nhe, ntye-ntye kngerre,know-IMP, water-LOC stand-NMZR.Hab.rdp stink-NMZR big,ikwer-ulkere kngerre-werne unte lhe-pe-lhe-Ø kwenhe.3sgDAT-KIND big-ALL 2sgS go-FRQ.rdp-IMP ASSERTYou remember the water reeds of this kind (just signed), the ones that stand in

the water and stink a lot, you must keep on going to the big ones of that kind. [T12-19,20,21]

8.1.2.3 -arrpe 'by one's self, on one's own' (SELF)

The clitic -arrpe 'self' attaches to the subject (ie. S/A) noun phrase to emphasise that thereferent(s) of that phrase does the verb action by itself(themselves), without anyone else doing theaction. (ie. X, and only X, does Y[verb action])

(26) a. Kwementyay-arrpe kwenhe re-nhe are-tyeke.Kwementyaye-ERG-SELF ASSERT 3sg-ACC see-PURPKwementyaye should visit her himself (no one else).

b. Ane pmere ingkenye-nge kngwelye mape angke-rre-rle.and camp deserted-ABL dog pl(grp) speak-RECIP-GenEvtitn-arrpe peke unthe-rlte.ne-me-le3plS-SELF maybe look for-CONTplS/A-npp-SSAnd dogs would speak to each other in deserted camps when they were

travelling around by themselves. [T8-41]

The actual status of -arrpe 'self' as a clitic is unclear. In §3.9 it was noted that -arrpe 'self'could be classed as a kin-relation nominal because it can take the kin possessive suffixes. It is alsoclearly associated with the forms arrpenhe 'other' and arrpanenhe 'each, every, many different ones'.The form arrpe 'self' does not, however, occur as an isolated word form on its own and, in the usageconsidered here, it clearly fuses to become part of the preceding word.

There is one attested example of arrpe 'self' on a verb form. It is unclear whether this isstandard.

(27) ..., alpawe nthurre peke re petye-tyeke-arrpe antime. ..., weak INTENS maybe 3sgS come-PURP-SELF exactly

..., or even the very weak must themselves come right away. [T11-14]

8.1.2.4 -penhe 'poor thing; pitiable thing' (PITY)The form -penhe 'poor thing' cliticises to both nominal and pronominal NPs (eg. (28a) and (28b)

respectively) which refer to an animate entity that has suffered or is suffering from some unpleasantoccurrence. The clitic indicates that the speaker feels that this entity is to be pitied or regarded withsympathy because of its suffering. Not surprisingly, this form is commonly attached to the nominal kunye'poor thing, dear thing', as in (28b).

(28) a. ...., alknge-therrke re-penhe kwele angke-rlenge;...., cat(eye-green) 3sgS-PITY QUOT speak-DS"Pleyathe! Pleyathe! Ayenge-penhe impe-rrirr-Ø-aye! ...""Please! Please! 1sgS-PITY leave-plS/A-IMP-EMPH..."..., the poor cat, so they say, was saying "Please ! Please ! Leave poor

unfortunate me alone.! ..." [said to pack of dogs chasing cat] [From a text by Rosie Ferber about a cat speaking]

b. Aler-ikwe re-nhe artwe-le-penhe arte-ke; kunye-penhe.child(FS/D)-3KinPOSS 3sg-ACC man-ERG-PITY cover-pc;

poor thing-PITYThe unfortunate man buried his son; poor thing.

8.1.2.5 -itanye 'despite, even though' (DESPITE)The clitic -itanye is discussed in detail in §9.2.2. It cliticises to the end of a noun phrase which is

marked for spatial or temporal adverbial function with one of the case suffixes -le 'locative', -nge'ablative' or -ke 'dative'. Roughly, -itanye indicates that, despite the conditions presented in the nounphrase, someone or something is behaving in a certain unexpected way (see example 29). In otherwords, one would expect the prevailing conditions to prevent the person or thing from doing what theyare doing, but they don't.

(29) Lhwerrpe-k-itanye, urinp-irre-mewinter-DAT-DESPITE, hot-INCH-nppDespite the fact that it's winter, it's getting hot.

8.1.2.6 -iknge 'I'm sick of..., happens too much' (TOO MUCH)The form -iknge 'happens too much' is also discussed in detail in §9.2.1. It conveys the sense

that the speaker is unhappy with, or sick of, the fact that an action regularly involves the referent of theconstituent to which it is attached. In other words, the action is said to 'happen too much' with respectto a certain entity.

(30) Kere kenhe kwele arrwekele-iknge-rle unte-rl-unte-rliwe-ke.

game BUT QUOT in front-TOO MUCH-FOC hurry off-SPORADIC.rdp-pcBut the game animals were forever hurring off in all directions in front (of him).

[Lit. But the game animals, so they say, hurried off here and there, (I feel) it was badthat it always happened (too much) in front.] [T12-89]

8.1.2.7 -arrkngele 'be indirect reason for anger' (IndReasAng)Dative-marked nominal phrases may be cliticised with the form -arrkngele 'be indirect reason for

anger' to convey that the referent of that nominal phrase is the indirect reason for or the focus of theaggressive actions or angry feelings of the subject of the clause. The function of this clitic is similar tosome uses of English 'over' (see translations of examples in 31).

(31) a. Artwe therre yanhe twe-rre-me relhe-k-arrkngele.man two that(mid) hit-RECIP-npp woman-DAT-

IndReasAngThose two men are fighting over a woman.

b. Ayenge ankey-althe yanhe ikwere arnkelye merne-k-arrkngele.

1sgS greedily-BadCHAR that(mid) 3sgDAT cranky bread-DAT-IndReasAng

I'm cranky at that greedy bugger over the bread (ie. because they wouldn't give me any).

8.2 ParticlesLaughren's (1982) subclassification of particles in Warlpiri into (i) propositional particles, (ii)

sentential particles, (iii) conjunctions, and (iv) interjections is equally applicable to Mparntwe Arrernte.As in Warlpiri (Laughren 1982:131), some particles may occur in more than one group.

8.2.1 Propositional ParticlesAs Laughren (1982:133-4) notes:

"Propositional particles (PP) indicate the speaker's attitude to or judgment concerning the propositionexpressed by the clause to which the PP is attached, or the speaker's role with respect to the speech actitself."

As well as having scope over entire clauses, propositional particles in Mparntwe Arrernte may havescope over individual constituents within a clause. As such, they may also express the speaker's attitudeor judgment concerning a particular constituent's role with respect to the entire proposition of the clause.As a very general rule, propositional particles tend to have scope over the constituent that they follow,although when their scope is the the entire clause, their placement appears to be much more flexible.

8.2.1.1 kwele 'so they say, hearsay, "quotative", supposedly' (QUOT)Kwele 'so they say, hearsay, "quotative", supposedly' (QUOT) is discussed in detail in §9.3.1.

This particle is used to indicate that what the speaker is saying is not based on their own experience(eg.32). Instead, through the use of kwele 'quotative', the speaker intimates that s/he heard theinformation that s/he is presently conveying from some other source and so cannot definitely assert itstruth.

(32) Marle kweke re kwele nthep-irre-ke atwetye kweke ikwere.girl little 3sgS QUOT dance-INCH-pc joey little 3sgDATThe little girl, so they say, danced for the little joey. [T10-4]

8.2.1.2 kwenhe 'assertion' (ASSERT)The particle kwenhe 'assertion' is used to assert the validity of a proposition. This does not

mean that the speaker claims that it is necessarily a true proposition, but only that s/he believes it issoundly based and so would support it. Kwenhe 'assertion' is also used to emphasise that the referent ofa particular constituent is definitely the one that plays the role in the proposition at hand (eg. 33a).

(33) a. Parlkerne kwenhe, kookaburra-kwenye!kingfisher ASSERT, kookaburra-NomNEGIt's "parlkerne", not "kookaburra" ! [Admonishing a child for using an

English word for a certain bird rather than the correct Arrernte form.]

b. Kwatye itere ikwere anteme kwele re are-ke apmwe kngerrewater side 3sgDAT now QUOT 3sgA see-pc snake bignhenhe-ipenhe kwenhe. Apale ne-ke kwenhe.this-AFTER(O) ASSERT. wrongly be-pc ASSERT.

By the side of the water , so they say, she now saw what were clearly the signs left by this big snake. Something was definitely wrong. (ie. she had

certainly acted wrongly.) [T12-129,30]

8.2.1.3 (a)pele 'it's a fact' (FACT) (A)pele 'it's a fact' (FACT) is a particle which conveys that the speaker or someone s/he is

quoting is claiming that the proposition is definitely true.

(34) a. Nhenhe pele kngerre-rle, yanhe kenhe kweke-rle.this FACT big-FOC, that BUT little-FOCThis one, without a doubt, is the big(ger) one, that one, on the other hand, is the small(er) one.

b. "Kweke pele the-rle kwetethe arntarntare-p-are-me-rlekwenhe."

little FACT 1sgA-REL always look after-FREQ.rdp-npp-RELASSERT

"It's a fact that it's the little one that I'm always looking after all the time. [T12-80]

8.2.1.4 (a)peke 'maybe, might; if; or' (maybe)The particle (a)peke 'maybe, might; if; or' (maybe) has a wide range of related used (cf. §3.8.2).

Common to all its uses is the sense that the speaker is saying that some proposition is possibly the case.It therefore commonly translates as 'might' or 'maybe'.

(35) Ingwenthe Tangentyer-arenye peke petye-me pmere mwarr-ile-tyeke.Tomorrow Tangentyere-ASSOC maybe come-npp camp good-CAUS-

PURPTomorrow someone from Tangentyere might come to fix up the camp.

In an example such as the one above peke 'maybe' tends to convey that the speaker feels it is quiteprobable that the proposition will prove to be true. In complex conditional constructions, peke 'maybe' is often used in the conditional clause toindicate the hypothetical nature of the propostion. In this function it is similar to English 'if'.

(36) Unte peke diabetes-kerte, nhenhe-le nge-nhe rlkerte mpware-tyeke.2sgS maybe diabetes-PROP, this-ERG 2sg-ACC sick make-

PURPIf you have diabetes, then this is going to make you sick. [From translationby Margaret Heffernan of a text on Diabetes which appeared in Yeperenye Yeye]

Finally, peke 'maybe' can also be used to signal disjunction between co-ordinated elements. Inthis function it is repeated after every nominal phrase (eg.37a) or clause (eg. 37b) which is to beunderstood as a possible alternative to every other element in the string that is similarly marked. In thisfunction it has a sense similar to English 'or'.

(37) a. Kwart-iperre arrate-me yep-arenye peke, ntyarlke peke,egg-AFTER appear-npp tarvine-ASSOC maybe, k.o. caterpillar

maybe,arrpenhe peke.other maybeFrom the eggs might appear Yeperenye (tarvine) caterpillars, or Ntyarlke

caterpillars, or some other kind (of caterpillars). [T4-3]

b. Kere nyente peke-rle kwele re atwe-ke peke,game one maybe-FOC QUOT 3sgA kill-pc maybe,are-ke peke kwele; arrangkwe.see-pc maybe QUOT; nothingPerhaps there was supposedly one game animal that he killed or even saw;

no, nothing at all. [4 - 135]

8.2.1.5 ithwenge 'maybe not'Ithwenge 'maybe not' is used when the speaker accepts that a proposition is possible but feels

that it is not very probable. It is, therefore, in direct contrast with peke (above) in its simple 'might,maybe' usages.

(38) Bob-le ithwenge ngkwarle-ke nthe-me pwerte kweke-ware.

Bob-ERG maybe not 'grog'-DAT give-npp money little-DISMISMaybe Bob will give (us) a little bit of money for grog (, but I doubt it).

The two particles peke 'maybe' and ithwenge 'maybe not' may occur in juxtaposition to indicatethe speaker's inability to assess to any degree the probability of a proposition. In other words, ithwengepeke and apeke ithwenge both mean 'maybe and then again maybe not'.

8.2.1.6 ware 'not much, only, just, nothing important, dismissive' (DISMIS)The particle ware 'dismissive' is used either when the speaker is saying that something is not to

be thought of as being very much or when s/he is dismissing something as not being very important.

(39) Nhenhe-nge anteme ayeye nhenhe uyerre-me. Ayeye urteke ware.this-ABL now story this finish-npp. story short DISMISThis is where the story finishes. It's only a short story.[T9-16,17]

As well as being used to downplay the significance of a proposition, ware 'dismissive' may alsobe used to attenuate the exact meaning of an element. For example, when ware 'dismissive' has scopeover nthe- 'to give something to someone', the sense of the combination (ie. ware nthe-) is 'to lendsomething to someone' (ie. not really give it, just sort of give it). Note also that ware 'dismissive' canfunction as an interjection and is commonly used to answer the phatic interjection werte 'what's up?' (cf.§8.2.4.1). In this usage it means 'nothing much, nothing of significance'.

8.2.1.7 nthurre 'very, real(ly); intensifier' (INTENS)Nthurre 'very, real(ly); intensifier' is an intensifying particle which can be used to modify nominals

of all types, adverbs, verbs and whole clauses. With adjectival nominals it has a sense similar to English'very', while with nouns it indicates a 'true' or 'proper' instance of the category specified by the noun.With adverbs, verbs and clauses the speaker uses nthurre 'intensifier' to indicate that the modifiedelement is to be taken to mean exactly what it says.

(40) a. Crowbar arrpenhe ne-ke arrar-ulkere, kenhe arrpenhene-ke

crowbar other be-pc light-MORE, BUT other be-pculthe-ntye nthurre.press down-NMZR(heavy) INTENS

One of the (two) crowbars was lighter, but the other (one) was very heavy. [T7-4]

b. ..., kenhe itne ingkerre mpware-ke re-rle ile-ke nthurre...., BUT 3plA all do-pc 3sgA-REL tell-pc INTENS..., but they would all do exactly what he told (them to do). [T11-22]

8.2.1.8 antime 'right there and then; right here and now' (PRECISE)Antime 'precisely at this time and place' is a particle which is not yet well understood. It appears

to be used to convey the speaker's claim that the event of the clause in which antime 'PRECISE' occurshappens at the precise time and place indicated. Where the speaker is giving an order or describing anaction that s/he is presently performing, antime 'PRECISE' is used to indicate that the action shouldhappen or is happening 'right here and now' (eg. 41a). Otherwise, antime 'PRECISE' tends to translateas 'right there and then' or 'in that very spot'. This latter usage is illustrated in examples (41)b and c.

(41) a. The kwatye ite-me antime, ...1sgA water boil/cook-npp PRECISEI'm boiling water right here and now, ... [stop bothering me to do it]

b. Itere-ng-ante therre anteme re-therre antime irrtyarte iwe-ke.side-ABL-ONLY two now 3dlA PRECISE spear throw-pcNow, from both sides they two threw (their) spears right there and then.[T11-45]

c. ... yanhe antime re uyerre-ke.... that(mid) PRECISE 3sgS finish-pc.... right there and then he died. [T11-48]

The family resemblance, in terms of both form and meaning, between -ante 'ONLY' (§8.1.1.9),-anteye 'AS WELL' (§8.1.1.10) , anteme 'now' (§8.2.2.4), and antime 'PRECISE' needs to be fullyexplored and may lead to a clearer picture of the function of antime 'precise'.

8.2.1.9 warre 'may I remind you' (REMIND)

Warre 'may I remind you' is used when the speaker feels compelled to remind the addressee ofinformation that the addressee should not have forgotten. In most cases the speaker has reason tobelieve that the addressee has forgotten something that the speaker regards as important informationwith regard to the context at hand. Roughly, warre 'remind' could be explicated as 'I feel I must remindyou that X, which is something you shouldn't have forgotten'.

(42) a. Unte warre artwe, not ampe.2sgS REMIND man, not child.Remember you are a man, not a child. (So stop acting that way.)

b. "Kele warre aherlke-ntye-nge kem-irre-Ø kwenhe." O.K. REMIND to dawn-NMZR-ABL get up-INCH-IMP ASSERTHey, may I remind you it's already sunrise, so get up (and get ready).[T12-70]

8.2.1.10 y'know (yenewe) 'you know; you understand'Y'know (yenewe) 'you know; you understand' is a borrowing of English 'you know, ya know'.

As in informal Australian English, the particle y'know 'you know' is used in Mparntwe Arrernte either toseek confirmation that the addressee understands what the speaker is saying, in which case it often takesrising (question) intonation (eg. 43a), or is used to indicate that the addressee should already know orremember what is being talked about (eg. 43b). In this last function it is a bit like nhenge 'REMEMBER'(cf. §3.6.2) or warre 'REMIND' (see preceding section).

(43) a. ..., itne pele kwele awe-ke, y'know?, alknge-therrke..., 3plA FACT QUOT hear-pc you know, cat(eye-

green)re-penhe kwele angke-rlenge.3sgS-PITY QUOT speak-DS..., they, so they, definitely heard <are you with me?> a cat speaking. [From

a text by Rosie Ferber about a cat speaking]

b. ... Pmere Nthurrke yanhe, y'know; wale that's nhenhemape-kenhe...

... place Emily Gap that(mid), you know; well that's this pl(grp)-POSS...

... Emily Gap over there, you know it; well that belongs to these people...

[From text by Basil Stevens, 'Emily Gap Lives On - Our Culture Never Dies' in Yeperenye Ayeye 1984]

8.2.2 Sentential ParticlesSentential particles in Mparntwe Arrernte provide information relevant to the temporal or

discourse ordering of events, as well as marking of episode boundaries in discourse.

8.2.2.1 kele 'ready; already; O.K.; so; the end' (O.K.) Kele 'ready; already; O.K.; so; the end' (O.K.) roughly entails that one event, or a series of

events, is over or completed and tends to imply that it is possible for a new event, or a new series ofevents, to begin.

As part of a clause kele can mean either (i) that the event in that clause has already happened, inwhich case it typically occurs directly before the verb (eg. 44a), or (ii) it can mean that the previousevent or series of events is now over and the present clause is introducing a new event, in which case itcommonly occurs as the first element in the clause (eg. 44b).

(44) a. ... kenhe m-ikwe kenhe kele uyerre-rle.ne-ke-rlange ...... BUT mother-3KinPOSS BUT O.K. disappear-CONT-pc-DS...meanwhile his mother, on the other hand, had already disappeared.[T12-30]

b. Arrpenhe angke-ke, "Kwatye-werne alpe-rre-tyeke ilerne,other say-pc, "water-ALL go back-dlS/A-PURP 1dlS,

ure-ketye!" Kele arrpenhe-le tyarre-kng-irtne-ke.fire-AVER O.K. other-ERG pull-take-REVERS-pc(The lazy) one (of the siamese twins) said, "We must go back to the water

for fear of the fire!". So the other one pulled him along after him back (towards the water). [T9-13,14]

In conversations, kele 'O.K.' is frequently used as the sole member of an utterance. With -eye?'is it?' (cf. §8.1.1.6) cliticised to it, it forms a question (ie. 'Keleye?') which means 'Are you/we ready? ;Are you/we finished?; Is it alright?' and the standard affirmative reply to this is simply 'Kele.' 'O.K., yesI'm/we're ready/finished; Yes it's alright.'. Kele 'O.K.' is also used on its own at the end of a narrativetext to signal that the text is over. It is a conventional ending much like 'The End' in English.

8.2.2.2 wale 'well (then); (and) so' (well)The sentential particle wale 'well (then); (and) so' only occurs at the beginning of a clause and

indicates that the episode, event or proposition of the clause is an expected or logical follow up to whathas gone before in the discourse. Wale 'well' commonly marks where a new event or episode isbeginning (eg. 45a) or where a recurring event or episode is beginning again (eg. 45b). The source ofthis form appears to be English 'well'.

(45) a. Wale mape pmer-arenye itne-ke artwe re-therre ile-ke nhenge,...well pl(grp) camp-ASSOC 3pl-DAT man 3dlA tell-pc

REMEMB,...Well (then) the other inhabitants of this camp were, of course, told that

by the two men, ... [T11-29]

b. Wale kweke re awethe-kine road anteme-rle kwele mpware-ke,

well little 3sgA again-same again road now-FOC QUOTmake-pc, ...

And so yet again the little (boy) made a road, ... [4-101]

8.2.2.3 imerte 'and then, then' (then)Imerte 'and then, then' is used to indicate that the event or episode encoded in the clause within

which it occurs is temporally subsequent to the preceding event or episode. There also tends to be animplication that this subsequent event or episode is a logical progression from the preceding event. Thisparticle commonly translates as 'then' or 'and then' and may occur in most positions within a clause withthe exception of initial position.

(46) a. ... ingkirreke purte-lhile-tye.lhe-rle, nyente-kwenye;... all cluster-CAUS-GO&DO-GenEvt, one-NomNEG;ayeye itne-ke imerte nhenge ile-me-le, ...story 3pl-DAT then REMEMB tell-npp-SS, ...... (he) would go and gather everyone together, without exceptions; and

then (he'd) tell a story to them, ... [T11- 7,8]

b. Ntywe-nty-ipenhe imerte kwele artnerre-nhe-me-ledrink-NMZR-AFTER then QUOT crawl-DO PAST-npp-SSulyentye-werne ...shade-ALL...After drinking then (he) crawled by towards some shade; ... [T12-45]

8.2.2.4 anteme / aneme ' at this point in time, now, and now' (now)The particle anteme / aneme ' at this point in time, now, and now', like imerte 'then', may occur

in most positions within the clause except clause-initially. Roughly it means that the event or stateexpressed in the clause occurs (occurred, will occur) 'at this point in time' (as understood from context).Its closest English equivalent is 'now' or 'and now'. Unlike imerte 'then', there is no entailment that theevent of the clause containing anteme 'now' is temporally subsequent to the preceding event; they may,for instance, occur simultaneously. Both anteme 'now' and imerte 'then' may occur in the same clause(see example 47b). In rapid speech the 't' of anteme 'now' may be elided to give aneme.

(47) a. Kngwelye kweke re ingkerne mangke-ke; kngerreanteme.

dog llittle 3sgS behind grow-pc; big now.The little dog grew up back there; it was big now. [From a story about a

man, a dog, and a cannibal by Basil Stevens]

b. Kele kwele imerte relhe re kweke re-nhe antemeO.K. QUOT then woman3sgA little 3sg-ACC now

ine-rliwe-me-le, ...get-DO QUICKLY-npp-SS, ...With that done, so they say, then the woman quickly got the baby now

(ie. at this point in time), ... [T12-51]

8.2.3 ConjunctionsTwo forms which may be used as conjunctions have been discussed previously. These are

nhenge 'REMEMBER' (cf. §2.6.2), in its sense of 'whenever X, then Y', and (a)peke 'maybe' (cf.§8.2.1.4), which may be used with a sense similar to English 'or'. Particles which function primarily asconjunctions are given below.

8.2.3.1 ante / ane 'and'Ante / ane 'and', like the English form which is the source of this particle, is a coordinating

conjunction in Mparntwe Arrernte. In a way parallel to anteme / aneme 'now' (cf. §8.2.2.5), the 't' ofante may be elided to give ane. Ante / ane 'and' may conjoin clauses (eg. 48a) or NPs (eg. 48b and c),and the number of conjuncts is, theoretically, infinite. When there are more than two conjuncts, thisconjunction is typically placed between the final two conjuncts.

(48) a. ..., kenhe aherre re re-nhe arntirrkwe-ke ante..., BUT kangaroo 3sgA 3sg-ACC catch-pc

andre-nhe re arlkwe-ke.3sg-ACC 3sgA eat-pc...., but the kangaroo caught her and ate her. [T10-20]

b. Artwe re [arlkwerte, amirre, irrtyarte, ante alye]-kerteman 3sgS shield, spear thrower, spear, and boomarang-

PROPlhe-ke arrentye twe-tyeke.go-pc demon hit-PURPThe man went out (armed) with a shield, a spear-thrower, spears, and a

boomerang in order to kill the devil.

c. Re [Elaine-ke,, Eli-ke,, ante Wenton-ke] unthe-rle.pe-ke.3sgS Elaine-DAT,, Eli-DAT,, and Wenton-DAT look for-DO

ALONG-pcHe went along looking for Elaine, for Eli, and for Wenton.

NP coordination with ante 'and' contrasts semantically with the listing structure that is discussedlater in §10.1.1.1; while the listing structure does not entail that the list of NP referents is exhaustive,structures with ante 'and' do apparently code exhaustiveness of listing. Note that when ante 'and' is usedto conjoin noun phrases case marking may either appear on every conjunct (eg. 48c) or it may appearonly once, occurring on the final conjunct. This difference in the placement of case corresponds to asemantic distinction. When case occurs only once, the entities that are being conjoined are seen asforming a single group , with the entities typically being together in the one place at the same time. When

case appears on each conjunct, the entities are not necessarily seen as forming a group, and, as is clearfrom example (48)c, the entities referred to may all be in different places.

The semantics of the structure in which case for the complex NP occurs only once may beexplicated as follows:

Things/People/Places which I am thinking of [now, in this context] together because I am saying the same thing about each of them.I think of these things/people/places as being together in a group.

One of these things/people/places is A.One of these things/people/places is B.(One of these things/people/places is Z)(...)

These are all the things/people/places in the group.

The coordinated structure with ante 'and' as well as case on each conjunct may be defined thus:

Things/People/Places which I am thinking of [now, in this context] together because I am saying the same thing about each of them.

One of these things/people/places in A.One of these things/people/places is B.(One of these things/people/places is Z)(...)

These are all the things/people/places I am thinking of together

Compare the semantics of the above structures with the semantics of the structures discussed in§3.9.2, §§8.2.3.2 & 3, and §§10.1.1.1 & 2.

8.2.3.2 X uthene Y uthene 'X and Y which are a common pairing; binary-and' (bi-and) X uthene Y uthene 'binary-and' is only used to conjoin noun phrases and it limits the number ofconjuncts to two. Moreover, this structure cannot conjoin just any two entities, but, instead, mustconjoin entities of the same animacy status that are regarded by Arrernte speakers as being of the sametype and kind, and which are commonly thought of as occurring naturally together. Thus, while it isnatural to say 'alkere uthene angkwelye uthene' (sky binary-and cloud binary-and) 'sky and clouds', it isdistinctly unnatural to say '??pwerte uthene angkwelye uthenhe' (rock/hill binary-and cloud binary-and)

'rocks and clouds'. Similarly, while it is natural to use this structure to conjoin two terms referring tomen's artifacts (eg. alye uthene irrtyarte uthene 'boomerang and spear'), or two terms referring towomen's artifacts (eg. atneme uthene urtne uthene 'digging stick and coolamon'), it is odd to use thisstructure to conjoin a term for a men's artifact with that for a woman's artifact (eg. ?alye uthene urtneuthene 'boomerang and coolamon') since the two things do not form a common pairing in the real worldand are not thought to belong together in the natural scheme of things. When the constraint on animacyis violated the resulting structure using uthene 'binary-and' is distinctly bad, even when an animate entityis commonly associated with the inanimate entity. So, while it is perfectly acceptable to say 'artweuthene arelhe uthene' 'a man and a woman', it is thoroughly unacceptable to say '*artwe uthene irrtyarteuthene' '*a man and a spear'. Note that, although the ordering of conjuncts in this structure is free, suchNP coordinations are semantically similar to what Malkiel (1959) called irreversible binomials for English(eg. 'cat and mouse', 'salt and pepper', 'Gilbert and Sullivan', 'husband and wife').

(49) ..., kenhe Elizabeth-le knge-ke handbag tin-a-meat nyente-kerte

..., BUT Elizabeth-ERG carry-pc handbag tin of meat one-PROP

ante merne urrpetye, tea uthene tyweke uthene.and bread few, tea bi-and sugar bi-and..., but Elizabeth, on the other hand, carried a handbag with one tin of meat and

three loaves of bread, as well as tea and sugar.[T7-6]

The structure X uthene Y uthene may be explicated as follows (compare this explication withthose given in §3.9.2, §§8.2.3.1 & 3, and §§10.1.1.1 & 2):

Two things/people/places of the same kind which people commonly think of as belonging together (in a group)

One of these things/people/places is A.The other of these things people places is B

I am thinking of these two people/places/things together [now, in this context] because I am saying the same thing about each of them.

Finally, it should be noted that case appears on each conjunct, and, although it is preferable thatuthene 'binary-and' occur after each conjunct, it is possible for it to occur just once between the twoconjuncts.

8.2.3.3 NameX therre NameY therre: coordination of named people using therre 'two'Yallop (1987:740-741) has argued, on the basis of data from Alyawarra, that "pairs are a

special focus of attention in Australian grammars" and that this fact arises from "the central importanceof duality in Australian cultures". Mparntwe Arrernte also supports this point with data similar to that inAlyawarra. For instance, it was noted in §3.9.2 that the suffix -nhenge 'kin-dyadic' was used to form'dyadic' kinship terms which refer to a group of two people who are in a certain complementary kinrelationship with one another. Furthermore, it was noted above, in §8.2.3.2, that Mparntwe Arrerntepossesses a NP coordination strategy that only conjoins two entities of the same kind which areperceived by Arrernte people as naturally belonging together.

In this section a similar strategy is discussed, in which the quantifier therre 'two' itself is used as aconjunction to link the names of two people that are commonly thought of as being a 'couple'. Commonpairings for which this is used are husband and wife, paired siblings, and a pair of close friends. Thus thisstructure would be a good one for conveying such English pairings as 'Romeo and Juliet' or 'Gilbert andSullivan'. In its fullest form this structure has therre 'two' after each of the two conjoined names and caseis marked on the conjunctions rather than the conjuncts (eg. 50a). There is, however, a reduced form ofthis structure in which only one name occurs followed by therre 'two' (eg. 50c). In using this reducedstructure the speaker assumes that the addressee, on hearing the name of just one person, will be able tothink of who the other person that is commonly associated with that named person is. In a sense, then,the second conjunct of the structure is derived by pragmatic means.

(50) a. Ayenge lhe-ke Sandy therre-nge Wendytherre-nge.1sgS go-DAT Sandy two-ABL Wendytwo-ABLI went with Sandy and Wendy. [where Sandy and Wendy are two sisters]

b. Arlte ingkerreke nhe-le ayenge unthe-tyerte pmere bush-leday all this-LOC 1sgS walkabout-rem.p.hab place bush-

LOCatyemeye-nge, atnye-ng-atye, ante ankele-nhenge therre-nge;

grandfather(MF)-ABL uncle-ABL-1KinPOSS and m.cousin-DYADIC two-ABL

Augustine therre Duncan therre.Augustine two Duncan twoAll this time I spent walking about through the bush with my grandfather,my uncle and also my cousin brothers Augustine and Duncan Lynch. [From a

story written and translated by Basil Steven, Kaltyirrekerle Kerte (School Days) in Yeperenye Ayeye 1985]

c. Willie therre-le ayeye ile-ke.Willie two-ERG story tell-pcWillie (and Hilda) told a story. [Willie and Hilda are husband and wife.]

A rough definition for the structure 'NameX therre NameY therre' is as follows:

Two people which are usually together and which people think of as belonging together (as a couple)One of these people is named "X"The other of these people is named "Y"

I am thinking of these two people together [now in this context] because I am saying the same thingabout each of them.

Other structures manifesting coordinate semantics with which this structure may be comparedare to be found in §3.9.2, §§8.2.3.1 & 2, and §§10.1.1.1 & 2

8.2.3.4 kenhe 'now consider this one; on the other hand, by contrast, but' (BUT)Kenhe 'now consider this one; on the other hand, by contrast, but' may occur immediately

before (eg. 51a) or immediately after the first major constituent of a clause, or it may be repeated onboth sides of that constituent (eg. 51b). Generally speaking, kenhe 'BUT' conveys that, 'havingconsidered the preceding proposition, event or thing, the addressee should now consider the presentproposition, event or thing'. Often there is an implication that the two things which are being consideredin turn are contrastive, but this does not appear to be an entailment of kenhe 'BUT'. If one were, forinstance, looking at a series of pictures, then one could use kenhe 'BUT' simply to introduce the nextpicture (ie. "..., kenhe nhenhe kenhe anteme." (..., BUT this BUT now) "..., now have a look at thisone.").

The factors which determine the placement of kenhe 'BUT' before, after, or on both sides of thefirst major constituent are not yet clear. It does appear that when kenhe 'BUT' is used initially in aclause, without being repeated, it is most frequently interpreted in a way similar to English 'but' (eg. 48a).When kenhe 'BUT' flanks both sides of a constituent, it tends to mean something like 'consider this one;this one on the other hand' (eg. 48b). Central to this distinction appears to be the question of whetherthe scope of the particle is the whole clause or just the first constituent. This requires furtherinvestigation.

(51) a. Kele nhenge irrkwe-rre-ntye-warte arrpenhe uyarneO.K. REMEMB hold-RECIP-NMZR-SINCE other in vainmurnt-irre-tyerte, kenhe arrpenhe-le re-nhe tyarre-knge-tyerte.refuse-INCH-rem.p.hab BUT other-ERG 3sg-ACC pull out-

take-rem.p.habSince they were siamese twins, the (lazy) one used to refuse (to go hunting)

in vain, but the other (twin) used to just drag him along. [T9-7,8,9,10]

b. ..., kweke re ulyentye-le purrke kngerre ne-me;..., little 3sgS shade-LOC tired big be/sit-npp;kenhe m-ikwe kenhe kele uyerre-rle.ne-ke-rlenge.BUT mother-3KinPOSS BUT O.K. disappear-CONT-pc-DS..., the baby is very tired in the shade, while his mother, on the otherhand, had already diasappeared. [T12-30]

8.2.3.5 perre 'even though; anyhow, anyway' (THOUGH)Perre 'even though; anyhow, anyway' (THOUGH) occurs at the boundary between two clauses

and may be included intonationally at the end of the first or at the beginning of the second. Thisconjunction indicates that the action of the second clause happened, or could happen, anyhow, eventhough the proposition in the initial clause might be seen as a reason for it not happening (see alsoexample 23b in §8.1.2.1).

(52) a. Me-l-ikwe-le alhe-tye-kwenye-ke ile-ke,mother-ERG-3KinPOSS-ERG go-NMZR-NomNEG-DAT tell-pc,perre re lhe-ke.THOUGH 3sgS go-pc

His mother told him not to go, but he went anyhow.

b. Irrernte-nge perre, kele kwatye-ke irrpe-ke re.cold-ABL THOUGH, O.K. water-pc go into-pc 3sgSEven though it was cold, he went swimming.

8.2.3.6 athathe 'quickly do Y before X happens; hurry before X happens' (HurBef) Athathe 'quicklydo Y before X happens; hurry before X happens' (HurBef) appears to have an extremely restricteddistribution; it only seems to occur in aversive clauses (cf. §5.3.3.3 and §4.2.13) and it followsimmediately after the nominal or verbal form inflected with -ketye 'aversive'. The meaning of this formtherefore seems to recapitulate many of the features of the meaning of -ketye 'aversive'. Twocomponents athathe 'hurry before' seems to add are: (i) a sense of speed, the main verb action must bedone quickly so that the action of the aversive clause won't have its bad result, and (ii) a sense that themain clause event must happen before the event in the aversive clause. While it is common for complexaversive constructions to mean that the performance of the main clause event will prevent the action ofthe aversive clause from happening, this tends not to be the case when athathe 'hurry before' is used.Instead, the event of the aversive clause with athathe 'hurry before' tends to be one that cannot beprevented and so will happen anyway; what would be bad, however, is if the main verb event is notcompleted before the inevitable occurrence of the event in the aversive clause.

(53) a. Arelhe-le kere ite-me aherrke arrate-ketye-nge athathe.woman-ERG meat cook-npp sun rise-AVER-ABL HurBefThe woman is hurriedly cooking the meat before the sun rises. [There is

a ban on her cooking during the day.]

b. Re-nhe ar-Ø-aye, lhe-ketye athathe.3sg-ACC see-IMP-EMPH, go-AVER HurBef.Hurry and visit him before he leaves. [or else you'll miss him completely]

c. Rlke kngerre-ketye athathe, re pmere-ke irrpe-ke.wind big-AVER HurBef, 3sgS camp-DAT go into-pc.Before the big wind (blew up), he hurried into the house.

8.2.4 Interjections

Interjections are here defined as those particles which usually constitute an utterance on theirown (cf. Laughren 1982:132). Also included in this class, therefore, are those forms which traditionallyfall under the rubric of exclamations. Laughren (1982:132) notes that interjections function "to expressthe speaker's attitude or reaction to the preceding linguistic utterance or to an extra-linguistic event".

A number of previously discussed particles could also claim membership in the set ofinterjections because they have been attested as the sole member of an utterance with the generalfunction attributed to interjections. These are (a)peke 'maybe' (cf. §8.2.1.4), ithwenge 'maybe not'(cf.§8.2.1.5), ware 'dismissive'(cf. §8.2.1.6), and kele 'O.K.' (cf. §8.2.2.1)

8.2.4.1 werte 'what's up, what's news; gidday'Werte 'what's up, what's news; gidday' is basically used when the speaker wants to be filled in

on what's happening in a particular context and believes that the addressee can help provide theinformation. It is used, for instance, to seek information from the addressee when the speaker sensesthat there is either something wrong which involves the addressee or that the addressee is involved in, orknows about, something interesting that is happening (but which is not obvious to the speaker within thecontext). Werte 'what's up' is also the conventional phatic opening greeting which is used when onemeets someone one knows and whom one has not seen for a while.8.2.4.2 yewe-yewe / yewe / yawe / ye 'yes'

Yewe-yewe / yewe / yawe / ye 'yes' are all ways of giving positive affirmation concerning theaddressee's previous utterance. All four forms may be used to answer 'yes' to a polar question, and theycan all be used when back-channeling - that is, when one wants to show that one is following whatsomeone is saying. The difference between the forms appears to be one of emphasis. Yewe-yewe 'yes'is used mainly when affirming that a proposition is definitely correct; yewe 'yes' and yawe 'yes' tend to beused, often with emphatic stress, when there is strong agreement with the force of a proposition; and,finally, ye 'yes' is the least emphatic form and is the form which is most commonly used when back-channeling. As a back-channel form, ye 'yes' does not entail agreement with what is being said butsimply affirms that one is attending to what has been said; by contrast, the other three forms appear toentail agreement.

8.2.4.3 arrangkwe 'no; nothing; have nothing of'The interjection arrangkwe 'no; nothing; have nothing of' belongs both to the nominal class and

the particle/clitics class. As a nominal it can mean 'nothing' or it can be a nominal predicate meaning'X[S] have nothing of Y[DAT]' (see §5.1.2). As a particle/clitic it is an interjection which means 'no' or

'no way'. It can be used to answer a polar question in the negative or to disagree with a propostion putforward by another participant in the conversation.

8.2.4.4 yweke 'I don't know'Yweke 'I don't know' is used by a person to convey that s/he does not know the information

which has been asked of him or her. It can, for example, be used to answer polar questions or toanswer the interjection werte 'what's up' (cf. §8.2.4.1).

Note that yweke 'I don't know' contrasts with two other forms which could translate as 'don'tknow'. These are the predicate nominal kutne 'X be ignorant of Y' and the negative form of the verbitelare- 'to know, to remember' (ie. itelare-tyekenhe 'not know, not remember'). The interjection yweke'I don't know' differs in two important ways. Firstly, it can only predicate the speaker's own lack ofknowledge; whereas, the other two forms may predicate that someone other than the speaker lackscertain knowledge. Secondly, this interjection never specifies the thing that the speaker doesn't know,that is always understood from context. With the other two forms, the thing that isn't known is anargument of both predicates and typically appears in the same utterance with them.8.2.4.5 mpe 'let's go'

Mpe 'let's go' is a hortative interjection which is usually employed when the speaker is about togo off somewhere and it is understood that the addressee is going to go along with her/him. However, itcan also be used when other joint activities, besides travel, are intended. For instance, someone who issitting around waiting to start playing cards might say, impatiently, "Mpe!" meaning 'come on let's get thisgame going'.

8.2.4.6 ngke 'give it to me'The interjection ngke 'give it to me' tends to be used when an item that the speaker wants is

closer to the addressee, or is easier for the addressee to get, and the speaker wants the addressee topass it to him/her. A gesture is usually used to indicate what the object is. This form may also bedirected to babies when a person is about to pick a baby up. In this usage it may be understood tomean something like 'come on little one, give yourself to me'. There is also some evidence that this formcan be used when one is slightly taken back or disgusted by a suggestion or proposition that someonehas made. In this function it appears to mean something like 'give over, you can't be serious' (cf.example 55 below).

8.2.4.7 me 'here it is'

Me 'here it is' is used when handing something to someone. It is the form that is used when, forinstance, one is responding to the interjection ngke 'give it to me'.

8.2.4.8 kunye 'poor thing, poor bugger; dear one'The interjection kunye 'poor thing, poor bugger; dear one' is a nominal which also functions as an

interjection. As both a nominal and an interjection, it is used to refer to some animate being for whichthe speaker has sympathy, pity and/or affection. As an interjection it may be used when one hears aboutsomething bad happening to another animate being, or when one hears about someone for whom onehas affection and hasn't seen for a long time (and would like to see), or when someone who has died isreferred to in some oblique way. It is also commonly uttered to someone on the happy occasion of thatperson's return to a place after having been away for a long time. In this last case the speaker appearsto be indicating both affection for the person who has returned as well as sympathy for them having tospend so much time away from the country and the community.8.2.4.9 alaye! 'watch out! ; get out of the way'

Alaye! 'watch out!; get out of the way' is used to alert the addressee to some immediate dangeror to tell them to move out of the way because they are blocking the way. It is often used where Englishspeakers would use 'excuse me' to get past another person.

8.2.4.10 kweye 'what the heck am I doing/saying/thinking?; is that right?' (SelfDoubt) Kweye 'what the heck am I doing/saying/thinking?; is that right?' is exclaimed when the speakeris surprised that something is not the way s/he assumed it was. In using kweye 'self doubt' the speakerconveys that s/he should know something for a fact but, for some reason, is just at the moment eitherdoubting that s/he does know it, or is realising that s/he has forgotten it all together. It can be used, forinstance, when somebody expects to find something in a place and it is not there or when a person isbeing told something that conflicts with what s/he thought to be true.

There are three further related uses of kweye 'self-doubt'. The first of these has already beendiscussed in §3.8.2 and involves kweye 'self doubt' being compounded to interrogative forms.Secondly, a sort of tag question can be generated by following a statement with kweye 'self doubt'. Atag question of this type indicates that the speaker is not sure of the statement that s/he has just madeand would like the hearer to confirm or disconfirm it (compare with -athewe 'isnt it?' cf. §8.1.1.5).

(54) Re kele lhe-ke, kweye?3sgS O.K. go-pc, SelfDoubtShe's already left, hasn't she? (I'm not really sure and I'd like you to tell me

yes or no.)

Finally kweye 'self doubt' can occur within a statement to check whether the addressee seriously meansthe proposition s/he has just stated or implied. This can be meant to be quite sarcastic.

(55) Ngke, the kweye mpware-tyenhe. That's urrkape-ntyegive it here, 1sgA SelfDoubt do-npc. That's work-NMZR

ikwerenhe, re mpware-tyeke.3sgPOSS 3sgA do-PURPGive over, do you really expect that I'll do it. That's his job, he should do it.

8.2.4.11 yekaye 'What the hell's going on here?!, SHIT!, ouch!'Yekaye 'What the hell's going on here?!, SHIT!, ouch!' is exclaimed when someone has just

been positively or negatively shocked or surprised by something. It would be used, for instance, bysomeone who had just heard a loud explosion, seen a car accident, sat on a thorn, found a lot of money,or walked into a room with lots of food in it.

8.2.4.12 eyyye! 'yuck!, that's terrible, Oh no!'The interjection eyyye! 'yuck!, that's terrible, Oh no!' is pronounced as [i::] with a high and rising

pitch. This exclamation is used when a person finds something they've just seen or heard particularlydisgusting or distasteful. It may also be exclaimed empathetically by someone who has just heard aboutsomething bad happening to someone else and who would hate to have that bad thing happen tohim/herself.

8.2.4.13 Other forms which function as interjectionsFinally, it is worth pointing out that there are also some forms from other parts of speech classes

which frequently function like interjections. Examples include "Imp-Ø-aye!" (leave[tr.]-IMP-EMPH)'leave it alone!', "Ar-Ø-aye!" (see-IMP-EMPH) 'have a look at that, check that out', "Alh-Ø-aye!" (go-IMP-EMPH) 'go away! piss off!', "Urreke" (later) 'wait a while; hang on a minute', and certain verbsand noun phrases used for swearing.

8.3 Particle/clitic insertion

A particularly intriguing phenomenon which requires further investigation is the ability to insertmembers of a restricted group of particle/clitics into the middle of certain types of complex verb stems.In the majority of cases, there is no clear distinction between the sense of a verb stem that has aparticle/clitic internal to it and the same verb stem modified externally by the particle/clitic. Theparticle/clitics which take part in this process are: -arteke 'SEMBLative', -tetye 'instead', -ante'only', -anteye 'as well', -rlke 'too', kwele 'QUOTative', kwenhe 'ASSERTion', (a)pele 'FACT', (a)peke'maybe', ware 'DISMISsive', nthurre 'INTENSifier', anteme 'now', and imerte 'then'. As mentioned inthe introduction to this chapter, the fact that there are both particle forms and clitic forms which show thesame behaviour in this regard may be taken as partial justification for identifying a single particle/cliticclass. However, I must point out that kwete 'still' (cf. §7.3.3.2), which is classified primarily as anadverb, may also be inserted into certain verb stems.

The various types of complex verb stem which allow particle/clitic insertion are: certain verbcompounds (cf. §5.5.9), verb reduplications (cf. §5.4.1), verbs taking further derivational suffixes (cf.§§5.5.2-3), verbs derived from nominals (cf. §§5.5.3,5 & 6), verbs inflected for associated motion (cf.chapter 6), and verbs negativised with -tyekenhe 'verb negator' (cf. §5.3.2.1). These six complex verbstem types appear to differ in terms of the range of particle/clitics which they may have inserted intothem, although, at present, there is not sufficient information to be sure of the range for each type.Particle/clitic insertion for each of these six types will be be briefly discussed and exemplified below.

8.3.1 Insertion into verb compoundsCertain verb compounds will allow a particle/clitic to be inserted before the final element of the

compound (which is always a verb, cf. §5.5.9).

(56) a. pety-alpe- come-go back- to come backpety-antem-alpe- come-now-go back- to come back now

b. itel-are- [throat-INST/LOC]-see- to know, rememberitele-kwele-are- [throat-INST/LOC]-QUOT-see- to supposedly

know

8.3.2 Insertion in linked verb reduplication Verb stems which have been reduplicated to convey various aspectual distinctions (cf. §5.4.1)

may have a particle/clitic inserted between the linking morpheme and the material which is copied (eg.

57). Of the particle/clitics listed above as taking part in particle/clitic insertion, the only two which havenot been attested in reduplicated stems are -tetye 'instead' and nthurre 'intensifier'.

(57) a. (i) twe- (ii) twe-p-arteke-twe-to hit, kill hit-[link]-SEMBL-FREQ.rdp-

to appear that s.o. is beating s.t.repeatedly

b. (i) kalty-irre- (ii) k-elpe-rlke-kalty-irre-knowledgable-INCH- C.Incep.rdp[-link]-TOO-

knowledgeable-INCH- to learn to also beon the verge of learning s.t.

8.3.3 Insertion into causative and reflexive derivations Where a verb stem is derived from a verb root using either -lhile 'causative' (cf. §5.5.3) or -lhe'reflexive'(cf. §5.5.2), a particle/clitic may be inserted between the root and the derivational morpheme(eg. 58). It does not appear that a particle/clitic can be inserted between the root and the derivationalsuffix -rre 'reciprocal'.

(58) a. murne- to stick s.t. to s.telse

murn-anteme-lhe- get s.t. stuck-now-REFL- to get oneself stuck in s.t.now

b. tnye- to falltnye-ware-lhile- fall-DISM-CAUS- to merely drop

something

8.3.4 Insertion into inchoative and causative verbs derived from nominals In §5.5.5 the question of whether -ile 'causative' and -irre 'inchoative' were free verbs or

derivational suffixes was discussed. If one takes them to be basically derivational suffixes, as I do, thenit is relevant to point out that particle/clitics may occur between these suffixes and the nominal roots towhich they attach (eg. 59).

(59) a. ater-irre- afraid-INCH - to get scared, become afraid

ater-antem-irre- afraid-now-INCH- to get scared now

b. ntyerrk-ile- dry-CAUS- to dry somethingntyerrk-imert-ile- dry-then-CAUS- to then dry something

8.3.5 Insertion into verb forms inflected for associated motionVerb stems inflected for associated motion (cf. chapter 6) may have a particle/clitic inserted

between the verb root and a simple, mono-morphemic, associated motion suffix (eg. 60a). There arealso examples where a particle/clitic is inserted between the two parts of an associated motionmorphemic complex (eg. 60b).

(60) a. atnarnpe-nhe- get down-DO PAST- to descend on way pastatnarnpe-kwete-nhe- get down-still-DO PAST to keep descending on

way past

b. ar-inty.alpe- see-DO COMING BACK- to seewhile coming back

ar-inty-kwele-alpe- see-DO COMING-QUOT-BACK to supposedly seewhile

coming back

8.3.6 Insertion into the verb negator -tyekenhe As for verbs negated with -tyekenhe 'verb negator', a particle/clitic may actually insert between

the -tye and the -kenhe of the negativising suffix (eg. 61). This is evidence that the suffix is originally, ifnot synchronically, a combination of two morphemes (perhaps -tye 'nominaliser' and a form -kenhe'negative', cf. §5.3.2.1).

(61) arlkwe-tyekenhe eat-VbNEG didn't eat, can't eatarlkwe-tye-nthurre-kenhe eat-Vb+INTENS+NEG- not really eatingarlkwe-tye-tetye-kenhe eat-Vb+instead+NEG- (why) didn't (you) eat it

instead [to someone who brought back a live snake]

It is interesting to note that particle/clitic insertion into the verb-negating suffix provides one clearexample where the particle/clitic internal form is semantically distinct from the particle/clitic external form.The form arlkwe-tyekenhe 'didn't eat, can't eat' entails that no act of eating took place. When this form iscliticised with -ante 'ONLY', the resultant form arlkwe-tyekenh-ante 'only didn't eat' also entails that noact of eating took place. However, when -ante 'ONLY' is inserted into the negative suffix, the resultantform arlkwe-ty-ante-kenhe 'didn't only eat (,but did something else as well)' requires that an act of eatingdid take place in conjunction with some other activity. Thus, the negative suffix in the latter form hasprimary scope over the clitic, and the composite unit meaning 'not only' modifies the verb.

8.3.7 Final comments and multiple particle/clitic insertionIt is possible that a further investigation into the morphological, functional and semantic nature of

particle/clitic insertion may require a revision of the present analysis of the Mparntwe Arrernte verb stemand its constituent parts. Indeed, a complete analysis of particle/clitic insertion would seem to berequired if we are to get any closer to answering the question of "What is a word in MparntweArrernte?". To further increase the complexity of the problem, I would note that there are exampleswhere more than one particle/clitic can be inserted into a verb stem, as in example (63) below.

(63) angke-p-ante-pek-antem-angke-mespeak-[link]-ONLY-maybe-now-FREQ.rdp-npp'now might only keep on speaking'

Chapter Nine Five Particle/Clitics for Criticism and Complaint

9.1 IntroductionLocke (1959: 99) has argued that:

"he who would show the right use of particles, and what significancy and force they have, must take alittle more pains and observe nicely the several postures of his mind in discoursing".

In the brief conversation presented in example lines [1] through [6] (on the following page) there are fivedifferent particle/clitics (cf. chapter 8) which have been underlined: -itanye 'despite' (cf. §8.1.2.5), -iknge'happens too much' (cf. §8.1.2.6) , -me 'interrogative' (cf. §8.1.1.4), -kathene 'mistaken belief' (cf.§8.1.1.8), and kwele 'quotative; hearsay' (cf. §8.2.1.1). Each of these particle/clitics has a distinct andvariable range of uses; however, when they are used to convey criticism and/or complaint, as in theconversation below, they form a functionally coherent subset of particle/clitics. The meaning and use ofthese five particle/clitics form the focus of this chapter. As Locke recognised, when compared to otherelements of the grammar, particles (and likewise clitics) are notoriously difficult to describe precisely(see Wierzbicka 1976, 1986; Goddard 1979) and one must, therefore, "take a little more pains" whendealing with them. It is the aim of this chapter to describe the "several postures of the mind" that each ofthe given particle/clitics is used for in Mparntwe Arrernte and to thereby demonstrate the type ofsemantic, pragmatic, and structural factors which must be taken into account in the detailed descriptionof the remaining particle/clitics in Mparntwe Arrernte (cf. chapter 8).

Integral to this description is a natural language definition for each particle/clitic, much as hasbeen presented for other elements discussed in other chapters of this thesis. This is significant for tworeasons. First, because it makes evident the type of meaningful content contained in particle/clitics; apoint which needs to be made since to date there has been little serious consideration of the meaning ofparticle/clitics (Wierzbicka 1976:327; Wierzbicka 1986). Second, an explicit definition indicates howand why simple English glosses provide an inaccurate and non-equivalent translation. There are culturespecific modes of thinking encapsulated in particle/clitics and this can only be shown through explication.

As well as providing a definition I also intend to show, by demonstration, that here the generationand/or interpretation of a speech act such as a criticism or complaint can be seen as a function of theinteraction of the particle/clitic's general meaning, the meaning of the elements that the particle/cliticmodifies, and the cultural logic that puts these two things together in context and interprets them.

[1] A: Werte kake, mane nth-Ø-aye!What's-up brother, money give-IMP-EMPH.G'day brother, give me some money.

[2] B: Ingwe kngerre-l-itanye, iwenhe-ke untenight big-LOC-DESPITE, what-DAT 2sgSpetye-me, ingkirreke ankw-inte-rlenge?!!come-npp, all asleep-lie-DSWhat on earth have you come here for?! Don't you realiseit's the middle of the night and people are sleeping?!

[3] A: Mane kweke-ke ware inke-tyeke.money little-DAT only ask-for-PURP.I've just come to ask for a little bit of money.

[4] B: Arrangkwe! Th-iknge mane ngkwengenothing 1sgERG-TOO MUCH money 2sgDATnthe-me. Ayenge-me banke?give-npp. 1sgNOM-INTER bank?

No way! I'm sick of giving you money all the time. Whatdo you think I am, a bank?

[5] A: Tyew-atye-kathene ayenge itirre-ke. friend-1KinPOSS-MISTAKE 1sgS think-pc I thought you were my friend.

[6] B: Tyewe ngkwinhe imerte kwele ayenge.friend 2sgPOSS then QUOT 1sgNOM.Tyewe-le kwele work payntem-ile-tyeke,Friend-ERG QUOT work find-tr-PURP,mane re-nhe are-tyenhenge.money 3sg-ACC see-SBSQNT.I am your friend, so they say, but they also say friends

should work and then they'll have their own money.

The five particle/clitics under discussion can be divided into two groups depending on whethertheir use for criticism and complaint is derived directly from the meaning of the particle/clitic itself orwhether it is derived by implicature from a contradiction of some aspect of the particle/clitic's meaning.The first group contains -iknge 'happens too much' and -itanye 'despite', while kwele 'quotative;hearsay', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative' form the second group. Each group will bediscussed in turn.

9.2 Criticism/complaint derived directly from particle/clitic's meaning9.2.1 -iknge 'happens too much' (TOO MUCH)

The clitic -iknge 'happens too much' is the closest thing in Mparntwe Arrernte to a particle/cliticthat inherently encodes the notion of a criticism or complaint, although it can be used for compassion aswell. This form can be cliticised to the end of any argument of a verb and it indicates that the argumentso marked is perceived by the speaker to be excessively involved in the verb event in whatever role it isplaying and the speaker is saying s/he doesn't like that. Rough, but appropriate, English glosses aresomething like 'I'm sick of...', 'forever' (ie. he's forever coming home late), 'always', and 'too much'.None of these English glosses fully captures the meaning, however, and a more precise definition wouldbe:

X-iknge: Something involving X happens again and again.It shouldn't be like that.I feel bad because of it.

I wish it could be different, but I don't think it will be.

Whether an utterance containing -iknge 'happens too much' indicates complaint, criticism, orcompassion depends on the verb semantics, the role of the cliticised argument, the person-hood of thatargument, and the discourse context.

When -iknge 'happens too much' is cliticised to a 1st person argument the utterance isinterpreted and reported as a complaint. This makes sense since complaints in Mparntwe Arrernte, as inEnglish, require that a speaker convey something like: "Something is happening which involves me and Ifeel bad because of that". These are exactly the components we get when we feed a first personcomponent into our definition of -iknge 'happens too much'. An utterance which exemplifies this comesfrom line [4] of the opening conversation; the relevant sentence is repeated here as example (7).

(7) Th-iknge mane ngkwenge nthe-me.

1sgA-TOO MUCH money 2sgDAT give-npp.I'm sick of giving you money. [Can't someone else do it for once?]

In example (7) -iknge 'happens too much' is marking a 1st person agent (The) and the complaintinvolves the speaker feeling it's unfair that s/he should have to perform the action of giving money to theaddressee over and over again. In example (8), however, -iknge 'happens too much' marks a 1stperson patient (ayenge) and the speaker is complaining that s/he should not have to suffer the verb action(hitting) over and over again:

(8) Re ayeng-iknge twe-me.3sgA 1sgO-TOO MUCH hit-npp.He's forever hitting me. [I wish he'd stop.]

While -iknge 'happens too much' cliticised to a first person argument always produces acomplaint, other senses can be interpreted when -iknge 'happens too much' cliticises to non-first personarguments. Here we must be sensitive to verb semantics and the role of the argument to which -iknge'happens too much' is being cliticised. For instance, given a verb that entails, or generally implies, abenefit to one of its arguments, then -iknge 'happens too much' cliticised to the beneficiary results in anutterance that is to be interpreted as a jealous, or envious, complaint. In other words, the speaker issaying that something good is happening to someone else again and again and the speaker feels badbecause s/he is missing out on that good thing. Examples (9)a and b demonstrate this case.

(9) a. Re re-nh-iknge arr-wantye-me.3sgA 3sg-ACC-TOO MUCH kiss(mouth-lick)-npp.She's always kissing him. [I wish she'd kiss me.]

b. Unte pwerte relhe yanhe-k-iknge nthe-me. Ayenge-rl-arteye? 2sgA money womanthat-DAT-TOO MUCH give-npp. 1sgS-FOC-what about You always give money to that woman.What about me?

With verbs of adverse affect, on the other hand, the use of -iknge 'happens too much' can havetwo interpretations. If the argument marked with -iknge 'happens too much' is the sufferer of a verb ofadverse affect then the speaker is signalling compassion for the sufferer (eg. 10)

(10) (Kunye,) Re re-nh-iknge ilte-me(Poor-thing,) 3sgA 3sg-O-TOO MUCH scold-npp.(Poor thing,) He's always getting told off by him.[He shouldn't be subjected to that.]

The sense of compassion in an utterance such as (10) arises in the following logical way. Byusing -iknge 'happens too much' here the speaker conveys that "something bad keeps on happening tosomeone else (ie. they keep on being scolded)". The speaker is also saying that "it shouldn't be that wayand I feel bad because of it". It is this feeling bad over somebody else's bad experiences, a sort ofempathy, which leads one to infer and interpret the utterance as one of compassion as opposed to oneof criticism or complaint.

If, however, the performer of a verb of adverse affect is the argument that -iknge 'happens toomuch' cliticises to, then we have a clear example of a criticism. Somebody is continually performing anundesirable action and the speaker is making a comment on how it shouldn't be that way and how bad itmakes him/her feel. Thus, in contrast to example (10), we have example (11) in which -iknge 'happenstoo much' is cliticised to the performer, rather than the sufferer, of the verb action ilte- 'to scold'.

(11) R-iknge re-nhe ilte-me.Tyerrtye mwarre-le 3sgA-TOO MUCH 3sg-ACC scold-npp. person good-ERG

alakenhe ilte-tyekenhe ne-me.like-so swear-VbNEG be-nppHe's always telling him off. Good people don't behave (ie. scold) like that.

Utterances such as that in example (11) often appeal to a general knowledge of how people aremeant to behave. The "bad feelings" of the speaker encoded in -iknge 'happens too much' are here seento be the same sort of indignation any normal member of the community is meant to feel when there hasbeen a behavioural breach. This being the case, it is clear that to use and understand -iknge 'happens toomuch', in this sense, as a native speaker does, one must know what the Mparntwe Arrernte socio-cultural norms of behaviour are and must, in fact, know what is good and bad in culturally appropriateterms.

From the above discussion it is possible to produce the schema given in figure 9-1 whichindicates how a native speaker listening to an utterance with -iknge 'happens too much' in it can interpretits intended sense and thereby be able to attach an appropriate report type (cf. footnote 3) to it .

Figure 9-1: Schema for predicting what report type an utterance containing -iknge 'happens too much' will be associated with.

The schema in figure 9-1 leads one to the question of what report type (ie. speech act type) isassociated with utterances in which -iknge 'happens too much' is cliticised to a non-1st person argumentof a verb that is neutral with respect to benefit or adversity. As might be expected from the schema, insuch a case the same utterance can be interpreted in three different ways - as complaint, compassion, orcriticism. It is only the discourse context which allows one to choose amongst the three senses. Thus, aneutral verb like angke- 'to speak', can be regarded as a verb of benefit when it leads to someonegetting recognition or money (eg. 12, interpretation a); it can be the cause of someone's suffering whenthey are the poor person who has to speak every time there's a meeting (eg. 12, interpretation b); or alongwinded and boring speaker can be seen to be performing an action of adverse affect (eg. 12,interpretation c).

(12) R-iknge angke-me.3sgS-TOO MUCH speak-npp.

(a) He's always speaking. [When do I get my chance?](b) (Poor thing,) He's always having to speak.(c) He never stops speaking. [The big-mouth.]

Here then we see a common distinction between utterances where lexicon and sentence frameprovide all the semantic information required for an interpretation, and utterances where context isrequired to fill in extra meaningful components before a complete interpretation is possible. The schemapresented works once context fills in the necessary components about benefit and adversity andindicates what the perceived role of the marked argument is.

9.2.2 -itanye 'despite'The second member of the group under discussion,-itanye 'despite', cliticises to a word or

phrase denoting a prevailing or ambient condition, and indicates that something is behaving unexpectedlyunder such conditions. Common English glosses which come fairly close to rendering -itanye's meaningare: 'despite', 'even though', 'although', and 'How could Y do that?'. Its more exact explication is:

X-itanye: Knowing that X is the case, one would think that Y would behavein a particular way.

I'm saying this to let you know that Y is not behaving as Y shouldwhen X is the case.

(Isn't that surprising?) Y is doing Z (instead).

The clitic -itanye 'despite', unlike -iknge 'happens too much', need not imply anything about thespeaker's attitudes or feelings, although it is commonly associated with a sense of surprise. An exampleof its use in a simple declarative utterance is given in (13).

(13) Lhwerrpe-k-itanye, urinp-irre-me.winter-DAT-DESPITE, hot-inch-nppEven though it's winter, it's getting hot.

In example (13) we have an impersonal construction referring to the weather. The prevailing setof conditions is that it is winter and -itanye 'despite' tells us that:

Knowing that it is winter, one would think that the weather (unstated subject) would behave in aparticular way (it should be cold). However, this utterance is to let you know that the weather is notbehaving as it should during winter; it's getting hot instead.

We can see from its definition that -itanye 'despite', as opposed to -iknge 'happens too much',doesn't have the components "I feel bad" or "it shouldn't be like that". As such its semantics are not asclosely associated with the notions of criticism or complaint. However, when -itanye 'despite' refers to aperson, rather than the weather or some other non-human thing, the logical inference may be a criticism.To say a person isn't behaving as they should is, in Mparntwe Arrernte culture, tantamount to a criticism.

The effectiveness of the inferred criticism varies to the extent that people agree on what theprevailing conditions are, and what behaviour is required under those conditions. Furthermore, the moreaberrant the behaviour the more obvious the criticism. Still another relevant factor is whether theaddressee is also the person who is behaving unnaturally.

Thus, we have only a mild criticism where the prevailing condition is subject to varied opinion.This can be exemplified by opinions as to how good a movie is (cf. 14). If a person walks out on amovie that the speaker thinks is good s/he may be subject to the speaker's general criticism for not

agreeing with the speaker's opinion, or the speaker may simply use -itanye 'despite' to indicate surpriseabout the other person's behaviour.

(14) Mwarre-ng-itanye, re picture impe-ke. good-ABL-DESPITE, 3sgA movie leave-pc.

Despite the fact that it was so good, he left the movie. [How could he?]

As well as clearly ambient phenomena like winter-time and night-time, or even goodness andevil, a prevailing condition can also be seen as anything that would, or should, constrain social behaviour.Thus "holes" and "women" can be seen as prevailing conditions in examples (15) and (16) respectively.The fairly strong criticism to be inferred from both utterances is due to the fact that under thoseconditions the person's behaviour was completely socially deviant.

(15) Iperte-k-itanye, mweteke iperte-ke kwerne-ke, arerte-l-arteke. hole-DAT-DESPITE, car hole-DAT insert-pc, mad-ERG-SEMBL

Despite knowing that there were lots of holes around, he went right ahead and drove into a hole [got the car bogged], (as if he were a madman).

(16) Relhe mape-k-itanye,artwe yanhe mantere irlwe-lhe-ke.womangroup-DAT-DESPITE, man that(S) clothes(O) take-off-REFL-

pcEven though there were all those women around, that man took

all his clothes off. [How disgusting!] Where the unexpected behaviour of another person can be seen to be affecting the speaker in anegative way, an utterance with -itanye 'despite' may be interpreted as containing a complaint as well asa criticism. Thus in line [2] of our example interchange, repeated here as example (17), person B'simmediate rebuff to a request for money is both a criticism and a complaint. S/He is criticising person Afor going around late at night when A should be at home asleep, like everyone else. Furthermore,implicit in person B's statement is a complaint, because B would like to be in bed like all other normalpeople and would be but for person A's unnatural behaviour. Notice also that person B is violatingGrice's (1975:45) 'Co-operative Principle' and is trying to get the conversation away from the requestfor money.

(17) Ingwe kngerre-l-itanye, iwenhe-ke unte petye-me,

night big-LOC-DESPITE, what-DAT 2sgS come-npp,ingkirreke ankw-inte-rlenge?!

everyone asleep-lie-DS(sim)What on earth have you come here for? Don't you realise it's the

middle of the night and everyone's sleeping.

A fuller understanding of -itanye's contribution to the the utterance in (17) [ie. line [2]] can begained by examining the following explication:

"Knowing it's the middle of the night, one would think that you would behave in a particular way (ie. beasleep and let everyone else, like myself, sleep). I'm saying this to let you know that you are notbehaving as you should when it's the middle of the night."

Again, as with -iknge 'happens too much', only with shared notions of what constitutes normalityand with a knowledge of how one is to act under given conditions can utterances with -itanye 'despite'be used and interpreted with native speaker competence.

9.3 Criticism/Complaint derived from a logical contradiction of part of the particle/clitic's meaningIn the discussion of -iknge 'happens too much' and -itanye 'despite' we saw how their inherent

semantic content can lead to the production of utterances which convey criticism and/or complaint.More to the point, it was demonstrated that the full interpretation of an utterance containing one or otherof these two clitics requires, in varying degrees, a knowledge of the semantic content of other lexicalitems in the utterance, a knowledge of the discourse context, and a knowledge of Mparntwe Arrerntesocio-cultural norms. All this other knowledge, however, is fully integrated with the meaning of theparticle/clitic to render a final interpretation. This is in complete contrast to our second group ofparticle/clitics - kwele 'quotative', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative' - where the sense ofcriticism and/or complaint arises through quite a different mechanism. Here, a misfit or contradictionbetween the particle/clitic's meaning and the real world knowledge of both speaker and hearer leads toan implicature, the interpretation of which results in a complaint/criticism.

The use of kwele 'quotative', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative' in this way is akinto irony or sarcasm in English. Grice (1975: 53) has claimed that irony arises as an infringement of thefirst maxim of Quality; "do not say what you believe to be false", but Grice never indicates how thegeneration of ironic statements differs from the generation of exaggerations or metaphors both of whichare also supposed to come about through the infringement of the Quality maxim. I believe it to be a

shortcoming of the Gricean framework that even though it talks about meanings, contradictions ofmeanings, and resultant implicatures, it never deals with explications of meanings.

In the following discussion I hope to indicate explicitly where semantic contradictions arise.Further, I hope to show that it is due to the fact that kwele 'quotative', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative' share significant semantic components that they are used in a parallel way to conveycriticism/complaint through something like irony. Moreover, I wish to show that a single invariant (core)implicature, whose meaning can be explicated, can be attached in a principled way to utterancescontaining any of these three particle/clitics.

9.3.1 kwele 'quotative'Australian languages commonly contain a particle/clitic which attributes a statement or a

proposition to someone other than the speaker; a so-called quotative or hearsay particle/clitic. TheMparntwe Arrernte equivalent is the particle kwele 'quotative'. The meaning and use of kwele'quotative', however, is not quite so straightforward. It is definitely part of the sense of kwele 'quotative'that, in attributing a proposition to someone other than the speaker, the speaker is also indicating thats/he would be unable to assert the validity of the proposition. The particle kwele 'quotative', which hasscope over the constituents that it follows, is used in many senses like English "supposed" or "so theysay". Its meaning can be represented as follows:

X kwele: I want you to know that someone else has said this about X.(If I'm reporting them correctly.)

I wouldn't say it if they hadn't said it, because I haveno direct experience of it myself.

A very common place to find kwele 'quotative' is in traditional Dreamtime narratives. Forinstance, text 12 of appendix 1 contains 129 instances of -kwele 'quotative'. Such narratives are said tohave been handed down to the present generation from their ancestors. In using kwele 'quotative' inthese stories the 'other person' that the speaker indicates as 'having said this about X' can, therefore, bereadily identified as "the ancestors" or "my forebears". Moreover, while the validity, or ultimate truth, ofthe stories is not to be questioned, the speaker conveys through the use of kwele 'quotative' that s/he hasno direct experience of the facts of the story, and that s/he wouldn't have been able to recount the storyif it hadn't passed down to her/him.

(18) Pmere arrule-rle kwele ne-ke; artwe nyente, ... camplong-ago QUOT be-pc; man one,

A long time ago, so they (the ancestors) say, there lived; a man, ... [T12-1]

While the facts of Dreamtime stories are beyond question, kwele 'quotative' can in othercircumstances be used to bring into question facts put forward by others. The most obvious examples ofthis are where the speaker "quotes" propositions that have been put around about him/herself by others.In most such cases, especially where the proposition conveys that the speaker has done some particularaction, if the facts about the speaker were true, then the speaker would be expected to be able to asserttheir validity. With kwele 'quotative' the speaker indicates that s/he has no direct experience of the facts,and this leads to the logical inference that s/he is saying the facts are untrue (eg. 19).

(19) The kwele re-nhe twe-ke. 1sgA QUOT 3sg-ACC hit/kill-pc.

I'm supposed to have killed him. [But I should know if I did, and I didn't.]

Although kwele 'quotative', by definition, alludes to an original source for a proposition, thissource is not always identifiable. In fact kwele 'quotative' is often used when there is no real perpetratorof the fact beyond the speaker him/herself. A speaker trying to sway an argument their way may usekwele 'quotative' in an utterance so as to put a new fact into the argument which the speaker doesn'thave to defend but which has the support of a nameless 'they'. Further, kwele 'quotative' can be used tosoften commands and orders by falsely indicating that the order is only being passed on through thespeaker from some unnamed 'commander' (eg. 20). (This is not to say that kwele 'quotative' could notbe used in an authentic case of a command being passed on.)

(20) Arrantherre kwele ntert-irr-Ø-aye! 2plS QUOT quiet-INCH-IMP-EMPH.

You mob are supposed to be quiet! [ie. Someone else has said that youmob have to shut up!]

The ironic usage of kwele 'quotative' to express criticism comes about when it modifies aproposition that everybody, including speaker and hearer, should be able to assert as true, or when itrefers to something that both the speaker and the hearer, and perhaps only they, know to be true. Theformer instance returns us to the issue of 'norms of behaviour'. In Mparntwe Arrernte culture, as in any

culture, there are conventional norms of behaviour the validity of which every 'normal' member of thesociety would be able to assert. The semantics of kwele 'quotative' entails that the speaker is unable toassert the proposition referred to; if that proposition is a conventional norm of behaviour there is anobvious incongruity. The mismatch is exploited for stylistic effect. A speaker using kwele 'quotative' inthis way is, in effect, saying that because s/he is experiencing another person's deviant behaviour theevidence of the validity of the proposition referring to conventional behaviour is to the speaker onlyhearsay and not substantiated by his/her own present experience. The incongruity leads further to animplicature which is to be interpreted as a criticism of the person who is behaving abnormally. (Anexplication of the implicature will be presented in §9.3.4 after discussion of -kathene 'mistaken belief'and -me 'interrogative'.) An example of this usage is to be found in (21), where a husband is talking tohis wife. In Mparntwe Arrernte society it is a woman's role to look after the children, but this womanhas been looking after her child very badly. On returning from a hunting trip the husband sees that thebaby is sick and has scratches all over it. In chastising her, he utters example (21).

(21) Unte kwele ampe kweke arntarntare-me. 2sgA QUOT child small look-after-npp.

You, so they say, are meant to look after the baby. [But I've seen no evidence of it myself. (So smarten up your act.)]

The second instance which leads to an utterance of criticism with kwele 'quotative' is exemplifiedin line [6] of the conversation in §9-1 (repeated here as (22)).

(22) Tyewe ngkwinhe imerte kwele ayenge. friend 2sgPOSS then QUOT 1sgS.

You're supposed to be my friend. [But what you're doing now makes me question that.]

It happens to be the case that the participants in this conversation, A and B, are friends. This issomething which under other circumstances they would assert to be fact. The use of kwele 'quotative' is,therefore, incongruous since by using it one of the pair -- B -- is claiming s/he could not assert the fact ofthe proposition. A more precise explication of kwele's contribution to (22) might clarify this point:

I want you to know that somebody else has said that I'm your friend. (Which is something both you andI really know is true.) I wouldn't say it if they hadn't said it because I have no direct experience of it

myself. (Because at the moment you're not acting like a friend; a friend wouldn't come in the middle ofthe night scrounging for money.)

It should not be difficult to see how such semantics, along with the mismatch betweenproposition and fact, leads to a conversational implicature which conveys criticism and which forces thehearer to consider his/her behaviour under the circumstances.

One final point should be made. If the two people concerned were not friends, there would beno incongruity and hence no conversational implicature. This would simply be a case of bringing intoquestion hearsay facts as discussed previously.

9.3.2 -kathene 'mistaken belief'The particle/clitic -kathene 'mistaken belief' can cliticise to any constituent of an utterance and it

indicates that someone mistakenly believed that the semantic contents of that constituent was true withrespect to the total proposition, but now realises s/he was wrong. English expressions whichapproximate -kathene 'mistaken belief' are 'Person W thought X, but Y instead', 'W mistook X for Y',and 'W wrongly assumed X'. Explicating -kathene 'mistaken belief' in natural language terms yieldsthe following definition:

X-kathene: Person W had a reason to believe that X was the case. W is surprised to find out that s/he was wrong. W now knows that Y is the case not X.

From the definition it can be seen that their was a reason for someone to believe something wasthe case. This person's 'mistake', then, arises from a misperception of the facts at his/her command.The misperception may simply be through faulty logic leading to an erroneous assumption. This wouldfor instance be the case where, as in example 23, someone who is responsible for handing out wageswrongly assumes that, because a lot of people picked up their money yesterday, then everybody musthave picked up their money yesterday and s/he is then confronted by someone who wants their moneytoday .

(23) Unte mane re-nhe apmwerrke ine-ke-kathene. 2sgA money 3sg-ACC yesterday get-pc-MISTAKE.

I wrongly assumed you had picked up the money yesterday.

On the other hand, the misperception may be through an actual inability to perceive through thesenses the exact nature of something and so believing it to be something else. That being so -kathene'mistaken belief' would be used when someone mistook one person for another person who looked verysimilar, or when they were mistaken about the identity of an object seen at a distance:

(24) Arlenge-nge aherre-kathene ayenge itirre-ke, arleye-rle! far-ABL kangaroo-MISTAKE 1sgS think-pc, emu-FOC

Hey! From afar I thought it was a kangaroo, but it turns out that it's an emu.The particle/clitic -kathene 'mistaken belief' is used ironically for criticism and complaint when it

marks something as mistaken that both the speaker and the addressee know to be true. The onlyattested cases of this usage are where -kathene 'mistaken belief' is cliticised to a possessed relationshipterm and is used in reference to someone who is, in fact, in that relation to the possessor. As noted in§3.9, relationship terms include all kin terms as well as terms for friends, and there are clearly definedobligations which any specific relationship entails (cf. §1.2.4). The use of -kathene 'mistaken belief' inthis way is to criticise someone for not behaving as they should according to their relationshipobligations. A rough English equivalent would be something like, "So X calls himself Y's Z" (said withironic/sarcastic intonation) where Z is a relationship term. The precise Arrernte equivalent is captured inthe following:

I had reason to believe X was Y's Z[relationship term]. (Which in fact X is.)I'm surprised to find that I was wrong. (I must be wrong, X is not behaving

as a Z should towards Y.)I now know that X is not Y's Z. (But the truth is X is Y's Z.)

I should note that what is missing from the above is an explication of both the implicature ofcriticism and the illocutionary purpose which are attributed to the utterance as a result of the clashbetween -kathene's meaning and the real world facts. The general implicature and purpose are,however, the same as those attributed to critical uses of kwele 'quotative' and -me 'interrogative' and sowill be presented during the discussion of the complete group (cf. §9.3.4).

Examples of the usage just discussed are found in (25) and (26). It is part of one'sresponsibilities as a brother (cf. 25) or a friend (cf. 26), to give food or money to someone to whom youare related in that way. A refusal to comply with a sibling's or friend's request for these things istherefore a breach, albeit a mild one, of obligations and is a target for criticism. When the criticism isaddressed to the miscreant the illocutionary purpose is to shame the addressee into complying with their

obligations. We can see this to be the premise upon which the utterance in line [5] (reproduced here as(26)) of the opening conversation is based.

(25) K-ikwe-kathene ayenge itirre-ke EldBr-3sgKinPOSS-MISTAKE 1sgS think-pc.

Oh! I thought you were his brother. [But you can't be because you won't do X for him.]

(26) Tyew-atye-kathene ayenge itirre-ke. friend-1sgKinPOSS-MISTAKE 1sgS think-pc.

I thought you were my friend. [But you can't be since a friend would give me money.]

It is perhaps self-evident, but still worth emphasising, that to use -kathene 'mistaken belief' withrelationship terms to form criticisms one must be in full command of the socio-cultural knowledge ofwhat obligations various relations entail and what constitutes a breach of those obligations. Certain kin,for instance, have no obligation to provide food or money on request, and so using -kathene 'mistakenbelief' under these conditions would be infelicitous. These same kin may however have ceremonialobligations, which, if not fulfilled properly, leave them open to criticism and -kathene's use would beappropriate. Moreover, it would be very hard to construct a scenario where -kathene 'mistaken belief'could be used in this way with respect to a mother-in-law's behaviour towards her son-in-law since astrict avoidance relation holds between them (cf. §1.2.4.3) and she has no direct dealings with, orobligations to, him .

9.3.3 -me 'interrogative'The final particle/clitic to be discussed is -me 'interrogative'. Dixon (1980:285) notes that this

same form, which he labels an interrogative clitic, "recurs in widely separated (Australian) languages."Unfortunately I have found no grammar of a language, with a form cognate to -me 'interrogative', inwhich a clear definition of the clitic is given or which cites that it can be used ironically; something whichis very common is Mparntwe Arrernte. In fact, most Australian grammars give little more than a glossand note that it forms yes/no questions. This is frustrating since -me 'interrogative' provides a rarechance for cross-linguistic comparison. As Dixon (1980:285) observes, -me 'interrogative' "contrastswith the other clitics and particles, which usually have quite distinct forms in different languages." ForMparntwe Arrernte we can define -me 'interrogative' as follows:

X-me: Somebody/something else has said/implied that something is the case. There is a part, part "X", of what they've said/implied that I'm not sure of.

I want to know whether I've identified part "X" correctly or not. I assume you know.

I want you to tell me.

Any constituent of an utterance can be cliticised with -me 'interrogative' and that constituent mustoccur as the initial constituent of the utterance. While the rest of the proposition is taken as established,it is the validity of this cliticised constituent which is being checked with respect to the total proposition.An equivalent effect is achieved in English by using an interrogative structure and stressing the particularconstituent which is to be checked. Thus, given the statement in example (27), the three questions inexample (28) can be formed using -me 'interrogative'. Each question checks a different constituent fromthe three constituents that form the utterance in example (27).

(27) Artwe-le relhe re-nhe knge-ke. man-ERG woman3sg-A take-pc.

A man took the woman.

(28) a. Artwe-le-me relhe re-nhe knge-ke?Did a man take the woman? [Or was it someone else?]

b. Relhe re-nhe-me artwe-le knge-ke?Did a man take the woman? [Or did he take someone else?]

c. Knge-ke-me artwe-le rlhe re-nhe?Did a man take the woman? [Or did he do something else to her?]

The clitic -me 'interrogative' can convey a sense of criticism and complaint when it is usedrhetorically to form a pseudo-question which requires no answer since the hearer knows that thespeaker knows the answer to the question. The semantics of -me 'interrogative' entails that the speakeris not sure of something, s/he wants to know whether s/he is right or wrong about that thing, and s/hewants the addressee to tell him/her if s/he is right or wrong. Clearly, then, there is an incongruity if the

speaker uses -me 'interrogative' to check something that s/he already knows to be true or untrue andtherefore does not need an answer to. This clash leads the addressee to an implicature of criticismwhich will be explicated in §9.3.4.

It should also be noted, however, that it is not just this clash which leads one to the implicature ofcriticism. A speaker uses this utterance form in a situation where someone expects the speaker to dosomething that s/he doesn't feel s/he should have to do. By using -me 'interrogative' the speaker isindicating that from the other person's behaviour one would think that the world was other than thespeaker thought it was and the speaker feigns to be checking whether the world really is other than s/hethought it was. Thus the semantics of -me 'interrogative' in context, as well as the misfit betweensemantics and reality, lead to an implicature of criticism/complaint. A close English parallel to this use of -me 'interrogative' is 'What does Y think I am, an X?', where Xis someone or something whose purpose or job it is to do the action person Y is demanding of thespeaker ('What do you think I am, a taxi?'; 'What does he think I am, his servant?'). The example ofthis use of -me 'interrogative' is found in line [4] of the opening interchange and is reproduced here asexample (29).

(29) Ayenge-me banke?1sgS-INTER bank?Am I a bank? [The way you keep asking me for money, you'd think I was.]

Here the constant requests for money make the speaker 'realise' that the addressee must bereferring to a bank and s/he is 'checking' whether it is s/he him/herself who is supposed to be a bank.More specifically:

You have implied that there is a bank around here (by coming here andconstantly asking for money)

There is a part of what you've implied (ie. exactly who, what or where the bankis ) that I'm not sure of.

I want to know whether it's me who is a bank.I assume you know.

I want you to tell me.

9.3.4 Discussion of implicature

Some observations are to be made with respect to the preceding discussion of kwele 'quotative',-kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative'. We can begin by noting that all three particle/cliticsshare two semantic features. Firstly, in using any of these three particle/clitics (from the perspective ofspeaker), the speaker is presenting a piece of information that s/he would not assert to be true.Secondly, the speaker is saying that there may be, or may have been, a reason to assert that the piece ofinformation was true. The particle kwele 'quotative' requires that the speaker has no personal experienceof the information, and so cannot assert its truth, but others are claimed to have asserted its truth. Inusing -kathene 'mistaken belief' with respect to a belief that the speaker held, the speaker indicates thats/he had reason to believe the information to be true, but now s/he knows it to be untrue and thereforecouldn't assert it. Finally, using -me 'interrogative', the speaker says s/he thinks from what others havesaid or implied that a piece of information may be true with respect to a given proposition, but s/he isn'tsure, and so couldn't assert it, but wants to know if it is true.

It is significant to note that of the 57 particle/clitics in Mparntwe Arrernte (cf. chapter 8) itappears that only these three share both the semantic features stated, and, moreover, it appears that onlythese three can be used with an implicature of criticism and/or complaint. In other words, the generationof the implicature is highly principled and constrained. Certainly the mechanism by which the implicatureis called up is regular; in a situation where both the speaker and the addressee know something to betrue or untrue (and each knows that the other knows), the speaker claims to be unable to assert theinformation's validity, and only goes as far as saying that there may be, or may have been, a reason tosay it was true. This disparity triggers the implicature.

Note further that the context for such usage involves someone behaving in a way that thespeaker disapproves of and which distresses her/him, or makes her/him feel bad in some way. In allcases the speaker, if we took her/his words at face value, would seem to be saying that the behaviour ofsome other person has lead her/him to believe that the world is other than s/he had believed it to be.S/He fell prey to hearsay; was mistaken; or at least needs to check, about how the world really is. Sinceboth the addressee and speaker know that the world really is as the speaker says s/he had believed it tobe, the addressee is forced to go back and reassess his/her behaviour, or the behaviour of the personbeing referred to, as well as taking note of the speaker's general attitude to the situation.

Although I do not subscribe to their general thesis, Sperber and Wilson (1981:312) make a niceobservation when they relate the fact that irony commonly carries implications of failure to reach acertain standard to the fact that "standards or rules of behaviour are culturally defined, commonlyknown, and frequently invoked" and therefore can be readily called to mind through an ironicimplicature. This is just the sort of thing we have seen in operation in Mparntwe Arrernte. Both kwele'quotative' and -kathene 'mistaken belief' invoked specific socio-cultural norms; kwele 'quotative' by

referring explicitly to the behavioural norms and -kathene 'mistaken belief' by referring to relationshipswhich entail norms of behaviour. The clitic -me 'interrogative' is slightly different as it alludes to unfairexpectations of what the speaker should do and forces the addressee to realise what s/he shouldnormally expect of the speaker and so how s/he, or the person referred to, should behave.

It is now possible to present the explication of the implicature of criticism and complaint thatarises for all three particle/clitics when the triggering mechanism described above comes into play. Thedefinition is of the shared, invariant, core meaning of the implicature; clearly extra meaningful componentsare to be added for each individual particle/clitic. Further, the explication is relevant only to situationswhere the person criticised and/or complained about is the addressee; as was the case for all theexamples in the opening interchange.

Explication of shared components of kwele 'quotative', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative'and context-based trigger for the implicature:

(Shared components)I say that I can't say X is true; even though one might have (or might have had) a reason to believeit was true.

(Trigger)I say this knowing that both you and I know whether X is true or untrue and you know that Iknow.I say this because something bad is happening to me because of what you are doing, and what you aredoing would make someone think that something is true that we both know to be untrue (eg. they'd thinkyou weren't supposed to look after the baby (cf. example 21) or that you weren't my friend (cf. example26), or that I was a bank (cf. example 29)).

Explication of the implicature:

I say this because I want you to think for yourself about how you should behave and I want that to causeyou to stop doing the thing that makes me feel bad.

Through the above explication we can see that the meaning of the implicature cannot simply bederived from some transformation of the meaning of a conventional utterance which contains one ofthese particle/clitics. More to the point, the criticism/complaint utterances are not mere contradictions of

the meaning of the related conventional proposition as Grice (1975:53) would suggest, even though theyare 'ironic' in the sense that what the speaker "has said or has made as if to say is something he does notbelieve" (Grice, op. cit.). While contradiction is part of the meaning, and provides the trigger of theimplicature, the contradiction is, demonstrably, not of the complete meaning of the particle/clitic, let aloneof the whole utterance. Furthermore, components relating to the speaker's attitude and his illocutionarypurpose are also relevant parts of the meaning that can be attributed to the implicature.

In contrast to the Gricean framework (cf. Grice 1975, 1989), therefore, I contend that whatwould usually be treated as non-conventional (ie. conversational) implicatures already exist as explicableand conventional parts of the grammar of any language. A specific implicature may be associated with anumber of semantically related utterance types. When certain semantic components of these utterancesare contradicted, by context or through internal semantic dissonance, the fixed implicature will beinvoked and must be seen as part of the total, explicable, meaning of the utterance in context.

In sum, I have attempted to demonstrate that kwele 'quotative', -kathene 'mistaken belief', and -me 'interrogative' form a semantically coherent group, even though they have widely divergent uses. Thissemantic coherence explains how and why they are all used 'ironically' to convey criticism and complaint.Moreover, the implicature which arises from their atypical (as opposed to non-conventional) usage canbe attributed to the interpretation of utterances according to specific conventional principles and theimplicature can be given an explicit definition which includes attitudinal information and the illocutionarypurpose of the utterance.

9.4 ConclusionThis chapter began with a fairly simple and a fairly normal conversation. The key to fully

understanding what each interlocutor communicated in that conversation lay in understanding thecontribution to the discourse made by the particle clitics -itanye 'despite', -iknge 'happens too much', -me 'interrogative', -kathene 'mistaken belief' (cf. §8.1.1.8), and kwele 'quotative; hearsay'. Theseparticle/clitics reveal the "several postures of the mind" of the interlocutors and the task of this chapterhas been to explain, as fully as possible, the "significancy and force" of those forms so that theconversation may be understood in its entirety.

To simply generate sentences in a language may not be difficult, and would be within the scopeof a traditional grammar. However, to perform speech acts in that language is similar to performingother acts within a culture; one must become part of the speech community in some way, and understandthe shared cultural values and conventions of the speech community before one can perform andinterpret the acts felicitously. This same general point holds for any utterance whose interpretation orproduction is dependant upon the specific socio-cultural context of the language concerned. As well as

syntactic and semantic acceptability, there is another level of acceptability, socio-cultural acceptability,which grammars should describe. The correct use of particle/clitics discussed here relies on suchknowledge of values and conventions which should become a necessary adjunct to their description.This however is beyond the scope of this thesis.

I believe, however, that there is a practical spin-off from a closer look at particle/clitics throughthe approach that I have outlined. Particle/clitics can be the bane of a grammarian's, translator's and/orinterpreter's existence. In many languages, including Mparntwe Arrernte, they are near ubiquitous inspeech and, as I hope I have indicated, they are very difficult if not impossible to translate with a singleequivalent. I suggest an approach such as the one taken here (which gives explicit natural languagedefinitions, discusses general principles for appropriate use and principles for variations in meanings, aswell as indicating the rough equivalents of the linguistic form under discussion) is crucial for writing bettergrammars and for training translators, interpreters and second language learners successfully.

It is also my belief that a true understanding of the interface between pragmatics and semantics(whatever one takes those terms to mean) will proceed no further if approaches to the problem continueto work from the top down, attempting to develop a framework that is broad enough to explain alllinguistic phenomena at once but failing to base it on a sufficiently detailed analyses of nitty-gritty linguisticdata. A bottom up approach is needed to counterbalance this tendency and test its assumptions. If thefocus of interest is meaning, whether it be labelled semantic or pragmatic, the linguist should be able toexplicate it in natural language terms and thereby explore it more closely in order to find out by whatmeans (lexical, contextual, social, syntactic, etc., and including any possible mixtures of theaforementioned) the totality of the meaning may have been constructed. Moreover, we will have a muchbetter idea of how semantics, pragmatics, grammar, context, and socio-cultural conventions interactwithin a particular language if we narrow our view to a small, fairly-well delimited area of language, like asubgroup of particle-clitics, and proceed to look closely at explications of specific naturally occurringutterances to see how various final interpretations arise, and then compare related interpretations andprocesses to see if any general principles emerge.

Chapter TenAspects of Syntax

Many of the topics which are often covered in chapters on syntax have been covered in previouschapters. As a rule the combinational properties of various parts of speech and of individualgrammatical forms were discussed in the sections where they were introduced. Further, since much ofthe "syntax" of Mparntwe Arrernte is in fact coded in inflectional and derivational morphology, aconsiderable ammount of syntactic information is given in the discussion of the inflectional andderivational morphology of the various parts of speech. The following is a partial list of topics, andconstructions, relating to the syntax of Mparntwe Arrernte, which have already been discussed: thestructure of simple NPs (§3.1); classifier (ie. specific-generic) constructions (§3.4); the ostensiveequational frame (§3.6.1); definitizing and discourse marker functions of third person pronouns (§3.7.3);dative of kin possession (§3.9.1.2; §4.2.5.7 & §4.2.5.11); the core peripheral, adnominal andderivational functions of NPs marked with various cases (Chapter 4); syntactic types of predicates(§5.1); the various overtly marked moods in which an independent clause can appear (§5.3.1); auxiliaryverb constructions (§5.3.2); dependent clauses (§5.3.4); reciprocals, reflectives, causatives andinchoatives (§5.5); the relative location construction (§7.3.2.2); comparatives (§8.1.2.2); disjunction(§8.2.1.4); sentential particles (§8.2.2); conjunctions (§8.2.3); and particle/clitic insertion (§8.3). In thischapter further aspects of Mparntwe Arrernte syntax are investigated.

10.1 Complex Noun PhrasesA complex NP is any NP which contains more than one simple NP within it, or which contains

an NP and a modifying clause. In §3.1 complex NPs were contrasted with simple NPs and it was notedthat, on the above criterion, NPs containing relative clauses, conjoined NPs, NP-relator phrases, part-whole constructions and the pronominal inclusion construction were all to be considered complex NPs.NP-relator phrases such as possessives and proprietives have been discussed in chapter 4 (seeespecially §4.1.1, §4.2.5.8, §§4.2.8.1 & 2, §§4.2.9.1 & 2, §4.2.10.1, §§4.2.11.1b & 3 and §4.2.12)and conjoined NPs with overt conjunctions were discussed in §§8.2.3.1-3. In this section conjoinedNPs with no overt conjunction (including pronominal inclusion), part-whole constructions,and relativeclauses will be discussed in turn.10.1.1 Coordinated NPs without overt conjunctions10.1.1.1 Listing

Blake (1987:91) notes that "[s]imple, asyndetic juxtaposition is probably the most commonstrategy" for NP coordination in Aboriginal languages. In Mparntwe this is just one of six basic

strategies used for translating an English coordinate noun phrase (cf. §3.9.2; §§8.2.3.1-3 and§10.1.1.2). In this particular strategy an indefinite number of NPs, each individually marked for thesame case, are listed one after another with no conjunctive element appearing at any point in the string(eg. 1). It is not uncommon for there to be significant pausing between each of the conjuncts. This is theonly strategy for NP conjunction which does not entail that the list of entities provided is exhaustive,hence the ability to ask Iwenhe arrpenhe? 'What else?' in example 1b. This is also the only strategywhich allows certain individual conjuncts to be independently negated (eg. 1b).

(1) a. Atningke-le arrentye re-nhe twe-ke arne-le,, pwerte-le. many-ERG monster 3sg-ACC hit-pc stick-INST rock-

INST The crowd hit the monster with sticks and with stones.

b. A: Iwenhe-me unte are-ke, arrantherre pwetye-werne lhe-me-le? What-INTER 2sgA see-pc, 2plS bush-ALL go-npp-

SS What did you(sg) see when you all went out bush?

B: The are-ke apmwe-Ø,, pwerte inteye-Ø,, ilthe-Ø-kwenye,,1sgA see-pc snake-O, rock cave-O, building-O-

NomNEG,mweteke-Ø-kwenye,, artwe alethenge nhenge re-nhe. car-O-NomNeg,, man stranger REMEMB 3sg-

ACCI saw a snake, a cave, no buildings, no cars, and that stranger (the one mentioned before).

A: Iwenhe arrpenhe? What other What else?

The listing strategy may be used to conjoin NPs which refer to a diverse range of entities,properties and/or events, and there is no suggestion that the individual referents are thought of as forminga group (beyond the fact that they are being talked about together). Such conjoined phrases cannot be

used for the subject of symmetric (eg. reciprocal) predicates, although conjoined NPs formed by anyother strategy may be (egs. 2 & 3).

(2) Kwementyaye-ø,, Gabriella-ø apmwerrke petye-ke/*twe-rre-ke Kwementyaye-S,, Gabriella-s yesterday come-pc/*hit-RECIP-pc

Kwementyaye and Gabriella came/*fought-with-each-other yesterday(3) a. Rosie ante Carol kele anteme angke-rre-me

Rosie and Carol O.K. now speak-RECIP-pcRosie and Carol are speaking with each other right now

b. *Rosie,, Carol kele anteme angke-rre-me

Semantically the listing structure NPa-caseß,, NPb-caseß,, (NPc-caseß,, ...) may be defined as follows:Things/People/Places which I am thinking of together [now, in this context] because I am saying thesame thing about each of them.

One of these things/people/places is A.One of these things/people/places is B.(One of these things/people/places is C,...)

Structurally the listing strategy appears to pose an intriguing problem. Although there iscoordinate semantics and there is a series of constituents each of which belongs to the same syntacticcategory and has the same semantic function (cf. Schacter's 1977 Coordinate Constituent Constraint), itappears that one can extract one conjunct from the series in apparent violation of Ross's (1967)coordinate structure constraint. In examples (4)a and b, one conjunct appears initially in focal positionwhere it is questioned, while the other conjuncts occur finally and are taken as given information.

(4) a Artwe-ke-me unte unthe-ke arelhe-ke,, ampe-ke? man-DAT-INTER 2plS look for-past woman-DAT,, child-DAT Did you look for a man as well as a woman and a child? (for a man, you

looked for a woman, a child, and?)

b Ngwenhe arrpenhe-kerte Davey lhe-ke who other-Prop Davey go-pc? Bob-kerte,, Fran-kerte Amoonguna-werne?

Bob-Prop Fran-Prop Amoonguna-ALL? Who else did Davey go to Amoonguna with besides Bob and Fran? (lit. With whom else Davey went with Bob, Fran, and - to Amooguna?)

It has generally been assumed (Chomsky 1957, Ross 1967, Schacter 1977, Sag et al. 1985) that thereis a fairly universal coordinate structure which encapsulates coordinate semantics. The nature of thisstructure is such that the conjuncts are all specified as belonging to the same category as each other andtogether they form a complex category of exactly the same type and function. Ross (1967:161)proposed the structure in figure 10-1 as a universal definition of the notion coordinate structure, allowingfor distinct language, specific manifestations and positioning of the morpheme functioning as conjunction.

Figure 10-1: Ross's (1967) representation of coordinate structure

I would claim that the listing strategy for coordination in Mparntwe Arrernte does not conform towhat has been taken as universal for coordinate structures in the generative tradition. The fact that eachNP is independently case marked, the fact that there may be long pauses between each conjunct, and,most importantly, the fact that conjuncts may be extracted and questioned independently of otherconjuncts, suggest that the NP conjuncts do not form a complex NP constituent. In other words,although there is clearly an NP complex (ie. a group of adjacent NPs), there is not a complex NP in thetraditional sense. The analysis preferred here is that each conjunct is an independent immediateconstituent of the sentence and each one independently fills complement or adjunct function (cf. figure10-2). This is supported by the failure of this construction to fill subject position with reciprocalpredicates. The fact that the conjuncts tend to congregate together may possibly be explained by thevery fact that they are all occurring in a position where a constituent of that type would be expected tooccur at that point in the discourse. It is clear that this structure requires further investigation andexplanation.

Figure 10-2: Proposed representation of Mparntwe Arrernte "Listing" structure (note that dotted branches indicate that no grammatical rule orders these contituents at this level)

10.1.1.2 Pronominal Inclusion (The Plural Pronoun Construction):

Translation of phrases such as 'John and Fred and I', 'your mother and you', and 'he and you all'are typically rendered in Mparntwe Arrernte by what has come to be known in Australianist circles (eg.Goddard 1983:100-102, Blake 1987:93-94) as the' inclusive construction'. This structure was firstrecognised as a type of NP coordination by Hale (1966) who examined such constructions in Lardil andin lower Aranda. Similar constructions in Indo-European, Austronesian, Uralic and various Africanlanguage families have been dubbed the 'Plural Pronoun Construction' (PPC) by Schwartz (1985, 1988)who has attempted a universal characterization of the construction.

In Mparntwe Arrernte the 'inclusive' construction has the following features:1. There is a fixed order of elements in which a pronoun (egs. 5e-f, and 6a), a kinterm (egs.5a-c), a name (egs. 5d, g), or a complex NP making reference to kin (eg. 6c), or to named people(eg. 6b,7) precedes a non- singular pronoun.2. The number of people referred to by the first element is a subset of the number indicated in thenon-singular pronoun. Thus if the first element is singular the non-singular pronoun must be dual orplural and if the first element is dual then the non-singular pronoun is typically plural but may,

in certain cases, be dual (cf.line 4 of text 8 in appendix 1).3. The non-singular pronoun typically reflects the kin relations internal to the group, although thegeneral pronoun set may be used (cf. § 3.7.2).4. Where the first element is a pronoun it must be singular, it cannot be first person, and it must be asubset of a non-singular pronoun of a different person. Thus the 2nd singular pronoun may precede a1st dual or 1st plural pronoun and the 3rd singular pronoun may precede a 2nd dual, 2nd plural, 1stdual or 1st plural pronoun.5. Where both elements are pronouns they must both be marked for the same case (egs. 5f, 6a),in all other constructions of this type case is only carried by (egs. 5g, 6c) the non-singular pronoun(ie. the final element).

Examples are given in 5 and 6. Examples 5a-c show how the non-singular pronoun varies as the kinrelations internal to the group vary.

(5) a. akngeye ilake = father and I (lit. father we-two)father 1dl+pat.dif.gen

b. meye ilanthe = mother and I (lit. mother we-two) mother 1dl dif.pat

c. kake ilerne = elder brother and I (lit. brother we-two) eld.brother 1dl+pat+gen

d Margaret itnakerre = Margaret and they (all are+pat, at least one dif.gen) Margaret 3pl+pat.dif.gen

e. re mpwele = s/he and you (lit. s/he you two) 3sg 2dl+pat+gen

f. ngkwenge anwerne-ke = to you and us 2sg DAT 1pl+pat+gen-DAT

g. Margaret anwerne-ke = to Margaret and us Margaret 1pl+pat+gen-DAT

(6) a. Mpe, unte ilerne-Ø gotta Davey are-rle C'mon, 2sg 1dl+pat+gen-A have-to Davey see-IRRCome on, you and I have to visit Davey.[Man (FF) to grandson (SS)]

b. Margaret re-rlke itne lhe-rltiwe-ke Margaret 3sg-TOO 3plS go-plS/A-pMargaret and they went (lit. Margaret, she too, and they went).

c. Yaye uthene kake uthene anwerne-ke re nthe-ke.e.sisters bi-and e.brother bi-and 1pl-DAT 3sgA

give-pcShe gave it to (my) sister, (my ) brother and I.

The structure under discussion is obviously not a 'typical' coordinate structure; there is only oneovert conjunct, the first element, and the other conjunct is understood to be the "remainder" of the groupreferred to by the non-singular pronoun (the second element) once the referent of the overt conjunct(first element) has been "subtracted" from that group. While standard NP coordinations construct agroup, this structure takes a group as given and one must procede to "deconstruct" the group on thebasis of having given one or some of its members. Semantically we may try to define the 'inclusive'construction very roughly as follows.

[ NP[kinterm/name/sg.pronoun] Non-singular-pronoun]NP :There is a group of people which you should be able to identify if I say "[non-singular pronoun]" .[Each of the people in this group does/doesn't belong to the same patrimoiety. Each of the people in thegroup (of the same patrimoiety) does/doesn't belong to the same generation].

One/two of these people is/are X[kinterm/name/sg.pronoun].I assume you can think of who the other person/people in the group is/are. [Because you know X andyou know the group X belongs to].I am thinking of these people together [now in this context] because I am saying the same thing abouteach of them.

Interestingly the Mparntwe Arrernte 'inclusive' construct differs from the 'plural pronounconstruction' (PPC) Schwartz (1985, 1988) discusses, only in that in the languages Schwartz hasexamined the non-singular pronoun is the first element in the construction, while here it is the finalelement. I do not agree with Schwartz's interpretation of the structures, however, in that she claims thatthe non-singular pronoun has singular reference in the PPC. As stated above I believe the non-singularpronouns have their normal reference and the other conjuncts which are understood from theconstruction are deduced pragmatically.

The following example demonstrates just how complex a complex NP involving NPcoordinations can be. Note that the 'inclusive construction' is used twice, and that two othercoordination strategies are also used, the strategy with ante 'and' (cf. §8.2.3.1) and the strategy withuthene 'binary and' (cf. §8.2.3.2 ). This example also demonstrates that it is common, when referring toa list of individuals, to attempt to represent the internal relationships within the group as closely aspossible. A rough schematic diagram of the complex NP in example 7 is given in figure 10-3 .

(7) P. ilanthe ante Sandy uthene Elizabeth uthene anwerne lhe-ke, P. 1dl(-Patr) and Sandy bi-and Elizabeth and 1pl+patr+gen-S go-pc

P., Sandy, Elizabeth and I went,...('P. and I, and Sandy and Elizabeth and I' [or lit. P. we two and Sandy and Elizabeth we all]) [where Speaker and P. are cross-cousins,and Sandy and Elisabeth are husband and wife] [T7-1]

Figure 10-3: Complex NP involving 3 coordination strategies (and 4 coordinations)

There is one final point which is worth mentioning before leaving the inclusive construction.Unlike many Australian languages, Mparntwe Arrernte has no inclusive/exclusive distinction in itspronouns, however the 'inclusive construct' operates as a means for expressing inclusion and exclusion.

For instance, unte ilerne (2sg 2dl +patr+gen 'you and I' [ie. 'you we-two]') clearly expresses inclusion,while re ilerne (3sg 1dl+patr+gen 's/he and I'[ie.' s/he we-two]') clearly expresses exclusion.

10.1.2 Part-whole ConstructionsBlake (1987:94) observes that in expressing the inalienable possession of a part by a whole

"Australian languages usually place the word for the whole and the word for the part in parallel with nogenitive expression". He goes on to say that (1987:95):

"Until very recently most writers on Australian languages presented the whole-part construction as anexample of a type of noun phrase...However, it seems that more often than not the whole and the partare separate phrases that can be juxtaposed".

Mparntwe Arrernte, however, possesses a complex NP construction containing a part-NP and a whole-NP which must occur adjacent to one another with no overt marking of possession and with casemarking appearing on the last element of the complex phrase, and it also allows a 'part-NP' and a'whole-NP' to appear, each with independent case marking, as distinct constituents of the same clause.In the first instance, the complex NP indicates inalienable possession and the head of the construct is the'part-NP'. In the second instance, the two NPs may be seen to fulfill distinct semantic roles within theclause (cf. §11.4.4 ), or one NP, typically the 'part-NP', may be interpreted as an amplification orsecondary predication with respect to the other NP which functions as a clausal argument. Examples(8)a and b show the semantic and structural distinctions between the part-whole construction (ie. thecomplex NP) and the independent part and whole NPs within the one clause. Note that only in 8a couldthe body part possibly be interpreted as detached from the body. Note also that the verb couldintervene between the two NPs in 8b but it can not intervene between those in 8a (cf. egs. 8c & d).

(8) a. The artwe kaperte re-nhe are-rne pwerte-ke1sgA man head 3sg-ACC see-p.inmed hill-DAT

I just saw the man's head in the hills.

b. The artwe re-nhe kaperte re-nhe are-rne pwerte-ke 1sgA man 3sg-ACC head 3sg-ACC see-p.inmed hill-DAT I just saw the man, in that I saw his head, in the hills.

c. *The artwe are-rne kaperte re-nhe pwerte-ked. The artwe re-nhe are-rne kaperte re-nhe pwerte-ke

I just saw the man, in that I saw his head, in the hills.

With body parts of people and animals, as well as parts of plants, the 'part-whole' construction istypically, but not always (cf. eg.9c), organized with the whole-NP preceding the part-NP (egs. 9a, d).Further, it must be noted that the posssession of a body part by an inanimate being is very frequentlyindicated by using -kenhe 'possessive' to mark the possessor (eg.9b) or by using a possessive pronoun .Note that in example (9)c there is both a part-whole construction and a separate part-NP whichindicates that utyene 'sore' is the part of 'my foot' which is causing 'me' pain.

(9) a.Kngwelye ingke kwarne-me dog foot(s) hurt-npp The dog's foot is hurting.

b.Kngwelye-kenhe ingke kwarne-me dog-POSS foot hurt-npp

The dog's foot is hurting.

c."Urreke nwerne n-eye-kemparr-aye, ingkelater 1plS sit-PERM-FYRST-EMPH, footayenge kwarne-me-rlenge utyene"1sgS hurt-npp-DS sore

Hey could we please sit down first, in a little while, the sore on my foot is hurting (lit. my foot is hurting [due to] the sore). [T. 7-12]

d. ...; untyeye arntape, iwenhe-kweye-kwenye, ...; corkwood bark, what-SELF DOUBT-NomNEG

irrweltye-kwenye, arntape ulartetwigs-NomNEG, bark pure ...; corkwood bark, without watchamacallit, without twigs, just the bark.

As Blake (1987:96) notes, a "generally applicable test for showing that the whole and the part areseparate phrases even when adjacent is the possibility of separate modification for the whole and part".In Mparntwe Arrernte the whole and part may take separate modification in both the complex NP

construction (ie. the part-whole construction; eg. 10a) and as independent phrases within the clause (eg.10b).

(10) a. Aherre kweke ayenpe mwarre-ngentyele itne kangaroo small skin good-from-onwards 3plAmpware-tyerte kine,...make-rem.p.hab. same againThey also used to make (a water bag) from the healthy skin of a small red

kangaroo as well,...

b. Arelhe ampwe re kwenhe alhewethe-tyekewoman old 3sgS ASSERT wash-REFL-PURPalknge therreme, utyene-ketye-ngeeye two-UQ, sore-AVER-ABLThe old woman should wash both eyes, or else she'll get sores.

Example 10b demonstrates that whenever an animate being performs an action on a part ofitself, the reflexive form of the verb must be used, and if the part and whole NP occur in the samereflexive clause they must occur as independent NPs. Although the relative clause is intransitive the partand the whole still fulfill distinct semantic roles as determined by the predicate (ie. in 10b the 'whole' =washer [=Agent] and the 'part' = washed [=Patient]). For further discussion and exemplification alongthese lines see §§11.4.3 & 4.

Finally, in §7.3.2.2, the fact that 'spatial parts cum positionals' could, in their spatial part sense,enter into the 'part-whole' construction was discussed and exemplified. In fact, the majority of attestedpart-whole constructions appear to involve spatial part nouns like atnartenge 'the base of' (eg.11a),kertne 'the top of; above; up; high' (eg. 11b), and so on. It seems that spatial-part-NPs always followthe NP referring to the whole immediately, and part-whole constructions involving spatial parts do notappear to be readily paraphrasable by constructions using overt possessives.

(11) a. ..., kele imerte re are-tye.lhe-me-le O.K. then 3sgA see-GO&DO-nppSS

atwetye kweke nyente atnyeme atnartenge-kejoey small one witchetty bush base-DAT.., so then she came upon a little joey at the base of a witchetty bush. [T10-3]

b. Ilerne unte-rre-ke kertne-ntepe pwerte kertne-werne1dlS hurry off-dlS/A-pc up-upwards hill top-ALLWe both ran upwards to the top of the hill.

For comparative purposes the reader may wish to consult Hale's (1981) anlysis of the grammarof part-whole relations in Warlpiri and McGregor's (1985) discussion of the treatment of body parts inthe clause grammar of Kuniyanti.10.1.3 Relative Clauses

The classic work on "relative clauses" in Australian languages is Hale's 1976 article 'Theadjoined relative clause'. In this discussion he notes that there is a clause structure, common toAustralian languages, which is (i) dependent on the main clause but not embedded in it and (ii) typicallyreceives, in any one language, a variety of interpretations including both a temporal adverbialinterpretation (Hale's T-relative) and a NP relative clause interpretation (Hale's NP-relative). Theinteresting feature of the NP-relative's interpretation, as Hale saw it, was a discrepancy between the factthat they were semantically embedded but syntactically unembedded.

The main body of Hale's discussion concentrates on Warlpiri, and for this language heconvincingly demonstrated that it was impossible to derive the adjoined relative clause from anunderlying embedded structure. To round out his discussion, he presented comparative evidence fromKaytetye. Hale noted that the significant difference between Warlpiri and Kaytetye is that the clausesunder discussion are always unembedded in Warlpiri, while in Kaytetye they may be either embedded orunembedded. For Kaytetye Hale tentatively hypothesised that the underlying structure of both theembedded and unembedded surface structures was a clause of the adjoined type and embedded surfacestructures were the result of a transformation that attracted the adjoined clause towards the head. Halenoted that the attraction analysis had a natural motivation since it eradicated the incongruity between thesemantic embeddedness and syntactic adjunction (parataxis) of the structure. he did not rule out thepossibility that the Kaytetye structures were in fact underlyingly embedded and commented that muchmore research needed to be done.

The facts presented for Kaytetye by Hale are very similar to those encountered in MparntweArrernte. Hale, himself, was apparently taking Kaytetye as representative of the whole Arandic family.In this section it is not my objective to take issue with, and reanalyse, Hale's work; too much water has

passed under the bridge of linguistic theory for that to be fruitful. This section presents a fairly detaileddescription of relative clauses for one variety of Arandic, indicating that there is a specific clause typewhich only has a NP-relative interpretation and is not of the adjoined type. Mparntwe Arrernte also hasclauses of the adjoined type discussed by Hale, but these clauses, which are discussed in the followingchapter, only have a temporal or causal interpretation and have a structure which is completely distinctfrom Mparntwe Arrernte NP-relatives.

The fact that the four associated relative clause structures, which are discussed below, have onlya NP-relative interpretation is significant. Comrie (1980) and Keenan (1985) both claim that a languagehas a true relative clause structure only if the main function of the structure is to restrict the possible rangeof referents of a given, or understood, head noun to a specific subset of that range. Moreover, thesestructures have to function in or as noun phrases. On this basis, Comrie (1980:137) concludes that,because in Warlpiri the adjoined relative clause can equally have a temporal or a NP-relativeinterpretation, it is to be considered simply a general subordinate construction and cannot be regarded asa relative clause. In a similar vein, Keenan (1985:166) writes:

"Warlpiri is like a number of Australian languages in not having a relative clause construction per se, butrather a more generally useful subordinate clause construction which can function in a way equivalent toa relative clause when it contains an argument co-referential to an NP in the main clause".

It will be shown below that, in contrast with the adjoined clause structure, none of the relativeclause structures in Mparntwe Arrernte are restricted in occurrence to the periphery of the main clause.While it is to be expected that fully embedded relatives take up the position in the clause which isascribed to the NP in which they are embedded, it is also the case that headless relative and relativeclauses which are discontinuous from their head are commonly found at positions within the clausewhich are associated with the case role for which they are marked. Of course, if the nominal role thatthe relative clause is functioning in is a peripheral one, then its location at the periphery of the main clauseis again a consequence of its case-marking and/or function and not a consequence of its clause type.Thus, even though there are relative clause structures which do not appear to be embedded within NPs,these structures nevertheless commonly occur embedded within the main clause and, unlike the adjoinedstructure, can be flanked on both sides by material from the main clause in which they operate.

10.1.3.1 General Structure Shared by all Relative Clause TypesAll the associated relative clause types share the structure given in figure 10-4.

[X-rle (Y) VbFINITE (-rle)]SREL (3pnDef) -CASEFigure 10-4: Structure Contained in all Relative Clause Types

There is a subordinate clause, SREL (following Keenan 1985:142), in which the first constituent of theclause is marked with the enclitic -rle to indicate the clause's subordinate status. Any further constituentsof the clause tend to follow this constituent and the verb of the clause, which typically occurs in clausefinal position, may also, optionally, take the enclitic -rle (see §8.1.1.18 for further functions of this clitic).The verb in the SREL clause is finite and can bear all the inflectional suffixes taken by independent mainverbs. The case of the NP in which, or for which, the SREL occurs is typically marked directly onto theverb complex but a 3rd person definitising pronoun may follow SREL, in which case the pronoun bearscase. Thus the two markers which help one to delineate the general structure common to all relativeclause types in Mparntwe Arrernte is the -rle 'relative' marked initial constituent and the final casemarking. However, because -rle 'relative' is a multifunctional enclitic and SREL frequently occurs in arole in the matrix which takes Ø case marking, it is not always easy to identify, unambiguously, a relativeclause structure. Note also that, as far as case-marking with -le 'ergative, instrumental, locative' isconcerned, if there is no definitising pronoun, then the case marker appears before, not after, the second,optional, occurence of -rle (egs. 22a, 30a below).

One case which is not handled by the general formulation given above is where SREL isverbless. In all such cases the role of the understood head noun in the relative clause is as S and theSREL conveys a stative predication regarding that entity (ie. predicates its location, who it is possessedby, what qualities it has, etc.). The nominal or nominal complex which acts as predicator in this case isalways cliticised with -rle 'relative'.

The structural feature which distinguishes the different relative clause types in Mparntwe Arrernteis the position of the head (or domain) noun with respect to SREL. The four possibilities encounteredare:(i) The head and SREL are both elements of the one continuous NP. Thus these are fully embedded (eg.12).

(12) Kele m-ikwe petyalpe-me-le [[ulyentye] Hd [re-rle O.K. mother-3KinPOSS come back-npp-SS shade 3sgA-REL

ampe kweke re-nhe iwe-rle. lhe-ke]SREL-werne]NP,... child little 3sg-ACC throw away-DO&GO-pc-ALL When its mother came to the shade where she had dropped the baby off,...

[ALL in main = gapped DAT in SREL] (From translation by Margaret Heffernan of English text by Carmel Ryan, appeared in Yeperenye Yeye 1984)

(ii) The head and the SREL both occur within the same clause but are discontinuous with each other andare each marked for the same case (eg. 13).

(13) Irrkwentye [arelhe]Hd-ke angke-rle.ne-me [newe ikwere-rle police woman-DAT speak-CONT-npp spouse 3sgDAT(O)-REL

ulyepere tanthe-ke]SREL-ke. thigh(O) spear-pc-DAT The policeman is talking to the woman that stabbed her husband. [DAT in main = gapped A in SREL]

(iii) The head is missing altogether (ie. a headless relative; eg.14).

(14) Kele artwe alethenge re apwerte kertne-ke antye-nhe-ke O.K. man stranger 3sgS hill top-DAT climb-DO PAST-

pc [artwe anew-ikwe re-rle ane-tyeme]SREL -werne. man spouse-3KinPOSS 3sgS-REL sit/live-pp -ALL

So the stranger (while going past) climbed up the hill towards (the place) where the woman's husband was sitting. [ALL in main = gapped LOC in SREL]

(iv) The head is embedded within the SREL (ie. an internally headed relative eg.15).

(15) Warlpele mape-le peke awe-tyenhenge [[evidence]Hd-rle white person pl(grp)-ERG maybe hear-SBSQNT evidence(O)-REL

anwerne arrerne-me]SREL-ke 1plA put-nnp-DAT

Then white people might attempt to listen to the evidence that we're putting (in court). [DAT in main = overt O in SREL]

In an examination of 19 texts (including the 12 texts in the appendix) which together compriseapproximately 1,000 clauses, 54 relative clauses were found. These texts were narratives, proceduraland expository, with the smallest text being made up of 12 clauses and the largest one being made up of305 clauses. Table 10-1 gives the number of occurrences for each of the four types of relative clauselisted above. This table shows that, at least for the data base examined, there is not a significantdifference in the frequency of occurrence of embedded, discontinuous, and headless relatives, but theinternally headed relative is quite rare.

(i) Fully Embedded Relative Clause = 18(ii) Discontinuity between head and SREL = 14(iii) Headless Relatives = 17(iv) Internally Headed Relatives = 5

TOTAL = 54

Table 10-1: Number of occurences of each of the four relative clause types in a surveyof 19 texts (approx. 1,000 clauses).

Having introduced the reader to the general structure which defines the relative clauses in MparntweArrernte,as well as introducing the four associated types of relative clause, the discussion will now focuson the functions of each relative clause type.

10.1.3.2 Fully Embedded RelativesAs far as fully embedded relatives are concerned, the SREL takes up the position in the simple

NP (cf. fig. 3-1) after the demonstrative and before the 3rd person definitising pronoun. Although allelements prior to the SREL are optional, at least one must occur to head the NP and case marking onlyoccurs once (see figure 10-5; eg. 16).

[[(Classifier) (Noun)] (Adj.P.) (QuantP) (Demonstrative) SREL (3pnDef)-CASE]NP

Figure 10-5: Structure of NP with fully embedded relative (at least one element prior toSREL must appear to head the phrase).

(16) [[Artwe ampwe nhakwe]Hd [alye nhenge-rle mpware-ke-rle]SREL man old that(dist) boomerang REMEMB(O)-RELmake-pc-REL 3sgA

re] NP irrtyarte-rlke, amirre-rlke mpware-p-are-me3sgA spear(O)-TOO, womera(O)-TOO make-FREQ.rdp-nppThe old man there that made that boomerang makes spears and womera as well.

[A of main = gapped A of REL]

It appears that such fully embedded structures always act as restrictive modifiers of the head.Here I use Comrie's (1981:136) functional definition of restrictive relative clause:

"A relative clause then consists necessarily of a head and a restrictive clause. The head in itself has acertain potential range of referents but the restricting clause restricts this set by giving a proposition thatmust be true of the actual referents of the overall construction".

In keeping with their restrictive sense, fully embedded relatives frequently occur when new entities thatare referential but non-specific are introduced (eg. 17a,b) into a text, or when an entity is reintroducedinto a text (eg. 12). Further, they are quite commonly used in the 'margins' of a text for conveying theprovenance of the text itself (eg. 17c).

(17) a. Ayenge arratye apate-ke [[arne]Hd [ayenge-rle1sgS true amaze-pc thing 1sgO-RELkaltye-le-nthe- ke]SREL -ke]NP

knowledge-ADV-give-pc -DATI was truly fascinated with the things that Iwas taught at school. [DAT in

main = gapped O2 in SREL] (From a text by Basil Stevens, 'Kaltyirrekerle Kerte' [School Years] which appeared in Yeperenye Yeye)

b. ...arne-le twe-ke peke [[arne iwenhe-peke]Hd stick-INST hit-pc maybe thing what-maybe

[itne-rle nhenge itwe-ke are-me]SREL ikwere-le]NP peke 3plA-REL REMEMB near-DAT see-npp 3sgDAT-

INST maybe ..., (they) hit (the demon) with sticks or with whatever thing they could see

close by. [INST in main = gapped O in SREL] [T11-39]

c. The ile-tyeke ahentye-ne-me [[ayeye nhenhe]Hd [atyenge-rle 1sgA tell-PURP desire-be-npp story this 1sgDAT-REL

Mparntw-arenye-le ile-rlte.lhe-ke]SREL-Ø]NP 'Alice Springs'-ASSOC-ERG tell-plS/A.DO&GO-pc-O

I want to tell this story that was told to me by the (old people) of Mparntwe (ie. Alice Springs area) before they disappeared. [O of main = gapped O of

SREL] [From a text by Davey Hayes: Yeperenye Yeye]

10.1.3.3 Discontinuity between head and SRELThe previous section has shown that in fully embedded structures SREL is similar to the

modifiers of a noun head in a simple NP in that it post-modifies the head and occurs prior to case-marking. SREL, however, is the only NP modifier which may occur in the same clause as, butdiscontinuous from, its head. In this case both the head and the SREL are marked independently for thesame case (eg. 18).

(18) a. Arlte arrpenhe-le anteme artwe nhenhe lhe-ke [pmereday other-LOC now man this go-pc camp kngerre-werne]Hd anteme, [atningke-rle ne-ke-werne]SREL

anteme.big-ALL now, many-REL live-pc-

ALL now. On another day this man went to a big camp, to (one) where alot of people

lived. [ALL in main = gapped LOC in SREL] [T11-27]

b. The arrekantherre [ayeye-Ø]Hd knge-tye-me 1sgA 2plDAT story-O take-hither-npp

[ayenge-rle angke-tyenhenge-rle-Ø]SREL." 1sgS-REL speak-SBSQNT-REL-O

I've brought to you all a story which I'm going to tell. [O in main = gapped SCOMP in SREL][T. 11-34]

That Mparntwe Arrernte has an embedded relative clause corresponds to the fact that, unlikemost Australian languages, it has a rigid NP structure. However, that SREL, as opposed to any othertype of modifier in the NP, is able to occur discontinuous from its head and still be regarded as a phraselevel modifier is not surprising. Foley (1980) has proposed that there is "a universal constraint upon theform that the various Adjunct + Noun constructions can assume in any given language. This universal

has been termed the Bondedness Hierarchy, and this is centered around the notion of strength ofsyntactic bond." (Foley 1980:197). The Bondedness Hierarchy (see Fig. 10-6) reveals that, of allmodifiers, relative clauses have the weakest syntactic bond with respect to the noun that they modify.

Figure 10-6: The Bondedness Hierarchy (Foley 1980:174)

It was found that, of the 14 examples collected in the text survey mentioned previously, 13 of thestructures had the head occurring in a position in the main clause which was prior to that in which theSREL occurred and there was only 1 example where the head followed the SREL (eg. 19). In this lastcase only a pause separated SREL from the head and the intonation over the head indicates it wasadded as a clarificatory comment.

(19) Kngwelye re are-tye.lhe-ke [kere-rle tyerre-ke re-nhe]SREL,dog 3sgA see-GO&DO-pc meat-REL roast-pc

3sg-ACC,[ure perrke-Ø]Hd.fire coal-O.(The dog) came upon the coals where the meat was cooked. [lit. (The dog)

went and saw where the meat was roasted, the coals. [O in matrix = gapped LOC inREL] (From a text by Basil Stevens)

This evidence suggests that, just as embedded relatives post-modify the head, discontinuous relativesalso have an overwhelming tendency to post-modify. In this feature discontinuous relatives in MparntweArrernte appear to be at variance with the analogous structures in Kaytetye. Hale (1976:100) noted forKaytetye that it "shares with Walbiri the option of preposing the relative clause, although it seems to betaken up somewhat less often in Kaititj than in Walbiri - in the case of NP-relative at least." He goes onto say that "[w]hen the relative clause is preposed [in Kaytetye], the coreferential noun phrase remainsundeleted in the subordinate clause, but its main clause partner is represented by a determiner or by theanaphoric element /rinh/ advanced to initial position in the main clause, as in Walbiri." These facts arenot at all the same as those for Mparntwe Arrernte. I know of no cases where SREL occurs preposedto its matrix clause, and in the one case where it occurs before its head (eg. 19) the coreferential NP hasbeen deleted from SREL.

In direct contrast to embedded relatives, the SREL which is discontinuous from its head oftenfunctions as a non-restrictive modifier, although it may also function restrictively. In non-restrictivefunction it is not uncommon for the SREL to be preceded and/or followed by a pause and given theintonation pattern associated with other parentheticals and afterthoughts (egs. 18a, 20). In this way itdoes function like other noun modifiers. Note that in an example such as 20 the pause and theindependent marking of case may be the only things which separate the head and SREL.

(20) Re imerte ingkerreke itne-nhe ankertiwe-me-le3sgA then all 3pl-ACC(O) push-npp-SS iperte kngerre nhenge-werne [ure ntyelpe-ke]Hd,hole big REMEMB-ALL fire red-hot-DAT,[ahinpe-rle perrke-irre-ke-rle-ke]SREL;previously-REL coal-INCH-pc-REL-DATThen he pushed everyone towards a big hole and into a red hot fire ,one that

had previously turned to coals. [DAT in matrix = gapped S in SREL] [T11-25]

There are also cases, however, which are not attested for other modifiers within the NP, inwhich no pause or special intonation occur to mark off the SREL from the rest of the main clause. Inthese cases it is not always clear whether the SREL is functioning restrictively or non-restrictively.Examples 12 and 17b above are two such cases.

In a cross-linguistic investigation of the functions of adjectival modifiers Byrne (1983) observedthat there need not be a clear division between restrictive and non-restrictive modification; intermediatecases do arise. This also appears to be the case as far as split relatives in Mparntwe Arrernte areconcerned. There are occasions where the head is presented as given information, and therefore shouldbe able to be identified by the addressee, but an SREL is used to ensure that the addressee has noproblem making the identification. In other words, the heads in these cases do not have a 'certainpotential range of referents' - as is required by Comrie's definition of restrictive relative clause - unlessone has been unable to follow the story, but to accomodate for that very possibility a restrictive SRELis given. Example 21 contains two instances of this "intermediate retrictiveness".

(21) [Artwe re-therre]Hd kenhe, [re-nhe-rle altyerreman 3dlS BUT, 3sg-ACC-REL dream

are-ke therre-me-Ø]SREL, itepe-le anteme therresee-pc two-UQ -S, side-LOC now two[ikwere]Hd karelhe-ke, [re-rle unte-me ikwere]SREL.3sgDAT wait-pc, 3sgS-REL run-npp 3sgDAT.But the two men, the two that had seen him (the demon) in the dream,

waited on both sides for him, the one who was running. [S in matrix = gapped Ain SREL; DAT in matrix = S in SREL] [T.11-44]

In the first discontinuous relative in example (21) two men who had been mentioned previously in thetext are reintroduced by a definite noun phrase, but to ensure identification the author also gives aparenthetic SREL reiterating a previous, significant, event which only involved the two men (ie. dreamingthat a demon would come to their camp). In the second instance the main protagonist, a demon whowanders from camp to camp killing people, is first referred to in this utterance by a third person singulardative pronoun (ikwere). This pronoun is followed by the main verb and then another parentheticalSREL clarifies exactly who the the dative pronoun refers to. This may be motivated by the fact that forthe two sentences prior to this the demon was subject (S/A) and topic but in this sentence both role andthematic status change: the 'two men' are taking over topic status and subject function for a couple ofsentences. Thus the functional squish between restrictive and non-restrictive uses of SREL in theseexamples arises from the competing motivations involved in reference tracking, thematic packaging of thetext, and the pragmatic imperative to 'be perspicuous' (Grice 1975:46).

The last manifestation of the split relative to be discussed here is related to the above examples inthat they involve the extreme case of an SREL modifying a head for which the referent is already known.In contrast with English, it is not unnatural to use an SREL to modify any pronoun, including first andsecond person pronouns. In English these sound archaic and appear to be limited to Biblical language('let ye who is without sin cast the first stone') and songs ('I, I who have nothing'). All the attested casesof first and second person pronouns modified by an SREL show the pronoun head followed immediatelyby SREL with both structures falling together under the same intonation contour. These are analysed asdiscontinuous relatives by virtue of the fact that both head and SREL are independently marked for case.In keeping with the general tendency of discontinuous relatives, SRELs in these structures are not usedrestrictively. Instead, for the examples attested, the SREL tends to provide a justification or reason forthe main verb action by presenting some relevant fact about the speaker (eg. 22a) or addressee (eg.22b).

(22) a. [The]Hd [Robert-kenhe-rle mweteke atnyene-me-le-rle]Srel

1sgA(ERG) Robert-POSS-REL car hold-npp-ERG-RELanyelkng-althe re-nhe arntirrkwe-kesteal-Bad.Char 3sg-ACC catch-pc.I who had Robert's car caught the thief (of the car). [A of main clause =

gapped A of SREL]

b. Anwerne payuthne-rne [nge-nhe]Hd [conference-werne-rle1plA ask-p.immed 2sg-O conference-ALL-REL

lhe-ke-rle-Ø]Srel.go-pc-REL-O.We just asked you who went to the conference (don't pass the quesion on tosome one who didn't go). [O of main clause = S of SREL]

In concluding this discussion of structures where there is discontinuity between head and SREL,I would like to point out that it would be more accurate to say that such structures do not tend to beused restrictively (in the strict sense of the term) rather than saying that they are used non-restrictively.This then includes those instances of "intermediate restrictiveness". Furthermore, it is worth emphasisingthat independent case marking of head and SREL is the consistent characteristic of split relatives, whilediscontinuity between head and SREL is a typical, but non-essential, characteristic.

10.1.3.4 Headless RelativesA clause may contain a NP whose sole constituent(s) may be either a case marked SREL or a

SREL followed by a 3rd person definitising pronoun bearing case. Thus, there is no overt head noun(externally or internally to SREL) within the same clause, nor is there any other overt modifier of a nounhead which could be said to head the relative clause. As such, SREL may be seen to be like othermodifiers of the noun head in a NP in that they too may stand as the sole members of a NP (cf. §3.1).When other modifiers act as the sole constituent of a NP, they typically act almost anaphorically to referback to some previously mentioned entity, and this can also be the case with headless relatives (eg.23).

(23) Storybook nhenhe the mpware-ke apmwerrke,storybook this 1sgA make-pc yesterdaykenhe nhenhe kenhe the lyete mpware-ke.BUT this BUT 1sgA today make-pc[Apmwerrke-rle mpware-ke-rle]SREL-ø kurne ware

yesterday-REL make-pc-REL-S bad DISMI made this story book yesterday, but this one, on the other hand, I madetoday.The one I made yesterday isn't that good. [S in main = gapped O in SREL]

It is important to realise that there are structures which on the surface appear to be fullyembedded or discontinuous relatives but which in fact are equational sentences containing one NP with anoun head, in subject function, and another NP containing a headless SREL acting as a predicativesubject complement. Such equational structures have an intonation pattern which clearly distinguishesthe subject NP from the subject complement (eg. 24).

(24) Kngwelye therre nhenhe-Ø [r-arrpe-rle mangke-lilhe-ke-rle]SREL.dog two this-S 3sgA-SELF-REL grow-CAUS-pc-REL-SThese two dogs are (the ones) that he raised himself. [SCOMP in matrix =

gapped O in SREL] (from a story by Basil Stevens)

As Keenan (1985:142) points out, headless relatives need not always to refer back to a previouslymentioned entity. It is often the case that the missing head of a headless relative refers to an indefinitenon-specific entity, or set of entities, or refers to a very broad category of entities which would becovered by a classifier (ie. generic) nominal (cf. §3.4). In this case headless relatives in MparntweArrernte may be seen to correspond to English structures like 'something that...', 'someone who...', 'whatX did/said/etc...', 'the thing that...', and 'the place where...'. In all cases a head could be supplied.

(25) a. Peter re itelare-tyekenhe [re-rle angke-tyeme-rle]SREL-ØPeter 3sgA know-VbNEG 3sgS-REL speak-pp-REL-OPeter didn't know what he was saying. [O in main = Nom SCOMP in

SREL] (From a bible translation by Margaret Heffernan)

b. ...,[[re-rle tnye inte-ke]SREL ikwere-nge-ntyele]NP3sgS-REL dead lie-pc 3sgDAT-ABL-ONWARDS

alkere-k-irre-nhe-ke,...sky-DAT-INCH-DO PAST-pc,......, from (the place) where he lay dead he took flight past (the

crowd),...[ABL in matrix = LOC in SREL] [T.11-50]

As an extension of the above function, headless relatives are used to derive place names whichmean, roughly, 'the place where Dreamtime event X happened'. The event which provides a name for aplace is always a significant event which happened at that place during the travels and/or actions of theDreamtime Ancestors.

(26) a. Ntyarlke-rle Tyarne-meNtyarlke caterpillar-REL cross-over-nppThe place where the Ntyarlke caterpillar totemic ancestor crossed over (a

place in the Alice Springs on the edge of Todd river).

b. Aherlke-ke-rleto dawn-pc-RELThe place where it dawned (site on east side of Alice Springs where Ntyarlke caterpillar ancestors decided to rest untill sunrise before moving on)

Since all place names may be preceded by pmere 'place; camp, country, home' in generic function ( eg.Pmere Ntyarlkerle-Tyarneme; cf. §3.4.1) the head of these headless relatives may, in a sense, be seento manifest itself overtly.

Another noteworthy use of headless relatives arises in procedural texts (cf. texts 1-3 inAppendix 1). Here it is common for headless relatives to be used to refer to the resultant form of a thingwhich has undergone some previously mentioned process. The headless relative typically contains onlythe verb which indicates the transformation the entity underwent to get into its present state (eg. 27).

(27) a. Ampe-ke-l-iperre itne [perrk-irre-ke-rle]SREL-Ø ine-me-leburn-pc-SS-AFTER 3plA coal-INCH-pc-REL-O

get-nnp-SSiwe-me. Irrernt-irre-me-le urrperl-irre-me. Kele imertethrow out-npp coldINCH-npp-SS black-INCH-npp. O.K.

thenikwere-nge-ntyele [urrperle-rl-irre-ke-rle]SREL-Ø3sgDAT-ABL-ONWARDS black-FOC-INCH-pc-REL-O

ine-mele,...get-npp-SS

After (the bark) is burned they get the ones that have become coals and throw them (out of the fire). When (they) cool down (they) turn black. After that

(they) get the ones that have turned black,...[in both cases O in main = S in SREL] [T2-6, 7, 8]

b. Kele arntapere-nhe twe-me ilepe-leO.K. bark 3sg-ACC hit/chop-npp axe-INST[Ngkwelty-ile-ke-rle]SREL-O-Ø imerte kwatye-ke arrerne-mepieces-CAUS-pc-REL then water-DAT

put-nppitetyeke,..cook-PURP,..So the bark is chopped with an axe, then the stuff that has been made into

pieces is put in water to boil,.. [O in matrix = gapped O in SREL]

In headless relatives we see that the distinction between an embedded finite clausal structure anda nominalisation become blurred. Clearly, headless relatives may function like nominalised clauses, but itis still an open question as to whether any, some or all, headless relatives are best treated structurally asnominalisations. Certainly the use of headless relatives to derive place names appears to be a truenominalisation strategy, but even in cases like this a head (pmere 'place') can be provided and it is notobvious that the "names" are not still true relative clauses modifying a coventionally ellipsed noun head.

10.1.3.5 Internally Headed RelativesInternally headed relative clauses are, as mentioned earlier, extremely rare in texts and no

examples have been attested from formal elicitation. Thus it is premature to make any statement on thefunction of this form of relative. The few internally headed relatives which have been gleaned from textsall share the feature that the head is the initial constituent in SREL and has the relative clause marker -rleattached to the end of it. The head is marked for its role in the relative clause and not the matrix clause(see especially example15, and also example 28). In these cases the head is a full NP, pronominal ornominal, and does not refer to another co-referential NP elsewhere in the clause. This is relevant, sinceunder certain conditions, which will be discussed later (cf. §10.1.3.6), 3rd person pronominal copiesmay surface in the relative clause indicating the role played by the referent of the matrix clause argumentwithin the relative clause. However, in such cases the head is present in the matrix clause and there is noreason to believe the anaphor in the relative clause is heading the clause.

(28) a. Nwerne-k-artweye mape... ampwerrke nthurre ne-ke,1pl-DAT-custodian pl(grp)(S)... whole/fat INTENS be-pc

[[nwerne]Hd-rle kwetethe rlkerte ne-m]SREL-arteke1plS-REL always sick be-npp-SEMBL

ne-tyekenhe lyete.be-VbNEG todayOur ancestors...were very heakthy, (they were) not like us who are always

sick now. [SEMBL in main = overt S in SREL] (from a text by Thomas Stevens)

b. Re itere-ke are-ke [[ampe kweke re-nhe]Hd-rle ampwe-le3sgA side-DAT see-pc child little 3sg-ACC-REL

snake-ERG peke uthne-ke-rle]SREL-Ømaybe bite-pc-REL-OShe saw at the side (of the water) the baby whom may have been bitten by a

snake.[O in main = overt O in SREL] [From a translation by Margaret Heffernan of a text by Carmel Ryan in Yeperenye Yeye 1984]

10.1.3.6 Access to RelativisationIn §4.1.2 the observation was made that NPs functioning as core argument relativise leaving a

gap, whereas case marked NPs functioning as peripheral arguments or phrasal modifiers relativiseleaving a case marked pronominal copy. With the exception of examples of internally headed relativeclauses, all previous examples within this section on relative clauses (ie. §10.3.1) have involved a gapwhere one would expect to find the argument in SREL which is co-referential to the head. In example11, where the verb in SREL iwe-rle.lhe- (throw-DO&GO-) 'drop off' is a verb of transfer or putting, thegapped argument is the end point location (goal) which would be marked by dative case. Examples 14and 15 contain the verb ne- 'sit, stay' in SREL and the gapped argument in both cases is the location(typically marked by locative case). The verb angke- 'say; speak' semantically entails something whichis said and this argument is typically marked by a nominative SCOMP, but it is gapped from the SRELin examples 18b and 25. Most other gapped arguments from prior examples are undisputable corearguments functioning as O (accusative), S (nominative) or A (ergative) in SREL. In examples 2-4 ofchapter 4 it was shown how a dative marked NP may either relativise leaving a gap or leaving a casemarked pronominal copy depending on what level of structure the NP was functioning at (ie. core,

periphery, or adnominally). The same variability was demonstrated for allative marked NPs in examples1-2 of chapter 5, and it also applys to NPs marked with locative, ablative and possibly instrumentalcase. For instance in example 29a where the verb in SREL is ine- 'take', the argument which is gappedfrom SREL would be marked with the ablative case, but in 29b, because the verb in SREL is are- 'see',the ablative marked argument must relativise leaving a case marked pronominal copy. In the firstinstance the argument that is gapped is one that is recoverable since its role in SREL is determined bythe semantic structure of the verb (ie. it is a core argument), whereas in the second instance the argumentis merely functioning as an adjunct in the periphery of the clause and so its role in SREL would not bepredictable if gapped.

(29) a. Re lhe-ke [[artwe]HD[unte-rle pwerte ine-ke-rle]SREL-kerte]NP3sgS go-pc man 2sgS-REL money get-pc-REL-PROPShe left with the man who you got money from. [PROP in matrix = gapped

ABL in SREL]

b. Anwerne lhe-ke [[pmere]HD re-rle ikwere-nge artwe mperlkere1sgS go-pc place 3sgA-REL 3sgDAT-ABL man whiteare-ke-rle]SREL-werne]NPsee-pc-REL ALLWe went to the place where he saw the white man from. [ALL in matrix

=pronominal copy ABL in SREL]

NPs marked with -kenhe 'possessive', -kerte 'proprietive', -arenye 'associative', -iperre'AFTER', -ketye 'aversive', and -larlenge 'comitative', never function as core arguments and so alwaysrelativise leaving a case marked pronominal copy (eg. 30).

(30) a. [[Artwe]Hd [the-rle kngwelye ikwerenhe re-nheman 1sgA-REL dog 3sgPOSS 3sgACCtwe-ke-le-rle]SREL]NP ayenge pele twe-ke kwenhehit-pc-ERG-REL 1sgO fact hit-pc ASSERTThe man whose dog I hit truly hit me. [A in main = pronominal POSS in

SREL]

b. Re pwerte-le we-ke [[ampwe]Hd [ampe-rle ikwere-ketye

3sgA rock-INST pelt-pc snake child-REL 3sgDAT-AVERalw-irre-ke-rle]SREL-Ø]away-INCH-pc-REL-OShe pelted the snake that the child fled for fear of with stones. [O in main =

pronominal AVER in SREL]

On the basis of the preceding discussion, the accessibility hierarchy for relativisation inMparntwe Arrernte may be represented as in figure 10-7. Note that the crucial distinction is betweencore (ie. semantically determined by predicate) versus non-core (ie. not semantically determined bypredicate) functions of arguments, a distinction which is not readily captured by previous formulations ofthe so-called universal hierarchy for NP Accessibility (Keenan and Comrie 1977:66; Comrie 1981:149;Keenan 1985:147).

Figure 10-7: The Accessibility Hierarchy in Mparntwe Arrernte.

In §5.1.3.1 it was noted that for some predicates a hierarchy amongst core arguments may bediscerned. The evidence for such a hierarchy involves the fact that certain verbs have core argumentswhich relativise leaving a gap only if certain other of the core arguments of that verb are overtly presentin SREL. Thus, with the verb lhe- 'go', an ablative argument can only relatise leaving a gap if the allativeargument is present in SREL (eg. 31a), but if the allative argument is missing from SREL the ablativeargument must relativise leaving a pronominal copy (eg. 31b). An allative argument with lhe- 'go' is notdependent on the appearance of an ablative argument for it to relativise leaving a gap (eg.31c). Thus itseems reasonable to claim that the allative argument has a tighter semantic association with the verb lhe-'go' than does the ablative argument, although both are core arguments of the verb.

(31) a. Sydneyane-me [[pmere]Hd [Christine-rle Darwin-werneSydneybe-npp place Christine-REL Darwin-ALLlhe-ke-rle]SREL-Ø]NPgo-pc-REL-NOMSydney is the place from which Christine went to Darwin. [Nom SCOMP

in main = gapped ABL in SREL]

b. Ayenge ahentye-ne-me[Kwemantyaye-rle *(ikwere-nge) anteme1sgS desire-be-nnp Kwemantyaye-REL 3sgDAT-ABL now

lhe-rne]SREL-kego-p.immed-DATI want (the one) that Kwementyaye has just now gone away from. [DAT in

main = pronominal ABL in SREL]

c. [[Pmere]Hd [nwerne-rle lhe-me-rle]SREL-Ø] pmere kngerre nthurre.place 1plS-REL go-nnp-REL-Splace big INTENSThe place that we are going to is very important. [S in main = gapped ALL in

SREL] (cannot mean 'the place we're leaving from is very important)

One of the many intriguing issues that this analysis of relative clauses raises involves verbs ofperception. With these verbs a dative marked NP indicating the location of the object of perceptionmay relativise leaving a gap as long as both the A and O arguments of the verb are present in SREL (eg.32). To be consistent, it is necessary to claim that the dative of location is a weakly associated argumentwith verbs of perception in Mparntwe Arrernte, but it is not clear what components of the semanticstructure of such verbs determines such a role. Moreover, it is not clear that a verb like are- is somarkedly different in its semantic structure from its English equivalent 'see' which is not intuitivelyassociated with a semantic role that locates the object of perception. This is another topic whichrequires further investigation.

(32) Unte kwenhe unthe-tyeke [[arne]Hd [unte-rle thipe2sgS ASSERT look for-PURP tree 2sgA-REL birdnyengke are-me]SREL -ke]NP,...zebra finch(O) see-npp -DAT,...You should look for the tree in which you see zebra finches,...[DAT in matrix =

DAT (of LOCATION) in SREL]The relative clauses from the 19 texts which were discussed earlier (cf. §10.1.3.1) were

surveyed to find what roles in SREL had been relativised and how many times a particular role had beenrelativised. The results are tabulated in table 10-2.

Table 10-2: Text count of roles played by relativised NP in SREL

In table 10-2 we find that, overall, the most commonly relativised roles in the texts examined areO and S, while the A role by comparison, is a much less common target for relativisation. These findingsappear to conform to Fox's (1987) findings (based on conversational data) which suggest that alanguage will be more likely to relativise on S and O (Fox's P), due to "constraints on coversationallyappropriate strategies for introducing referents into the discourse" (1987:869). Fox has proposed thatthe category 'absolutive' should replace the category 'subject' at the far left of Keenan and Comrie's NPAccessibility Hierarchy. This may be going too far, as Fox makes no mention of roles beyond S, A, andO. In the Mparntwe data we see that locative is a very common role to relativise, and together the non-S/A/O roles are relativised upon 17 times compared to the 18 times for O and the 15 times for S. If theMparntwe Arrernte data are indeed comparable to Fox's data, her explanation should also account forthese other facts, but they do not appear to.

The number of times that an NP containing a relative clause fills a particular role in the mainclause has also been tabulated for the 19 texts investigated. These results are given in table 10-3. Theoutstanding finding here is that no example of an NP with a relative clause is attested in A grammaticalfunction in these texts, although, as example 15 above shows, this is not an impossibility. On the basisof these data it appears that O is, relatively speaking, a favoured role for a NP with a relative clause toappear in. These data await further investigation and explanation.

Table 10-3: Text count of roles played in matrix clauses by a NP with a relative clause

10.2 Verb IterationIn narrative texts it is common to find a structure in which a fully inflected verb is iterated

between two and six times. The verb may be a main verb or a dependent verb and nothing intervenesbetween the repetitions of the verb except, perhaps, a very slight pause. All repetitions fall under asingle intonation contour and the speed of the iteration tends to be quite rapid. A verb iteration may infact make up a whole sentence (eg. 35). The effect of this structure is to indicate that an event wascontinuous (either repeated or ongoing) over an extended period of time (egs. 33-35). The number ofrepetitions of the verb is roughly iconic to the length of time being indicated and, in some cases, thenumber of repetitions of a verb action (although, in such cases the ratio is not necessarily one to one; eg.34). This structure is similar to the English use of iterative conjunction of a verb form using 'and', as in"My old bomb still goes and goes and goes" or "They trudged and trudged and trudged on wardtowards their goal". Stylistically, verb iterations are often used in the oral presentation of a narrative, tobuild up tension and/or to signal that events are not unfolding as they would normally be expected to.

(33) Tharte kwele re irre-rle.lhe-ke kere ikwerestart QUOT 3sgS INCH-DO&GO-pc game 3sgDATanteme kwele are-rle.pe-ke, are-rle.pe-ke,now QUOT sec-DO ALONG-pc, see-DO ALONG-pcare-rle.pe-ke, are-rle.pe-kesee-DO ALONG-pc, see-DO ALONG-pcSo he started off to go for meat and he went along looking and looking and

looking and looking. (Implies it's taking too long to find any game, indicating thatsomething is wrong) [T.12-88]

(34) Atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le,hit-REFL-npp-SS, hit-REFL-npp-SS, hit-REFL-npp-SSarlpmenyele kwele perne-lhe-ke.ashes-INST QUOT rub-REFL-pcWhile she hit herself and hit herself and hit herself, she rubbed herself with

ashes. (Iteration indicates the repetitious action of intense grieving behaviour - a mother has lost her son) [T12-31]

(35) Pmere urrpme-le-rle ne-me ahelhe tyete.place narrow-LOC-FOC be-npp ground softIngkante-ke, ingkante-ke, ingkante-ke, ingkante-ketrack-pc, track-pc, track-pc, track-pcIn a narrow place there is soft ground. (He) tracked and tracked and tracked

and tracked (the kangaroo). (In this text by Basil Stevens, a man has spent severaldays tracking a kangaroo and when he finally gets the kangaroo he also encounters acannibalistic demon.)

10.3 Simple sentences and the basic elements of clause structureAt its simplest, a sentence in Mparntwe Arrernte consists of a nominal or verbal predicate, and

the NP arguments, if any, that fulfil the semantic roles determined by the peredicate. Although theordering of elements in NPs is fairly fixed, the ordering of constituents in a simple sentence tends to bevery free. Verbless equational sentences are one exception to this statement since they tend to have afixed ordering of S before SComp (cf.§10.3.3).

As far as the ordering of S, A, O and V are concerned, SV and A(O)V are typical in elicitedsentences and have a high frequency of occurrence in conversation and text (cf. §10.4), but all wordorder possibilities have also been attested for simple sentences in both conversation and text. Where averb is associated with 3 arguments, there is a tendency for two arguments to precede the verb and oneargument to follow, although it is not uncommon for all three to precede the verb. The argument thattends to follow the verb is not usually A, S or O, but instead tends to be marked as dative, ablative,allative or instrumental. This may signal an underlying distinction in Mparntwe Arrernte between directcore (ie. A, S, O) and non-direct core (ie. DAT, ABL, ALL, INST (?)) arguments (cf. §1.4.3.1).

10.3.1 Semantic Roles and Grammatical FunctionsIn previous discussions it has been mentioned that the function of core NPs and the case marking

associated with those functions is essentially determined by the semantics of the predicate. In thissection I will attempt to show briefly how this works.

The semantic role, or roles, of an argument may be calculated from the position or positions filledby the argument in the decomposition of the predicate. For instance, the core meaning of the verbtanthe- 'to spear; to poke; to sew; to write' may be composed as follows:Person X does something to thing Y (which has a pointed end) to cause the pointed part of Y to comefirmly into contact with part of Z. Person X wants Y to cause Z to become changed by doing that.

Since X is simultaneously the first argument of the predicates 'do', 'cause', and 'want' in thedecomposition, it plays the semantic role of agent. That is, the filler of this role consciously doessomething in order to cause something else to happen. The Y argument, which may be filled by an entitylike a pen, a spear, a finger or a needle, is the second argument of 'do' and 'cause' in the first part of thedecomposition, and the first argument of 'come firmly in contact with' and 'cause' in the later part of thedecomposition. Because this argument moves it plays the semantic role of a theme and because it isused to cause something to happen it is also an effector (more particularly an instrument). We may callthis argument an effector-theme. Finally, argument Z, is the second argument of 'come in contact with'thus it is a goal and location, but it is also the first argument of 'become changed' which also makes it apatient. Thus argument Z is a patient-goal; in other words, it is caused to become different because ofsomething moving to it and contacting it. The change in Z may be that it has a hole in it, it has somethingwritten on it, it has a depression in its surface, or it is in pain.

So, tanthe- 'spear; write; poke; sew' has three core arguments and the semantic roles of thosearguments are roughly agent, patient-goal and effector-theme(instrument). Because tanthe- 'spear; write;poke; sew' is a (di-)transitive verb, one of its thematic roles must be associated with the macro-role of

ACTOR and one of its roles must be associated with the macro-role of UNDERGOER (cf. §1.4.3.1).According to the 'actor-undergoer hierarchy' (fig. 1-6), the argument closest to the agent end of thethematic role hierarchy is assigned to the ACTOR macro-role while the argument closest to the patientend of the thematic role hierarchy is the UNDERGOER. Since tanthe- 'spear; poke; write; sew' has anagent thematic role and a patient-goal role, these are assigned to ACTOR and UNDERGOERrespectively. The ergative case is the marker of 'actor' and the accusative (O) case is the marker of'undergoer'. The third role, the effector-theme (instrument) is marked by a case which reflects itssemantics, which in this case is the instrumental -le.

(36) a. Artwe-le aherre tanthe-ke irrtyarte-leman-ERG(A) kangaroo(O) spear-pc spear-INSTThe man [ACTOR: Agent] speared the kangaroo [UNDERGOER: Patient-Goal] with a spear [effector-theme].

b. The re-nhe iltye-le tanthe-ke1sgA 3sg-ACC finger-ERG spear-pcI [ACTOR: Agent] poked him [UNDERGOER: Patient-Goal] with my finger

[effector theme].

It is important to realise that the semantic roles of agent and patient are not always actors andundergoers, similarly not all actors and undergoers are agents and patients. In Mparntwe Arrernte thenotion of actor and undergoer is only relevant to transitive predications.

For intransitive predicates there is one argument which appears in the nominative case and forsome verbs this argument may reflect an agent thematic role, for others it may reflect the semantic role oftheme, and so on. Roughly the intransitive verb ilwe- 'to die' may be decomposed as "X become bedead" and its single argument is a patient. The intransitive verb lhe- 'go' may be decomposed as "X gotowards Y away from Z", and, thus, it has 3 arguments: one a theme, one a goal, and one a source. Thesemantic case of allative and ablative are assigned to the goal and source respectively, but the theme isassigned the strict syntactic case nominative. Similarly, the intransitive verb unthe- 'to look for' may bedefined as "X have Y in mind and so X goes along looking wanting to cause self to become be at, andsee, Y". With this verb the Y argument is the focus and ultimate endpoint goal of the action and so itrecieves dative marking, while the X argument is simultaneously an agentive-theme-experiencer and thisis the argument which is assigned to the strict syntactic case nominative. It should be clear from thisdiscussion that the particular semantic role of an argument is not the criterion for assigning nominative to

one of the arguments of an intransitive verb. It is for this reason that the nominative-marked argument ofan intransitive verb is identified as playing a particular grammatical, rather than semantic, function in theclause in which it occurs. That is to say, the nominative marked argument fulfills the S grammaticalfunction (cf. §1.4.3.1).

To show that the macro-roles actor and undergoer are independent of the thematic roles agentand patient, it will suffice to examine the transitive verb itelare- which may roughly be glossed as 'toknow; to remember'. This verb refers to an active process of thinking about something that one alreadyknows or is aware of and may roughly be decomposed as "Person X thinks about something Y which issomething X knows from before". The semantic role played by X is experiencer and that played by Y isfocus (or in RRG terms theme). Since the verb is transitive, and experiencer outranks focus (theme) onthe 'actor-undergoer hierarchy' (fig. 1-6), it is the NP functioning as experiencer which is assigned theactor macro-role, and so is marked with ergative (A) case, while the NP functioning as focus (theme) isassigned the undergoer macro-role and is marked with accusative (O) case (eg. 37).

(37) Re mpwarentye kurne re-nhe itelare-me3sgA make/do-NMZR bad 3sg-ACC know/remember-nppHe [ACTOR: experiencr] knows (is aware of) the bad happenings. (ie. the bad

things that have been done) [UNDERGOER: focus (theme)]

As noted in §5.1.3.4, in its transitive use a verb like ampe- 'to burn' only selects for an inanimate,ergative marked, subject (ie. A). In terms of semantic roles, the fiery entity which causes something elseto burn is an effector. This fact, combined with the discussion from the previous paragraph,demonstrates that both the ergative and the accusative case are, like the nominative, used to marksemantically disparate core roles. So, for transitive verbs, the grammatical functions A and O arerecognised, these being, respectively, the clausal manifestations of the actor and undergoer macro-roles.Beyond the grammatical functions A, S and O, which are indicated by ergative, nominative andaccusative case-marking, the other arguments which are part of the core of a predicate have semanticroles which correspond fairly directly to one or other of the semantic core cases. In other words, thesemantics of dative, allative, ablative , locative and instrumental cases are direct indicators of thesemantic role of the core arguments they attach to, whereas ergative, nominative and accusative are not.

10.3.2 The Grammatical Relation Subject in Mparntwe ArrernteThe only grammatical relation that it may be possible to justify for Mparntwe Arrernte is

"subject"; otherwise grammatical processes may be stated in terms of grammatical functions (ie. A, S

and O) or semantic roles. Subject in Mparntwe Arrernte is recognised by the shared morphosyntactictreatment of NPs in A and S grammatical functions as opposed to any other NPs functioning in the coreof a clause. In §5.4.2 it was noted that only S and A arguments trigger optional number agreement inthe verb. Further, in purposive clauses (cf. §5.3.2.2) which function as an adjunct rather then acomplement, the S or A is deleted under identity with either the S or A of the matrix clause (eg.38).Where the S/A in the purposive clause is different from that in the matrix, it must be present (eg.39).

(38) a. The merne ine-ke re-nhe arlkwe-tyeke.1sgA food get-pc 3sg-ACC eat-PURP

I got food to eat. (It could not mean 'for you to eat') [A = gapped A]

b. Ayenge lhe-ke arlkwe-tyeke.1sgS go-pc eat-PURPI went to eat. [S = gapped A]

c. Arwe yanhe petye-ke angke-tyekeman that(man) come-pc speak-PURPThe man came to speak. [S = gapped S]

d. Arelhe yanhe-le door altywe-rile-ke irrpe-tyeke.woman that-ERG door open-CAUS-pe go into-

PURPThe woman opened the door in order to enter. [A = gapped S]

(39) The kere knge-tyeke *(unte) re-nhe arlkwe-tyeke1sgA meat take-Hither-pc 2sgA 3sg-ACC eat-pcI brought meat for you to eat. (A?A so there is no deletion under identity )

In a similar vein the facts presented in chapter 11 will reveal that switch-reference in MparntweArrernte marks a subordinate clause to show whether the S or A (ie.the subject) of that clause is thesame as or different from either the S or A (ie. the subject) of the main clause.

Not all constructions in Mparntwe Arrernte make use of the grammatical relation subject. Forinstance, in coordinated clauses in which both clauses share an argument in common that is overt in thefirst clause and absent from the second, it appears that pragmatic rather than grammatical principles

govern the interpretation of what roles are taken to be coreferential between the clauses. In (40)a thedefault, non-contextualised, interpretation is that the A of the first clause is coreferential to the S of thesecond, but this is not the required interpretation. The O argument is in focal position in the first clauseand if the whole story is about the referent of the O argument it is possible to interpret that argument ascoreferential with the missing S of the second clause. In (b) the default interpretation is necessarily thatthe O is coreferential with the missing S, because 'crying' is the typical reaction of a young boy who hasbeen bitten.

(40) a. Urreye kweke re-nhe kngwelye-le uthne-ke ante unte-ke.boy little 3sg-ACC dog-ERG bite-pc and hurry off-pc.The little boy was bitten by the dog and (it, the dog) ran off. [preferred](also possible: The little boy was bitten by the dog and (he, the boy) ran off.)

b. Urreye kweke re-nhe kngwelye-le uthne-ke ante artne-ke.boy little 3sg-ACC dog-ERG bite-pc and cry-pcThe little boy was bitten by the dog and (he, the boy) cried.

Finally it is worth mentioning that there is no structure like a passive which enables an argumentin O grammatical function, or any other non-S/A function, to become subject. Thus the notion of subjectin Mparntwe Arrernte is not fully comparable to that in English.

10.3.3 Verbless Clauses and Copular ClausesAs in many Australian languages, two types of verbless clause may be identified in Mparntwe

Arrernte. In the first type, which will be termed equational, there are only two NPs, one functoning assubject (S) and the other apparently functioning as the predicate of the clause (ie. subject complement,SComp, eg. 41a). In the second type a nominal predicate, that is an extended nominal (cf. §5.1.2),predicates a relation between an NP in the nominative case and an NP in the dative case (eg. 41b).Nominal predicates may convey cognitive states, emotional states (eg. 41b), or the absence (orpresence) of something. All verbless clauses are stative.

(41) a. Margaret re kaltye-le-nthe-nhe-nthe-nhe mwarre.Margaret 3sgS knowledgeable-/INST-give-NMZR.hab.rdp goodMargaret is a good teacher.

b. Ampe nhenhe nanthe-ke atere.child this horse-DAT afraidThis child is afraid of horses.

Verbless clauses of the equational type may function to: (i) ascribe a property, characteristic, orquality to the S (egs. 42a, b); (ii) to equate a known referent to another known referent (eg. 42c); (iii)to convey possession (eg. 42d); and (iv) to convey location (eg. 42e). Note that, as mentioned in§4.1.3, when the subject complement of a verbless equational clause is marked with dative, ablative,locative, possessive, associative, proprietive, AFTER, or comitative cases, the case marker issemantically the main predicator in the clause. That is, in examples such as (42)b, d, and e, it is the caseform which determines the semantic relationship between S and the complement NP to which the case isattached.

(42) a. Arne yanhe arlpentye.tree that tallThat tree is tall.

b. Kwementyaye irlpe kngerre-kerte.Kwemewntyaye ear big-PROPKwementyaye is an eavesdropper. (lit. Kwemantyaye has big ears)

c. Nhenhe ampe tyenhe.This child 1sgPOSSThis is my child.

d. Ayeye kngerre nhenge Arrernte Mape-kenhestory big REMEMBER Arrernte pl(grp)-POSSThis important story (you know the one) belongs to (all) Arrernte people.

e. Margaret uthene Rosie uthene Congress-le.Margaret bi-and Rosie bi-and Congress-LOCMargaret and Rosie are at the Congress (Medical Clinic).

While verbless clauses involving extended nominals allow free ordering of constituents, verblessequational clauses have a fixed ordering of S before SComp.

As noted in §5.1.3.1, all apparently verbless clauses have present reference and must take acopular verb marked for tense when the temporal reference is other than the present (eg. 43a-c). Evenwhen temporal reference is the present, clauses of this type may manifest a copula marked with -me'non-past-progressive' (eg. 43d). When a copular verb occurs in equational clauses it is freely positionedwith respect to the other two constituents of the clause, but the S still tends to precede the SComp,although this is no longer mandatory as it is in verbless equational clauses (eg. 43c).

(43) a. ..., kenhe arrpenhe ne-ke ulthe-ntye nthurre BUT other(s) be-pc press down-NMZ

INTENS(SComp)..., but the other one was very heavy. [T.12-12]

b. Arrpenhe kenhe tyepe-tyepe ne-tyerteother(s) BUT lively be-rem.p.habBut the other one used to be energetic. [T.9-4]

c. Itne-kenhe-rle ne-ke re;...3sg-POSS FOC(SComp) be-pc 3sgIt belonged to them;...[Theirs is what it was;...] [T.12-12]

d. ..., ayenge kele arre-k-antherre-nhe kere1sgS O.K. 2pl-POSS game

artewe ante-me-rle ne-me-nge.wild turkey (SComp) how-FOC be-npp-ABL..., because now I am your wild turkey. [T.11-55]

The three verbs which may function as copulas are ne- 'be; sit; stay; exist', -tne 'be standing;exist in an upright position' and inte- 'be lying down; exist in a horizontal position' (cf. §5.1.3.1 (ii)).These 'existential-positional' verbs also function to predicate the existence of an entity and to predicatethe location of an entity (cf. 5.1.3 (iii)), as well as functioning as copulas. Thus these three verbs eachmanifest 3 verb subclassification frames: {S} in their existential sense, {S, LOC} in their locative sense,and {S, SComp} in their copular sense. As the examples in (44) show, ne- 'be; sit; stay' is the mostgeneral and the most commonly occurring copula verb, and it is possible to replace most copular uses of

tne- 'be standing' and inte- 'be lying down' with ne- 'be; sit; stay'. These three verbs are used to indicatethat the S argument exists in a characteristic orientation or stance. Thus, while ure 'fire' habitually 'sits',ure 'firewood' habitually 'lies down' (cf. eg. 6 in chapter 5), and, while arne 'trees' habitually 'stand' (eg.44a), arne 'sticks' habitually 'lie down' (eg. 44b). So, 'existential-positional' verbs help to clarify whichsense a polysemous noun is used in.

(44) a. Arne yanhe arlpentye tne-me.tree that(mid) tall stand-nppThat tree is tall. (That tree stands tall) (cf. example 42a)

b. Arne yanhe arlpentye inte-me.stick that long lie-nppThat stick is long. (That stick lies long)

10.4 Word order and Topic Continuity in a Narrative TextIn this section a short narrative text will be used to examine the factors determining constituent

order in narratives. The factors determining the structure of noun phrases referring to majorprotagonists and the basic dependencies amongst clausal elements will also be examined. The 'skeletal'structure of text 10 from appendix 1 is provided in table 10-4 (on the following two pages).

The conventions used in this table are given in the list of conventions at the beginning of thethesis, but a brief overview will be presented here. All elements of a clause areTable 10-4: Structural Outline of Text 10 from Appendix 1 Ayeye Marle Uthene Atwetye Uthene-Kerte by Margaret Heffernan

S1 1.<[N T.Adv]T.Adv'l {PropPart Vintr:exist [Class. N Adj Quant-Nom)]NP-Indef-Si}>Pmere arrule kwele neke ampe marle kweke nyente-Ø.<[Long ago] {supposedly lived [one little girl child]}>

S2 2. <{PnSi PropPart Vintr:d.mot} [N Quant-LOC]T.Adv'l > ¨ Re kwele lheke arlte nyente-le<{She supposedly went } [one day] > ¨

3. <SentPart SentPart {PnAi Vtr:perc-SS [N Adj Quant-Acc)]NP-Indef-Oj} kele imerte re aretyelhemele atwetye akweke nyente-Ø

<O.K. then {she went-and-saw [one little joey]}

[N N-DAT]LocP>atnyeme atnartenge-ke.[at base of witchetty bush]>

S3 4. <{[N adj Pn]NP-Def-Si PropPart Vintr:man.mot} [N Adj PnDAT]NP-Def-Benj>

Marle kweke re kwele nthepirreke atwetye kweke ikwere,{[the little girl] supposedly danced} [for the little joey]>

5. <Conj {[N Adj Pn]NP-Def-Aj Vtr:perc} [AspAdv Intens]AspP [N Quant-LOC]T.Adv'l>

Kenhe atwetye kweke re aretyeme kwetethe nthurre arlte arrpanenhe-le<but {[the little joey] was watching} [really always] [on every

day]>

S4 6. {[N adj Pn]NP-Def-Si Vintr:d.mot} ¨ {[N Adj Pn-ACC]NP-Def-Oj Vtr:perc-PURP}Marle kweke re lhetyerte atwetye kweke re-nhe aretyeke;{[the little girl] used to go} ¨ {[the little joey] in order to

see}

S5 7. <{Vtr:perc-SS [N Pn-ACC]NP-Def-Oj}> Æ aretyelhemele atwetye re-nhe<{when go and see [the little joey}>Æ

8. <{[N Pn]NP-Def-Si Vintr:man.mot} AspAdv> marle re nthepirretyerte kwetethe<{[the girl] used to dance} always>

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

S6 9. <SentPart [T.Adv/noun Adj/Intens quant-LOC]T.Adv'l SentPart Kele arrule kngerre arrpenhe-le anteme,

<O.K. [in another very long time] now,

10. {[N adj Pn]NP-Def-Si [N Adj]NP-SCOMP[?] SentPart-Vintr:become}> marle kweke re wenke kngerre anteme-irreke {[the little girl] [a big young woman] now-became}>

Conj <{[N Adj Pn]NP-Def-Sj Ø}>ante atwetye kweke re.and <{[the little joey]}>

S7 11. <{PnSi&j [Adj Quant]NP-SCOMP(?) SentPart-Vintr:become} [Adj(?) AspAdv]Adv'l > Re-therre kngerre therre anteme-irreke purte kwete. <{they-two [both big] now-became [together still]>

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

S8 12. <[N Quant-LOC]T.Adv'l SentPart {[N Pn]NP-Def-Si Vintr:d.mot} ¨ Arlte nyente-le anteme wenke re lheke <[on one day] now {[the young woman] went ¨

{[N Pn-ACC]NP-Def-Oj Vtr:perc-PURP}> aherre re-nhe aretyeke, {[the kangaroo] in order to see}>

13. <Conj {[N Pn]NP-Def-Sj Vintr:perc(?) PnDATi}> kenhe aherre re karelhetyeme ikwere <but {[the kangaroo] was waiting for her}>

S9 14. <{[N Pn]NP-Def-Si SentPart Pn DATLoc-k Vintr:or.mot.(?)}> Wenke re imerte ikwere arratetyelhemele, <{[the young woman] then at there went and appeared

15. <Conj {[N Pn]NP-Def-Sj Vintr:stance.change-SS Æ Vintr:stance/exist}> kenhe aherre re kemirremele neke <but {[the kangaroo] getting up Æ sat}>

16. ¨ <{ Vtr:perc-SS [N Pn-ACC]NP-Def-Oi¨{Vintr:d.mot.-PercComp Pn-ALLj} }> aremele wenke re-nhe petyerlenge ikwere-werne-thepe. <{ when seeing [the young woman] {coming towards him}

}>

S10 17. <SentPart {[N Pn]NP-Def-Si Vintr:man.mot } [N PnDAT]NP-Def-Ben/Locj Kele wenke re nthepirretyelheke aherre ikwere<O.K. {[the young woman] went and danced} [for the kangaroo]

ManAdv SentPart> itwe-me-itwe-me anteme. closer-and-closer now>

S11 18. <{[N Pn]NP-Def-Si Vintr:man.mot} [N Pn-ALL]NP-Def-ALLj > Wenke re nthepirretyeme aherre ikwere-werne <{[the young woman] was dancing} [towards the kangaroo]>

S12 19. <SentPart {[Sp.Adv Intens]Sp.Adv'l-SComp(?) SentPart-Vintr:become}> Kele itwe nthurre anteme-irreke <O.K. {[very close] now-became}>

20. <Conj {[N Pn]NP-Def-Aj Pn-ACCOi Vtr:manip}> kenhe aherre re re-nhe arntirrkweke, <but {[the kangaroo] her grabbed}>

Conj <{Pn-ACCOi PnAj Vtr:aff.ingest}> ante renhe re arlkweke. and <{ her he ate}>

enclosed in angle brackets (ie. <...>), the core (ie. nuclear predicate plus arguments) is enclosed in curlybrackets (ie. {...}), and the nucleus is underlined. Verbal predicates are marked for general transitivitytype and verb class (eg. Vintr:exist = an intransitive verb of the existential subclass), and, unless a verbis shown to take further marking, such as PURP (ie. purposive), it is to be understood as a main verb.Square brackets enclose the constituents of a phrase and the subscripts at the end of the bracket

indicate the type of phrase (eg. [N T.ADV]T.ADV'l = a temporal adverbial phrase made up of a nounand a temporal adverb). For noun phrases the NP subscript is followed by an indicator of definitenessand an indicator of the grammatical function of the phrase. Subscripts i & j keep track of the two majorparticipants (eg. [N adj Pn]NP-DEF-Si = a definite noun phrase in S grammatical function referring tofirst participant in the text is composed of a noun and an adjective and a definitising pronoun). An arrow(ie.'Æ') shows the direction of dependency of a unit containing a predicate and the unit upon which it isdependent. S1, S2, S3 and so on keep track of the sentences, while numbers refer to the numberedlines in text 10 in appendix 1. Finally a dotted line indicates episodic boundaries.

While constituent order in Mparntwe Arrernte is flexible in the sense that the position of aconstituent in a clause does not convey grammatical information, it is clear that the ordering ofconstituents is governed by pragmatic and discourse principles. The relevant discourse notions that willbe used here are:(i) Topic - The thing that is being talked about.(ii) Comment - That which is said about the topic.(iii) Focus -That part of the comment which is presented as being the central, or focal part ofwhat the speaker is trying to communicate.(iv) Presupposed information ("old information") - Those parts of a proposition which the speakerassumes the hearer is aware of at the time of utterance and which the speaker assumes the hearercan use to assimilate information s/he was previously unaware of within the discourse context.(v) New information - Those parts of a proposition which the speaker does not assume the heareris aware of at the time of the utterance, but which the speaker wants the hearer to assimilate.(vi) Contrastive, or marked, focus - Information which to a certain extent is presupposed but is beingpresented as if it was not presupposed, or as if it was not understood. The choice of some particularelement (rather than some other possible choice) as new information (cf. Chafe 1970:225, 1973)

Blake (1987:155) observes that there are two principles of discourse which are common inAustralian languages: "(a) topic precedes comment, (b) focus comes first". He also notes that "[t]hefocus is usually nominal or adverbial..." The first of these principles, 'topic precedes comment', is clearlyin evidence in Mparntwe Arrernte. However, in Mparntwe Arrernte it would appear that the focus(which is typically new information) comes after the verb. Elements which are in contrastive, or markedfocus, appear clause initially and may often be the only element in a clause (with the rest of a propositionunderstood). Such elements are typically marked by clitics or by special intonation contours. Both focusand contrastive focus are usually conveyed by NPs or adverbial phrases. A morpho-syntactic factwhich corresponds directly to the 'contrastive focus-first-principle' is the fact that the constituent to

which the interrogative 'checking' clitic -me attaches must be first in its clause (cf. §9.3.3). A morpho-syntactic fact which corresponds to the 'topic-before-comment-principle' is the rigid ordering of Sbefore SComp in verbless equational clauses (cf. §10.3.4).

In the text under consideration in this section we find that at the beginning of each new episode inthe text a setting temporal adverbial occurs in initial position (ie. in lines 1, 9, and 12). As noted inchapter 7 it is common for adverbials to occur initially in clauses which introduce a new series of eventswithin a text.

Line 1 of the text presents all new information. The focus 'a little girl' occurs after the verb, andthis is not unusual since entities that are introduced in a text for the first time often make their firstappearance post-verbally in an indefinite NP. This introductory line is a good example of "the so calledexistential-presentative VS word order [employed] to introduce indefinite subjects into the register forthe first time" (Givon 1983:34). The 'little girl' is a major participant in the text and has high persistence(in the sense of Givon 1983) throughout the text. The other major participant in the text is 'a little joey'which also has its first introduction into the text in an indefinite NP in post-verbal position. Theintroduction of this participant takes place in in line 3, where there is a transitive clause in which the Agrammatical relation is filled by a pronoun before the verb. The pronoun in this clause refers to the littlegirl who is now presupposed information and is the topic of the clause. This is the only instance of AVOordering in the text and it arises through the interaction of the topic-before-comment rule and the strategyof introducing new participants postverbally.

There are two other cases where an O occurs after the transitive verb, these are in lines 7 and16. In both cases the O argument is a definite NP, the first one referring to 'the little joey' and thesecond to 'the little girl'. The reason the verb is first in these clauses appears to be due to the fact that inboth cases the clause is a dependent temporal clause. There are no uses in this text of an argument in Agrammatical function occurring after the verb (ie. an occurrence of VA, OVA, OAV), but, although thisis relatively rare, it does occur. The rarity of A after the verb corresponds to the fact that agents tend tobe animate and tend to have high topicality. Further, A (unlike S and O) is not a favoured role for theintroduction of new participants All other constituent orderings do, however, occur in this text.

By far the most recurrent ordering of constituents in the text is S before V, which occurs 12times (lines 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18). In all cases the referent of the S argument is oneor other or both of the major participants. In ten of these cases the S argument is represented by adefinite NP, and in two the S argument is represented by a pronoun. In each of these cases the Sargument is topic and the 'topic-before-comment' rule applies.

The organisation of the transitive clause in line 3 has already been discuessed, but there are twoother transitive clauses in which both the grammatical functions A and O occur along with the verb.

Both these clauses occur back to back in line 20. The first of these clauses is ordered AOV while thesecond is OAV. This first clause sees a change of topic from 'the girl' in the preceding two lines to 'thekangaroo' which is in A function. Due to the change of topic the A argument is a definite NP while theO argument , 'the girl', which, unlike 'the kangaroo', persists from the preceding clause, is a pronoun (itcould not be Ø because it is no longer topic). The A argument in this clause is the topic and remains thetopic in the second clause, but in this the climactic final clause where the girl is eaten by the kangaroo,there is stylistic inversion to convey the surprise ending. The O argument is in contrastive focus in thislast clause signalling the unexpectedness of the kangaroos behaviour.

The general ordering of core arguments and verb in this text are summarised in table 10-5(following page). Note that line 10 contains a conjoined clause in which there is a NP in S grammaticalfunction, but the verb is ellipsed.

Arguments marked with semantic cases rather than strict syntactic cases tend to occur after theverb and in clause final position, regardless of whether they are functioning as core or peripheralarguments. This accounts for the dative marked arguments in lines 3, 4 and 13 and the allative markedarguments in lines 16 and 18. The peripheral dative NP in line 17 is post-verbal but not final in theclause, and the core dative pronoun in line 14 is preverbal (although it does not represent one of themajor participants).1. V Si2. Si V3. Ai V Oj4. Si V5. Aj V [Oi=Ø]6. Si V ; Oj V [Ai =Ø]7. V Oj [Ai =Ø]8. Si V-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------10. Si SComp(?)-V ; Sj [V is ellipsed]11. Si&j SComp(?)-V------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------12. Si V ; Oj V [Ai=Ø]13. Sj V DATi14. Si DATk V

15. Sj V [NB. Here the V is in fact composed of two predicates in a nuclear juncture]16. V Oi PercComp [Aj=Ø] (in the perception complement the order is: V ALLj [Si=Ø])17. Si V18. Si V19. SComp(?)-V [Si=Ø ]20. Aj Oi V ; Oi Aj V

Table 10-5: Ordering of core arguments for clauses of each line in Text 10 (appendix 1)

Purposive adjunct clauses form core junctures (cf. §1.4.3.1) and in this text follow the corestructure upon which they are dependent (lines 6 and 12). In both cases the A of the purposive clause isabsent (ie. Ø) because it is coreferential with the S of the main clause (cf. §10.3.2). In line 16 the S ofthe perception complement, which functions as a clausal argument within the core set up by perceptionverbs, is also absent under identity with the A of the main clause. Of the four switch-reference markedclauses in lines 3, 7, and 16, two (ie. 3&16) follow the clauses upon which they are dependent and one(ie.7) precedes. Thus 5 out of 6 dependent clauses in this text follow rather than precede the matrixverb upon which they are dependent. Note that in the switch-reference clauses just mentioned all threeclauses were marked for same subject, and in lines 7 and 16 the A of the switch-reference clause isdeleted under identity with the coreferential S in the matrix clause. In the switch-reference clause in line3 there has been no deletion under identity. One other case of switch reference marking occurs in line15, this, however, is a tight serialisation of nucleus to nucleus (cf. §11.3.2.1) in which the dependentverb always precedes the main verb.

As far as the positioning of particles is concerned the following features may be observed. Thetwo sentential particles with a temporal sense, anteme 'now' (cf. §8.2.3.4) and imerte 'then' (§8.2.3.3)have highly variable placement, occurring in both the core and the periphery of a clause, but neveroccurring initially in a clause. The particle anteme 'now' may even be seen to occur as part of the nucleus(lines 10, 11, 19). This freedom of placement may have to do with their semantic content since temporaladverbs and temporal adverbials (including temporal adverbial clauses) also have variable placement.The sentential particle kele 'O.K.' (cf. §8.2.2.1) and the conjunction kenhe 'but' (cf. §8.2.3.4) tend tooccur intially in a clause (lines 3, 5, 9, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20). The conjunction ante 'and' (cf. §8.2.3.1)occurs between clauses (lines 10 & 20). The three sentential particles and two conjunction justmentioned have a very high frequency of occurrence in narrative texts. While physically a part of theclause, these sentential particles and conjunctions may be analysed as functioning at the sentence level

and so are outside clausal information structuring. Propositional particles tend to occur within the coreof a clause which is in keeping with their function of modifying aspects of the core proposition.

As far as the functions of structures of NPs referring to the two major participants areconcerned, the following observation may be made. As new information, both participants areintroduced by an indefinite noun phrase which contains a noun head, an adjective and a quantifier, aswell as case marking. In the case of the first noun phrase referring to the 'girl' (in line 1), there is also asocial status classifier within the head. After their introduction, these participants are taken aspresupposed information and all further references to them are by definite NPs, pronouns, or zeroanaphors. Note that, before there is any competition with a second participant (ie. the joey), the secondand third mentions of the 'girl' (lines 2 and 3) are conveyed by pronouns without going through the stageof a definite NP.

As soon as both participants are presupposed and, so definite, there is a reference trackingproblem since 3rd person singular pronouns and anaphors do not distinguish sex or animacy. That is tosay, because both participants are persistent in the text, it would be difficult to know which participantwas filling which role if all mentions were carried by pronouns or zero anaphora. This accounts for thehigh rate of definite NPs; of the 35 times after their introduction that one or other or both of these twoparticipants function(s) as a clausal argument, 20 of their mentions are as definite NPs, while only 8mentions are as pronouns, and 7 mentions are left to zero anaphora. The varying structures of the NPsreferring to the two primary participants are given in table 10-6. Note that in this text all definite NPsmaintain the noun head from the NP that introduced the participants. Noun modifiers from that initialmention may or may not be present in the definite NPs. There is a clear tendency that, with subsequentmentions, definite NPs will be made up of fewer constituents. Because the two participants undergo atransformation in their being from a 'girl' to a 'young woman' and from a 'joey' to a 'kangaroo' in thesecond episode, the head noun which is used to refer to these participants changes in the third episode.

Marle 'girl'/ Wenke 'young woman' Atwetye 'joey' / Aherre 'kangaroo'1. [Class N Adj Quant-Ø]Indef-S -2. PnS -3. PnA [N Adj Quant-Ø]Indef-O4. [N Adj Pn]Def-S [N Adj PnDAT]Def-Ben5. ØO [N Adj Pn]Def-A6. [N Adj Pn]Def-S -

ØA [N Adj Pn-ACC]Def-O7. ØA [N Pn-ACC]Def-O

8. [N Pn]Def-S -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

------9. - -10. [N Adj Pn]Def-S -

- [N Adj Pn]Def-S11. PnS------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

------12. [N Pn]Def-S -

ØA [N Pn-ACC]Def-O13. PnDAT [N Pn]Def-S14. [N Pn]Def-S -15. - [N Pn]Def-S16. [N Pn-ACC]Def-O ØA

ØS Pn-ALL17. [N Pn]Def-S [N PnDAT]Def-Ben/Loc18. [N Pn]Def-S [N Pn-ALL]Def-ALL19. ØS -20. Pn-ACCO [N Pn]Def-A

Pn-ACCO PnA

Table 10-6: The changing structure and function of NPs referring to the two major participants of Text 10 (in Appendix 1)

The following constraints on zero anaphora apply for this text. Zero anaphora is only used in aclause when the argument which is omitted is coreferential to the topic of the preceding clause. Zeroanaphora only occurs, in this particular text, where there is an overt coreferential pronoun or definite NPwithin another clause within the same sentence.

Zero anaphora provides one clue that the two participants are not exactly on equal footing withinthe text. Of seven cases of zero anaphora, six are with respect to the 'girl', while only one is understoodto refer to the 'joey'. Further evidence that, overall, the 'girl' is the primary protagonist while the 'joey' isa secondary protagonist has to do with the typical roles played by each one (cf. table 10-6 above). The'girl' occurs 12 times in S grammatical function, 4 times in A grammatical function, 4 times in O

grammatical function and 1 time as dative. By contrast, the 'joey' occurs 3 times in S grammaticalfunction, 4 times in A grammatical function, 4 times in O grammatical function , 2 times in dative and 2times in allative. Overwhelmingly, the 'girl' is associated with S grammatical function. Further,occurence in non S/A roles accounts for less than a quarter of the roles played by the 'girl', while theyaccount for more than half of the roles played by the 'joey'.

Main and secondary protagonist need not remain constant from episode to episode. The firstepisode of this text clearly establishes the 'girl' as the main protagonist. The second episode sees thetwo participants on an equal footing, while the third episode sees some instability. It is in the thirdepisode that 4 of the 'girl's' 5 occurrences in a non-S/A role occur, 3 of these being in O grammaticalfunction. Similarly, 5 of the 'joey's' 7 occurrences in an S/A role appear in this third episode. Thesechanges reflect the surprise turn around in the climax of the text which finally sees the dancing girlgrabbed by the kangaroo and eaten.

It is important to realise that this text is fairly typical of traditional narrative texts in MparntweArrernte. If one examines the three other traditional texts in appendix 1, they will find a similar plotstructure in which habitual actions of main participants are extablished at the beginning, somewheretowards the middle there will be an episode which suggests things will change, and finally, the habitualpatterns of action are disrupted by the death of one or more of the major participants.

The main intent of this fairly dense description has been to demonstrate that constituent orderingand the manifestation of participants in Mparntwe Arrernte (traditional) narratives is highly principled.Variations in constituent ordering and variations in the treatment of central participants may be explainedthrough differential responses to competing discourse, functional, and grammatical motivations atdifferent points in a text. The significant generalisations which hold for this and other (traditional)narratives are summarised as follows.1) Topic precedes comment.2) Focus is after the verb.3) Contrastive, or marked focus, is clause initial (and tends to be marked formally by means ofclitics or distinct intonation.4) New participants tend to be introduced by indefinite NPs and it is common for newparticipants to be introduced into the focus position after the verb.5) It is very rare for arguments in A grammatical function to follow the verb (Thus mostintoductions of a participant that will persist in a text are in S or O grammatical function).6) The most recurrent ordering of a core grammatical function (ie. an argument marked by a coresyntactic case) and a verb is S before V (assuming that S is presupposed and therefore definite).

7) Presupposed arguments which are marked by one of the strict syntactic cases (ie. fulfill oneof the three grammatical functions A, S, or O) tend to precede rather than follow the verb.8) Arguments that function in the core or periphery of a clause and which are marked by one ofthe semantic cases (ie. dative, allative, etc.), have a tendency to follow the verb, although if theyare definite and part of the core of the clause they may precede the verb.9) Presupposed arguments are conveyed by definite NPs, pronouns or zero anaphora.10) Where there is more than one persistent third person participant in an episode of a text,definite NPs tend to be used much more frequently than pronouns or zero anaphora for conveyingpresupposed arguments.11) Definite NPs tend to have fewer elements than the indefinite NP which they can be tracedback to, and tend to lose elements with subsequent mentions.12) A zero anaphor only tends to occur when its referent is the topic of the preceding clause13) Within a sentence with a zero anaphor, one tends to find a coreferential pronoun or definiteNP within a clause of the same sentence.14) A zero anaphor is much more likely to occur in a dependent rather than a main clause.15) Any constituent of a clause may be ellipsed, even the verb and the noun head of NPs isfreely ellipsed.16)Dependent clauses tend to follow rather than precede the verb, core, or clause upon whichthey are dependent.17) The beginning of a new episode in a text tends to be signalled by an adverbial at the beginningof the first clause of the initial sentence of that episode.18) The main protagonist (or protagonists) in an episode of a traditional narrative tends to fill S orA grammatical function, with S grammatical function having higher frequency.19) If there is a secondary protagonist (or protagonists) in an episode of a traditional narrative,they tend to fill non-S/A functions in the episode.20) The habitual patterns of behaviour of participants which persist throughout a traditionalnarrative are established in the initial part of the text. The role typically played by thoseparticipants in the initial part of the text tend to be changed in the final part of the text. A persistentparticipant that tends to fill S or A roles in the beginning of the text tends to fill non-S/A roles in the finalpart of the text. Conversely a persistent participant that tends to play non-S/A roles in thebeginning part of the text, if there is one, tends to fill S or A roles in the final part of the text.21) The generalisations in 1-19 are to be understood as general tendencies only and takentogether as a set are only claimed to be applicable to traditional narrative. Those generalisations arenot strictly ordered.

10.5 Complex Sentences A number of topics that would typically come umder the heading of complex sentences have

been discussed previously in this chapter. Relative clauses were discussed in §10.1.3 and certainfeatures of dependent and coordinated clause types have been mentioned in §10.3.2 and §10.4. In thefollowing chapter 'switch-reference' clauses and related complex constructions are investigated. In thissection clausal coordination without conjunction and complementation are discussed briefly.

10.5.1 Clausal coordination without conjunctionsConjunction of clauses with overt conjunctions has been discussed and exemplified in §3.6.2 (ie.

nhenge 'remember; whenever'); §8.2.1.4 (ie. peke 'maybe; if; or'); §8.2.3.1 (ie. ante 'and'); §8.2.3.4 (ie.kenhe 'but'); §8.2.3.5 (ie. perre 'even though'); and §8.2.3.6 (ie. athathe 'hurry before X happens').Like NPs (cf. §10.1.1), clauses may also be coordinately conjoined using asyndetic juxtaposition. Itwould be more accurate to say that both core (eg. 45b) coordination and peripheral (eg. 45a, c, d)coordination (cf. §1.4.3.1) may be conveyed in this manner. The conjuncts of such constructions mayeither be dependent structures (eg. 45b, d) or independent structures (eg. 45a, c).

(45) a. ..., kwerre kwele arrate-me apethe ikwerrenhe-nge,Young one(S) QUOT appear-npp pouch 3sgPOSS-ABL

aherre-arteke, athetheke kweke kwele lyeke-ke ne-tyekenhe.kangaroo-SEMBL red little(s) QUOT prickle-DAT be-

VbNEG...a young one (ie. a young echidna) appears out of its pouch, like a

kangaroo, and the small red thing doesn't have any prickles. [T.6-2, 3]

b. ..., tea ntywe-me-le, merne-rlke arlkwe-me-le, ltyirre-me-le. tea(O) drink-npp-SS food(O)-TOO eat-npp-SS rest-npp-SS..., drinking tea, and eating food too, and resting. [T.7-13]

c. Artwe kere-ke alhe-rle, relhe merne-keman game-DAT go-GenEvt womanv.food-DATalhe-rle lewetyerre-kerrlke kenhe kweke kenhe...go-GenEvt goanna-DAT-TOO BUT little BUTThe man would go out for meat and the woman would go out for bush fruits

and vegetables, and for goanna too, but the baby...[T.12-66]

d. ... alharrke-rlenge, kwatye urnte-rlengelighten-D.S water/rain rain-D.S

..when it is lightening and when rain is falling. (ie. when there is lightening and when rain is falling)

Core coordinations of this type typically require identity of subjects (ie. S/A) between conjuncts(eg. 45b). Peripheral coordination may (eg. 45a) or may not (egs. 45c & d) have coreferentialarguments. The facts concerning the interpretation of zero anaphora in peripheral coordinations arediscussed in §10.3.2.

10.5.2 ComplementationUsing Noonan's (1985:42, 64) universal semantic characterisation of complementation as "the

grammatical state where a predication functions as an argument of a predicate", three generalcomplement types may be identified in Mparntwe Arrernte: purposive complements (cf. §5.3.2.2),perception complements (cf. §11.4.4), and '-rle' (that) complements (cf. §8.1.1.18).

Predicates of cognition and desire which select for a dative argument that conveys the focus ofcognition or desire may fill this argument position with a purposive complement clause. As discussed in§5.3.2.2, purposive clauses are marked with -tyeke 'purposive'. Thus the verb ahentye-ne- 'want' (eg.46) and the nominal predicate kaltye 'be knowledgeable of' (eg. 47) both take purposive complements.

(46) a. Re kere-ke ahentye-ne-me.3sgS meat-DAT desire-be/sit(want)-nppS/he wants some meat.

b. Re lhe-tyeke ahentye-ne-ke.3sgS go-PURP desire-be/sit(want)-pcS/he wanted to go.

c. Re ahentye-ne-ke Kwementyaye lhe-tyeke.3sgS desire-be/sit(want)-pc Kwementyaye go-PURPS/he wants Kwemantyaye to go.

(47) a. Re kaltye Arrernte-ke.3sgS be knowledgeable of Arrernte-DAT

S/he knows Arrernte.

b. Re kaltye alye mpware-tyeke.3sgS be know boomerang make-PURPHe knows how to make boomerangs.

Note that the subject of the purposive complement with these predicates must undergo equi-delationwhen it is coreferential with the subject of the matrix predicate. If the subjects in both clauses refer todistinct entities then the subject in the purposive complement must be present.

Purposive complements may also be selected by say/tell verbs and jussive verbs. In this case apuposive verb may convey the content of what a person was told, asked, ordered or forced to do.With such verbs the subject of the purposive clause may be deleted under identity with argument inobject grammatical function in the matrix clause (eg. 48; see also examples with uterne- 'force' in§5.3.2.2).

(48) Artwe-le ilerne-nhe ile-ke lhe-tyekeman-ERG 1dl-ACC tell-pc go-PURPA man told us to go.

Certain predicates of cognition, as well as certain say/tell and perception verbs, may select for a-rle complement which functions in a way similar to 'that' clauses in English. This complement coveys thecontent of a fact that is known (eg. a,b), or is not known (eg. c), or that is being communicated (eg. d,also see example in §8.1.1.18). As noted in §8.1.1.8, the clitic -rle 'focus; relative; that' attaches to thefirst constituent of the complement clause. There is no further marking on the complement clause, and itfollows the predicate, although not necessarily immediately. Other than -rle 'THAT' marking the firstconstituent, the complement clause is structured like an independent main clause.

(49) a. Re itelare-me John-rle petye-ke.3sgA know-npp John-THAT come-pcHe knows that John came.

b. The awe-ke unte-rle re-nhe twe-ke.1sgA hear-pc 2sgA-THAT 3sg-ACC hit-pc

I heard that you hit him.c. Artwe re kenhe kutne-rle ne-ke relhe re-rle kwele

man 3sgS BUT ignorant of-FOC be-pc woman 3sgA-THAT QUOT

kweke re-nhe yerne-tyerte-ngelittle 3sg-ACC send-rem.hab-ABLkwatye-werne nyente artnerre-ke-nhe-rle.ne-tyeke kwele.water-ALL one crawl-?-DO PAST-CONT-PURP QUOTBut the man did not know that the woman used to send the baby to crawl to

the water hole on its own. [T.12-82]

d. Arwe-le ilerne-ke ile-ke relhe-le-rle ikwereman-ERG 1dl-DAT tell-pc woman-ERG-THAT 3sgDATarlke-tyenhe.call out-npcThe man told us that a woman will call out to him.

Finally, perception verbs may select for a non-finite clausal complement which conveys an eventthat is perceived by the senses of the subject of the perception verb. The verb of the perceptioncomplement has -rlenge, which is identical to the different subject switch-reference morpheme, as thefinal suffix in the stem (eg. 50). As discussed and exemplified in §11.4.4, even though the differentsubject switch-reference morpheme is used to mark perception complements, there is no entailment thatthe subject of a perception complement is referentially different from the matrix clause subject. Whenthe subject of the matrix clause and the perception complement are identical, the subject of theperception complement is deleted under identity (cf. examples in §11.4.4). Further, note that in 50a thenotional subject of the perception complement is represented as the oject of the perception verb, whilein 50b the complement clearly contains its subject and it would appear that the whole perceptioncomplement is filling the O grammatical function of the transitive perception verb. As noted in §10.4,perception complements tend to follow the verb upon which they are dependent.

(50) a ..., kenhe aherre re kem-irre-me-le ne-ke are-me-le..., BUT kangaroo 3sgS get up-INCH-npp-SS sit-pc see-npp-

SSwenke re-nhe petye-rlenge ikwere-werne-thepe

yng. woman 3sg-ACC come-D.S(perc.Compl) 3sg-DAT-ALL-wards

..., but the kangaroo raised himself up and sat watching her, the young woman, coming towards him. [T10-15,16]

b. The are-ke kere aherre-le kwatye ntywe-rlenge.1sgA see-pc game kangaroo-ERG water drink-D.SI saw the kangaroo drinking water.

Chapter 11Switch-Reference And Morphologically Related Constructions

11.1 Introduction11.1.1 General

Preceding a conference on switch-reference held in 1979, Bernard Comrie asked a simple andpertinent question: 'How can one be sure when one is dealing with a switch-reference system?' (cited inMunro 1980:2). The question remains a valid one, especially since switch-reference has become a'buzz-word' of linguistics in the 1980s (cf. Munro 1980, Austin 1981b; Reesink 1983; Haiman andMunro eds. 1983; Finer 1985; Austin ed. 1986; Roberts 1988). It is in the nature of linguisticterminology that a term like switch-reference becomes popularised long before it is clearly defined,resulting in it being used inconsistently. Such a situation usually acts as a spur to the 'pinning down' of thephenomenon under discussion and the subsequent reapplication of labels with more precise meanings.

How, for instance, does switch-reference differ from obviation as that term is used by Simpsonand Bresnan (1983:49)? Do we want to regard obviation as an expansion of switch-reference whichtracks other arguments besides subjects? Or perhaps switch-reference is to be seen simply as a reducedform of obviation which concentrates solely on tracking the subject. Furthermore, where case-markersin a language are used for so-called switch-reference functions, how does one tell whether one is dealingsimply with the case system or another separate system to be labelled switch-reference?

It is the aim of this chapter to provide a description of those complex sentences in MparntweArrernte which exhibit the features other writers have called switch-reference, as well as describingmorphologically related complex structures. Through this description I hope to elaborate some of theparameters to be taken into account if switch-reference is to be characterised in a meaningful way. Thefirst step, however, is to review the way switch-reference has been presented in the literature and tooutline the features that have been attributed to it.

11.1.2 What is switch-reference?Jacobsen's (1967) original characterisation of switch-reference involved the following features:

(i) it is "a device for pronominal reference" (ibid.:238);(ii) it "concerns relationships among participants playing like roles with respect to successive narrated events" (ibid.:253);(iii) the relationship signalled is one of simple identity or non-identity (loc. cit.);(iv) "there is no other categorisation of referents" (ibid.:254);

(v) there is "no reference to the speech event" (loc. cit.).

Jacobsen clearly distinguished switch-reference from obviation as the latter is used in the study ofsome American Indian languages; although the two are of the same general type, they differ with respectto feature (iii). Obviation is not concerned with identity or non-identity, but with relative importance oremphasis of participants in a narrative.

It should be obvious from the characterisation given above that Jacobsen would say that asystem that marked the identity or non-identity of objects in successive narrative events would also beconsidered switch-reference. However, it is clear that some linguists have misread Jacobsen andmisrepresent him in saying that this is a relation holding solely between subjects. The relevant paragraph,quoted out of context by Austin (1981b:309) and Goddard (1983:161), among others, is in fact a morespecific characterisation of switch-reference for the Hokan-Coahuiltecan languages. The full paragraphstates (Jacobsen, 1967:240) that:

"We are now ready for an explanation of what I mean by switch-reference in the languages underconsideration. It consists simply in the fact that a switch in subject or agent, of the sort that has beenexemplified, is obligatorily indicated in certain situations, by a morpheme, usually suffixed, which may ormay not carry other meanings in addition." [emphasis added]

This is not meant by Jacobsen as a universal definition of switch-reference. It is, instead, the language-specific realisation of those general features outlined above. This confusion leads us to a broad and anarrow definition of switch-reference. The broad definition is Jacobsen's original characterisation. Thenarrow, more popularised one, based on the misinterpretation of Jacobsen's quote above, has threeessential features:

(i) "a switch in subject or agent ... is obligatorily indicated in certain situations";(ii) this is done "by a morpheme, usually suffixed";(iii) this morpheme "may or may not carry other meanings in addition".

The broader definition speaks only of the general type of system to which one would give the labelswitch-reference, rather than the method (morphological, syntactic or otherwise) by which switch-reference is realised. The narrow definition, since it was originally a language-specific one anyway,confuses the system with its method of realisation; hence the necessity for the qualifications emphasisedabove. Goddard (1983:161) indicates some of the dangers of this 'narrow' definition when he notes that

"the qualifications ... are easily neglected and switch-reference is sometimes discussed as though it wasalways a uniform process mechanically determined by syntactic relations between successive clauses."

He stresses the need to remember that morphemes may signal switch-reference in certain situations onlyand, further, that they may carry other meanings in addition. In §11.3 below, I will discuss forMparntwe Arrernte how one of the morphemes in the switch-reference system is also found and usedoutside that system, and so should not be defined solely through that system.

Goddard's criticism would certainly be applicable to Munro's (1980:3) claim that:

"Switch-reference tends to be an overwhelming syntactic phenomenon. Same/different decisions aremade with regard to the syntactic subjects of the clauses involved, regardless of their status as semanticor underlying subject."

There are two main reasons why this claim is too strong. Firstly, it denies any significant semantic orstylistic function to switch-reference. In Mparntwe Arrernte at any rate, the switch-reference system (asopposed to the morphemes used in switch-reference) conveys a limited number of associated semanticrelations between clauses and is used for stylistic purposes, such as foregrounding and backgrounding ofinformation. Thus the use of switch-reference becomes a semantic and stylistic choice among otherpossible forms of 'clause packaging'. Secondly, such a view ignores the fact that switch-reference isprimarily interested in the identity or non-identity of participants playing like roles. Thus it is veryconcerned with semantic issues of how sameness or difference of identity is perceived and encoded in alanguage. Payne (1980:100), for instance, notes that for Chickasaw, there are situations in which both"same reference and different reference marking seem equally acceptable". For Mparntwe Arrernte,there are also conditions under which there is an option for marking a verb with either same- ordifferent-reference. The choice has semantic and stylistic correlates which demonstrates that there ismore than a simple mechanistic syntactic process in operation. Strict syntactic accounts, such as Finer(1985), have thus far failed to deal with cases of variable choice of coding (cf. Foley ms.) and do notattempt to define 'precisely' what constitutes sameness or difference of reference, the very notion whichlies at the heart of switch-reference. More recent accounts of switch-reference, such as Foley (ms.) andRoberts (1988) have suggested that certain phenomena, such as the variable choice in coding certainswitch-reference clauses, follow from the fact that switch-reference is an 'extra-syntactic' discoursedevice. These points will be discussed in §11.3 and §11.4.

Further confusion seems to arise over what exactly is being tracked by switch-reference.Jacobsen originally talked of "participants playing like roles", by which he meant participants fulfilling thesame grammatical function in each clause. Others have talked simply of shared or 'comparable'arguments being tracked. Still others talk of 'topics' being tracked. There is little to say on this pointexcept to comment that it is important to distinguish between a system that is merely keeping track ofcoreferential arguments between clauses and one that is tracking a grammatical category such as subjector a discourse category such as topic.

The 'narrow' definition of switch-reference has been further elaborated by Munro (1980) andFoley and Van Valin (1984). Munro (1980:2) points out that "switch-reference continues to operateeven when no one would question the difference of the two subjects". As a logical corollary, I wouldadd the following feature to a characterisation of 'narrow' switch-reference (cf. §11.2 below):

switch-reference should apply regardless of whether or not the two subject NPs are overtly present intheir respective clauses.

Foley and Van Valin (1984), working within the Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) theory ofclause structure and of clause juncture and nexus (cf. §1.4.3.1), give the following features ascharacteristics of switch-reference systems:

(i) "the primary diagnostic feature of switch-reference systems is a distinction in peripheral junctures between dependent and independent verbs" (ibid.:339);(ii) "dependent verbs carry the switch-reference marker" (ibid.:345);(iii) "switch-reference is restricted to peripheral junctures" (ibid.:367);(iv) "switch-reference (usually) involves a series of dependent but not embedded verbs linked by morphemes expressing referential and possibly semantic relations between the verbs" (loc. cit.);(v) "Every language with switch reference which we have investigated employs it in peripheral co-subordinate nexus and many restrict it to that juncture-nexus type" (loc. cit.).

I will use the RRG framework to show that the switch-reference system in Mparntwe Arrernteworks at one level of juncture, while the forms that realise the switch-reference system can be used atother levels of juncture with meanings consistent with their switch-reference usage (see §11.3 below).

11.2 Switch-Reference in Mparntwe ArrernteSwitch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte clearly tracks the identity or non-identity of the subject

(ie. the S/A pivot; cf. §10.10.3.2) of two clauses and the switch-reference marked clause functions as atemporal adverbial clause or causal clause with respect to the clause upon which it is dependent. Themorpheme -le 'same subject (SS)' indicates that the referents of the subjects of two clauses have sharedidentity. As noted previously, this form is the same as the case-marker for locative, ergative andinstrumental cases (cf. §4.2.4.4.3). This apparently fits with Austin's (1981b:330) observation that thereis a common association between locative case-marking and relative same-subject marking (see alsoGoddard 1988).

The marking of non-identity of the referents of the subjects of two clauses is a little morecomplicated. On 'negativised' verbs, the form is -nge 'different subject (ablative)' (cf. §11.2.4), while onnon-negative verbs it is -rlenge 'different subject (DS)' or -rleke 'different subject'. I have been unableto find a semantic difference between -rlenge 'different subject' and -rleke 'different subject'. Wheninterchanged, grammaticality and meaning are apparently preserved. By far the more common of thetwo forms is -rlenge 'different subject'. I would suggest that historically the forms -rlenge and -rlekecome from the relative clause formative -rle (cf. §8.1.1.18 and §10.1.3) combined with -nge 'ablative'or -ke 'dative'. This, however, is not a synchronically viable analysis. While these 'different subjectforms' may sometimes be homophonous with sequences of relative clause marker and 'ablative' or'dative' on the verb of a relative clause (cf. example 20 in chapter 10), it is always possible to removethe -rle 'relative' that may appear on verbs in relative clauses (leaving case attached to the verb finalinflection), but it is never possible to remove the -rle from the (non-negative) verb of a clause marked fordifferent subject. Moreover, the switch-reference dependent clauses marked for non-identity behavedifferently, as far as position, movability, and semantics are concerned, from the equivalent relativeclause forms (cf. §10.1.3). That one should develop from the other is however, quite plausible.

Examples (1) through (6) illustrate the operation of switch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte:

(1) Artwe alye-lhe-me-le petye-me.man(S) sing-REFL-npp-SS come-nppA man is coming (while) singing.[S=S]

(2) Artwe alye-lhe-(me)-rlenge ayenge petye-me.man(S) sing-REFL-(npp)-DS 1sgS come-nppI'm coming while the man is singing. [SpS]

(3) Artwe-le alye-lhe-me-le kere ite-ke.man-ERG(A) sing-REFL-npp-SS meat(O) cook-pcThe man cooked the meat while singing.[A=S]

(4) Me-l-atye-le atyenge ile-ke, ayenge kweke ne-rlenge.mother-ERG-1Kin POSS-ERG(A) 1sgDAT tell-pc 1sgS small be-DSMy mother told (this story) to me when I was young. [ApS (DAT=S)]

(5) K-ikwe-le kere lewetyerre twe-kebrother-3KinPOSS-ERG meat goanna hit-pc(, re) kere aherre ingkante-me-le.(, 3sgA) game kangaroo(O) track-npp-SSHis brotheri killed a goanna while hei was out tracking a kangaroo.[A=A]

(6) The ankerteare-ke menge arlkwe-rlenge.1sgERG(A) lizard(O) see-pc fly(O) eat-DSI saw the lizard (while it was) eating a fly.[ApA (O=A)]

It is important to point out that in all of the sentences given above, the events are simultaneousand both clauses are 'affirmative'. Below it will be seen that slight variations in switch-reference markingoccur for certain non-simultaneous clauses and on dependent negative verbs. Bearing this in mind, thereare still several features of the realisation of switch-reference in Mparntwe Arrernte to be noted fromexamples (1) to (6) above. It should be clear that whenever the S/A pivots (ie. subjects) of both clausesare coreferential, then -me-le '-npp-SS' marks the dependent clause. However, when the S/A pivotsare non-coreferential, the dependent verb is marked with (-me)-rlenge 'npp-DS'. On the occasions thata non-S/A argument of one clause is coreferential with the S/A argument of the other clause (as inexamples 4 and 6), there is no special morphosyntax to indicate such identity. This is evidence that thesystem under discussion is restricted to S/A pivots and that this construction provides further evidencefor the grammatical relation subject in Mparntwe Arrernte (cf. §10.3.2).

Another point to observe is that it is very common to delete one of the coreferential S/Aarguments when same-subject is marked (see examples 1, 3 and 5). This, however, is not obligatoryzero anaphora since the NP or its pronominal equivalent can be realised at the surface (as in example5). There are restrictions on which NP to delete in that the NP must carry the case-marking required bythe matrix clause verb. Thus, in example (3), where the matrix clause A is coreferential to the S of thedependent clause, the surface NP that must remain is the ergative-marked one, artwe-le 'man-ERG (A)',

even though it immediately precedes the intransitive verb whose subject it is coreferential with. Thisconstraint is one indicator of clausal dependency.

A final point to make is that where the switch-reference system is in operation, the dependentclause may precede the matrix clause, as in examples (1) through (3), or follow it, as in examples (4) to(6). I have not analysed fully the intonation contours for differences between the two orderings, but Ican say that either ordering is as likely to have a pause break between the clauses or to be treated undera single intonation contour. The occurrence or non-occurrence of a pause appears to have more to dowith whether both clauses appear with their full complement of arguments than with ordering of theclauses. If a coreferential argument has been deleted from one of the two clauses, then they are likely tobe given a single intonation contour (cf. examples 1, 3, 5 and 6). Where both verbs appear with all theirarguments, then there is greater likelihood of a pause break (cf. example 4). Note that in example (5),when the coreferential NP is realised in a pronominalised form, a pause break must also occur; withoutthis NP, there is a single intonation contour. The ordering of clauses seems to have more to do withsemantics and style than with syntax.

The preceding facts appear to provide a counter-example to Foley and Van Valin's (1984:338)statement that the common occurrence of switch-reference in verb-final languages is "sensible in view ofthe fact that switch-reference morphemes occur on the verb and anticipate an NP in the next junct".From our discussion, it can be seen that it is equally common for the dependent clause to be post-matrix;hence, the final verb in the sentence can carry switch-reference morphemes, and so cannot anticipateany NPs in the main clause.

The dependent status of the clause marked for switch-reference is easily demonstrated. Firstly,verbs with switch-reference marking cannot occur independently as main predicates. Secondly, theswitch-reference marking can affix to the tense morphemes commonly found on main clause verbs. Insuch cases, the tense marking does not indicate time of event with respect to the speech event, butinstead indicates the time of event with respect to the main verb event. In other words, as noted in§5.3.1.1, switch-reference marked verbs are also marked for relative tense and are dependent on themain verb for the expression of absolute tense.

11.2.1 Relative tenseThe six absolute tenses which were discussed and exemplified in §5.3.1.1 are -me 'non-past

progressive (npp)', -tyenhe 'non-past completive (npc)', -ke 'past completive (pc)', -tyeme 'pastprogressive (pp)', -tyerte 'remote past habitual (rem.p.hab)' and -rne 'immediate past (p.immed)'.Only the first four tenses are attested in texts in a relative-tense usage. The use of the remaining twosuffixes for relative-tense purposes in fabricated sentences have also been attested.

Examples (1) to (6) above all use -me 'non-past progressive' as a relative-tense suffix to indicatethat two actions occur simultaneously. In these six examples the switch-reference clause may be seen tofunction as a temporal adverbial clause, although the dependent clause in example (6) may also beinterpreted as a perception complement (cf. §10.5.2). The suffix -me is by far the most common of therelative tenses. For Mparntwe Arrernte, the use of -me 'non-past progressive' to indicate simultaneitywith the different-subject marking seems to be optional and it is usually not realised (cf. examples 2, 4and 6). It appears that this optionality is not permitted in Western Arrernte; in this variety -me 'non-pastprogressive' must be used to indicate simultaneity for both same- and different subject marked clauses.

Parallel to the use of -me 'non-past progressive' to indicate that the dependent event ishappening at the same time of the main event, -ke 'past completive' marks the dependent event asoccurring (and coming to completion) prior to the inception of the main event (eg. 7 and 8); -tyenhe'non-past completive' shows that the dependent event happens after the main event (eg. 9 and 10); -tyeme 'non-past progressive' indicates that the dependent event is ongoing at some time prior to thebeginning of the main clause event (and may still be continuing) (eg. 11); -tyerte 'remote past habitual' asa relative tense indicates a habitual event that comes to an end prior to the main verb event beginning;and -rne 'past immediate' marks switch-reference clause event as happening immediately prior to themain clause event. Thus, the relations of temporal ordering and aspect associated with the absolutetense usage of these six forms remains roughly the same, but what changes is the fact that the main clauseevent, not the present moment of speaking, acts as the tense locus (cf. Chung and Timberlake 1985)for the switch-reference clause. The interpretation of -ke 'past completive', -tyenhe 'non-pastcompletive' and -tyeme 'past progressive' as relative tenses relies on viewing the two linked events asone 'macro-situation' with one event immediately leading to or overlapping with the other. As notedabove, the use of -tyerte 'remote past habitual' and -rne 'past immediate' are only from a fewfabricated sentences so little can be said about their interpretation.

(7) Nhenhe-le re arlkwe-ke-le inte-ke-rlke.here-LOC 3sgERG eat-pc-SS lie-pc-tooThis is where it ate and then slept as well.[description of kangaroo tracks at a place]

(8) Dulcie-le are-ke ankerte irrpe-ke-rlenge lhwenge-ke.Dulcie-ERG see-pc lizard enter-pc-DS burrow-DATDulcie saw that the lizard had gone into the burrow. [She noticed some

movement and then found some lizard tracks heading into the burrow.]

(9) Tnye-tyenhe-le, re artne-ke.fall-npc-SS 3sgNOM cry-pc(The baby) cried because it was about to fall.[said of a baby tottering back and

forth, crying].

(10) Darwin-werne re lhe-tyenhe-rlenge, ayenge chairman ane-ke.Darwin-ALL 3sgS go-npc-DS, 1sgS chairman be-pc

Since he was going to Darwin, I had to be the chairman. [ie. I was chairman becausehe was later going to go to Darwin (and so he couldn't be chairman the whole time.]

(11) ... inte-tyeme-le re uthne-ke kweke re-nhe.... lie-pp-SS 3sgA bite-pc little 3sg-ACC... (the snake) was lying there (by the water cooling down) and then it bit the

baby. [T12-118]

Unlike the simultaneous constructions, where the dependent event may simply be used as atemporal adverbial, fixing the exact time of the main event but not necessarily related to it in any way,there has to be a close semantic connection between the two events for -tyenhe 'non-pastcompletive', -ke 'past completive', and -tyeme 'past progressive' to be used in the dependent clause.In examples (7) and (11), this connection involves one action of the subject leading directly, in a naturalprogression, to the accomplishment of the main verb action. In (8), it is the evidence of a previousevent that is being perceived, and so the dependent event is acting as an argument of the main event.Finally, in examples (9) and (10), the relationship between the two events is causal.

11.2.2 Switch-reference on negativesIn §5.3.2.1 it was observed that verb negation in Mparntwe Arrernte is handled by the

suffixation of -tyekenhe 'verb negator' or -tyange 'verb negator' to the verb stem, thereby forming non-tensed, semi-nominal verbs which optionally take an auxiliary when the present time is understood, butrequire the auxiliary to bear tense for past or future time reference. An interesting characteristic ofnegative verbs and clauses is that switch-reference marking can either be suffixed directly to the negativeor to the auxiliary. There is a semantic distinction between these two options. Furthermore, there is alsoa formal distinction; as noted above, the different-subject marking on negative verbs is simply -nge'different subject (ablative)', not -rlenge 'different subject' or -rleke 'different subject'.

When switch-reference is suffixed directly to the negative, as in examples (12) through (15),there tends to be a causal relation holding between the two clauses.

(12) Ayenge ne-ke, the mantere lhewe-tyekenhe-le.1sgS be-pc 1sgA clothes wash-VbNEG-SSI stayed, because I didn't do the washing. [Therefore I didn't have any clean

clothes to wear.]

(13) Ayenge ne-ke, re mantere lhewe-tyekenhe-nge.1sgS be-pc 3sgA clothes wash-VbNEG-DSI stayed, because he didn't do the washing.

(14) Re lhe-ke pmere tyewe ikwerenhe-werne3sgS go-pc camp friend 3sgPOSS-ALLarlkwe-tyeke, re merne ite-tyekenhe-le.eat-PURP 3sgA food cook-VbNEG-SSHei went to hisi friend's place to eat because hei didn't cook any food.

(15) Re lhe-ke pmere tyewe ikwerenhe-werne3sgS go-pc camp friend 3sgPOSS-ALLarlkwe-tyeke, re merne ite-tyekenhe-nge.eat-PURP 3sgA food cook-VbNEG-DSHei went to hisi friend's place to eat because hej didn't cook any food.

There are, however, a few text examples in which the relation between clauses of this formwould best be translated by something like 'even though' (eg. 16).

(16) Re merne arlkwe-ty.alpe-me, re merne ite-tyekenhe-le.3sgA food eat-GO BACK & DO-npp 3sgA food cook-VbNEG-SSHei came back and ate the food even though hei didn't cook it.

Example (16) cannot be translated by 'Hei came back and ate the food because hei didn't cookit'. I have been told that a sentence like (16) would be used to say something bad about somebodywhen one had asked or expected that person to do something but s/he had not and yet s/he still

expected to benefit from the completed action. Thus the dependent clause provides a proposition whichwould be expected to be a reason or cause for the main clause action not happening, but in fact it is not.In other words, the dependent clause is a type of 'non-realised cause'. The attested examples with thisinterpretation are all similar to (16) in that they have same-subject marking on the dependent clause. Inaddition to sharing S/A arguments, there must be at least one other shared argument (like merne 'food' inexample 16) which is the object (ie. O) or the focus of both actions. Constructions with thisinterpretation need to be investigated further.

To convey a temporal adverbial reading through a dependent negative clause, one has to use theclause form in which the negativised verb is followed by a copula marked for switch-reference (eg. 17and 18)

(17) Ayenge urrkape-tyekenhe ne-me-le, the pmere-le1sgS work-VbNEG be-npp-SS 1sgA camp-LOCne-rle.ne-me-le ampe kweke arntarntare-tyerte.be-CONT-npp-SS child small look after-rem.p.hab.When I wasn't working, I used to stay at home and look after the baby.

(18) Re pmere-le ne-tyekenhe ne-rlenge, amp-ikwe3sgS camp-LOC be-VbNEG be-DS child-3KinPOSSnayepe-le ke-lhe-ke.knife-INST cut-REFL-pcHisi childj cut himself, on a knife, when hei wasn't at home.

The clauses in which negative verbs are marked directly for switch-reference cannot be interpreted astemporal adverbials at all.

An intriguing unsolved problem is the way in which the semantic split for switch-reference-marked negative clauses corresponds to the difference in structures, and what the actual nature of thestructural difference in clause and juncture type is. Note, however, that the simultaneous temporalreading occurs only where the (relative) tense-marking is visible: that is, in V-VbNEG copula-rel.tense-SS/DS structures. In simple V-VbNEG-SS/DS clauses, there is no (relative) tense marking, and so theinterpretation can be causal, which is temporally sequential by definition.

11.2.3 Discourse realisation of switch-reference11.2.3.1 Subject NP ellipsis

In §11.1.2 above, the claim was made that switch-reference should occur regardless of the overtpresence or absence of the subject/actor NPs. As has been noted previously, it is a common feature ofMparntwe Arrernte to use extensive ellipsis of 'given' NP arguments once the main topic, orientation andsetting of a text have been established (as long as no reference tracking problems arise, cf. §10.4). It isin such contexts that we find the principle described above in operation. For instance, in the text fromwhich the following excerpt is taken, the primary protagonist is 'a man (the owner of a dog) who hasbeen taken by cannibals'. This protagonist, being well known by this time, has already been ellipsedfrom example (19). The new major protagonist of the episode at hand has become the man's little dogwho has come to save the man. While the NP referring to the dog is present in (19), it is ellipsed from(20).

(19) Nyente-ngare anteme kngwelye kweke reone-TIMES now dog small 3sgApetye-me-le ntyerne-ke. Can't irrpe-rlecome-npp-SS smell-pc can't enter-GenEvtThe dog came and sniffed around (for the man) once, but he couldn't get in.[From a story about a man, a dog, and a cannibal, by Basil Stevens]

(20) Ntyerne-me-le, kertne anteme lhe-ke.smell-npp-SS top now go-pcThen (he) went to the top and sniffed around (for the man). [lit. While

sniffing, (he) now went upward) [From a story about a man, a dog, and a cannibal, by Basil Stevens]

Sentence (20) is a clear example of the reference-tracking system indicating same-subject evenwhere no NPs are present in the actual sentence itself. The full NPs or their pronominal equivalentscould be inserted to make explicit the parenthesised arguments in translation. This, however, is not feltto be as effective, stylistically, as the ellipsed version.

11.2.3.2 Trans-sentential switch-referenceA phenomenon closely related to that discussed in §11.2.3.1 is what I will call trans-sentential

switch-reference. In the literature on switch-reference, there is little mention of situations in which a verbcarrying same- or different-reference marking (and hence supposedly dependent) occurs on its ownwithin a sentence without any main verb present. In other words, these are examples of what has

previously been called insubordination (cf. §5.3.3), where a subordinate verb form appears to be actingas a main verb (ie. independently). This is not an infrequent occurrence in Mparntwe Arrernte, and most(although not all) examples of it can be explained by saying that a main clause in a text or discourse can,later in the text or discourse, be referred to by an anaphor or be ellipsed, as long as it is contextuallyrecoverable. In such cases, switch-reference is in a sense trans-sentential because the clause that acts asa matrix is in a different sentence from the dependent verb, although a phrase referring back to the mainclause may be present in the sentence containing the dependent verb (eg. 21).

(21) Tayele re-nhe kemparre twe-mele arlkwe-tyeme. [long pause]tail 3sg-ACC first hit-SS eat-ppIkwere-tayeme kwele, arrentye re arrate-tye.lhe-rlenge.3sgDAT-TIME QUOT demon 3sgS appear-GO & DO-DSHe chopped up the tail and was eating it. [long pause] It was then, they say,

when the Cannibal arrived on the scene.[From a text by Basil Stevens about a man, a dog and a cannibal]

In example (21), ikwere-tayeme kwele 'at that time so they say' is anaphoric to the immediatelypreceding sentential event and could have been translated 'while that (ie. matrix event) was happening(something else happened)'. The dependent clause is a simultaneous one, marking different-subject andintroducing a new character for the first time. In this way, the split into two sentences preserves the'simultaneity' of the two events, most commonly expressed through switch-reference clauses, and alsoserves to highlight the entrance of a character who is to play an important role as the text unfolds.

Cases of ellipsis, as opposed to anaphora, are most common in conversational discourse. Aparticipant in a conversation may interject or may add to or question the statement of another participantby using a sentence that is a clause morphologically subordinated (marked for same- or different-subject) to a sentence uttered by another participant. The interesting thing to note here is that these'subordinate' clauses can have an illocutionary force different from that of the main clause. That is, suchclauses can be used to ask, for instance, whether something happened at the same time as the matrixclause event, even though the matrix clause is itself is in declarative form. As Foley and Van Valin(1984:220) observe, the outermost clausal operator is illocutionary force (cf. figure 1-8) which has theentire periphery, as well as all other peripheral operators, in its scope. Thus, if the dependent clause is

to be construed as being in the same sentence as the main clause (ie. as an element of the main clause),there cannot be a possibility of different illocutionary forces between the clauses. Different illocutionaryforces signal different independent clauses, thus even if a clause is marked as being dependent, if it takesits own illocutionary force it is independent. The conversational excerpt given in example (22) illustratesthis point:

(22) A: Yeah, ikwere-kerte, re pente-ke kwete, bullock re.Yeah 3sgDAT-PROP 3sgERG follow-pc still bullock

3sgDEFYeah, (they walked along) with it. That bullock, he kept on following

(them).

B: Nhenge kaltyirre-me-le, eh?remember(S) learn-SS ehWas that one we're talking about learning (as he followed along)?[From a taped conversation between Davey Hayes and Franky Stevens]

The conversation from which (22) is taken is about a bullock lost in the bush, searching forwater. It then comes across some Arrernte people and starts following them. We can see that A simplystates that the bullock was following along. B uses a same-subject simultaneous verb form that wouldbe subordinated to A's statement (as shown in parentheses in the translation) to ask whether the bullockwas learning about the country and how to find water as it followed the people along. The full non-ellipsed version, incorporating the main clause of A, which B could have used is given as example (23)

(23) Re nhenge kaltyirre-mele pente-ke kwete, bullock re?3sgA remember learn-SS follow-pc still bullock 3sgAWas that one we're talking about, the bullock, learning as it followed along?

Example (23) would have kaltyirremele emphasised through stress to show that that is the part of thestatement being questioned. Example (22), then, provides a clear case where, because of easyrecoverability of ellipsis through context, a subordinate clause can occur as an independent sententialentity.

Trans-sentential switch-reference and full ellipsis of subject NPs, shows that neither subject NPsnor even matrix verbs need appear at surface level in a sentence for the morphological marking toindicate the shared or non-shared identity of subject referents.

11.3 System Versus Morphology11.3.1 The level and nature of switch-reference clause linkage

Thus far it has been shown that, as far as the semantic relations holding between clauses areconcerned, the switch-reference system in Mparntwe Arrernte is used when temporal-adverbial andcausal notions are to be encoded. Furthermore, I have indicated that the distinction in interpretationbetween a temporal or causal reading, as well as slight variations of interpretation within these twogeneral semantic categories, are generally a function of:

(i) whether or not relative tense is being marked (in negatives);(ii) which relative tense is chosen;(iii) whether non-S/A arguments are coreferential between clauses; and(iv) the contextual information that would lead to a canonical interpretation.As mentioned in §10.1.3, the dependent switch-reference clauses are clearly of the adjoined

clause type first discussed by Hale (1976), but used only in what he called a "T-relative" sense. Theyhave flexible positional possibilities with respect to being to the left or right of, or even in a separatesentence from, the main clause, but are "never flanked by material belonging to the main clause" (Hale,1976:86). In terms of RRG theory (cf. §1.4.3.1 4 [see also footnote 5 of this chapter]), such adjoinedclauses are of the 'peripheral co-subordinate' juncture-nexus type. They are peripheral because eachclause can have a verb with all its arguments, none of which need be coreferential with arguments in theother clauses; they are co-subordinate because the switch-reference clause is dependent, but it is notembedded. Van Valin (1984:8) further remarks that co-subordination entails two structural features:distributional dependence (that is, the clause cannot occur independently without some understoodmatrix clause) and grammatical category dependence, which in this case means the main verb carriestense for the dependent clause.

If the information given for Mparntwe Arrernte is compared with Austin's (1981b) outline of thestructural and semantic possibilities for switch-reference in Australian languages, then we find thatMparntwe Arrernte manifests only a subset of the total range of possibilities. For instance, Austin(1981b:311) sets up another type of adjoined clause, the "implicated" or "purposive" , which, in someAustralian languages, can be marked for switch-reference. In Mparntwe Arrernte, purposive clauses(cf. §5.3.2.2 and §10.5.2) are never marked for same- or different-reference and they are not adjoined

structure. They may function as core arguments (ie. clausal complements) of certain verbs (§10.5.2)and as adjuncts they are embedded within the periphery of the main clause. The tracking of referentsbetween main and purposive clause is handled by zero anaphora (see examples in §10.3.2 and§10.5.2). Austin (1981b:317), following Hale, also notes the use of switch-reference-markedadjoined clauses in restrictive or non-restrictive relative clause function in certain Australian languages.However, as has been discussed in detail in §10.1.3, Mparntwe Arrernte possesses restrictive and non-restrictive NP-relative clauses which are embedded and finite. Relative clauses are not marked forswitch-reference.

11.3.2 -Me-le versus -me.leThe morphology that realises a switch-reference system need not be confined to or defined by

that system. In Mparntwe Arrernte, the two morphemes -me-le '-npp-SS', which in the switch-reference system marks same identity of subject and simultaneous occurrence of two events, is used inconstructions where no different-subject marking is possible; thus, for these constructions, a switch-reference system cannot be said to exist. The meaning of -me-le '-npp-SS' in these other constructionsis, however, related to its switch-reference usage. It marks dependent verbs which necessarily have thesame subject as the main verb, and the occurrence of the dependent verb event can be seen as beingpart of the same macro-event as the main verb. In the constructions to be discussed, the -me 'non-pastprogressive' cannot be viewed as relative tense because there is no possibility of any other tensemorpheme filling this position and because the reading need not be simultaneous, but can also be prior(ie. pre-sequential). For these constructions, it may be best to regard the morphemic sequence -me-le '-npp-SS' as a single morphemic complex -me.le which has a unitary semantic function. For this chapteronly a formal distinction is made between -me-le and -me.le. Functionally, -me.le is very similar to theWestern Desert language serials discussed by Goddard (1983:194-212 and Goddard 1988). I willoutline the uses of -me.le in order to show how and why they are to be distinguished from the use of -me-le '-npp-SS' for the switch-reference system.

11.3.2.1 Manner adverbialsOne of the functions of -me.le is to form manner adverbials from verbs. There are two types of

manner adverbials that can be formed in this way, the distinction between the two being characterised bythe tightness of the semantic and syntactic bond between the two verbs. The first type indicates 'themeans by which the main verb action is achieved' and can be likened to instrumental arguments whichwould be case-marked with -le. The second type indicates 'the way an action is done' or 'the nature ofthe action's process'. This second type is to be grouped semantically with certain true adverbs, such as

iparrpe 'quickly' and mwantye 'slowly, carefully', and the adverbs which are derived from adjectivalnominals suffixed with -le 'manner adverb formative (cf. §7.4.3.1). The two types are discussed in turn.

11.3.2.1.1 'Means' manner adverbialsStructurally, 'means of achievement' adverbials are distinguishable in several ways. The

dependent verb always precedes the main verb and the two are treated as an inseparable complex.There is no possibility of any argument intervening between the two verbs, and there is no pause. Noverb has an argument that is not shared by the other verb. Associated motion inflections (cf. chapter 6)which occur on the main verb refer to the whole complex (eg. 25). Pre-verbal 'degree of achievement'adverbs (cf. §7.3.3.3) modify the whole complex even though they may seem semantically inconsistentwith the verb they immediately precede (eg. 24). There is no possibility of independent negation ofverbs. All of these features are clearly distinct from those obtaining between dependent switch-reference-marked clauses and main clauses. They are the same, however, as those present in whatGoddard (1988) calls 'tight serialisation'. Examples of this structure are provided in (24) and (25)

(24) Re door ingkwe twe-me.le altywer-ile-ke. 3sgA door nearly hit-MANNER open-CAUS-pc He nearly hit the door open or He nearly opened the door by hitting it.

(25) Kwementyaye-le ice-cream wantye-me.le arlkw-inty.alpe-me. Kwementyaye-ERG ice-cream lick-MANNER eat-DO COMING BACK-npp Kwementyaye is coming back this way licking-eating an ice-cream or

Kwementyaye is coming back this way eating an ice-cream by licking it.

Example (24) demonstrates that the 'degree of achievement' adverb ingkwe 'nearly' modifies the wholeverb complex. If ingkwe 'nearly', which always precedes the verb it modifies, was simply modifyingtwe-, and not the full complex, then hitting could not take place since the meaning would be 'nearly hit'.However, example (24) can mean that 'hitting' actually took place and this 'nearly opened the door'.Example (25) shows how the associated motion morphology must, when present, be interpreted ascovering both verbs in the complex, and not just the main verb; in other words the interpretation of thestructure requires not only that there be 'eating while coming back' but also 'licking while coming back'.

With respect to the semantics of this construction type, we note that the first verb (ie. thedependent one) is more specific about the details of the performance of the action but can be neutralwith respect to overall effect. The main verb, however, gives details of the overall effect. This fact

constrains the types of verbs that can occur together in this structure, as well as putting constraints onwhich verb can fill which slot. Thus, an impact verb can occur with its effect, as in example (24), theformer taking the dependent verb morphology -me.le and the latter taking main verb morphology. Thereverse ordering and assignment of morphology is nonsensical. In this case, the strict ordering of theverbs clearly mirrors the ordering of events, in a way that the reverse ordering would not.

Example (25) is typical of the other common kind of verb pairing for this construction. Verbswhich would share important semantic features and are likely to have the same or similar sub-categorisation often occur together in this construction. The main verb is often an achievement verb,while the dependent one is often an activity (process) verb. In this example, we have wantye- 'lick' andarlkwe- 'eat', both of which involve 'actions of the mouth' which are often directed 'towards food', but'licking' need not change a thing, whereas 'eating' does. Eating, since it gives some information about theoverall effect rather than the process, must therefore be the main verb, while licking is dependent. Notethat while the two events can be seen as being simultaneous - that is, while the ice cream is being 'licked',it is also being 'eaten' - one can only say that the end-point (ie. something having been eaten) has beenachieved after the process (ie. licking) took place. Other examples of this sort of pairing are given in(26):

(26) a. rake-me.le ine-megrab-MANNER get-npp

'to get by grabbing'

b. we-me.le tanthe-mehit with missile-MANNER spear-npp

'to spear by hitting with a missile'

This construction provides a useful and all too rare diagnostic test to aid in the sub-categorisationand explication of verbs.

A further reflection of the tightness of bonding between verbs in structures of this type is that thewhole 'adverbial-verb' structure may be nominalised with -ntye 'nominaliser' (cf. §3.10.1.1) to yield anoun referring to the type of event performed. Thus twe-me.le altywer-ile-ntye (hit-MANNER open-CAUS-NMZR) means 'a break-in (ie. a break and enter robbery)'.

One final point to mention about the means manner adverbial construction is that structurally onecould argue for verb compounding rather than an adverbial plus verb construction. Certainly theconstruction involves much tighter bonding than normally occurs between an adverb and a verb.

Semantically, however, the dependent verb clearly acts as an adverbial-type modifier of the main verb.Furthermore, Mparntwe Arrernte possesses structures which are more clearly verb-compounding (cf.§§5.5.9 & 10).

11.3.2.1.2 'Nature of process' adverbialsWith respect to structure, the derived 'nature of process' adverbs differ from the type described

in §11.3.2.1.1 above in only one respect. The two verbs involved can be split by intervening argumentsalthough the dependent verb must always occur before the main verb. When the two verbs are together,they are always treated as a single intonation grouping. This shows a similar but looser type of syntacticbonding between verbs. This category of adverbial derived from a verb more clearly parallels trueadverbs in both semantics and structure. This can be seen in examples (27)a and b.

(27) a. Re ikwere lhwarrpe-le pwerte nthe-ke.3sgS 3sgDAT sad-ADV money(O) give-pc

She gave the money to him sadly (with sadness).

b. Re ikwere kangke-me.le pwerte nthe-ke.3sgS 3sgDAT happy-MANNER money(O) give-pc

She gave the money to him happily.

In many languages, it is not uncommon for words that are related as semantic opposites to occurin different word classes. Dixon (1982:51) points out for English that "we have adjectives raw andwhole as the unmarked members of oppositions raw/cooked and whole/broken, but use verb forms forthe marked poles". For Mparntwe Arrernte, the nominal adjective lhwarrpe 'sad' and the verb kangke-'to be happy, proud' are just such a pair. What is relevant to the present discussion is the fact that, whenadverbialised, the adjective takes -le 'manner adverb formative' (as in example 27a) and the verb takes -me.le 'MANNER' (as in example 27b), and their syntactic behaviour becomes equivalent to non-derivedmanner adverbs (cf. §7.3.3.1). Any true adverb, like kwenpe 'do without care' in (28) below, could fillthe same position:

(28) Re ikwere kwenpe-(le) pwerte nthe-ke.3sgS 3sgDAT do without care-(ADV) money(O) give-pcHe gave the money to her without care.

Note that true adverbs can optionally take -le 'ADV' (cf. chapter 7), and that in examples (27) and (28)the adverb and the verb it modifies are split by the O argument.

Verbs that can form adverbials of this type are restricted semantically to those which attribute anongoing state of being, feeling, or process to the relation between the subject and the performance of anaction. Verbs which are inherently 'point-action', 'accomplishment', 'achievement' and the like are, ofcourse, impossible candidates for this form of adverbialisation. There is no restriction on the semanticsof the main verb. A further example of this type is given in (29)

(29) Kake tyenhe ingke utyene-kerte kwarne-me.lebrother 1sgPOSS foot sore-PROP hurt-MANNERlhe-ke hospital-werne.go-pc hospital-ALLMy brother walked painfully to the hospital on his sore foot.

The structural information given for the two types of manner adverbial construction discussedabove shows that the level of juncture, in RRG terms, could not possibly be peripheral as in switch-reference, but is instead nuclear. The main diagnostics that are used here to show nuclear juncture arethe facts that all core arguments must be shared and that directionals (ie. associated motion) and aspectmarked on the main verb must operate over both verbs. Since all arguments must be shared, there isclearly no possibility of non-identity between S/A arguments of the verbs; thus, there is no possibility of aswitch-reference system operating at this level of juncture (see footnote 8). Identity of subjectarguments is, by definition, necessary at this level, and the use of -me.le 'MANNER' can be seen tosignal this, perhaps redundantly.

11.3.2.2 SeriationAnother type of construction in which we find the unitary morphemic complex -me.le is in

sentences which have a subject performing several events in succession which culminate in an eventwhose occurrence is dependent on all the preceding events having occurred. This is a specific type ofclause chaining or serialisation which I will term seriation. In these constructions, all non-final verbs aremarked with -me.le 'SERIAL' and are dependent on the final verb for expression of tense. The verbsare ordered consecutively, with the linear ordering of verbs mirroring the actual ordering of events.There is no possibility of re-ordering clauses without a meaning change. Verbs occur with any otherarguments that are relevant for the event, but the subject argument which is shared by all verbs typically

occurs just once. Pauses commonly occur between verb-argument groupings. Example (30) is typicalof the construction under discussion.

(30) Kwementyaye-le ure ine-me.le, ure nthile-me.le, tea ite-ke.Kwementyaye-ERG firewood(O) get-SERIAL fire(O) light fire-SERIAL

tea(O) cook-pcKwementyaye got the firewood, lit a fire and made the tea.

In Mparntwe Arrernte, seriation is very commonly used in precedural texts (cf. texts 1-3 inAppendix 1). Such texts, while describing in detail the way to perform various acts, such as makingsomething or tracking animals, often do not make any reference to an individual actor. Instead of usingan unspecified actor form like English 'one', no S/A argument need occur at all. This is exemplified in(31), which is taken from a text about how to skin a kangaroo to make a water bag.

(31) Alakenhe ware amwelte ultake-rliwe-me.le, ulyepere ultake-me.le, like so DISM arm(O break--DO QUICK-SERIAL thigh(O) break-SERIAL tayle ultake-me.le, turn-em-ile-me.le, aherre skin-em-ile-me. tail(O) break-SERIAL turn-Eng tr-CAUS-SERIAL kangaroo(O) skin-Engtr-CAUS-npp Just break the arms away quickly like this (indicates with hands how action is

performed), then break the legs, then break the tail, turn it (inside out ) and skinthe kangaroo.[From a text by Davey Hayes about how to make a water bag.]

From the facts presented above it should be clear that seriation falls, structurally, between -me.lederived manner adverbial constructions and constructions in which switch-reference occurs. Firstly, thedependent verbs of the adverbial constructions have no individual arguments of their own, while thedependent verbs in switch-reference clauses form full clauses with their complete range of arguments. Inswitch reference clauses the arguments of the dependent verb can be different from those of the mainverb. Seriation, however, involves linking of reduced clauses, with sharing of one core argument, namelysubject (ie. S/A), which is typically realised once. Each verb, however, may have other non-S/Aarguments realised overtly, thus in examples 30 and 31 each verb has its own O argument.

Secondly, the dependent verbs of adverbial constructions must occur before the main verb, andwhen the verbs occur next to one another, they are pronounced within a single intonation group.

Seriation also requires fixed ordering of dependent verbs with respect to main verbs, but there arepauses between sequentially ordered verbs, indicating a looser linkage. In both these construction types,ordering of verbs is used to mirror temporal ordering of events; however, for switch-referenceconstructions, it has been noted that relative tense (cf. §11.2.1), not ordering, is used to mark theordering of events . This corresponds with the fact that switch-reference marked clauses are free tooccur before or after the main clause which indicates a much looser linkage than seriation. The structuralfeatures of seriation therefore indicate that it is a core-level juncture, while 'adverbial' constructions arenuclear junctures, and switch-reference constructions are peripheral junctures.

This discussion of -me.le constructions shows that we should not confuse the morphology usedin the switch-reference system with the switch-reference system itself. It is easy to imagine situationswhere same reference, or identity of subject arguments, must be marked as a semantic category, but notnecessarily in opposition to different-reference. Indeed, some juncture levels and nexus types by theirvery nature require identity of subject (ie. S/A) arguments. It is not surprising that the morphology thatmarks identity at these juncture levels is used to form a systematic opposition with marking of non-identity at a juncture level and nexus type that allows the possibility of both same- and different-reference. It is this systematic opposition which is the defining feature of a switch-reference system, notthe morphology.

11.4 Problems Of Identity11.4.1 General discussion

Both the wide and narrow definitions of switch-reference (cf. §11.1) agree that the system isconcerned with showing the identity or non-identity between arguments playing like syntactic roles inlinked clauses. It must, however, be asked what 'identity' means for any individual language. In a highlysyntactically mechanistic system, one could suggest that only NPs with exactly the same constituents,structure, and equivalent reference could be said to be identical. This constraint has never, to myknowledge, manifested itself in any real language. On the other hand, it is not uncommon in the literatureon switch-reference to find examples where the identity between arguments can only be explainedsemantically and not syntactically. Below I discuss such situations for Mparntwe Arrernte. I will discussthe circumstances in which Mparntwe Arrernte indicates same identity even though the reference of twoNPs cannot be said to be exactly the same. I will also point out cases in which there is an optionality ofperceiving two arguments as identical or non-identical depending on the desired communicative effect.Finally, I will discuss a situation in which it appears that subject NPs which have the same reference aremarked as being non-identical.

11.4.2 InclusionThe principle of inclusion in switch-reference has been noted both for American Indian languages

(Jacobsen 1967, Payne 1980) and Australian languages (Austin 1981b). This principle states that, eventhough strict coreferentiality of subjects does not hold, a switch-reference clause will be marked forsame identity if the referent(s) of one of the subject NPs is/are included among the referents of the othersubject NP. In American Indian languages, it appears that same identity is marked regardless ofwhether the main clause subject is a subset of dependent clause subjects or vice versa. MparntweArrernte, however, is like the Australian language Diyari (Austin 1981a, 1981b), which only hasunidirectional inclusion. In Mparntwe Arrernte, as in Diyari, for a dependent clause to be marked ashaving same-subject, the referent(s) of the main clause subject must be included amongst the subordinateclause subject's referents (eg. 32). The converse situation is not possible (eg. 33).

(32) a. Artwe yanhe rlkert-irre-ke tyerrtye mapeman that sick-INCH-pc person pl(grp)yanhe pmere arrpenhe-werne lhe-me-le.

that camp another-ALL go-npp-SSThat man became sick, while those people were moving camp.[He was one of the people moving camp.]

b. Ayenge alye-lhe-ke, ilerne kere ite-me-le.1sgS sing-REFL-pc 1dlA meat cook-npp-SSI sang while we two were cooking meat.

(33) *Ilerne alye-lhe-ke, the kere ite-me-le.1dlS sing-REFL-pc 1sg(A) meat cook-npp-SS*We two sang while I was cooking meat.

Examples (32)a and b show that inclusion operates when the subjects are either elaborated nounphrases or pronouns. In example (32)b we see that the sentence is grammatical when the main verbsubject is ayenge 'first person singular' and is included in the dependent verb subject, ilerne 'first persondual'. However, example (33), which is the same as example (32)b, except for the reversal of thenumber of the subjects between main and dependent clause, is ungrammatical.

The facts for inclusion in switch reference clauses are remarkably similar to those of the'inclusive' constructions (ie. plural pronoun construction, cf. §10.1.1.2). Since Mparntwe Arrernte has

no inclusive/exclusive distinction in the first person dual and plural pronoun, Switch-referenceconstructions can be, and are, used to mark an inclusive/ exclusive distinction by using the inclusionprinciple to mark two subjects as identical or as non-identical. This is exemplified in (34)a and b whichdiffer only in SS- and DS-marking respectively:

(34) a. Unte tnye-ke ilerne lhe-me-le.2sgS fall-pc 2dlS go-npp-SSYou fell while we (incl) were going along.'

b. Unte tnye-ke ilerne lhe-rlenge.2sgS fall-pc 2dlS go-DSYou fell while we (excl) were going along.'

The possibility of an inclusive/exclusive distinction being signalled in this way is, of course, notrestricted to first persons. Anywhere inclusion is possible, exclusion can be signalled. It is important tonote that the same situation can be portrayed inclusively or exclusively, depending on the speaker's focusof interest and communicative intent. For instance, a group of people walking along together, one ofwhom is a crying boy, can be described using either SS- or DS-marking as in example (35).

(35) Urreye kweke artne-lape-ke, itne lhe-rlenge / lhe-me-le.boy small cry-along-pc 3pl go-DS / go-npp-SSThe little boy cried as they [excl/incl] walked along.

It was explained to me that use of different-subject marking in example (35) results in the interpretationthat all members of the group are from the same (harmonic) generation, but the boy is from a different(non-harmonic) generation. As noted in §1.2.4.3 it is a cultural fact that there is a strong distinctionbetween same and different generation level and that close mixing between generations, especially cross-sex, is frowned upon. In using different-subject marking, the speaker focuses on the fact that the boy isnot to be seen as part of the group (even if he is physically part of the group). The inclusion principlewould be used if the group referred to were a family or if there were a number of people of mixedgeneration levels.

That inclusion in Mparntwe Arrernte works in the direction that it does is not surprising.Subjecthood correlates closely with topichood, and we can see the main verb subject as our continuingfocus of interest. Same-subject marking means that the subject of the main clause is performing both the

main and subordinate actions. However, if the whole group were the main clause subject and thedependent clause subject was a subset of that group, then there would be some members of the mainsubject not performing the dependent action. In a sense, the topic (focus of interest) has changed.Where the main clause subject is a subset of the dependent clause subject set, it is logically necessarythat the main subject perform both the main and dependent actions.

11.4.3 Part-whole relationsAnother situation in which two subject NPs apparently refer to separate entities, but are treated

as being identical, is where one of the two subject NPs are in a part-whole relationship. The exactnature of the part-whole relation affects the range of possibilities for switch-reference. For instance, withrespect to body parts, part-whole relations are necessarily treated as case of same identity and so thereis no possibility of different-reference being marked (eg.36 and 37).

(36) Alhe irrke-ke ayenge petye-me-le (*petye-rlenge).nose be itchy-pc 1sgS come-npp-SS (come-DS)My nose itched as I was coming along.

(37) Alte antyenyi-irre-me, artwe ampw-irre-me-le (*ampw-irre-rlenge).hair S grey hair-INCH-npp man old-INCH-np-SS (old-INCH-DS)A man's hair goes grey when he is getting old.

Note that in (36), where alhe 'nose' is the part and ayenge 'first person singular' is the whole, there is noneed to indicate the possessor of the nose since it is inherent in the construction.

Unlike inclusion, body part-whole relations can work in either direction. In other words, it doesnot matter if the whole is the main or dependent subject or if the part is, the dependent clause will alwaysbe marked for same-subjects (eg. 38).

(38) a. Iltye tyenhe knge-lhe-me-le ayenge lhe-me.hand 1sgPOSS(S) carry-REFL-npp-SS 1sgS go-nppI'm going along, while my hand is swinging.

b. Ayenge lhe-me-le, iltye tyenhe knge-lhe-me.1sgS go-npp-SS hand 1sgPOSS(S) carry-REFL-nppMy hand is swinging as I go along.

The difference between examples (38)a and b is one of foregrounding and backgrounding, similar to thedifferences in the English translations.

There are also cases in which two things can be treated as being either in a part-whole relationor as two individual entities. As expected, such cases allow for either same- or different-subjectmarking on the dependent clause. In example (39)a below, ure 'fire' is perceived as part of alepe'firestick' and same subject-marking is used; in example (39)b, on the other hand, the fire is seen as anindividual agent working on and changing the firestick, and in this case DS-marking is used. Here again,the speaker has a choice of expressing two perspectives on the same event.

(39) a. Alepe kweke-me-kweke-irre-me, ure ampe-me-le.firestick(S) little by little-INCH-npp fire(S) burn-npp-SSThe firestick is becoming smaller as it burns.

b. Alepe kweke-me-kweke-irre-me, ure ampe-rlenge.firestick(S) little by little-INCH-npp fire(S) burn-DSThe firestick is becoming smaller as the fire burns.

A special case of two separate entities which may be viewed either as parts of the one whole oras separate entities involves places which have the same totemic affiliation. Two places that have thesame Dreamtime totemic affiliation are seen to be physical manifestations of the Dreamtime being thatcreated them and are said to be similar in nature. Something which affects one of these places will affectthe other, as well as affecting the totem for the place and the people associated with the place and thetotem. Thus, even if the two places are physically distant from one another, they may be treated as'parts' of the same 'whole' and same-subject marking may be used to indicate the unified nature they areperceived to have (via the totemic affiliation), while different-subject marking may be used to emphasisethe fact that they are different places which are physically distant from one another (eg. 40). The choiceof same- or different-reference, once again, is not simply (or even primarily) a syntactic choice, but isalso a semantic, stylistic, and pragmatic choice.

(40) a. Pmere nhakwe kurn-irre-me-le, pmere nhenhe kurn-irre-ke.place that(dist) bad-INCH-npp-SS, place this bad-INCH-pc

When that place became defiled, this (related) place (also) became defiled. [same-subject marking emphasises these are two places united by the same

totemic affiliation]

b. Pmere nhakwe kurn-irre-rlenge, pmere nhenhe kurn-irre-ke.place that(dist) bad-INCH-DS, place this bad-

INCH-pcWhen that place became defiled, this (other) place (also) became defiled.

[different-subject marking emphasises that the two places (even though sharing the same totemic affiliation, are separate, distant, entities.]

Finally, I would note that the verbs used in each clause may dictate whether the subject NPs areto be viewed as part-whole or as separate entities. In examples (41)a and b, only one type of switch-reference marking is possible for each example, even though one might imagine that the two S/Aarguments would maintain the same 'part-whole' relationship in both sentences.

(41) a. Kwerte ne-me ure ampe-me-le. (*ampe-rlenge).smoke be-npp fire burn-npp-SS (*burn-DS)There's smoke when a fire burns.

b. Kwerte arrate-me ure ampe-rlenge. (*ampe-me-le).smoke rise-npp fire burn-DS (*burn-npp-SS)The smoke rises as the fire burns.

In (41)a, kwerte 'smoke' and ure 'fire' are treated as one entity together at one place; the factthat there is smoke is dependent on a fire burning. In other words, the relation between main anddependent actions emphasises the close semantic association between the two nouns functioning assubject of each clause. In (41)b, however, arrate- 'to rise' is an action which implies motion from oneplace to another. The action could only be attributed to the smoke, but not to the fire. It can be shownthat arrate- 'to rise' requires that smoke and fire be perceived as two entities by noting that if an ablativephrase is added to the main clause it is ure-nge 'from the fire' (eg. 42). This makes explicit the fact that

these two entities, although they are at one level connected in a part-whole relation, are also separable,and one (smoke) can move away from the other (fire).

(42) Kwerte arrate-me ure-nge, ure ampe-rlenge.smoke rise-npp fire-ABL fire burns-DSThe smoke rises from the fire as the fire burns.

It should be clear that if the subject of the dependent verb were to be associated with an argument in themain clause, it would have to be the ablative argument, not the subject. Thus, different subject-markingis the logical choice when one considers the meaning of the verbs.

The facts in this section provide, perhaps the clearest demonstration that Finer (1985:35) iswrong in his assertion that switch reference does not have its ultimate explanation in functional terms butis "inescapably syntactic". It should be clear that in certain instances in Mparntwe Arrernte the choiceof same- or different-reference is not a syntactic one but a semantic and/or pragmatic one.

11.4.4 Split personality?A very intriguing feature of Mparntwe Arrernte grammar appears when we investigate verbs of

self-perception. Verbs can inherently indicate self-perception (eg. welhe- 'to feel (sick or cold)') or canbe derived through reflexivisation of ordinary perception verbs. For example, awe- 'to hear' can bereflexivised to form awe-lhe- 'to hear oneself' and are- 'to see' can be reflexivised to form are-lhe- 'tosee oneself'. Interestingly, when what is perceived is oneself doing an action, the perceived action ismarked for different-, not same-, subject. Moreover, marking the dependent verb for same-subject isungrammatical. This is despite the fact that the subject of the perceived action is apparently identical tothe subject of the self-perception verb. Examples (43) through (45) demonstrate these facts.

(43) a. Ayenge irrernte welhe-ke.1sg S cold feel-pcI felt cold.

b. Ayenge welhe-ke alpaw-irre-rlenge (*alpaw-irre-me-le).1sg S feel-pc weak-INCH-DS (weak-INCH-npp-SS)I felt myself getting cold.

(44) Artwe are-lhe-ke ne-rle.ne-rlenge.

man(S) see-REFL-pc sit-CONT-DSThe man saw himself sitting down.

(45) Ayenge awe-lhe-ke alye-lhe-rlenge.1sg S hear-REFL-pc sing-REFL-DSI heard myself singing.

In example (43) it is clear that 'I' am the one who is 'feeling' and 'I' am the one who is 'gettingweak'. Furthermore, the only NP argument in the sentence is ayenge 'first person singular': the subjectof the dependent verb has been deleted under identity with the main-verb subject. Nevertheless, thedependent verb marking can only be -rlenge 'different-subject'.

Now, the fact that the perceived action of a self-perception verb acts as a complement of thatverb cannot be ignored. As noted in §10.5.2, it is a general rule that all perception verbs, including self-perception verbs, take a complement marked with -rlenge. Such perception complements are, bydefinition, embedded in the main clause and so are very different, both structurally and semantically,from the switch-reference marked clauses discussed above which are non-embedded and usuallyconvey temporal and/or causal meanings. This may be the end of the story, although it fails to provideany explanation as to why the marker of perception complements is formally identical to different subjectmarking, assuming they are related.

One possible explanation of this state of affairs is to say that the subject of perceptioncomplements is always essentially different from the subject of the perception verb, even with verbs ofself-perception. To argue this involves claiming that, although self-perception verbs are syntacticallyintransitive (note there is no ergative marking on artwe in example (44)), they are semantically transitivewith the performer of the perception verb action being identical to the undergoer. Semantically, it is theundergoer (ie. focus/theme) of the self-perception action who is doing the dependent action. Thedifferent-subject marking can be seen to be sensitive to the fact that the dependent verb subject isidentical with the semantic undergoer (the O role), and not the semantic actor (the A role). The fact thatsemantic actor, semantic undergoer, and subject of dependent clause are all coreferential explains whyonly one NP occurs in examples (43)b to (45), there is coreferential deletion.

Evidence to support this explanation can be seen in example (46)

(46) Artwe kngerre-penhe nthurre are-lhe-ke ingke utyene ikwerenhe.man big-one INTENS see-REFL-pc foot sore 3sgPOSSThe very big man looked at his (own) sore foot.

Example (46) demonstrates how part-whole relations are treated with self-perception verbs. If a personis looking at part of his/her own body, then the verb must be reflexivised and hence becomes intransitive.Neither the perceiver nor the perceived takes any overt case-marking. If we used the transitive form ofthe verb, the NP whose referent is the perceiver would be ergative case-marked as in example (47).

(47) Artwe kngerre-penhe nthurre-le are-ke ingke utyene ikwerenhe. man big-one INTENS-ERGsee-pc foot sore 3sgPOSS

The very big man looked at his (ie. someone else's) sore foot.The perceiver in (47) cannot be interpreted as seeing a part of himself, but must be looking at a part ofsomeone else. In other words, the third person singular possessor cannot be construed as coreferentialwith the subject. The distinction between (46) and (47) may be seen as another form of referent-tracking. Example (46) can then be interpreted as a sentence which is intransitive in form, but whichtakes two coreferential NP arguments and is semantically transitive. In Mparntwe Arrernte, where thereis a fixed constituent order for the NP and NPs cannot be split, there is no possibility of analysing (46)as an instance of a discontinuous NP with agreement in case-marking between the two parts (cf.§10.1.2). Thus each NP fills a different semantic role, with the part-NP filling the semantic role of"focus (theme)" (ie. perceived entity) and the whole-NP filling the "experiencer" (ie. perceiver) role, andreflexive marking on the verb indicates 'identity' of part and whole. Taking this hypothesis further, itseems reasonable to suggest that in a simple self-perception sentence like Ayenge are-lhe-ke (1sgSsee-REFL-pc) 'I saw myself', the part and the whole are exactly the same, and so there is necessarydeletion of one of the NPs. In other words, a structure like 'Ayenge arelheke ayenge' may be seen tounderly, semantically, the sentence for 'I saw myself'. In the self-perception constructions where anaction is the thing being perceived, the subject of the dependent clause can be seen as coreferential withthe second perceived body-part argument.

Another way of demonstrating the 'split in personality' is to show what happens when a personperceives him/herself doing one thing while in fact doing something else (eg. 48 and 49)

(48) Ayenge ankw-inte-me-le altyerreare-lhe-ke ne-rle.ne-rlenge.1sg S sleep-lie-npp-SS dream see-REFL-pc sit-CONT-DSWhile I lay sleeping, I dreamed of myself sitting down.[lit. I saw myself, in a dream, sitting down.]

(49) Ayenge awe-lhe-ke angke-rlenge radio-nge

1sg S hear-REFL-pc speak-DS radio-ABLangke-me-le Kwementyaye-ke Yeperenye-le.speak-npp-SS Kwementyaye-DAT Yipirinya-LOCI heard myself speaking on the radio while I spoke to Kwementyaye at

Yirpirinya. [A pre-recorded tape was being played.]

Both (48) and (49) contain a switch-reference marked temporal clause which has the subject ofthe self-perception verb doing an action which is contrary to, yet simultaneous with, the perceivedaction. This dependent temporal clause is marked as having the same-subject as the main verb. Theperceiver argument of the self-perception verb (ie. the underlying actor) can perform, in reality, an actionlike talking to somebody and at the same time perceive him/herself (ie. the underlying undergoer) as, forinstance, speaking in a pre-recorded interview (cf. eg. 49). Thus the alignment of one dependent verbaction with an underlying actor of a self-perception verb in one instance and the alignment of the otherdependent verb action with an underlying coreferential undergoer, explains why we find same-subjectand different-subject marking respectively.

The analysis suggested here is in line with Haiman's (1985:144) contention that:

"the two participants of a reflexive clause are interpreted as the mind and the body, or perhaps as thetwo halves of the divided self, of the agent."

Furthermore, there is parallel data from Jiwarli (Southern Pilbara region of Western Australia, Austin ms.1985) which lends support to the approach taken here. In Jiwarli, reflexives are both syntactically andsemantically transitive. That is to say, there is no reflexive detransitivising process, so to express reflexivenotions you use a transitive clause with subject and object coreferential as in example (50)a. Now, if arelative clause (perception) complement is added, it must be marked as different subject, even thoughboth A and O are coreferential with each other and with the subordinate clause subject (examples 50band c).

(50) a. Ngatha nhanya-nyja ngatha-nha.I-NOM(A) see-PAST I-ACC(O)I saw myself.

b. Ngatha nhanya-nyja ngatha-nha malu papa-ngka

I-NOM(A) see-PAST I-ACC(O) shadow water-LOC

yukarri-ya-nha.stand-relDS-ACCI saw my shadow standing in the water.

c. Ngatha kurlkayi-rninyja-rru wangka-iniya-nha ngatha-nha.I-NOM hear-past-now speak-relDS-ACC I-ACCI heard myself talking.

There do not seem to be any examples in Mparntwe Arrernte where a contrast with same-subject is possible for perception complements. Thus, there is no systematic contrast between differentsubject-marking and same subject-marking to indicate that the switch-reference system is in operation.As in our discussion of -me.le 'MANNER; SERIAL', the morpheme -rlenge here is being used in a non-switch-reference function in a certain juncture-nexus type. But, as with -me.le, the non-switch-referencefunction of the morpheme -rlenge appears to be clearly associated with its function within the system ofswitch reference.

11.5 ConclusionMparntwe Arrernte manifests the features of switch-reference outlined in §11.1. The definitions

given there, however, portray the mechanism of switch-reference as a rule disembodied from otherfactors in the language. They say nothing of the possible broader semantic and stylistic functions ofswitch-reference. Notions such as 'sameness' and 'difference' through which switch-reference has beendefined have themselves been left virtually unexplored. As has been demonstrated here, a knowledge ofwhat constitutes identity in a language is crucial to understanding switch-reference and how it is used.The data from Mparntwe Arrernte should at least indicate some further possibilities about how switch-reference is used and how it can be realised, structurally, in discourse. I hope I have made it clear thatswitch-reference, in systematic interaction with other morpho-syntactic and semantic constructs in thelanguage, has the potential for conveying a variety of related and often subtle semantic distinctions.

From the data presented in this chapter, it can be seen that if one is to use the switch-referencesystem as a native Mparntwe Arrernte speaker does, one needs to know what counts as identity for thelanguage. This requires a knowledge which is more socio-cultural than linguistic. To know whether twosubjects are to be expressed as identical or non-identical through switch-reference, one has to have acommand of at least the following (non-syntactic) information:

(i) the cultural categorisation, classification, and perception of both entities and the relations between entities; including whether one entity is necessarily, optionally, or

never seen to be part of another entity, or whether one category is subsumed under another;(ii) the social categorisation and the implicit and explicit rules about how peopleshould behave with respect to each other (determining the use of inclusion); and (iii) a

native speaker's feeling for style, so that when the same situation can be presented in twoways, one could feel which subtle nuance is better than another for the discourse at hand.

This supports Foley's (ms: 7) conclusion that:"in most languages which have switch reference it is a major mechanism for linking clauses together intodiscourse. As discourse articulates a conceptual world, the mechanisms which form it should reflect thesemantic and pragmatic bases of the world. This is something switch-reference clearly does."

Further, a full understanding of switch-reference for any language only comes when one looks atthe full system of clause juncture possibilities and their interactions with each other. For instance, oneneeds to investigate how the functional load for expressing the full range of meanings is distributed acrossvarious complex-sentence types and what the nature of the morphemes used to make various complexconstructions is. I have only touched on this briefly in my discussion of the use of -me-le '-npp-SS' atthree different juncture levels (cf.§11.3) and the use of -rlenge 'DS' to mark perception complements (cf.§11.4.4). The facts from these two discussions demonstrate nicely the need to distinguish the system ofswitch-reference, which operates at a particular juncture-nexus type, and the morphology of switch-reference which need not always function within the switch-reference system.

Finally, both this chapter and this thesis may be concluded by noting that switch-referencedemonstrates many of the recurrent themes of this thesis. Among the most important of these are thefacts that: (i) a linguistic element or structure cannot be completely described without a description of itsfunction and its position within a system of relations to other structures; (ii) studies of grammaticalstructure necessarily go hand in hand with studies of semantic structure, and (iii) the grammar of alanguage - not just its lexicon - encodes, responds to, and is explained by, the socio-culturalpreoccupations of its speakers. In switch-reference may be found one of the culminations of the naturalgenius of Mparntwe Arrernte grammar.

APPENDIX 1 : Texts

The following twelve texts are meant to be representative of a number of genres and, thus, areintended to exemplify the most significant grammatical and lexical properties which are associated withthose genres. Using Longacre's (1976: 197-231) schema for genre types, the first three texts may beregarded as procedural texts. All three texts describe the processing of certain local plant materials.The next three texts are expository in genre and each one describes the general properties andbehaviours of some native fauna. The final six texts are all narratives and of these the first two arepersonal accounts and the final four are traditional narratives. An important genre which is notrepresented here is the hortatory genre. Texts which exemplify the hortatory genre can be found ineditions of the Yipirinya School newsletter Yeperenye Yeye as well as other publications of the YipirinyaSchool and the Institute for Aboriginal Development. Also absent from this collection of texts aretranscripts of conversations (although see §1.2.3 [eg. 7 in ch. 1] and Ch.9 [eg. 1]). Texts 7, 8, 9, 11and 12 do, however, contain examples of direct speech and in each of these texts certain of theexamples of direct speech may be considered hortatory.

The texts are organised such that each text is presented in three versions. A complete version ofthe Mparntwe Arrernte text, as an Mparntwe Arrernte text, is presented first. This version does notcut the words into morphemes, but demonstrates, by means of paragraph breaks, the cohesive textualunits above the level of the sentence. This presentation of the text is essentially the same as thatproduced by Arrernte writers for Arrernte readers. The second version of the text breaks all the wordsinto their component morphemes and provides an English gloss for each morpheme. There is, however,no English translation under the interlinear gloss. Instead, the third version is a free English translation ofthe text presented, basically, as an English text. All three versions are linked by virtue of numbers whichcross-reference from propositional units within the Mparntwe Arrernte version of the text to the glossedversion and then to the free English translation.

It is important to note that the English translations given here tend to be freer than those providedfor example sentences presented in the body of the thesis. Thus an example from one of these texts maybe given a more literal translation when used to exemplify a point in the thesis.1. UTNERRENGE-KERTEby Rosie Ferber

Unte peke utyene papethekerte kele utnerrenge walye keme.1 Walye renhe imerte ulpilemele,twemele, ngkweltyilemele;2 kwatye itemele urele therrke-therrkirretyekekerte urrperlirremele.3

Ikwerenge renhe artnarnpelhilemele angwelirretyeke ngkernemele.4 Kele imerte utyene lhewelhemeleangwelelerle.5

Atengkwelkngekerte unte utnerrenge renhe kwatyele itemele ntyerneme;6 ahentye pekeirrkayirrekerle, alhe peke ametyirrekerle.7

Utnerrenge-Kerte emu bush-PROP

[1] Unte peke utyene papethe-kerte kele utnerrenge walye ke-me. 2sgS maybe sore 'all over'-PROP OK emu bush branch cut-npp.

[2] Walye re-nhe imerte ulp-ile-me-le, twe-me-le, branch 3sgO then 'dust'-CAUS-npp-SS, hit-npp-SS, ngkwelty-ile-me-le; pieces-CAUS-npp-SS;

[3] kwatye ite-me-le ure-le therrke-therrk-irre-tyeke-kerte water boil(cook)-npp-SS fire-LOC green-INCH-PURP-PROP

urrperl-irre-me-le. black-INCH-npp-SS.

[4] Ikwere-nge re-nhe artnarnpe-lhile-me-le angwel-irre-tyeke 3sgDAT-ABL 3sgO descend-CAUSE-npp-SS cool-INCH-PURP

ngkerne-me-le. stand(tr)-npp-SS.

[5] Kele imerte utyene lhewe-lhe-me-le angwele-le-rle.O.K. then sore wash-REFL-nppSS cool-INSTR-REL.

[6] Atengkwelknge-kerte unte utnerrenge re-nhe kwatye-le cold(snot)-PROP2sgA emu bush 3sg-O water-LOC

ite-me-le ntyerne-me;

boil(cook)-npp-SS smell-npp;

[7] ahentye peke irrkay-irre-ke-rle, alhe peke throat maybe faint-INCH-pc-REL, nose maybe amety-irre-ke-rle. blunt-INCH-pc-REL.

ABOUT THE EMU BUSHIf you are covered in sores then cut some leafy branches off the emu bush.1 The leafy branches

are crushed and chopped into very small pieces2 and then boiled in water until the water becomes ablackish-green.3 After that, take the mixture off (the fire) and stand it to cool.4 Then wash the soreswith the warmish mixture 5.

If you have a cold then you inhale the fumes of the emu bush boiling in water .6 (It's also good)if your voice has disappeared or if your nose is blocked.7________________________________________________________________________

2. ARNTAPE UNTYEYE-KERTE

by Margaret Heffernan

Untyeye kwelaye.1Kngerrepate mapele ileme itne kwele untyeye ketyeke alhemele.2 Itne untyeye keme,3

kngetyalpemele itne urele itetyenhenge ure alkngenthele aperrkirremele ampetyeke;4 untyeye arntape,iwenhekweye-kwenye, irrweltyekwenye, arntape ularte.5 Ure kngerre itemele itne arntape renhealkngentheke iweme ampetyeke.6 Ampekeliperre itne perrkirrekerle inemele iweme.7 Irrerntirremeleurrperlirreme.8

Kele imerte ikwerengentyele urrperle-l-irrekerle inemele, itne arrerneme apwerte athere-kerlekeathetyhenhenge.9 Ulpilemele nthurre, kele imerte itne peke arrerneme arntape arrpenhekerleke,10utyene kerleke anteme arrernetyenhenge,11 utyene kngerre nhenge-ulkere-kerlekeuyerrelhiletyenhenge.12

Arntape Untyeye-Kertebark corkwood-PROP

[1] Untyeye kwel-aye.corkwood QUOT-EMPH

[2] Kngerrepate mape-le ile-me itne kwele untyeyeelder pl(grp)-ERG tell-npp 3plS QUOT corkwood

ke-tyeke alhe-me-le. cut-PURP go-npp-SS

[3] Itne untyeye ke-me, 3plA corkwood cut-npp,

[4] knge-ty-alpe-me-le itne ure-le ite-tyenhengetake-hither-go back-npp-SS 3plA fire-LOC heat/cook-SBSQNTure alkngenthe-le aperrk-irre-me-le ampe-tyeke;fire flame-LOC/INST/ERG coal-INCH-npp-SS burn-PURP

[5] untyeye arntape, iwenhe-kweye-kwenye,corkwood bark, what-SELF DOUBT-NomNEGirrweltye-kwenye, arntape ularte.twig-NomNEG, bark pure

[6] Ure kngerre ite-me-le itne arntape re-nhe alkngenthe-kefire big heat/cook-npp-SS 3plA bark 3sg-ACC flame-DATiwe-me ampe-tyeke.throw away-npp burn-PURP

[7] Ampe-ke-l-iperre itne perrk-irre-ke-rle ine-me-le iwe-me.burn-pc-SS-AFTER 3plA coal-INCH-pc-REL get-npp-SS throw away-npp

[8] Irrernt-irre-me-le urrperl-irre-me.cold-INCH-npp-SS black-INCH-npp.

[9] Kele imerte ikwere-nge-ntyele urrperle-rl-irre-ke-rle ine-me-le,OK then 3sgDAT-ABL-onwards black-FOC-INCH-pc-REL get-npp-SS,itne arrerne-me apwerte athere-kerleke athe-tyenhenge.3plS put-npp rock grind stone-CONNECT grind-SBSQNT

[10] Ulp-ile-me-le nthurre, kele imerte itne peke arrerne-me'dust'-CAUS-npp-SS INTENS, OK then 3plA maybe put-npparntape arrpenhe-kerleke,bark other-CONNECT,

[11] utyene-kerleke anteme arrerne-tyenhenge,sore-CONNECT now put-SBSQNT

[12] utyene kngerre nhenge-ulkere-kerleke uyerre-lhile-tyenhenge.sore big REMEMB-KIND-CONNECT disappear-CAUS-SBSQNT

ABOUT CORKWOOD BARK

So, we're supposedly talking about the corkwood tree.1The older people talk about going to gather (cut) some corkwood (bark).2 They cut some

corkwood,3 bring it back, and then they put it (cook it) in the fire so that it burns and turns into coals;4that's just the bark of the corkwood, not whatchamacallit, not any twigs, just the bark and nothing else.5When there is a big fire they throw that bark into the flame so that it will burn.6 After it is burnt they getthe ones that have become coals and throw them (outside the fire).7 When the coals cool down theyturn black.8

So, then, after that, they get the ones that have turned black and they put these on a grindingstone and then grind them up.9 When it is rmade into a fine powdery they might put it on top of someother (piece of ) bark10 and now it's ready to put onto sores.11 It will then make big sores like thisone (points to a sore) disappear.12________________________________________________________________________

3. NGKWARLE UNTYEYE-KERTEby Margaret Heffernan

Ngkwarle untyeye nhenge anerlenge kwatye kngerriperre,1 anwerne kenhe alherlengerlengkwarle ikwere unthetyeke;2 ngkwarle ikwere unthemele, arratye aremele anwerne kemele iltye-kelerne-mele awantyerlenge.3 Mwarre kngerre, ikwemeye nthurre.4

Arrule kwele mpware-tyerte, tyerrtye arrwekele-nye mapele,5 ngkwarle untyeye yanhe-ulkerekemele itne kwele arrernetyerte kwatye-kerleke ikwemeye re-nhe ntywetyenhenge.6 Lyete-ulkerekenhe pwetyarenye mapele-ante anteme mpwareme alakenhe renhe,7 kwetethe itne untherlanemele.8

Ngkwarle Untyeye-Kertenectar/honey corkwood-PROP

[1] Ngkwarle untyeye nhenge ane-rlenge kwatye kngerr-iperre,nectar/honey corkwood REMEMB be/sit-DS rain big-AFTER

[2] anwerne kenhe alhe-rlenge-rle ngkwarle ikwere unthe-tyeke;1plS BUT go-DS-FOC nectar/honey 3sgDAT look for-PURP

[3] ngkwarle ikwere unthe-me-le, arratye are-me-le anwernenectar/honey 3sgDAT look for-npp-SS, properly see-npp-SS 1plAke-me-le iltye-ke lerne-me-le awantye-rlenge.cut-npp-SS hand-DAT shake out-npp-SS suck-DS

[4] Mwarre kngerre, ikwemeye nthurre.good big, sweet INTENS

[5] Arrule kwele mpware-tyerte, tyerrtye arrwekele-nye mape-le,long ago QUOT make/do-rem.p.hab, person before-TmpNOM pl(grp)-

ERG

[6] ngkwarle untyeye yanhe-ulkere ke-me-le itne kwele arrerne-tyertenectar/honey corkwood that(mid)-KIND cut-npp-SS 3plA QUOT put-rem.p.hab

kwatye-kerleke ikwemeye re-nhe ntywe-tyenhenge.water-CONNECT sweet 3sg-ACC drink-SBSQNT

[7] Lyete-ulkere kenhe pwety-arenye mape-le-ante antemenow/today-MORE BUT bush-ASSOC pl(grp)-ERG-ONLY nowmpware-me alakenhe re-nhe,make/do like so 3sg-ACC

[8] kwetethe itne unthe-rle.ne-me-le.always 3plS look for-CONT-npp-SS

ABOUT CORKWOOD NECTARThat corkwood nectar is around after there has been a lot of rain,1 and that's the time we go out

looking for it; we look around for that nectar2 and when we've found it we cut it (the flower) and shakeit (the honey) into our hands and then lick it up.3 It's wonderfully sweet.4

Long ago, the people who went before us used to do this:5 they used to gather corkwood nectarof that sort and mix it with water and then drink that sweet concoction.6 But nowadays it's only thepeople who live out bush that prepare the corkwood honey that way.7 They're always going out huntingaround (for that corkwood honey).8________________________________________________________________________

4. INTELYAPE-LYAPE-KERTE by Yipirinya School Teachers (jointly constructed)

Intelyape-lyape kwartengentyele.1 Intelyape-lyapele kwarte mpwareme.2 Kwartiperrearrateme yeperenye peke, ntyarlke peke, arrpenhe peke.3 Yeperenye re mpwarelheme irrarle anteme,intelyape-lyap-irretyenhenge kwene4/5. Irrarlengentyele arrateme intelyape-lyape6.

Intelyape-lyape-Kerte

butterfly-PROP

[1] Intelyape-lyape kwarte-nge-ntyele. butterfly egg-ABL-ONWARDS

[2] Intelyape-lyape-le kwarte mpware-me. butterfly-ERG egg make-npp

[3] Kwart-iperre arrate-me yep-arenye peke, egg-AFTER appear-npp tar vine-ASSOC(k.o.caterpillar) maybe, ntyarlke peke, arrpenhe peke. k.o.caterpillar maybe, other maybe

[4] Yep-arenye re mpware-lhe-me irrarle anteme, tar vine-ASSOC(k.o.caterpillar) 3sgS make-REFL-npp cocoon now

[5] intelyape-lyap-irre-tyenhenge kwene. butterfly-INCH-SBSQNT inside.

[6] Irrarle-nge-ntyele arrate-me intelyape-lyape. cocoon-ABL-ONWARDS appear-npp butterfly

BUTTERFLIESButterflies come from eggs.1 The butterfly lays eggs (lit. makes)2 (and then) from the eggs

appear yeperenye caterpillars, ntyarlke caterpillars, or some other sort of caterpillars.3 The yeperenyecaterpillar then makes itself a cocoon 4 and later develops into a butterfly inside (the cocoon).5(Finally) a butterfly appears from out of the cocoon.6_______________________________________________________________________5. ANTYETYERRE-KERTE

by Yipirinya School Teachers (jointly constructed)

Antyetyerre kwarte mpwareme kwatye kertneke.1 Kwartengentyele pwepelye arrateme.2Ingke therre anteme arrateme pwepelyengentyele.3 Ikweriperre iltye therre anteme arrateme.4Antyetyerre anteme aneme.5 Antyetyerre ahelheke irrpeme kwatye uyerrerlenge, lhereke.6

Antyetyerre iltye therrele ingke therrele artelhemele irrpeme ahelheke.7 Re ankwinteme kweneleanteme, kwatye arrpenhekante netyeke.8

Antyetyerre-Kertefrog-PROP

[1] Antyetyerre kwarte mpware-me kwatye kertne-ke. frog egg make-npp water top-DAT.

[2] Kwarte-nge-ntyele pwepelye arrate-me. egg-ABL-ONWARDS tadpole appear-npp

[3] Ingke therre anteme arrate-me pwepelye-nge-ntyele. foot two now appear-npp tadpole-ABL-ONWARDS

[4] Ikwer-iperre iltye therre anteme arrate-me. 3sgDAT-AFTER hand two now appear-npp

[5] Antyetyerre anteme ane-me. frog now be-npp

[6] Antyetyerre ahelhe-ke irrpe-me kwatye uyerre-rlenge, frog ground-DAT go into-npp water disappear-DS, lhere-ke. creekbed-DAT

[7] Antyetyerre iltye therre-le ingke therre-le arte-lhe-me-le frog hand two-INST foot two-INST cover-REFL-npp-SS irrpe-me ahelhe-ke. go into-npp ground-DAT

[8] Re ankw-inte-me kwene-le anteme, 3sgS asleep-lie-npp inside-LOC now. kwatye arrpenhe-k-ante ne-tyeke.

rain/water another-DAT-ONLY be-PURP.FROGS

A frog lays (lit. makes) its eggs on top of water1 and from out of those eggs tadpoles emerge.2First the hind legs (feet) appear from the tadpole,3 and then the fore legs (hands) appear.4 Now it's afrog.5

Frogs go into the ground when the water disappears, they go into the sand of the creek bed.6 Afrog uses both its fore legs (hands) and its hind legs (feet) to bury itself into the ground7 and then itsleeps underground, but only until the next rain.8______________________________________________________________________________________

6. INARLENGEby Margaret Heffernan

Inarlenge kenhe kwele aneme;1 kwerrke kwele arrateme apethe ikwerenhenge, aherre-arteke,2athetheka kweke kwele lyekeke netyekenhe.3 Akngerre-ulkere-irrerlenge akwele melikweiwerlelhemele lheme ilerlapetyeke akwele inarlenge arrpenhe mapeke,4 kenhe kwele inarlenge arrpenheitne apetyerlenge aretyeke kwele akweke renhe.5 Apmere arrpanenhengentyele, kweke ikwere kweleitne petyeme lyeke kwele nthetyeke.6 Itne kwele irrperremele nthurre, itere ikwerele akertnelerlke,7lyeke nthemele akwele itne aneme.8 Ikwerengentyele kwele inarlenge kweke re lyeke-kerte-irrerlenge,9 itne kwele irrarnpirremele alpeme.10

KELE

Inarlenge porcupine (echidna)

[1] Inarlenge kenhe kwele ane-me;porcupine BUT QUOT be-npp;

[2] kwerrke kwele arrate-me apethe ikwerenhe-nge, aherre-arteke,young one QUOT appear-npp pouch 3sgPOSS-ABL, kangaroo-

SEMBL

[3] athetheke kweke kwele lyeke-ke ne-tyekenhe.

red little QUOT prickle-DAT be-VbNEG

[4] Akngerre-ulkere-irre-rlenge akwele me-l-ikwe iwe-rle.lhe-me-lebig-MORE-INCH-DS QUOT mother-ERG-3KinPOSS throw-DO&GO-

npp-SSlhe-me ile-rle.pe-tyeke akwele inarlenge arrpenhe mape-ke,go-npp tell-DO ALONG-PURP QUOT porcupine other pl(grp)-

DAT,

[5] kenhe kwele inarlenge arrpenhe itne apetye-rlenge are-tyeke kweleBUT QUOT porcupine other 3plS come-DS see-PURP QUOTakweke re-nhe.little 3sg-ACC

[6] Apmere arrpanenhe-nge-ntyele, kweke ikwere kwele itne petye-meplace each and every-ABL-onwards, little 3sgDAT QUOT 3sgS come-npplyeke kwele nthe-tyeke.prickle QUOT give-PURP

[7] Itne kwele irrpe-rre-me-le nthurre, itere ikwere-le akertne-le-rlke,3plS QUOT go into-plS/A-npp-SS INTENS, side 3sgDAT-LOC top-

LOC-TOO,

[8] lyeke nthe-me-le akwele itne ane-me.prickle give-npp-SS QUOT 3plS be-npp.

[9] Ikwere-nge-ntyele kwele inarlenge kweke re lyeke-kerte-irre-rlenge,3sgDAT-ABL-onwards QUOT porcupine little 3sgS prickle-PROP-

INCH-DS,

[10] itne kwele irrarnp-irre-me-le alpe-me.3plS QUOT scattered-INCH-npp-SS go back-npp

KELEOK

PORCUPINESNow porcupines (echidnas) are supposed to be (like this);1 baby porcupines, so they say, come

out of their pouches just like kangaroos do,2 and they are red and have no quills (prickles).3 When theyget bigger, it is said that the mother leaves the baby to go around telling other porcupines (about herbaby),4 and that's when the other porcupines all come to have a look at the little one.5 They come fromeverywhere to give the baby some quills.6 They gather close together at the sides and on the top of thebaby porcupine7 as they give it its quills.8 Afterwards, when the baby porcupine has got all its quills,9the others disperse and go home.10

The End________________________________________________________________________

7. Untitled account of a bush tripby Margaret Heffernan

P. ilanthe ante Sandy uthene Elizabeth uthene anwerne lheke, merne arlkwekeliperre, dinner-iperre,1 Undoolya road itwe pwerte nhenge yanhe mapewerne tyapeke unthetyeke.2 Nwerne kngekecrowbar therre ware.3 Crowbar arrpenhe neke arrare-ulkere, kenhe arrpenhe neke ulthentye nthurre.4Elizabeth neke ingke utyenekerte ante Elizabetheke newele kngeke crowbar ulthentye renhe,5 kenheElizabethele kngeke handbag tin-a-meat nyentekerte ante merne urrpetye, tea uthene tyweke uthene.6The kenhe kngeke crowbar arrare renhe ante kwatye plastic nhenge, plastic orange juice-iperre nhenge-ulkere-larlenge.7 P.-le kenhe kngeke kwatye arrpenhe ngkwarle-iperre kngerre nhenge yanhe-ulkere-larlenge.8 Kele nwerne lheke Golder's pmere nhenge yanhe itwelewerne (indicates place), pwerteilerrtyele kwete, aretyalpemele atnyeme atnartenge ngkekerleke tyape.9 Ngkekerle aremele, nwernetnyerlepeke therre-ke-therre-le crowbar nyentekertele.10 Kele ikwerenge, arratyerle tyape urrpetye-ke-urrpetye nwerne tnyekelerle, Elizabeth angkeke,11 "Urreke nwerne neye-kemparraye, ingke ayengekwarnemerlenge utyene.12 Lhere kweke nhenhele nwerne netyekaye, tea ntywemele, mernerlkearlkwemele, ltyirremele."13 Arratye nwerne neke lhere kweke ikwerele.14 Sandy-le ure inemele teaiteke, merne kenhe nwernekenhe mpengerle neke.15 Ikwerenge nwerne tea mpengirrerlenge, nwernentyweke merne arlkwemele.16

[1] P. ilanthe ante Sandy uthene Elizabeth uthene anwerne

P. 1dl(-patr.) and Sandy bi-and Elizabeth bi-and 1pl(+patr.+gen.)Slhe-ke, merne arlkwe-ke-l-iperre, dinner-iperre,go-pc, food eat-pc-SS-AFTER, dinner-AFTER,

[2] Undoolya road itwe pwerte nhenge yanhe mape-werneUndoolya road near hills REMEMB that(mid) pl(grp)-ALLtyape-ke unthe-tyeke.witchetty grubs look for-PURP

[3] Nwerne knge-ke crowbar therre ware.1plS take-pc crowbar two DISMIS.

[4] Crowbar arrpenhe ne-ke arrare-ulkere, kenhe arrpenhe ne-kecrowbar other be-pc light-MORE, BUT other be-pculthe-ntye nthurre.press down-NMZR(heavy) INTENS.

[5] Elizabeth ne-ke ingke utyene-kerte ante Elizabethe-ke newe-leElizabeth be-pc foot sore-PROP and Elizabeth-DAT spouse-ERGknge-ke crowbar ulthe-ntye re-nhe,take-pc crowbar press down-NMZR(heavy) 3sg-ACC,

[6] kenhe Elizabethe-le knge-ke handbag tin-a-meat nyente-kerteBUT Elizabeth-ERG take-pc handbag tin-of-meat one-PROPante merne urrpetye, tea uthene tyweke uthene.and bread few, tea bi-and sugar bi-and.

[7] The kenhe knge-ke crowbar arrare re-nhe ante kwatye plastic1sgA BUT take-pc crowbar light 3sg-ACC and water plasticnhenge, plastic orange juice-iperre nhenge-ulkere-larlenge.REMEMB, plastic orange juice-AFTER REMEMB-KIND-COM

[8] P.-le kenhe knge-ke kwatye arrpenhe ngkwarle-iperreP.-ERG BUT take-pc water other grog(nectar/honey)-AFTER

kngerre nhenge yanhe-ulkere-larlenge.big REMEMB that(mid)-KIND-COM

[9] Kele nwerne lhe-ke Golder's pmere nhenge yanheO.K. 1plS go-pc Golder's camp REMEMB that(mid)itwe-le-werne, pwerte ilerrtye-le kwete, are-ty.alpe-me-lenear-LOC-ALL, hill gully-LOC STILL, see-GO BACK&DO-npp-SSatnyeme atnartenge ngke-ke-rleke tyape.witchetty bush base crack out-pc-DS witchetty grub.

[10] Ngke-ke-rle are-me-le, nwerne tnye-rle.pe-kecrack out-pc-REL see-npp-SS, 1plA dig-DO ALONG-pctherre-ke-therre-le crowbar nyente-kerte-le.two-DAT-two-ADV crowbar one-PROP-INST.

[11] Kele ikwere-nge, arratye-rle tyape urrpetye-ke-urrpetyeO.K. 3sgDAT-ABL, true-FOC/REL witchetty grub few-DAT-fewnwerne tnye-ke-le-rle, Elizabeth angke-ke,1sgS dig-pc-SS-FOC/REL, Elizabeth say-pc,

[12] "Urreke nwerne n-eye-kemparr-aye,"later 1plS sit-PERM-FIRST-EMPHingke ayenge kwarne-me-rlenge utyene.foot 1sgNom hurt-npp-DS a sore.

[13] Lhere kweke nhenhe-le nwerne ne-tyek-aye,creekbed little this-LOC 1sgS sit-PURP-EMPH,tea ntywe-me-le, merne-rlke arlkwe-me-le, ltyirre-me-le."tea drink-npp-SS, food-TOO eat-npp-SS, rest-npp-SS."

[14] Arratye nwerne ne-ke lhere kweke ikwere-le.true 1plS sit-pc creekbed little 3sgDAT-LOC.

[15] Sandy-le ure ine-me-le tea ite-ke,

Sandy-ERG firewood get-npp-SS tea cook-pcmerne kenhe nwerne-kenhe mpenge-rle ne-ke.food BUT 1pl-POSS cooked-REL be-pc.

[16] Ikwere-nge nwerne tea mpeng-irre-rlenge,3sgDAT-ABL 1sgS tea cooked-INCH-DS,nwerne ntywe-ke merne arlkwe-me-le.1plA drink-pc food eat-npp-SS

Untitled account of a bush trip

After eating, after lunch that is, B. and I and Sandy and Elizabeth all went1 to the ranges nearUndoolya to look for witchetty grubs.2 We only took two crowbars with us.3 One of the crowbarswas quite light but the other one was very heavy.4 Elizabeth had a sore foot and so her husband carriedthe heavy crowbar5 while she carried a handbag with one tin of meat and three loaves of bread and teaand sugar.6 As for me, I carried the light crowbar and a container of water made out of an orange juicecontainer.7 B., on the other hand, carried another container of water. This time the container was anempty wine flagon.8 O.K., so we went towards near where the Golder's place is, and kept on throughthe gullies [?], and on our way back this way we saw that some witchetty grubs had emerged (ie.cracked out ) at the base of a witchetty bush.9 When we saw the evidence of witchetty grubs 'crackingout' we started digging around. Two people at a time dug with one crowbar each.10 After a while, sureenough, we were digging out grubs a few at a time. Then Elizabeth said,11 "Hey could we please have arest soon, my foot is killing me.12 We should sit in this little creek and have a cup of tea, something toeat, and a good rest."13 So we settled down in that little creek.14 Sandy collected some firewood andboiled up some tea and our food was already ready to eat.15 So, when the tea was ready we drankand ate.16________________________________________________________________________

8. Ayeye Kngwelye Ampwe Therle Aweke Angkerlengerle-Kerteby Rosie Ferber

Ayeye kweke arrpenhe, funnybuga-'gain.1

Pmere mission-le ayenge neme-tayeme,2 ltyentye purtele nerlenge,3 ingwe nyentele atyengenewe uthene ayenge ilerne pmerele nerleneke.4 - Picturewernerle lherltiweke ingkirreke, y'know,ingkirre nthurrerle lherltiwekenge.5 Pmere alturle-ampinyele ayenge netyerte.6 - Ankw-inte-rlanemeleimerte ayenge kemirremele,7 ankwiperre kemirremele window-le tnerlenemele.8 Window-letnerlenemele imerte arerlenemele kethewernetheke.9 Kethewernetheke arerlenemele imerte theawemele alturle ampinyeke, y'know, pmere;10 old antyinyekenhe pmere-thayeteke, aweke kngwelyemape uthnerrerlenge, arnterre alwernerremele uthnerrerlenge.11 Kele pmere arrpenheikwerewernetheke itne unterltiwekaye.12 Antekerre-thayetengentyele unterltiweke.13 Kenhe artweampwe, kngwelye ampwe nyente, y'know, artwe ampwe nhenhekenhe pmerelerle netyerte.14 Pmereingkenye, pmere ingkenye nthurre this one.15 "Kngwelye areyaye! Nyerrenhaye, nyerrenhaye.16Ularrewe, uthnerrintyetyele kwenhe!"17, re, kngwelye ampwe re, ywepeke,18 "Awerle mapaye pmerearrekantherrenhewerne alperltiwaye!19 Ularre uthnerrintyetyele!"20

Kele ayenge angkeke, pmere kwenengerle the awetyemerle,21 husband tyenheke anteme imertethe ilerliweme,22 "Hey kngwelye nhakwe areyewe awetyekaye kwenhe, angkerrerlenge kwenhe.23Kngwelye ampwe nhakwele ilteme.24" Ya, kele, kngwelye ampwe re ywepeke kngwelye arrpenhemape, y'know, ikwerewernethekerle uthnerrintyeke.25 Ikwerengentyele imerte re, kngwelye itnearratye utepirremele uthnerltalpeke pmere itnekenhewerne.26 Kele ikwerengentyele artwe, kweye?,kngwelye ampwe re petyeke.27 Ikngerretheke anteme re petyeke28. Pmere ingkenyele nemelenhenge-ulkere pekerle petyeke;29 akiwarre angk-elp-angkintyeke.30 Kele, the tyenge neweke antemeileke,31 "Aretyekaye kwenhe, kngwelye ampwe re petyerlenge nhenhewerne, ularretheke anteme."32Kele re petyemele angk-elp-angkintyeke.33 "Hoyyy!", ikwere-artweye mapeke peke, y'know, reangkeke,34 "Haye, ingkirrerle lherltiwe-p-iweme, ingwe nyentelerlke peke ware netyekenhe.35Ingkirrerle picturewerne lherltiwe-p-iweme."36, angk-elp-angkintyeke, ikngerretheke lhemele.37

Ikwerengentyele yanhe renhe awemele-athewe, ayenge ikwere properly therreke.38 Lyetanterenherle the aweke kngwelye ankgkerlenge.39 Alakenhe kwele Old People mapele awerrirretyerteagain kwele.40 Ane pmere ingkenyenge kngwelye mape angkerrerle itnarrpe peke untherltanemele,41unterltanemele peke angkerrerlarteke anernnge(?) awerle;42 angkerretyerte peke rerle itne.43 Wale thelyetante renhe aweke ikwere-tayeme, kngwelye angkerlenge.44 Wale I'm properly apateke, properlytherrelhileke.45 Arnterre therreke ayenge kngwelye ikwere.46

KELE

Ayeye Kngwelye Ampwe The-rle Awe-ke Angke-rlenge-rle-Kertestory dog old 1sgA-REL hear-pc speak-DS-REL-PROP

[1] Ayeye kweke arrpenhe, funnybuga 'gain.story little other, funny-bugger-again

[2] Pmere mission-le ayenge ne-me-tayeme,place mission-LOC 1sgS live-npp-TIME

[3] Ltyentye Purte-le ne-rlenge,beefwood cluster (Santa Teresa)-LOC live-DS

[4] ingwe nyente-le atyenge newe uthene ayenge ilernenight one-LOC 1sgDAT spouse bi-and 1sgS 1dlSpmere-le ne-rle.ne-ke.camp/home-LOC be/sit-CONT-pc

[5] - Picture-werne-rle lhe-rltiwe-ke ingkirreke, y'know,- movies-ALL-FOC go-pl.S/A-pc all/every, you knowingkirre nthurre-rle lhe-rltiwe-ke-nge.all/every INTENS-FOC go-pl.S/A

[6] Pmere alturle-ampinye-le ayenge ne-tyerte. -place west-vicinity of-LOC 1sgS be-rem.p.hab. -

[7] Ankw-inte-rle.ne-me-le imerte ayenge kem-irre-me-le,asleep-lie down-CONT-npp-SS then 1sgS get up-INCH-npp-SS

[8] ankw-iperre kem-irre-me-le window-le tne-rle.ne-me-le.asleep-AFTER get up-INCH-npp-SS window-LOC stand-CONT-npp-SS

[9] Window-le tne-rle.ne-me-le imerte are-rle.ne-me-le kethe-werne-theke.Window-LOC stand-CONT-npp-SS then see-CONT-npp-SS outside-ALL-

wards

[10] Kethe-werne-theke are-rle.ne-me-le imerte the awe-me-le

outside-ALL-wards see-CONT-npp-SS then 1sgA hear-npp-SSalturle-ampinye-ke, y'know, pmere;west-vicinity of-DAT, you know, place;

[11] old antyinye-kenhe pmere-thayete-ke, awe-ke kngwelye mapeold grey haired-POSS camp/home-SIDE-DAT, hear-pc dog pl(grp)uthne-rre-rlenge, arnterre alwerne-rre-me-le uthne-rre-rlenge.bite-RECIP-DS, intensively chase-RECIP-npp-SS bit-RECIP-DS

[12] Kele pmere arrpenhe ikwere-werne-theke itne unte-rltiwe-k-aye.OK place other 3sgDAT-ALL-wards 3plS run-pl.S/A-pc-EMPH

[13] Antekerre-thayete-nge-ntyele unte-rltiwe-ke.south-SIDE-ABL-onwards run-pl.S/A-pc

[14] Kenhe artwe ampwe, kngwelye ampwe nyente, y'know,BUT man old, dog old one, you knowartwe ampwe nhenhe-kenhe pmere-le-rle ne-tyerte.man old this-POSS camp/home-LOC-FOC live-rem.p.hab

[15] Pmere ingkenye, pmere ingkenye nthurre this one.camp/home deserted, camp/home deserted INTENS this one.

[16] "Kngwelye arey-aye! Nye-rre-nh-Ø-aye, nye-rre-nh-Ø-aye!dog plural-EMPH! fuck-RECIP-DO PAST-IMP-EMPH, fuck-RECIP-DO PAST-

IMP-EMPH

[17] Ularre-we, uthne-rre-intye-tyele kwenhe!",facing-EMPH+, bite-RECIP-DO COMING-NegIMP ASSERT

[18] re, kngwelye ampwe re, ywepe-ke,3sgA, dog old 3sgA, hunt away-pc

[19] "Awerle map-aye pmere arre-k-antherre-nhe-werne

bad dog pl(grp)-EMPH camp/home 2plPOSS-ALL alpe-rltiw-Ø-aye!go back-pl.S/A-IMP-EMPH

[20] Ularre uthne-rr-intye-tyele!"facing bite-RECIP-DO COMING-NegIMP

[21] Kele ayenge angke-ke, pmere kwene-nge-rle the awe-tyeme-rle,OK 1sgS speak-pc, camp/home inside-ABL-REL 1sgA hear-pp-REL

[22] husband tyenhe-ke anteme imerte the ile-rliwe-me,husband 1sgPOSS-DAT now then 1sgA tell-DO QUICK-npp

[23] "Hey kngwelye nhakwe arey-ewe awe-tyek-aye kwenhe,hey dog that(dist) plural-EMPH+ hear-PURP-EMPH ASSERT,angke-rre-rlenge kwenhe.speak-RECIP-DS ASSERT

[24] Kngwelye ampwe nhakwe-le ilte-me."dog old that(dist)-ERG scold/swear-npp

[25] Ye, kele, kngwelye ampwe re ywepe-ke kngwelye arrpenhe mape,yes, OK, dog old 3sgA, hunt away-pc, dog other pl(grp),y'know, ikwere-werne-theke-rle uthne-rr-intye-ke.you know, 3sgDAT-ALL-wards-REL bite-RECIP-DO COMING-npp

[26] Ikwere-nge-ntyele imerte re, kngwelye itne arratye 3sgDAT-ABL-onwards then 3sgS, dog 3plS truly

utep-irre-me-le uthne-rlt.alpe-ke pmere itne-kenhe-werne.turn back-INCH-npp-SS bite-pl.S/A.DO & GO BACK-pc place 3pl-POSS-ALL

[27] Kele ikwere-nge-ntyele artwe, kweye?,

OK 3sgDAT-ABL-onwards man, SELF DOUBTkngwelye ampwe re petye-ke.dog old 3sgS come-pc

[28] Ikngerre-theke anteme re petye-ke.east-wards now 3sgS come-pc

[29] Pmere ingkenye-le ne-me-le nhenge-ulkere peke-rle petye-ke;camp/home deserted-LOC live-npp-SS REMEMB-KIND maybe-FOC come-pc;

[30] akiwarre angk-elp-angk-intye-ke.cranky speak-C.INCEP.rdp-DO COMING-pc

[31] Kele, the tyenge newe-ke anteme ile-ke,OK, 1sgA 1sgDAT spouse-DAT now tell-pc

[32] "Are-tyek-aye kwenhe, kngwelye ampwe re petye-rlengesee-PURP-EMPH ASSERT, dog old 3sgS come-DSnhenhe-werne, ularre-theke anteme."here-ALL, facing-wards now

[33] Kele re petye-me-le angk-elp-angk-intye-ke.OK 3sgS come-npp-SS speak-C.Incep.rdp-DO COMING-pc

[34] "Hoyyy!", ikwere-artweye mape-ke peke, y'know, re angke-ke,hoyyy!, 3sgDAT-custodion pl(grp)-DAT maybe, you know, 3sgSspeak-pc

[35] "Haye, ingkirre-rle lhe-rltiwe-p-iwe-me, ingwe nyente-le-rlkehey, all/every-FOC go-pl.S/A-FREQ.rdp, night one-LOC-TOOpeke ware ne-tyekenhe.maybe DISMIS be/stay-VbNEG

[36] Ingkirre-rle picture-werne lhe-rltiwe-p-iwe-me.",all/every-FOC movies-ALL go-pl.S/A-FREQ.rdp-npp

[37] angk-elp-angk-intye-ke, ikngerre-theke lhe-me-le.speak-C.Incep.rdp-DO COMING-pc, east-wards go-npp-SS.

[38] Ikwere-nge-ntyele yanhe re-nhe awe-me-l-athewe,3sgDAT-ABL-onwards that(mid) 3sg-ACC hear-npp-SS-TAGayenge ikwere properly therre-ke.1sgS 3sgDAT properly laugh-pc

[39] Lyet-ante re-nhe-rle the awe-ke kngwelye angke-rlenge.now/today-ONLY 3sg-ACC-FOC 1sgA hear-pc dog speak-DS

[40] Alakenhe kwele Old People mape-le awe-rrirre-tyerte-again kwele.thus/like so QUOT old people pl(grp)-ERG hear-pl.S/A-rem.p.hab-again QUOT

[41] Ane pmere ingkenye-nge kngwelye mape angke-rre-rleand camp/home deserted-ABL dog pl(grp) speak-RECIP-GenEvtitn-arrpe peke unthe-rlte.ne-me-le,3plS-SELF maybe go looking for-pl.S/A.CONT-npp-SS

[42] unte-rlte.ne-me-le peke angke-rre-rl-arteke anernge awe-rle;run-pl.S/A.CONT-npp-SS maybe speak-RECIP-GenEvt-SEMBL ? hear-

GenEvt

[43] angke-rre-tyerte peke re-rle itne.speak-RECIP-rem.p.hab maybe 3sg-FOC(?) 3plS

[44] Wale the lyet-ante re-nhe awe-ke ikwere-tayeme,well 1sgA now/today-ONLY 3sg-ACC hear-pc 3sgDAT-TIMEkngwelye angke-rlenge.dog speak-DS

[45] Wale I'm properly apate-ke, properly therre-lhile-ke.well I'm properly shocked-pc, properly laugh-CAUS-pc

[46] Arnterre therre-ke ayenge kngwelye ikwere.intensively laugh-pc 1sgS dog 3sgDAT

KELEOK

A Story About An Old Dog That I Heard Talk

This is another little story, it's a funny one like the other one.1At the time that I was living at the mission,2 (in other words) when I lived at Santa Teresa,3 my

husband and I were staying at home one night.4 - You see, everyone else had gone to the movies, Imean absolutely everyone else had gone.5 [I used to live in the western part (of the mission).6] - I hadbeen sleeping and then I awoke,7 after being asleep I got up and was standing at the window.8 Whilestanding at the window, I then stared outside.9 I was staring outside when I then heard somethingsomewhere in the west of the camp.10 It was on the side of the camp where an old man's home wasthat I heard a pack of dogs fighting (lit. biting each other), they were chasing each other and fightingreally hard (ie. they were very loud).11 So, they ran to another place.12 From out of the south sidethey ran,13 but an old man, I mean an old dog, used to live at this old man's house.14 The place wasdeserted, totally deserted.15 "Hey you dogs! Fuck yourselves on the way past! Fuck yourselves asyou pass! (lit. Fuck each other while going past!)16 Don't come along fighting each other towardsme!",17 he, the old dog, was hunting them away.18 "You mangey mutts go home to your ownplace!19 Don't come along fighting each other facing here!"20

After that I said, from the place inside where I was listening,21 I quickly told my husband22"Hey you've really got to listen to this pack of dogs, they're actually speaking to each other.23 That olddog over there is swearing."24 Yes, so, that old dog hunted the pack of other dogs away, you know,the ones that has come along fighting amongst themselves.25 Because of that , then, the dogs really didturn around and they fought and then returned towards their homes.26 So, after that, the man - whatam I saying - I mean the old dog, came along.27 He now came in an easterly direction.28 He mighthave come through the deserted place he was staying at , the one of the kind indicated;29 he was sort ofspeaking in a cranky way as he came along (lit. cranky, he continued to be on the verge of speaking ashe came along).30 So, I said to my husband,31 "You must have a look, the old dog is coming this way,

he's coming towards us now." 32 And so, he came along, and as he did he seemed to be speaking.33"Hey!!", he might have been talking to his owners, you know,34 "Hey, everyone is always taking off,they don't stay home even for one night.35 Everyone keeps going off to the pictures.".36 It was as ifhe were speaking while coming along walking eastwards.37 When I heard that, of course, I really had agood laugh at it.38

That was the very fist time I heard a dog speaking.39 Old people apparently used to hear dogslike that in exactly the same way.40 Dogs would speak amongst themselves in deserted places as theywent around looking for things,41 as they ran along it might have sounded like they were speaking toeach other;42 they used to speak to each other.43 Well that was the time that I first heard a dogspeaking.44 Well I was thoroughly dumbfounded and really had a good laugh at it.45 I laughed reallyhard at the old dog.47

The End_______________________________________________________________________

9. ARTWE AMPWE IRRKWERRENTYE THERRE-KERTEby Basil Stevens

Arrule artwe ampwe irrkwerrentye therre neke.1 Arrpenhe netyerte urrkapetyeke,unthetyeke,2 re lhetyekerlke arrangkwerle.3 Arrpenhe kenhe tyepe-tyepe netyerte.4 Nhenhe rearrpenhe renhe irrtyelhiletyerte lhetyeke5 merneke peke unthetyeke, kereke peke.6 Kele nhengeirrkwerrentyewarte7 arrpenhe uyarne murntirretyerte,8 kenhe arrpenhele renhe tyarre-kngetyerte.9 Re-therre netyerte kwatye iterele.10

Arlte nyentele ure ampintyeke.11 Arrpenhe angkeke,12 "Kwatyewerne alperretyeke ilerne,ureketye!".13 Kele arrpenhele tyarre-kngirtneke.14 Renhe-therre urele ampeke anteme.15Nhenhenge anteme ayeye nhenhe uyerreme.16 Ayeye urteke ware.17

Artwe Ampwe Irrkwe-rre-ntye Therre-Kerteman old hold-RECIP-NMZR two-PROP

[1] Arrule artwe ampwe irrkwe-rre-ntye therre ne-ke.long ago man old hold-RECIP-NMZR two be-pc

[2] Arrpenhe ne-tyerte urrkape-tyeke, unthe-tyeke, other-S be-rem.p.hab work-PURP, look for-PURP

[3] re lhe-tyeke-rlke arrangkwe-rle. 3sgS go-PURP-TOO nothing-FOC/REL

[4] Arrpenhe kenhe tyepe-tyepe ne-tyerte. other-S BUT energetic be-rem.p.hab[5] Nhenhe re arrpenhe re-nhe irrtye-lhile-tyerte lhe-tyeke this 3sgA other 3sg-ACC accompany-CAUS-rem.p.hab go-PURP

[6] merne-ke peke unthe-tyeke, kere-ke peke. food-DAT maybe look for-PURP meat-DAT maybe.

[7] Kele nhenge irrkwe-rre-ntye-warteO.K. REMEMB hold-RECIP-NMZR-SINCE

[8] arrpenhe uyarne murnt-irre-tyerte, other-S in vain refuse-INCH-rem.p.hab,

[9] kenhe arrpenhe-le re-nhe tyarre-knge-tyerte. BUT other-ERG 3sg-ACC pull out-take-rem.p.hab.

[10] Re-therre ne-tyerte kwatye itere-le. 3dlS be-rem.p.hab water side-LOC

[11] Arlte nyente-le ure amp-intye-ke.day one-LOC fire burn-DO COMING-pc

[12] Arrpenhe angke-ke,other speak-pc

[13] "Kwatye-werne alpe-rre-tyeke ilerne, ure-ketye!""water-ALL go back-dlS/A-PURP 1plS, fire-AVER

[14] Kele arrpenhele tyarre-kng-irtne-ke.

O.K. other-ERG pull out-take-REVERS-pc

[15] Re-nhe-therre ure-le ampe-ke anteme. 3dl-ACC fire-ERG burn-pc now

[16] Nhenhe-nge anteme ayeye nhenhe uyerre-me. this-ABL now story this-S finish-npp

[17] Ayeye urteke ware.story short DISMIS

A STORY ABOUT A PAIR OF SIAMESE TWINS

A long time ago there lived a pair of Siamese twins. They were two old men.1 One of the pairnever wanted to do any work, or go hunting, or even go for a walk.2/3 But the other one used to bevery lively and busy.4 This last one would always invite the other one to go5 hunting for meat or bushfood with him.6 However, since they were Siamese twins,7 the other one would refuse in vain8, becausethe lively one would just pull the lazy one after him.9

These two used to live beside some water.10 One day a fire came burning through11 and thelazy one said,12 "Let's go back to the water, before the fire gets us!"13 So the other one pulled himalong after him back towards home.14 However, the two of them got burned up in the fire.15

This is how the story finishes.16 It's only a short story.17______________________________________________________________________

10. AYEYE MARLE UTHENE ATWETYE UTHENE-KERTEby Margaret Heffernan

Pmere arrule kwele neke ampe marle kweke nyente.1 Re kwele lheke arlte nyentele2 keleimerte re aretyelhemele atwetye kweke nyente atnyeme atnartengeke.3 Marle kweke re kwelenthepirreke atwetye kweke ikwere,4 kenhe atwetye kweke re aretyeme kwetethe nthurre arltearrpanenhele.5 Marle kweke re lhetyerte atwetye kweke renhe aretyeke;6 aretyelhemele atwetyerenhe7 marle re nthepirretyerte kwetethe.8

Kele, arrule kngerre arrpenhele anteme,9 marle kweke re wenke kngerre anteme-irreke anteatwetye kweke re.10 Re-therre kngerre therre anteme-irreke purte kwete.11 Arlte nyentele anteme

wenke re lheke aherre renhe aretyeke12 kenhe aherre re karelhetyeme ikwere.13 Wenke re imerteikwere arratetyelhemele,14 kenhe aherre re kemirremele neke15 aremele wenke renhe petyerlengeikwerewernethepe.16 Kele wenke re nthepirretyelheke aherre ikwere itweme-itweme anteme.17Wenke re nthepirrintyeme aherre ikwerewerne.18 Kele itwe nthurre anteme-irreke19, kenhe aherre rerenhe arntirrkweke ante renhe re arlkweke.20

Kele

AYEYE MARLE UTHENE ATWETYE UTHENE-KERTEstory girl bi-and joey bi-and-PROP

[1] Pmere arrule kwele ne-ke ampe marle kweke nyente.camp long ago QUOT be-pc child female small one

[2] Re kwele lhe-ke arlte nyente-le3sg QUOT go-pc day one-LOC

[3] kele imerte re are-tye.lhe-me-le atwetye kweke nyenteO.K. then 3sgA see-GO&DO-npp-SS joey little oneatnyeme atnartenge-ke.witchetty bush base-DAT

[4] Marle kweke re kwele nthep-irre-ke atwetye kweke ikwere, female little 3sgS QUOT dance-INCH-pc joey little 3sgDAT,

[5] kenhe atwetye kweke re are-tyeme kwetethe nthurreBUT joey little 3sgA see-pp always INTENSarlte arrpanenhe-le.day many-different-LOC

[6] Marle kweke re lhe-tyerte atwetye kweke re-nhe are-tyeke;female little 3sgS go-rem.p.hab joey little 3sg-ACC see-PURP

[7] are-tye.lhe-me-le atwetye re-nhesee-GO&DO-npp-SS joey 3sg-O

[8] marle re nthep-irre-tyerte kwetethe.female 3sgS dance-INCH-rem.p.hab always.

[9] Kele, arrule kngerre arrpenhe-le anteme,O.K., long time big other-LOC now,

[10] marle kweke re wenke kngerre anteme-irre-kefemale little 3sgS young woman big now-INCH-pcante atwetye kweke re.and joey little 3sgS

[11] Re-therre kngerre therre anteme-irre-ke purte kwete.3dlS big two now-INCH-pc together still

[12] Arlte nyente-le anteme wenke re lhe-keday one-LOC now yng.woman 3sgS go-pcaherre re-nhe are-tyekekangaroo 3sg-ACC see-PURP

[13] kenhe aherre re kare-lhe-tyeme ikwere.BUT kangaroo 3sgS mind-REFL(wait)-pp 3sgDAT

[14] Wenke re imerte ikwere arrate-tye.lhe-me-le,yng.woman 3sgS then 3sgDAT appear-GO&DO-npp-SS

[15] kenhe aherre re kem-irre-me-le ne-keBUT kangaroo 3sgS get up-INCH-npp-SS sit-pc

[16] are-me-le wenke re-nhe petye-rlenge ikwere-werne-thepe.see-npp-SS yng.woman 3sg-ACC come-DS 3sgDAT-ALL-wards

[17] Kele wenke re nthep-irre-tye.lhe-ke aherre ikwere

O.K. yng.woman 3sgS dance-INCH-GO&DO-pc kangaroo 3sgDATitwe-me-itwe-me anteme.near-UQ-near-UQ now

[18] Wenke re nthep-irr-intye-me aherre ikwere-werne.yng.woman 3sgS dance-INCH-DO COMING-npp kangaroo 3sgDAT-ALL

[19] Kele itwe nthurre anteme-irre-ke,O.K. near INTENS now-INCH-pc,

[20] kenhe aherre re re-nhe arntirrkwe-keBUT kangaroo 3sgA 3sg-ACC hold(catch)-pcante re-nhe re arlkwe-ke.and 3sg-ACC 3sgA eat-pc

KeleO.K.

A STORY ABOUT A GIRL AND A JOEY

A long time ago, so they say, there lived a little girl1 and one day she went out walking2 andfound a little joey at the base of a witchetty bush.3The little girl danced for the baby joey4 and the joeywatched her intently every day.5 You see, the little girl used to go to visit the joey6and on arriving shealways used to dance.7/8

Well, after a long time,9 the little girl had grown into a young woman and the joey had growntoo.10 The two of them had grown up together.11 Then, one day, the young woman went to visit thekangaroo12 and the kangaroo was waiting for her.13 The young woman arrived14 and the kangarooraised himself up15 and sat watching her coming towards him.16 When the young woman got there shestarted dancing for the kangaroo, and she danced closer and closer to him.17 The young woman wasdancing straight towards the kangaroo18 and then,when she had danced right up to him,19 the kangaroograbbed her and ate her.20

THE END_______________________________________________________________________

11. ARTEWE-KERTEby Basil Stevens

Arrule kngerre neke artwe.1 Nyente rerle unthetyerte, pmere arrpanenhewerne lhe-pe-lhemenyente re.2 Nhenge pmereke arratetyelhemele, pmere kngerreke,3 re nhenge mapepurtelhiletyelhetyerte, iletyerte.4 Ayeye kngerre renhe ilerle; nyente renhe kwetethe renhe alakenheiletyerte.5 Awethe re lhemele, pmere arrpenheke arratetyelherle, nyente renhe antimempwaretyelhetyerte:6 ingkirreke purtelhiletyelherle, nyentekwenye;7 ayeye itneke imerte nhengeilemele,8 ayeye renhe, nthakenhe rerle nhenge mpwaretyelheme kere tyewerrelye kngerre pele itnearlkwetyenhenge;9 rerle kwele mpwareme, ante mape renhe imerte ilemele:10 "ingkirreke arrantherrepetyetyeke;11 impemelaye ingkirreke irrtyarte arrekantherrenhe alye uthene ingkerne pmereke.12ingkirreke nyentekwenye atyengenge petyetyeke, nyente netyekenhe ingkerne.13 ingkirreke, pwengepeke, anathe, tnemerle irretetyele peke re, ampwe kngerre tnyelpetnyeye re, alpawe nthurre peke repetyetyeke-arrpe antime.", re angkeke.14

Kele re purtelhileke ingkirre nyenteme netyekenhe ikwerenge arrwekeleke,15 ilemele imerte:"Arrwekeletheke aretyetelhetyeke.16 Kaperte kwene peke itere therrerlke peke aretyekenhe,17 ampetyenhe mape arrantherre ayenge urrerneperneketyenge,18 nwernenhe arrentye kngerrele arlkweketyeingkirreke.19" ingkirreke re aterirreke ante ikwere kangkwirreke itne.20 Artenpele kenhe antemeitnenhe kngeke,21 kenhe itne ingkirre mpwareke rerle ileke nthurre.22 Kele ingkernenge anteme artwere petyemele,23 arlpelhe kngerre therre anteme ikwerenge nhenge arratintyeke.24 Re imerte ingkirrekeitnenhe ankertiwemele iperte kngerre nhengewerne ure ntyelpeke, ahinperle perrke-irrekerleke;25ingkirreke nthurre itnenhe ankertiwemele, roastemileme.26

Arlte arrpenhele anteme artwe nhenhe lheke pmere kngerrewerne anteme, atningkerlenekewerne anteme.27 Artwe nthetye therrele kenhe, ikwerele neke, pmere ikwererenye, renhearrwekele altyerrele areke ingwe ikwerele rerle nhenge arratetyenhe.28 Wale mape pmererenye itnekeartwe re-therre ileke nhenge,29 altyerriperre nhenheketye kwenhe.30 Wale alakenhe kine artwe rearratetyelhemele pmereke, arlketyelheme mapeke:31 "Arratewarre! Arratewarre! Petyaye!Petayaye!32 Ampe tyenhe mape kwenhe atyenge kangkwirretyeke.33 The arrekantherre ayeyekngetyeme ayengerle angketyenhengerle.34" Relhe mapele ante ampe mapele arratintyemelearrwekelewerne renhe, mpwepekerle tnemele ileke anteme, artange-perteke.35 Kenhe re kenhempwepele tnetyeme,36 atningke ikwerelarlenge mpwepele re tneke,37 itne kenhe renhe twerlenge,pwertele wemele mapele;38 arnele tweke peke arne iwenhe-peke itnerle nhenge itweke areme ikwerelepeke.39

Kele artwe re nhenge atnulkeke,40 re alakenhe itelaretyekenhele renherle altyerre arekiperreikwere karelherrirreke.41 Kele ikwerengiperre arnterre unt-elp-unteke, unteke anteme,42 kenheatningke re kenhe alwernerlenge.43 Artwe re-therre kenhe, renherle altyerre areke therreme, itepeleanteme therre ikwere karelheke, rerle unteme ikwere.44 Iterengante therre anteme re-therre antimeirrtyarte iweke,45 renhe anteme nterneke irrtyartele.46 Kele renhe anteme itne tweke,47 yanhe antimere uyerreke, kunye.48 Tyerrtye ikwerenhenge, intel-tnye ikwerenge anteme kemirreke thipekngerrepenhe anteme.49 Kemirremele, ante nhenge alkerekirreke, rerle tnye-inteke ikwerengentyelealkererkirrenheke,50 kele itnenhe, atningke renhe, ilenhemele:51 "Lyetengentyele kwenhe arrantherreayenge alwernerle inetyeke.52 Nthenheke peke ayenge aremele, ayenge twetyeke.53 Twemeleayenge, arrantherre arlkwetyeke,54 ayenge kele arrekantherrenhe kere artewe antemerle nemenge.55"

Yanhenge anteme nhenge mapele nhenge nthenhe peke lhemele, pmere pwetyeke pekearemele,56 urrperle mapele nhenge renhe tweme kwete.57 Makitekerte peke lhemele itnenhe tyerreme,artewe itnenhe.58 Nthenheke peke thipe kngerrepenhe nhenhe renhe aremele,59 itnenhe apentemele,impepe peke itnenhe tweme kwete.60 Kele rerle merne ante kere nwernekenherle, arlkwetyekengayakwe.61 Yanhe renhe anteme itne kere artewe anteme arlkwerreperreme.62

KELE

Artewe-Kertebush turkey-PROP

[1] Arrule kngerre ne-ke artwe.long ago big be-pc man

[2] Nyente re-rle unthe-tyerte, pmere arrpanenhe-werneone 3sgS-FOC look for-rem.p.hab, camp many different-ALLlhe-pe-lhe-me nyente re.go-FREQ.rdp-npp one 3sgS

[3] Nhenge pmere-ke arrate-tye.lhe-me-le, pmere kngerre-ke,REMEMB camp-DAT appear-GO&DO-npp-SS, camp big-DAT

[4] re nhenge mape purte-lhile-tye.lhe-tyerte,3sgA REMEMB pl(grp) together-CAUSE-GO&DO-rem.p.habile-tyerte.tell-rem.p.hab

[5] Ayeye kngerre re-nhe ile-rle; nyente re-nhe kwetethe re-nhestory big 3sg-ACC tell-GenEvt; one 3sg-ACC always 3sg-ACCalakenhe ile-tyerte.like so tell-rem.p.hab

[6] Awethe re lhe-me-le, pmere arrpenhe-ke arrate-tye.lhe-rle,again 3sgS go-npp-SS, camp other-DAT appear-GO&DO-GenEvtnyente re-nhe antime mpware-tye.lhe-tyerte:one 3sg-O exactly do-GO&DO-rem.p.hab

[7] ingkirreke purte-lhile-tye.lhe-rle, nyente-kwenye;all together-CAUS-GO&DO-GenEvt, one-NomNEG

[8] ayeye itne-ke imerte nhenge ile-me-le,story 3pl-DAT then REMEMB tell-npp-SS

[9] ayeye re-nhe, nthakenhe re-rle nhenge mpware-tye.lhe-mestory 3sg-ACC, how 3sgA-FOC REMEMB do(make)-GO&DO-nppkere tyewerrelye kngerre pele itne arlkwe-tyenhenge;meat meat-gift big FACT 3plA eat-SBSQNT

[10] re-rle kwele mpware-me ante mape re-nhe imerte3sgA-REL/FOC QUOT do-nppand pl(grp) 3sg-ACC thenile-me-le:tell-npp-SS

[11] "ingkirreke arrantherre petye-tyeke; all 2plS come-PURP

[12] impe-me-l-aye ingkirreke irrtyarte arre-k-antherre-nheleave-npp-SS-EMPH all spear 2plPOSSalye uthene ingkerne pmere-ke.boomerang bi-and behind camp-DAT

[13] ingkirreke nyente-kwenye atyenge-nge petye-tyeke,all one-NomNEG 1sgDAT-ABL come-PURPnyente ne-tyekenhe ingkerne.one be-VbNEG behind

[14] ingkirreke, pwenge peke, anathe, tne-me-rle irretetye-leall,every blind maybe, crippled, stand-npp-REL cane/crutch-INSTpeke re, ampwe kngerre tny-elpe-tnye-ye re,maybe 3sgS old big fall-C.Incep.rdp-?NMZR? 3sgSalpawe nthurre peke re petye-tyeke-arrpe antime.", re angke-ke.

weak INTENS maybe 3sgS come-PURP-SELF exactly, 3sgS say-pc

[15] Kele re purte-lhile-ke ingkirrenyente-me ne-tyekenheOK 3sgA together-CAUS-pc all one-UQ be-VbNEGikwere-nge arrwekele-ke,3sgDAT-ABL front-DAT

[16] ile-me-le imerte: "Arrwekele-theke are-tye.te.lhe-tyeke.tell-npp-SS then: front-WARDS see-GO&DO.plS/A-PURP

[17] Kaperte kwene peke itere therre-rlke peke are-tyekenhe,head down maybe side two-TOO maybe see-VbNEG,

[18] ampe tyenhe mape arrantherre ayenge urrerne-pe-rne-ketye-nge,child 1sgPOSS pl(grp) 2plA 1sgO blame-FREQ.rdp-AVER-ABL

[19] nwerne-nhe arrentye kngerre-le arlkwe-ketye ingkirreke."1pl-ACC demon big-ERG eat-AVER all

[20] ingkirreke re ater-irre-ke ante ikwere kangkw-irre-ke itne.all 3sgS afraid-INCH-pc and 3sgDAT pay attention-INCH-pc3plS

[21] Artenpele kenhe anteme itne-nhe knge-ke,fire pit BUT now 3pl-ACC take-pc

[22] kenhe itne ingkirrempware-ke re-rle ile-ke nthurre.BUT 3plA all do-pc 3sgA-REL tell-pc INTENS

[23] Kele ingkerne-nge anteme artwe re petye-me-le,O.K. behind-ABL now man 3sgS come-npp-SS

[24] arlpelhe kngerre therre anteme ikwere-nge nhengewing big two now 3sgDAT-ABL REMEMBarrat-intye-ke.appear-DO COMING-pc

[25] Re imerte ingkirreke itne-nhe ankertiwe-me-le iperte kngerre3sgA then all 3pl-ACC push-npp-SS hole bignhenge-werne ure ntyelpe-ke, ahinpe-rle perrke-irre-ke-rle-ke;REMEMB-ALL fire red-hot-DAT, previously-REL coal-INCH-pc-REL-

DAT

[26] ingkirreke nthurre itne-nhe ankertiwe-me-le, roast-em-ile-me.all INTENS 3pl-ACC push-npp-SS, roast-E.tr-CAUS-npp

[27] Arlte arrpenhe-le anteme artwe nhenhe lhe-ke pmere kngerre-werneday other-LOC now man this go-pc camp big-ALLanteme, atningke-rle ne-ke-werne anteme.now, many-REL live-pc-ALL now

[28] Artwe nthetye therre-le kenhe, ikwere-le ne-ke,man young-man two-ERG BUT, 3sgDAT-LOC live-pc

pmere ikwer-arenye, re-nhe arrwekele altyerre-le are-kecamp 3sgDAT-ASSOC, 3sg-ACC before(front) dream-LOC see-pcingwe ikwere-le re-rle nhenge arrate-tyenhe.night 3sgDAT-LOC 3sgS-THAT REMEMB appear-npc

[29] Wale mape pmer-arenye itne-ke artwe re-therre ile-ke nhenge,well pl(grp) camp-ASSOC 3pl-DAT man 3dlA tell-pc REMEMB

[30] altyerr-iperre nhenhe-ketye kwenhe.dream-AFTERthis-AVER ASSERT

[31] Wale alakenhe-kine artwe re arrate-tye.lhe-me-le pmere-ke,well like-so-again man 3sgS appear-GO&DO-npp-SS camp-DATarlke-tye.lhe-me mape-ke:call-out-GO&DO-npp pl(grp)-DAT

[32] "Arrate-warre-Ø! Arrate-warre-Ø! Pety-Ø-aye! Pety-Ø-aye!appear-plS/A-IMP appear-plS/A-IMP come-IMP-EMPH come-IMP-EMPH

[33] Ampe tyenhe mape kwenhe atyenge kangkw-irre-tyeke.child 1sgPOSS pl(grp) ASSERT 1sgDAT pay-attention-INCH-PURP

[34] The arre-k-antherre ayeye knge-tye-me1sgA 2plDAT story(O) take-hither-nppayenge-rle angke-tyenhenge-rle."1sgS-REL speak-SBSQNT-REL (O)

[35] Relhe mape-le ante ampe mape-le arrat-intye-me-le womanpl(grp)-ERG and child pl(grp)-ERG appear-DO COMING-npp-SS

arrwekele-werne re-nhe, mpwepe-ke-rle tne-me-le ile-ke anteme,front-ALL 3sg-ACC, middle-DAT-REL stand-npp-SS tell-pc(REL) now,artange-perte-ke.cooperate-creep up on-pc

[36] Kenhe re kenhe mpwepe-le tne-tyeme,

BUT 3sgS BUT middle-LOC stand-pp,

[37] atningke ikwere-larlenge mpwepe-le re tne-ke,many 3sgDAT-COM middle-LOC 3sgS stand-pc

[38] itne kenhe re-nhe twe-rlenge, pwerte-le we-me-le mape-le;3plA BUT 3sg-ACC hit-DS, rock-INST pelt-npp-SS pl(grp)-ERG

[39] arne-le twe-ke peke arne iwenhe-pekestick-INST hit-pc maybe thing what-maybeitne-rle nhenge itwe-ke are-me ikwere-le peke.3plA-REL REMEMB near-DAT see-npp 3sgDAT-INST maybe

[40] Kele artwe re nhenge atnulke-ke,OK man 3sgS REMEMB be shocked-pc

[41] re alakenhe itelare-tyekenhe-le 3sgA like so know-VbNEG-SS

re-nhe-rle altyerre are-k-iperre ikwere kare-lhe-rrirre-ke.3sg-ACC-THAT dream see-pc-AFTER 3sgDAT mind-REFL(wait)-plS/A-

pc

[42] Kele ikwere-ng-iperre arnterre unt-elp-unte-ke, unte-ke anteme,OK 3sgDAT-ABL-AFTER intensively run-C.Incep.rdp-pc run-pc now,

[43] kenhe atningke re kenhe alwerne-rlenge.BUT crowd(many) 3sgA BUT chase-DS

[44] Artwe re-therre kenhe, re-nhe-rle altyerreare-ke therre-me,man 3dlS BUT, 3sg-ACC-REL dream see-pc two-UQitepe-le anteme therre ikwere kare-lhe-ke,side-LOC now two 3sgDAT mind-REFL(wait)-pc,re-rle unte-me ikwere.3sgS-REL run-npp 3sgDAT.

[45] Itere-ng-ante therre anteme re-therre antime irrtyarte iwe-ke,side-ABL-ONLY two now 3dlA exactly spear throw-pc

[46] re-nhe anteme nterne-ke irrtyarte-le.3sg-ACC now spear-pc spear-INST

[47] Kele re-nhe anteme itne twe-ke,OK 3sg-ACC now 3plA kill-pc

[48] yanhe antime re uyerre-ke, kunye.there(mid) exactly 3sgS finish-pc, poor-thing

[49] Tyerrtye ikwerenhe-nge, inte-l-tnye ikwere-nge antemebody 3sgPOSS-ABL, lie-?-dead(?)[corpse?] 3sgDAT-ABL nowkem-irre-ke thipe kngerre-penhe anteme.get up-INCH-pc bird big-one now

[50] Kem-irre-me-le, ante nhenge alkere-k-irre-ke,get up-INCH-npp-SS,and REMEMB sky-DAT-INCH-pcre-rle tnye-inte-ke ikwere-nge-ntyele alkere-k-irre-nhe-ke,3sg-REL dead(?)-lie-pc 3sgDAT-ABL-ONWARDS sky-DAT-INCH-DO PAST-pc,

[51] kele itne-nhe, atningke re-nhe, ile-nhe-me-le:OK 3pl-ACC, crowd(many) 3sg-ACC, tell-DO PAST-npp-SS

[52] "Lyete-nge-ntyele kwenhe arrantherre ayenge alwerne-rle ine-tyeke.today-ABL-ONWARDS ASSERT 2plA 1sgO chase-GenEvt get-PURP

[53] Nthenhe-ke peke ayenge are-me-le, ayenge twe-tyeke.where-DAT maybe 1sgO see-npp-SS, 1sgO kill-purp

[54] Twe-me-le ayenge, arrantherre arlkw-tyeke,

kill-npp-SS 1sgO, 2plA eat-PURP,

[55] ayenge kele arre-k-antherre-nhe kere artewe anteme-rle ne-me-nge."1sgS OK 2plPOSS game bush turkey now-FOC/REL be-npp-ABL.

[56] Yanhe-nge anteme nhenge mape-le nhenge nthenhe pekethat(mid)-ABL now REMEMB pl(grp) REMEMB where maybelhe-me-le, pmere pwetye-ke peke are-me-le,go-npp-SS, countrybush-DAT maybe see-npp-SS,

[57] urrperle mape-le nhenge re-nhe twe-me kwete.black pl(grp)-ERG REMEMB 3sg-ACC kill/hit-npp still

[58] Makite-kerte peke lhe-me-le itne-nhe tyerre-me, artewe itne-nhe.gun-PROP maybe go-npp-SS 3pl-ACC shoot-npp, bush turkey 3pl-ACC

[59] Nthenhe-ke peke thipe kngerre-penhe nhenhe re-nhe are-me-le,where-DAT maybe bird big-one this 3sg-ACC see-npp-SS

[60] itne-nhe apente-me-le, impepe peke itne-nhe twe-me kwete.3pl-ACC follow-npp-SS, wounded maybe 3pl-ACC hit-npp still.

[61] Kele re-rle merne ante kere nwerne-kenhe-rle,OK 3sgS-FOC/REL v.food and meat 2pl-POSS-FOC/RELarlkwe-tyeke ngayakwe.eat-PURP hungry

[62] Yanhe re-nhe anteme itne kere artewe antemethat 3sg-ACC now 3plA game bush turkey now arlkwe-rre-p-erre-me.eat-plS/A-FREQ.rdp-npp

KELEOK (The End)

STORY OF THE WILD TURKEY

A long time ago there lived a man1 who used to travel about by himself. He used to go to lotsof different places2 and, whenever he arrived at a big camp,3 he used to gather all the people togetherto tell them a story.4 The story he would tell was a big one and it was always the very same one.5Then he would go off to another place and when he got there he would do exactly the same thing:6 hewould gather everyone from the camp together, without any exceptions;7 then he would tell them astory8 about how he was going to throw a big feast for them.9 When he had done that he would thensay to them:10 "All of you must come with me;11 leave all your spears and boomerangs behind incamp.12 Absolutely everyone must come with me, no one is to be left behind.13 Even if a person isblind or crippled, or walking on crutches, or is staggering from old age, or is very weak, they mustdefinitely come.14"

After that he would gather everyone in front of himself15 and he would say: "You must all lookstraight ahead.16 You must not look downwards or to either side,17 because, if you do ,a powerfuldemon will eat us all19 and I don't want you, my children, blaming me for that.18" Everyone would befrightened by this and so they would pay close attention to him.20 And, since they would not realisethat he was taking them into a big pit of fire,21 they would do exactly what he said.22 Then he wouldcome up from behind them23 and, as he came, large wings would appear from his body24 and hewould push everyone into a fire pit full of red hot coals.25 Absolutely everyone would be pushed intothe pit and they would all be roasted.26

Then, one day, this man went to a big camp; a place where a lot of people lived.27 But, in thiscamp there lived two young men who had a dream one night which foretold the evil man's arrival.28 Theother inhabitants of the camp were warned by these two men29 so that the bad things in the dreamcould be avoided.30 So, once again, when the story-teller arrived at the camp he begin calling out tothe people who lived there:31 "Come out! Come out! Come! Come!32 My children , you should payattention to what I have to say.33 I've brought you a story that I'm going to tell.34" The women andchildren came out and together they closed in on the man who was now standing in the middletalking.35 But he, however, was just standing there in the middle of all those people36/37 when theybegan to hit him and pelt him with rocks.38 They hit him with sticks or with whatever they could findnear at hand.39

Well the man was certainly shocked by this40 because he didn't realise that, as a result of adream, the people had been waiting for him.41 So after that he tried hard to run away and then he brokefree and ran for his life,42 but the crowd was chasing him.43 Those two young men, however, - thetwo that had seen the evil man in their dream - lay in wait on each side of the path for the man who wastrying to escape.44 From both sides the two men threw their spears at precisely the right moment andthey both got him.45/46 After that, the whole crowd made sure he was dead47 and he passed awayright there in that spot, poor fellow.48 And then, from out of his dead body there arose a large birdwhich took off into the sky.49/50 As the bird ascended it spoke to the crowd saying:51 "From this dayonwards you will all hunt me.52 Wherever you see me you should kill me.53 Kill me to eat me,54 fornow I am your bush turkey.55"

Since that time, whenever and wherever Aboriginal people find that bush turkey, in the bush orelsewhere, they kill it.56/57 If they are out with a gun then they shoot it.58 Wherever they see thislarge bird59 then they will follow it and if it is wounded then they will kill it properly.60 So that's ourbush food and meat for us to eat when we are hungry.61 That's why Aboriginal people eat the bushturkey.62

THE END

Story of the Wild Turkey - [This is the original English version which was written by Basil Stevens andpublished in Yeperenye Yeye 1983, p9]

Once there was a man, this man used to do a lot of travelling on his own, and in every camp hecame upon, the same thing happened. He would walk into the camp and gather up everyone and starttelling his big stories about the big feast that he was throwing for everyone. He said, so everybody leaveyour spears and boomerangs there's no need for them.

Then he said, no one must be left behind, even the blind, crippled and the weak must all come.Then he got them all in a big heap in front of him and started urging them forward.

Don't look to the front or to either sides my children or the great spirit would kill us all.Everyone was scared and just listened to him and followed orders. Then before everyone knew whatwas happening the man that was behind them had grown a very long wing span like a big giant bird andherded them into a big pit filled with red hot coals and roasted them all.

The next place he came upon had a lot more people. This time there were two young men whodreamed of his arrival so everybody was waiting for him. As usual he walks in calling out the the people;come, come, my children and listen to what I have to say. So all the women and children first was there,all around and had him in the middle. They hit him with stones, sticks and everything they could find. He

got a big surprise and tried to run away. They chased him and the two men on each sides with spearschased him too and they speared him and killed him and that was the end of him.

But from his dead body a big beautiful bird took off and flew into the air, and called back to thepeople:

"You may hunt for me now and kill me again and eat me, for now I am your Wild Turkey."And that is why the Aborigines still don't like wild turkey wherever we see this big bird we still

hunt him down till we kill him again.THE END

______________________________________________________________________

12 AMPE URREYE KWEKE ARTNERRENTYE-KERTEby Margaret Heffernan

[Ayeye ampe urreye kweke kerte kwele]Pmere arrulerle kwele neke; artwe anyente, ante newikwe arelhe nyente, ante ampe urreye

kweke artnerrentye.1 Itne kwele netyerte mwarre nthurre.2 Ampe urreye kweke artnerrentye re kenhekwele neke nyenterle ikwere-therrenhe.3 Artwe re anteme kwele angkeke alakenhe, arlte nyentele,ingweleme kwele kemirremele;4 "Ayengerle kerewerne lhetyenhenge,5 unte gotta ampe kweke yanhemwantye nthurrele atnyenerle kwenhe, arntarntarerle yanhe kwenhe.6" Kele kwele artwe re irrtyarteikwerenhe ineke, amirrerlke,7 alheke anteme kwele re.8 Kele kwele re arlengirremele uyerrenheke.9

Kenhe kwele relhe re kemirremele,10 urtne kweke - [Iperte nhenge-ulkere mernerlkearrernentye kngerre.11 Itnekenherle neke re; arlatyeyekenhe, langkwerlke arrernentye kngerre,yalkerlke.12] - renhe-ulkere kwele ineke, ante kwatyekenhe iperte nthurre, atneme atnyematyetnyetyeke.13 Rerle kwele netyeme artwe re-kemparre uyerrenhetyenhengaye, arerlenemele,14 kwekerenhe yerneyemenge kwatyewerne lhetyeke, nyentarenye, artnerrenhe-pe-nhetyeke kwele.15 Arlengelekenhe kwele neke kwatye iperte re, itnerle kwatyerle ntywemele netyerte.16 Ikwerenge kwele rekweke renhe ileke,17 "Aweye kwekaye!18 Unte warre kwatye pintye-pintye nhenge-ulkere mapeitelare,19 kwatyele tnenhe-tnenhe, ntyentye kngerre,20 ikwere-ulkere kngerrewerne unte lhe-pe-lhekwenhe.21" Akweke renhe kwele re ileke.22

Kele kwele arelhe re arnpenheke,23 kweke re kenhe kwele nemele itwarerleke.24 Keleartnerrenhetyeke anteme kwele re kng-elpe-kngelheke.25 Artnerrenheme kwele re nhekeartnerrenheke.26 Ikwerenge kwele re purrkirreme, mpwepele neke.27 Mpwepele nemele, nemele,kwele re kele ulyentyele nerlenemele lyeke ulyeke tyarrelheke; mperekerleke ante ingke-artepekerleke.28 Tyarrelhemele kwele netyeme, kweke re ulyentyele purrke kngerre neme;29 kenhe

mikwe kenhe kele uyerrerlenekerlenge tnyematyekerlke untherlenetyeke kwele, lewetyerrekerlke,yalkekerlke, arlatyeyekerlke.30 Ankerterlke renhe peke re twerlepetyeme.31 Awethe kwele kweke reartnerrenherle, mpwepeke kwele re arrernelheke, awethe-kine, lyeke renhe tyarrelherlenetyeke.32Awethe-anteyerle imerte kwele lhemele, artnerrenhemele, artnerrekenhe-pe-nhetyenhenge arlenge-arlentye nthurre re anteme kwele.33 Pmerengerlke arlengirreke re;34 kele kwatye renhe anteme reitwekelhileke.35 Kwatye iperte kwatye kngerre-tayeme intenhe-intenhe.36 Ikwere itweke antemekwele re irreke, lherewernetheke re anteme kwele.37 Artnerrekenhemele arnkarrele kweye alengkererle re atnyenheke peke, atnarnpenheke; 38 kenhe relhe re kenhe kwele apmere arrere-kwenyeikwerele kwele alhepelherlenge, utepe-utepe-kwele-irrerlenge pmere arlenge.39 Alewetyerre iltye-ingkekerte anteme kwele tnyentyipenhe re twemele-twemelerle kngetyeke; ankerterlke peke renheapmwerlke peke renhe.40 Yalkerlke tnyemele, kwele uyerrerleneke, arlatyeyerlke tnyerlenemeleurreke-anteye.41 Lhere iterekerlirreke anteme kwele, re petyapletyeme kwatye iperte ikwerewerne42,kenhe kweke nhengepenhe kwele kele lhere ikwerele anteme artnerrenherlenge, kwatyeikwerewernetheke, angkethakwe anteme.43 Kwatye renhe kwele walye mape kwele re iltyelealakenhe-iletyenhenge ingkirreke kwele : kethilemele, ntywemele kwele.44

Ntywentyipenhe imerte kwele artnerrenhemele ulyentyewerne; ankweke kweleiwelheyemenge,45 kenhe kele relhe nhenge petye-anteme-alperlenge, itwe anteme.46 Aretyalpemelekweke renhe ankweke nheke,47 ure itemele iparrpe-iparrpele kwele, lewetyerre maperlkenthekiwemele,48 kele yalkerlke renhe anteme itemele kweke re kwenhe ankwelureke.49 Kwentye-kwentyilemele kwele kele ingkirrekerle mpengileke; mernerlke, kererlke, lewetyerrerlke, ante renheingkirre mpengilekerle.50 Kele kwele imerte relhe re kweke renhe anteme inerliwemele,51 lyeke renhekwele aterele tyarretyenhenge iparrpe-iparrpe nthurrele kwele mperekerleke;52 mperekerleke kwelelyekerle tantheke nhenge artnerrintye-p-intyerlenge,53 iltyeke renhe kwele tyarretyenhenge thengkarrerenhe.54 Ikwerenge imerte kwele ankw-elpe-ankwiletyenhenge, kemerlirreke renhe.55

Kweke ikwere-artweye re, nyikwe re kenhe kwele kele itwe anteme,56 kererle tanthekerle,kere intwarlpekerte kwele arraterlelherlenge, mpengekerte.57 Arrernelhetyalpemele akwele aretyalpekekweke renhe ankwe kngerre.58 Payuthnetyalpeke,59 "Kweke nhenheme iwenhipenherle kwetetheankwe kngerre the aretyalpe-p-alpeme kwenhe?60 Karrerlke nenhe-nenhe anetyange kwenhe.61"Kenhe kwele relhe re ilerlenge,62 "Arrkenirrentyipenheyaye; kwetetherle arrkenirre-p-irreme kwenhe,ankwirrerne kwenhe.";63 urrtyirremele kwele.64

Arlte arrpanenhe rerle kwele neke alakenhe re kwete.65 Artwe kereke alherle, relhe mernekealherle lewetyerrekerlke,66 kenhe kweke kenhe kwele nyente rerle artnerrekerlanerlenge kwatyeikwerewerne.67 Ikweripenhe anteme kwele artwe re nyenterenge anteme re arlte nyente arrpenhelekemirreke.68 Kemirremele kwele kemelhileke,69 "Kele warre aherlkentyenge kemirre kwenhe.70

Ayengerle lyete awethe ulyenye alheyemenge kwenhe.71" Relhe re kwele kemirremele72 mernearlatyeyerlke renhe kwele itne ingweleme arlkwerremele, kwatyerlke ntywerremele, kererlkearlkwerremele; kweke rerlke.73 Artwe re kwele imerte ilemele,74 "Kweke yanhe mwantyewekwenhe.75 Tnengkerre kngerrerle the arernenge kwenhe, altyerre kngerre kwenhe, kweke renhe kweleurltatyele tweke.76 Urltatyelaye, urltatyelerle twerne kwenhe kweke yanhe.77 Mwantyele anteme untelyete arntarntaretyeke kwenhe ankwe kwetetherle the aretyalpe-p-alpeme kwenhe.78" Relhe re kenhemwarre-way re kwele tyernerlenge,79 "Yawe kwenhe. Kweke pele therle kwetethe arntarntare-p-aremerle kwenhe."80 Artwe re kenhe kwele kutnerle neke.81 Artwe re kenhe kutnerle neke relhe rerlekwele kweke renhe yernetyertenge kwatyewerne nyente artnerrekenherlanetyeke kwele.82

Kele kwele artwe re irrtyarterlke ikwerenhe inerlelheke amirrerlke kere twetyeke lhetyeke,tanthetyeke.83 Arnpenheke kwele.84 Alkngare-kwele-lh-elpe-lhenheke, kweke renhe anerlenerlengear-elp-arenhemele kwele.85 Atnerte kenhe kwele re kurnerle welheke kweke ikwere.86 Kerekekwele re arerlapetyemaye87 tharte kwele re irrerlelheke kere ikwere anteme kwele arerlepeke,arerlepeke, arerlepeke, arerlepeke.8 Kere kenhe kwele arrwekelikngerle unterle-unterliweke.89 Justatnante ware nhenge-ulkere kwele nerlenge lyetenye.90 Nhenhenge lyeterle kemirrenhernerle, yanhengelyeterle kemirrenhernerle, nhakwerle unterliweme kwenhe:91 "Iwenheperte antemerleme lyetekwenhe?"92 Kwete kwele re lheke kere twetyeketwetye kwele unthetyeke.93

Kenhe kwele relhe nhenge ingkerne-anteye kemirreke.94 Artwe renhe arlenge-arteke-irrerlengeitwareke.95 Arne ikwerenhe mape inerlelheke anteme ante urtne kweke iperte renhe-therrenhe;mernekenhe ante kwatyekenhe,96 inemele kwele arnpenherlenge kweke renhe ilerlelheme,97 "Aweyekwekaye, kwatye nhengewerne alhepelhe kwenhe.98 Kwatye pintyarre-angketyarre nhengewerne youarrwekele artnerrenherle kwenhe;99 ayenge nhakwerle lhemengerle kwenhe merne nwernekeinenhetyeke kwenhe.100"

Wale kweke re awethe-kine road antemerle kwele mpwareke,101 kwele re artnerrerlenemele,iwerre kngerre antemerle kwele mpwareke;102 artnerreperrerle kwele, arlte arrpanenhe ikwerelekwele.103 Artnerrenhemele kwele kweke re awetherle nerle.104 Ulyentye arrpanenhe rerle netye-netyalpetyerte ulyentye ikwerele line-up re anerlepeke.105 Atnarnpe-kwele-nheke, lhere ikwerewernekweke re artnerrenheke.106 Kwatye ikwerele anteme kwele anthelke mape nhenge, pere walyey'know, nhenge lernelhetyerte arntyerrke;107 lkele anteme nhenge, itere arrpenhe-thayetewerne antemenhenge kwatye ikwererleke werneke.108 Kele aharle netyenhenge itere arrpenhe-thayetelenemerle,109 ikwere-thayete-wernerle akwele kweke re artnerrintyetyeme110 apmweke-anternenhenhenhe kenhe ikwere karelherleke.111 Itwekirremele kwele aherele kwele artnerrintyerle kwatyekngerre nhenge warre yanhe kwenhe, itepele aremele112. Re pele ikwerengentyele kwele awethe-anteye nthelke renhe kwele nhenge iwenhe-kwey-iletyelherle.113 Arlengirremele kwele ankertiweke,

kethilemele, ntywetyenhenge kwatye.114 Ntywetyeke anteme kwele re artepe-arrernelheke.115Apmwele kenhe kwele renhe ay-elp-ayernemele yanhe ikwere-perre-anteye kwele tnyante-uthneke,kwatye ikwere itereke-anteye.116 Impatye anteme nhenge apmwe re neke, apmwe re kenheuthnemelanterle nhenge lheke anthelkengentyele.117

Kwatye iterele pekerle nhenge irrerntirremele intetyemele re uthneke kweke renhe,118 kenhekwele arelhe nhenge itwe anteme kwele ularre-ularre; lewetyerrerlkekerte kwele yalkerlke, ultherteikwerekerte,119 merne arlkwenhe-arlkwenhe akngerre ikwerekerte kwele petyalperlenge.120Kwetethe nhenge rerle mpware-p-areme-arteke kwele re mpwaretyalpeke.121 Ure kutyeke, ure alepetheneke, ure itemele anteme neke.122 Ure imerte nhenge arlpmanthe anteme irrerlenemele itelaraye,tyerretyeke;123 lewetyerrerlke, yamerlke renhe itetyeke, arlatyeye ante yalke, awele-awelerlke pekerenherle re inetyerte.124 Kweke rerle kwele ankwintetyeme-kathene.125 Mernerlke, kererlkempengerlilekeliperre kwele kele kweke renhe anteme kwele ulyentyeke inartnalpeke, artnerremelepekerle iwelheke.126 Anpemele kwele, nhenhe pele arrangkwe kwenhe.127 Atwelheke kwele reyanhe ikwere awethe-anteye128 kwatye itere ikwere anteme kwele re areke apmwe kngerrenhenhipenhe kwenhe.129 Apale neke kwenhe.130 Atwelhemele, atwelhemele, atwelhemele,arlpmenyele kwele pernelheke.131 Alhwante anteme kwele anertneke.132

Kenhe kwele artwe nhenge kenhe kwele, artwe nyikwe re kenhe kwele petyalpeke;133 nokere nyenterle kwele re tweke.134 Kere nyente pekerle kwele re atweke peke, areke peke kwele,arrangkwe.135 Arlenge-anterle kwele re aretyeme kemirrenherlenge, not itweke peke kwele re areke,arrangkwe.136 Re kwele pele aretyalpeke relhe renhe arlpmenye-anterle kwele arnarerlenerlenge,mperlkere-nthurrerle-ilelhekerle arlpmenyele.137 Kweke kenhe kwele interlenge, arintye-kwele-alpeke arlengenge-anteye apele,138 "Oh alakenhe nhengerle ayenge urltatyerlke irrerlelheke.139 Apaleanteme ayenge lheke.140"

Kenhe relhe re kenhe kwele arrwekele-anteyerle artwe ikweretyenge impatye renhe kweleurrpareke.141 Pmerewernethekerlke kwele re half-way urrparelherliweke itwe-anteye.142

Kenhe kwele artwe just arlengenge-anteye arintyeke.143 Amirreke kwele re irrtyartekwernemele, ulte tantheke ikwere-anteye.144 Ikwere-anteye kwele apele renhe untyerlke tweke,145kweke renhe-anteye iperteke artemele,146 imerte renhe urele iterlelhemele alhemele pmerearrpenhewerne anteme.147

Nhenhe anteme kweke artnerrentye ikwere kerte ayeye nhenhe re neke.148 Ingkerne-ingkerneayeye ikwerengerle renhe apmwele uthneke;149 kele artwe re pmere arrpenhewerne lheke, pmerearrpenheke tyerrtye arrpenhe mape aretyelhetyeke.150KELE

Ampe Urreye KwekeArtnerre-ntye-Kertechild boy little crawl-NMZR-PROP

[Ayeye ampe urreye kweke-kerte kwele.][story child boy little-PROP QUOT]

[1] Pmere arrule-rle kwele ne-ke; artwe anyente, ante new-ikwecamp long time-FOCQUOT live-PC; man one and spouse-3KinPOSSarelhe nyente, ante ampe urreye kweke artnerre-ntye.womanone, and child boy little crawl-NMZR

[2] Itne kwele ne-tyerte mwarre nthurre.3plS QUOT live-rem.p.hab good INTENS

[3] Ampe urreye kweke artnerre-ntye re kenhe kwele ne-kechild boy little crawl-NMZR 3sgS BUT QUOT be-pcnyente-rle ikwere-therre-nhe.one-FOC 3dlPOSS

[4] Artwe re anteme kwele angke-ke alakenhe,man 3sgS now QUOT speak-pc like soarlte nyente-le, ingweleme kwele kem-irre-me-le;day one-LOC, morning QUOT get up-INCH-npp-SS

[5] "Ayenge-rle kere-werne lhe-tyenhenge,"1sgS-FOC meat-ALL go-SBSQNT

[6] unte gotta ampe kweke yanhe mwantye nthurre-le2sgA have to child little that(mid) carefully INTENS-ADVatnyene-rle kwenhe, arntarntare-rle yanhe kwenhe."hold-GenEvt ASSERT, look after-GenEvt that(mid) ASSERT."

[7] Kele kwele artwe re irrtyarte ikwerenhe ine-ke, amirre-rlke,O.K. QUOT man 3sgA spear 3sgPOSS get-pc, womera-TOO

[8] alhe-ke anteme kwele re.go-pc now QUOT 3sgS

[9] Kele kwele re arleng-irre-me-le uyerre-nhe-ke.O.K. QUOT 3sgS far-INCH-npp-SS disappear-DO PAST-pc

[10] Kenhe kwele relhe re kem-irre-me-le,BUT QUOT woman 3sgS get up-INCH-npp-SS

[11] urtne kweke - [Iperte nhenge-ulkere merne-rlkecoolamon little - [hole REMEMB-KIND v.food-TOOarrerne-ntye kngerre.put-NMZR big

[12] Itne-kenhe-rle ne-ke re; arlatyeye-kenhe,3pl-POSS-FOC be-pc 3sgS; yam(type)-POSSlangkwe-rlke arrerne-ntye kngerre, yalke-rlke.] -bush banana-TOO put-NMZR big, bush onion-TOO] -

[13] re-nhe-ulkere kwele ine-ke, ante kwatye-kenhe iperte nthurre,3SG-ACC-KIND QUOT get-pc, and water-POSS deep INTENS,atneme atnyem-atye tnye-tyeke.digging stick witchetty bush-grub dig-PURP

[14] Re-rle kwele ne-tyeme artwe re-kemparre3sgS-FOC QUOT sit-pp man 3sgS-FIRSTuyerre-nhe-tyenheng-aye, are-rle.ne-me-le,disappear-DO PAST-SBSQNT-EMPH see-CONT-npp-SS

[15] kweke re-nhe yern-eyemenge kwatye-werne lhe-tyeke,little 3sg-ACC send-HOPE water-ALL go-PURP,nyent-arenye, artnerre-nhe-pe-nhe-tyeke kwele.one-ASSOC, crawl-DO PAST-FRQNT.rdp-PURP QUOT

[16] Arlenge-le kenhe kwele ne-ke kwatye iperte re,far-LOC BUT QUOT be-pc water hole 3sgSitne-rle kwatye-rle ntywe-me-le ne-tyerte.3plA-REL water-REL drink-npp-SS be-rem.p.hab

[17] Ikwere-nge kwele re kweke re-nhe ile-ke,3sgDAT-ABL QUOT 3sgA little 3sg-ACC tell-pc

[18] "Aweye kwek-aye! baby boy little-EMPH[19] Unte warre kwatye pintye-pintye nhenge-ulkere mape itelare-Ø,

2sgA REMIND water water-reeds REMEMB-KIND pl(grp) know-IMP

[20] kwatye-le tne-nhe-tne-nhe, ntye-ntye kngerre,water-LOC stand-NMZR.Hab.rdp smell(intr)-NMZR big,

[21] ikwere-ulkere kngerre-werne unte lhe-pe-lhe-Ø kwenhe."3sgDAT-KIND big-ALL 2sgS go-FREQ.rdp-IMP ASSERT

[22] Akweke re-nhe kwele re ile-ke.little 3sg-ACC QUOT 3sgA tell-pc.

[23] Kele kwele arelhe re arnpe-nhe-ke,OK QUOT woman 3sgS step-DO PAST-pc

[24] kweke re kenhe kwele ne-me-le itware-rleke.little 3sgA BUT QUOT sit-npp-SS watch go away-DS

[25] Kele artnerre-nhe-tyeke anteme kwele re kng-elpe-knge-lhe-ke.OK crawl-DO PAST-PURP now QUOT 3sgS take-C.Incep.rdp-REFL-pc

[26] Artnerre-nhe-me kwele re nheke artnerre-nhe-ke.crawl-DO PAST-npp QUOT 3sgS ?(here-DAT) crawl-DO PAST-pc

[27] Ikwere-nge kwele re purrk-irre-me, mpwepe-le ne-ke.3sgDAT-ABL QUOT 3sgS tired-INCH-npp, middle-LOC sit-pc

[28] Mpwepe-le ne-me-le, ne-me-le, kwele re kelemiddle-LOC sit-npp-SS, sit-npp-SS, QUOT 3sgS OKulyentye-le ne-rle.ne-me-le lyeke ulye-ketyarre-lhe-ke;shade-LOC sit-CONT-npp-SS prickle shade-DAT pull out-REFL-pc;mpere-kerleke ante ingke-artepe-kerleke.knee- CONNECT and foot-back-CONNECT

[29] Tyarre-lhe-me-le kwele ne-tyeme,pull out-REFL-npp-SS QUOT be-ppkweke re ulyentye-le purrke kngerre ne-me;little 3sgS shade-LOC tired big be-npp;

[30] kenhe m-ikwe kenhe kele uyerre-rle.ne-ke-rlengeBUT mother-3KinPOSS BUT OK disappear-CONT-pc-DStnyem-atye-ke-rlke unthe-rle.ne-tyeke kwele,witchetty bush-grub-DAT-TOO look for-CONT-PURP QUOTlewetyerre-ke-rlke, yalke-ke-rlke, arlatyeye-ke-rlke.goanna-DAT-TOO, bush onion-DAT-TOO, yam(type)-DAT-TOO

[31] Ankerte-rlke re-nhe peke re twe-rle.pe-tyeme.lizard-TOO 3sg-ACC maybe 3sgA hit-DO ALONG-pp

[32] Awethe kwele kweke re artnerre-nhe-rle, mpwepe-ke kwele reagain QUOT little 3sgS crawl-DO PAST-GenEvt middle-DAT QUOT 3sgSarrerne-lhe-ke, awethe-kine, lyeke re-nhe tyarre-lhe-rle.ne-tyeke.put-REFL-pc, again/more-again prickle 3sg-ACC pull out-REFL-CONT-PURP

[33] Awethe-anteye-rle imerte kwele lhe-me-le, artnerre-nhe-me-le,again-still/too-FOC then QUOT go-npp-SS, crawl-DO PAST-npp-SS,artnerre-ke-nhe-pe-nhe-tyenhenge arlenge-arlentye nthurre re anteme kwele.

crawl-?-DO PAST-FREQ.rdp-SBSQNT very far INTENS 3sgS nowQUOT

[34] Pmere-nge-rlke arleng-irre-ke re;camp-ABL-TOO far-INCH-pc 3sgS;

[35] kele kwatye re-nhe anteme re itwe-ke-lhile-ke.OK water 3sg-ACC now 3sgA near-DAT-CAUS-pc

[36] Kwatye iperte kwatye kngerre-tayeme inte-nhe-inte-nhe.water hole rain big-TIME lie-NMZR.Hab.rdp

[37] Ikwere itwe-ke anteme kwele re irre-ke,3sgDAT near-DAT now QUOT 3sgS INCH-pclhere-werne-theke re anteme kwele.creek bed-ALL-wards3sgS now QUOT

[38] Artnerre-ke-nhe-me-le arnkarre-le kweye alengkecrawl-?-DO PAST-npp-SS bank-LOC SelfDoubt ?unfortunate onere-rle re atnye-nhe-ke peke, atnarnpe-nhe-ke;3sgS-REL 3sgS fall-DO PAST-pc maybe, descend-DO PAST-pc;

[39] kenhe relhe re kenhe kwele apmerearrere-kwenye ikwere-leBUT woman3sgS BUT QUOT place nearby-NomNEG 3sgDAT-LOCkwele alhe-pe-lhe-rlenge, utepe-utepe-kwele-irre-rlenge pmere arlenge.QUOT go-FREQ.rdp-DS turn back(rdp)-QUOT-INCH-DS place far

[40] Alewetyerre iltye-ingke-kerte anteme kwele tnye-nty-ipenhegoanna hand-foot-PROP(O) now QUOT dig-NMZR-AFTERre twe-me-le-twe-me-le-rle knge-tye-ke;3sgA hit-npp-SS-hit-npp-SS-REL(O) take-hither-pc;ankerte-rlke peke re-nhe apmwe-rlke peke re-nhe.lizard-TOO maybe 3sg-ACC snake-TOO maybe 3sg-ACC

[41] Yalke-rlke tnye-me-le, kwele uyerre-rle.ne-ke,bush onion-TOO dig-npp-SS, QUOT finish-CONT-pcarlatyeye-rlke tnye-rle.ne-me-le urreke-anteye.yam(type)-TOO dig-CONT-npp-SS later-still/too

[42] Lhere itere-ke-rl-irre-ke anteme kwele recreek bed side-DAT-REL-INCH-pc now QUOT 3sgSpety-alpe-tyeme kwatye iperte ikwere-werne,come back-pp water hole 3sgDAT-ALL

[43] kenhe kweke nhenge-penhe kwele kele lhere ikwere-le antemeBUT little REMEMB-PITY QUOT O.K. creek bed 3sgDAT-LOC nowartnerre-nhe-rlenge, kwatye ikwere-werne-theke, angkethakwe anteme.crawl-DO PAST-DS, water 3sgDAT-ALL-WARDS, thirsty now

[44] Kwatye re-nhe kwele walye mape kwele rewater 3sg-ACC QUOT branches pl(grp) QUOT 3sgAiltye-le alakenhe-ile-tyenhenge ingkirreke kwele :hand-INST like so-CAUS-SBSQNT all QUOT:keth-ile-me-le, ntywe-me-le kwele.uncovered-CAUS-npp-SS, drink-npp-SS QUOT

[45] Ntywe-nty-ipenhe imerte kwele artnerre-nhe-me-ledrink-NMZR-AFTER then QUOT crawl-DO PAST-npp-SSulyentye-werne; ankwe-ke kwele iwe-lh-eyemenge, shade-ALL; asleep-DAT QUOT throw away-REFL-HOPE

[46] kenhe kele relhe nhenge petye-anteme-alpe-rlenge, itwe anteme.BUT O.K. womanREMEMB come-now-back-DS, near now.

[47] Are-ty.alpe-me-le kweke re-nhe ankwe-ke nheke,see-GO BACK&DO-npp-SS little 3sg-ACC sleep-DAT ?(Here-DAT),

[48] ure ite-me-le iparrpe-iparrpe-le kwele,

fire cook-npp-SS quickly-quickly-ADV QUOTlewetyerre mape-rlke nthekiwe-me-le,goanna pl(grp)-TOO roast(?)-npp-SS,

[49] kele yalke-rlke re-nhe anteme ite-me-leOK bush onion-TOO 3sg-ACC now cook-npp-SSkweke re kwenhe ankwe-l-ureke.little 3sgS ASSERT asleep-LOC-during.

[50] Kwentye-kwenty-ile-me-le kwele kele ingkirreke-rleall sorts together-CAUS-npp-SS QUOT O.K. all-FOC/RELmpeng-ile-ke; merne-rlke, kere-rlke, lewetyerre-rlke,cooked-CAUS-pc; v.food-TOO, meat-TOO, goanna-TOOante re-nhe ingkirrempeng-ile-ke-rle.and 3sg-ACC all cooked-CAUS-pc-REL

[51] Kele kwele imerte relhe re kweke re-nhe anteme ine-rl.iwe-me-le,OK QUOT then woman3sgA little 3sg-ACC now get-DO QUICK-npp-

SS,

[52] lyeke re-nhe kwele atere-le tyarre-tyenhengeprickle 3sg-ACC QUOT afraid-ADV pull out-SBSQNT

iparrpe-iparrpe nthurre-le kwele mpere-kerleke;quickly-quickly INTENS-ADV QUOT knee-CONNECT;

[53] mpere-kerleke kwele lyeke-rle tanthe-ke nhengeknee-CONNECT QUOT prickle-REL spear-pc REMEMBartnerr-intye-p-intye-rlenge,crawl-DO COMING-FREQ.rdp-DS,

[54] iltye-kere-nhe kwele tyarre-tyenhenge thengkarre re-nhe.hand-DAT 3sg-ACC QUOT pull out-SBSQNT burr (bindi-eye?)3sg-ACC

[55] Ikwere-nge imerte kwele ankw-elpe-ankw-ile-tyenhenge,3sgDAT-ABL then QUOT asleep-C.Incep.rdp-CAUS-SBSQNT,keme-rl-irre-ke re-nhe.get up-REL-INCH-pc 3sg-ACC

[56] Kweke ikwere-artweye re, ny-ikwe re kenhe kwelelittle 3sgDAT-custodian 3sgS, father-3KinPOSS 3sgS BUT QUOTkele itwe anteme,OK near now,

[57] kere-rle tanthe-ke-rle, kere intwarlpe-kertekwelegame-REL spear-pc-REL, meat over shoulders-PROP QUOTarrate-rle.lhe-rlenge, mpenge-kerte.appear-DO&GO-DS, cooked-PROP

[58] Arrerne-lhe-ty.alpe-me-le akwele are-ty.alpe-keput-REFL-GO BACK&DO-npp-SS QUOT see-GO BACK&DO-pckweke re-nhe ankwe kngerre.little 3sg-ACC asleep big

[59] Payuthne-ty.alpe-ke,ask-GO BACK&DO-pc,

[60] "Kweke nhenhe-me iwenh-ipenhe-rle kwetethe ankwe kngerre"little this-INTER what-AFTER-FOC always asleep bigthe are-ty.alpe-p-alpe-me kwenhe?1sgA see-GO BACK&DO-FREQ.rdp-npp ASSERT

[61] Karre-rlke ne-nhe-ne-nhe ane-tyange kwenhe."awake-TOO be-NMZR.Hab.rdp be-VbNEG ASSERT."

[62] Kenhe kwele relhe re ile-rlenge,

BUT QUOT woman3sgA tell-DS,

[63] "Arrken-irre-nty-ipenhe-y.aye; kwetethe-rlefun-INCH-NMZR-AFTER-EMPH2 always-FOCarrken-irre-p-irre-me kwenhe, ankw-irre-rne kwenhe.";fun-INCH-FREQ.rdp-npp ASSERT, asleep-INCH-p.immed ASSERT.";

[64] urrty-irre-me-le kwele.lie-INCH-npp-SS QUOT.

[65] Arlte arrpanenhe re-rle kwele ne-ke alakenhe re kwete.day many-different 3sgS-FOC QUOT be-pc like so 3sgS still

[66] Artwe kere-ke alhe-rle, relhe merne-ke alhe-rle lewetyerre-ke-rlke,man meat-DAT go-GenEvt, womanv.food-DAT go-GenEvt goanna-DAT-

TOO,

[67] kenhe kweke kenhe kwele nyente re-rleBUT little BUT QUOT one 3sgS-FOCartnerre-ke-rle.ne-rlenge kwatye ikwere-werne.crawl-?-CONT-DS water 3sgDAT-ALL.

[68] Ikwer-ipenhe anteme kwele artwe re nyente-renge anteme3sgDAT-AFTER now QUOT man 3sgS one-NumAdv nowre arlte nyente arrpenhe-le kem-irre-ke.3sgS day one other-LOC get up-INCH-pc.

[69] Kem-irre-me-le kwele keme-lh.ile-ke,get up-INCH-npp-SS QUOT getup-CAUS-pc,

[70] "Kele warre aherlke-ntye-nge kem-irre-Ø kwenhe."OK REMIND to dawn-NMZR-ABL get up-INCH-IMP ASSERT.

[71] Ayenge-rle lyete awethe ulyenye alh-eyemenge kwenhe."

1sgS-FOC today again hunting go-HOPE ASSERT.

[72] Relhe re kwele kem-irre-me-le woman 3sgS QUOT get up-INCH-npp-SS

[73] merne arlatyeye-rlke re-nhe kwele itne ingweleme arlkwe-rre-me-le,v.food yam(type)-TOO 3sg-ACC QUOT 3plA morning eat-plS/A-npp-

SS,kwatye-rlke ntywe-rre-me-le, kere-rlke arlkwe-rre-me-le; kweke re-rlke.water-TOO drink-plS/A npp-SS, meat-TOO eat-plS/A-npp-SS; little 3sgA-

TOO

[74] Artwe re kwele imerte ile-me-le,man 3sgA QUOT then tell-npp-SS,

[75] "Kweke yanhe mwanty-ewe kwenhe.little that(mid) carefully-EMPH+ ASSERT.

[76] Tnengkerre kngerre-rle the are-rne-nge kwenhe,dream big-FOC 1sgA see-p.immed-ABL ASSERT,

altyerrekngerre kwenhe, kweke re-nhe kweledream big ASSERT, little 3sg-ACC ASSERTurltatye-le twe-ke.premonition(?)-ERG hit-pc.

[77] Urltatye-l-aye, urltatye-le-rle twe-rnepremonition(?)-ERG-EMPH premonition(?)-ERG-FOC hit-p.immedkwenhe kweke yanhe.ASSERT little that(mid).

[78] Mwantye-le anteme unte lyete arntarntare-tyeke kwenhecarefully-ADV now 2sgA today look after-PURP ASSERT

ankwe kwetethe-rle the are-ty.alpe-p-alpe-me kwenhe."asleep ASSERT-REL 1sgA see-GO BACK&DO-FREQ.rdp-npp ASSERT"

[79] Relhe re kenhe mwarre-way re kwele tyerne-rlenge,woman3sgA BUT good-way 3sgA QUOT respond-DS,

[80] "Yawe kwenhe. Kwekepele the-rle kwetethe"yes ASSERT. little FACT 1sgA-REL alwaysarntarntare-p-are-me-rle kwenhe."look after-FREQ.rdp-npp-REL ASSERT."

[81] Artwe re kenhe kwele kutne-rle ne-ke.man 3sgS BUT QUOT ignorant-FOC/REL be-pc

[82] Artwe re kenhe kutne-rle ne-ke relhe re-rleman 3sgS BUT ignorant-FOC/REL be-pc woman3sgA-THATkwele kweke re-nhe yerne-tyerte-nge kwatye-werneQUOT little 3sg-ACC send-rem.p.hab-ABL water-ALLnyente artnerre-ke-nhe-rle.ne-tyeke kwele.one crawl-?-DO PAST-CONT-PURP QUOT.

[83] Kele kwele artwe re irrtyarte-rlke ikwerenhe ine-rle.lhe-keOK QUOT man 3sgA spear-TOO 3sgPOSS get-DO&GO-pcamirre-rlke kere twe-tyeke lhe-tyeke, tanthe-tyeke.womera-TOO game kill-PURP go-PURP, spear-PURP.

[84] Arnpe-nhe-ke kwele.step-DO PAST-pc QUOT.

[85] Alkngare-kwele-lh-elpe-lhe-nhe-ke, kweke re-nhe?turn around-QUOT-REFL-C.Incep.rdp-DO PAST-pc, little 3sg-ACCane-rle.ne-rlenge ar-elp-are-nhe-me-le kwele.sit-CONT-DS see-C.Incep.rdp-DO PAST-npp-SS QUOT

[86] Atnertekenhe kwele re kurne-rle welhe-ke kweke ikwere.stomach BUT QUOT 3sgS bad-FOC/REL feel-pc little 3sgDAT.

[87] Kere-ke kwele re are-rle.pe-tyem-ayegame-DAT QUOT 3sgA see-DO ALONG-pp-EMPH

[88] tharte kwele re irre-rle.lhe-ke kere ikwere anteme kwelestart QUOT 3sgS INCH-DO&GO-pc game 3sgDAT now QUOTare-rle.pe-ke, are-rle.pe-ke, are-rle.pe-ke, are-rle.pe-ke.see-DO ALONG-pc, see-DO ALONG-pc, see-DO ALONG-pc, see-DO ALONG-pc.

[89] Kere kenhe kwele arrwekel-iknge-rle unte-rle-unte-rl.iwe-ke.game BUT QUOT front-TOO MUCH-FOC hurry away-SPORADIC.rdp-pc

[90] Just atn-ante ware nhenge-ulkere kwele ne-rlenge lyete-nye.just shit-ONLY DISMIS REMEMB-KIND QUOT be-DS today-tmp.nom

[91] Nhenhe-nge lyete-rle kem-irre-nhe-rne-rle,here-ABL recently-REL get up-INCH-DO PAST-p.immed-REL,yanhe-nge lyete-rle kem-irre-nhe-rne-rle,there(mid)-ABL recently-REL get up-INCH-DO PAST-p.immed-RELnhakwe-rle unte-rl.iwe-me kwenhe:there(dist)-REL hurry away-DO QUICK-npp ASSERT:

[92] "Iwenhe-perte anteme-rle-me lyete kwenhe?""what-?wrong now-FOC-INTERR today ASSERT"

[93] Kwete kwele re lhe-ke kere twe-tyeke.twetye kwele unthe-tyeke.still QUOT 3sgS go-pc game kill-up until QUOT look for-PURP.

[94] Kenhe kwele relhe nhenge ingkerne-anteye kem-irre-ke.BUT QUOT womanREMEMB behind-still/too get up-INCH-pc.

[95] Artwe re-nhe arlenge-arteke-irre-rlenge itware-ke.man 3sg-ACC far-SEMBL-INCH-DS watch go away-pc

[96] Arne ikwerenhe mape ine-rle.lhe-ke anteme ante urtne kwekething 3sgPOSS pl(grp) get-DO&GO-pc now and coolomon littleiperte re-nhe-therre-nhe; merne-kenhe ante kwatye-kenhe,deep 3dl-ACC v.food-POSS and water-POSS,

[97] ine-me-le kwele arnpe-nhe-rlenge kweke re-nhe ile-rle.lhe-me,get-npp-SS QUOT step-DO PAST-DS little 3sg-ACC tell-DO&GO-npp,

[98] "Aweye kwek-aye, kwatye nhenge-werne alhe-pe-lhe-Ø kwenhe."baby boy little-EMPH, water REMEMB-ALL go-FREQ.rdp-IMP ASSERT.

[99] Kwatye pintyarre-angketyarre nhenge-werne you arrwekelewater reeds-abundance REMEMB-ALL you in front

artnerre-nhe-rle kwenhe;crawl-DO PAST-GenEvt ASSERT

[100] ayenge nhakwe-rle lhe-me-nge-rle kwenhe1sgS there(dist)-FOC/REL go-npp-ABL-FOC/REL ASSERTmerne nwerne-ke ine-nhe-tyeke kwenhe."food 2pl-DAT get-DO PAST-PURP ASSERT

[101] Wale kweke re awethe-kine road anteme-rle kwele mpware-ke,well little 3sgA again-again road now-FOC QUOT make-pc,

[102] kwele re artnerre-rle.ne-me-le, iwerre kngerre anteme-rleQUOT 3sgS crawl-CONT-npp-SS, path(way) big now-FOCkwele mpware-ke;QUOT make-pc;

[103] artnerre-pe-rre-rle kwele, arlte arrpanenhe ikwere-le kwele.crawl-FREQ.rdp-GenEvt QUOT, day many different 3sgDAT-LOC QUOT.

[104] Artnerre-nhe-me-le kwele kweke re awethe-rle ne-rle.crawl-DO PAST-npp-SS QUOT little 3sgS again-FOC be-GenEvt

[105] Ulyentye arrpanenhe re-rle ne-tye-ne-ty.alpe-tyerte shade many different 3sgS-FOC sit-?-sit-GO BACK&DO-rem.p.hab

ulyentye ikwere-le line-up re ane-rle.pe-ke. shade 3sgDAT-LOC lined-up 3sgS sit-DO ALONG-pc

[106] Atnarnpe-kwele-nhe-ke, lhere ikwere-werne kweke re artnerre-nhe-ke.descend-QUOT-DO PAST-pc, creekbed 3sgDAT-ALL little 3sgS crawl-DO

PAST-pc.

[107] Kwatye ikwere-le anteme kwele anthelke mape nhenge,water 3sgDAT-LOC now QUOT ?plant debris pl(grp) REMEMB,apere walye y'know, nhenge lerne-lhe-tyerte arntyerrke;red gum branches y'know, REMEMB shake out-REFL-rem.p.habdry;

[108] lke-le anteme nhenge, itere arrpenhe-thayete-wernewind-ERG now REMEMB, side other-SIDE-ALLanteme nhenge kwatye ikwere-rleke werne-ke.now REMEMB water 3sgDAT-CONNECT blow-pc.

[109] Kele aharle ne-tyenhenge itere arrpenhe-thayete-le ne-me-rle,OK pile be-SBSQNT side other-SIDE-LOC be-npp-FOC/REL,

[110] ikwere-thayete-werne-rle akwele kweke re artnerr-intye-tyeme3sgDAT-SIDE-ALL-FOC/REL QUOT little 3sgS crawl-DO COMING-pp

[111] apmwe-k-anternenhe nhenhe kenhe ikwere kare-lhe-rleke.snake-DAT-huge here BUT 3sgDAT mind-REFL(wait)-DS

[112] Itwe-k-irre-me-le kwele ahere-le kwele artnerr-intye-rle kwatyenear-DAT-INCH-npp-SS QUOT swiftly-ADV QUOT crawl-DO COMING-GenEvtwaterkngerre nhenge warre yanhe kwenhe, itepe-le are-me-le.big REMEMB REMIND that(mid) ASSERT, edge-LOC see-npp-

SS.

[113] Re pele ikwere-nge-ntyele kwele awethe-anteye nthelke3sgA FACT 3sgDAT-ABL-ONWARDS QUOT again-still/too plant debrisre-nhe kwele nhenge iwenhe-kweye-ile-tye.lhe-rle.3sg-ACC QUOT REMEMB what-SelfDoubt-CAUS-GO&DO-GenEvt.

[114] Arleng-irre-me-le kwele ankertiwe-ke, keth-ile-me-le,far-INCH-npp-SS QUOT push away-pc, uncovered-CAUS-npp-SS,ntywe-tyenhenge kwatye.drink-SBSQNT water.

[115] Ntywe-tyeke anteme kwele re artepe-arrerne-lhe-ke.drink-PURP now QUOT 3sgS back-put-REFL-pc.

[116] Apmwe-le kenhe kwele re-nhe ay-elp-ayerne-me-lesnake-ERG BUT QUOT 3sg-ACC bind-C.Incep.rdp-npp-SSyanhe ikwere-perre-anteye kwele tnyante uthne-ke,there(mid) 3sgDAT-?(though)-still/too QUOT severely bite-pc,kwatye ikwere itere-ke-anteye.water 3sgDAT side-DAT-still/too.

[117] Impatye anteme nhenge apmwe re ne-ke, apmwe re kenhetracks now REMEMB snake 3sgS be-pc, snake 3sgS BUTuthne-me-l-ante-rle nhenge lhe-ke anthelke-nge-ntyele.bite-npp-SS-ONLY-FOC/REL REMEMB go-pc plant debris-ABL-ONWARDS.

[118] Kwatye itere-le peke-rle nhenge irrernt-irre-me-lewater side-LOC maybe-FOC REMEMB cold-INCH-npp-SSinte-tyeme-le re uthne-ke kweke re-nhe,lie-pp-SS 3sgA bite-pc little 3sg-ACC,

[119] kenhe kwele arelhe nhenge itwe anteme kwele ularre-ularre;BUT QUOT womanREMEMB near now QUOT turn back-turn back;lewetyerre-rlke-kerte kwele yalke-rlke, ultherte ikwere-kerte,goanna-TOO-PROP QUOT bush onion-TOO, all sorts 3sgDAT-PROP

[120] merne arlkwe-nhe-arlkwe-nhe akngerre ikwere-kerte kwelev.food eat-NMZR.Hab.rdp ig(alot) 3sgDAT-PROP QUOTpety.alpe-rlenge.come back-DS.

[121] Kwetethe nhenge re-rle mpware-p-are-me-arteke kwelealways REMEMB 3sgA-REL make-FREQ.rdp-npp-SEMBL QUOTre mpware-ty.alpe-ke.3sgA make-GO BACK&DO-pc

[122] Ure kutye-ke, ure alepe thene-ke,firewood gather-pc, fire firestick lay down(tr)-pc,ure ite-me-le anteme ne-ke.fire cook-npp-SS now be-pc

[123] Ure imerte nhenge arlpmanthe anteme irre-rle.ne-me-lefire then REMEMB hot embers now INCH-CONT-npp-SSitelar-Ø-aye, tyerre-tyeke;know-IMP-EMPH, cook(in hot embers)-PURP;

[124] lewetyerre-rlke, yame-rlke re-nhe ite-tyeke, arlatyeye ante yalke,

goanna-TOO, yam-TOO 3sg-ACC cook-PURP, yam(type) and bushonions,

awele-awele-rlke peke re-nhe-rle re ine-tyerte.bush tomato-TOO maybe 3sg-ACC-REL 3sgA get-rem.p.hab

[125] Kwekere-rle kwele ankw-inte-tyeme-kathene.little 3sgS-FOC QUOT asleep-lie-pp-MISTAKE

[126] Merne-rlke, kere-rlke mpenge-rl-ile-ke-l-iperre kwele kelev.food-TOO, meat-TOO cooked-REL-CAUS-pc-SS-AFTER QUOT OKkweke re-nhe anteme kwele ulyentye-ke in-artn.alpe-ke,little 3sg-ACC now QUOT shade-DAT get-Quickly:DO&GO BACK-pcartnerre-me-le peke-rle iwe-lhe-ke.crawl-npp-SS maybe-REL throw away-REFL-pc

[127] Anpe-me-le kwele, nhenhe pele arrangkwe kwenhe.touch-npp-SS QUOT, this FACT nothing ASSERT

[128] Atwe-lhe-ke kwele re yanhe ikwere awethe-anteyehit-REFL-pc QUOT 3sgS there(mid) 3sgDAT again-still/too

[129] kwatye itere ikwere anteme kwele re are-ke apmwe kngerrewater side 3sgDAT now QUOT 3sgA see-pc snake bignhenh-ipenhe kwenhe.this-AFTER(O) ASSERT

[130] Apale ne-ke kwenhe.WRONGLY be-pc ASSERT.

[131] Atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le, atwe-lhe-me-le,hit-REFL-npp-SS, hit-REFL-npp-SS, hit-REFL-npp-SS,arlpmenye-le kwele perne-lhe-ke.ashes-INST QUOT rub-REFL-pc.

[132] Alhw-ante anteme kwele ane-rtne-ke.

blood-ONLY now QUOT be-??-pc.

[133] Kenhe kwele artwe nhenge kenhe kwele,BUT QUOT man REMEMB BUT QUOT,artwe ny-ikwe re kenhe kwele pety.alpe-ke;man father-3KinPOSS 3sgS BUT QUOT come back-pc;

[134] no kere nyente-rle kwele re twe-ke.no game one-FOC/RELQUOT 3sgA kill-pc.

[135] Kere nyente peke-rle kwele re atwe-ke peke,game one maybe-FOC/REL QUOT 3sgA kill maybe,are-ke peke kwele, arrangkwe.see-pc maybe QUOT, nothing.

[136] Arlenge-ante-rle kwele re are-tyeme kem-irre-nhe-rlenge,far-ONLY-FOC QUOT 3sgA see-pp get up-INCH-DO PAST-DSnot itwe-ke peke kwele re are-ke, arrangkwe.not near-DAT maybe QUOT 3sgA see-pc, nothing.

[137] Re kwele pele are-ty.alpe-ke relhe re-nhe3sgA QUOT FACT see-GO BACK&DO-pc woman 3sg-ACCarlpmenye-ante-rle kwele arnare-rle.ne-rlenge,ashes-ONLY-REL QUOT watch come-CONT-DS,mperlkere-nthurre-rle-ile-lhe-ke-rle arlpmenye-le.white-INTENS-REL-CAUS-REFL-pc-REL ashes-INSTR.

[138] Kwekekenhe kwele inte-rlenge, ar-intye-kwele-alpe-kelittle BUT QUOT lie-DS, see-DO COMING-QUOT-BACK-pcarlenge-nge-anteye apele,far-ABL-still/too FACT,

[139] "Oh alakenhe nhenge-rle ayenge urltatye-rlke irre-rle.lhe-ke."Oh like so REMEMB-FOC/REL 1sgS premonition-TOO INCH-DO&GO-pc

[140] Apale anteme ayenge lhe-ke."WRONGLY now 1sgS go-pc."

[141] Kenhe relhe re kenhe kwele arrwekele-anteye-rleBUT woman3sgA BUT QUOT front(before)-still/too-FOCartwe ikwere-tye-nge impatye re-nhe kwele urrpare-ke.man 3sgDAT-AVER-ABL tracks 3sg-ACC QUOT erase-pc

[142] Pmere-werne-theke-rlke kwele re half-waycamp-ALL-WARDS-TOO QUOT 3sgS half-wayurrpare-lhe-rl.iwe-ke itwe-anteye.erase-REFL-DO QUICK-pc near-still/too

[143] Kenhe kwele artwe just arlenge-nge-anteye ar-intye-ke.BUT QUOT man just far-ABL-still/too see-DO COMING-pc.

[144] Amirre-ke kwele re irrtyarte kwerne-me-le,womera-DAT QUOT 3sgA spear insert-npp-SSulte tanthe-ke ikwere-anteye.side(body) spear-pc 3sgDAT-still/too.

[145] Ikwere-anteye kwele apele re-nhe untye-rlke twe-ke,3sgDAT-still/too QUOT FACT 3sg-ACC neck-TOO hit-pc,

[146] kweke re-nhe-anteye iperte-ke arte-me-le,little 3sg-ACC-still/too hole-DAT cover(bury)-npp-SS,

[147] imerte re-nhe ure-le ite-rle.lhe-me-lethen 3sg-ACC fire-INST/LOC cook(ignite)-DO&GO-npp-SSalhe-me-le pmere arrpenhe-werne anteme.go-npp-SS camp other-ALL now.

[148] Nhenhe anteme kweke artnerre-ntye ikwere-kerte

this now little crawl-NMZR 3sgDAT-PROPayeye nhenhe re ne-ke.story this 3sgS be-pc.

[149] Ingkerne-ingkerne ayeye ikwere-nge-rle re-nhe apmwe-le uthne-ke;behind-behind story 3sgDAT-ABL-REL 3sg-ACC snake-ERG bite-pc;

[150] kele artwe re pmere arrpenhe-werne lhe-ke,OK man 3sgS camp other-ALL go-pc,pmere arrpenhe-ke tyerrtye arrpenhe mape are-tye.lhe-tyeke.camp other-DAT person other pl(grp) see-GO&DO-PURP.

KELEOK(THE END)

A STORY ABOUT A CRAWLING BABY BOY

A long time ago there lived a man, his wife, and their baby son who was at the crawling stage.1This was their only child and, altogether, they used to live very well.2/3

One day, in the morning when the man had awoken, he said:4 "I'm going hunting,5 make sureyou take good care of the baby, look after him.6" The man got his spear and womera and left.7/8Then he disappeared into the distance.9

The woman, on the other hand, got up10 and gathered together her coolamon [The one with ahole like this, that was always used for putting bush foods in.11 It's something they had in the old daysfor putting things like yams, bush bananas, and bush onions in.12], and a deeper one for carrying waterin, and her digging stick so that she could dig up witchetty grubs.13 She stayed to watch her husbanddisappearing first,14 before sending the baby to go crawling to the water-hole on his own.15 This wasthe water-hole where they used to get their drinking water, and it was quite a long way away.16 Soafter the coast was clear she said to the baby:17 "Hey, my darling little boy!18 You remember thepintye-pintye grasses,19 the ones that have a strong smell and stand by the water,20 well that's whereyou have to go again today.21" That's what she told the baby to do.22

So then the woman just walked off23 and the baby sat watching her go away24. Then hehimself started to move to crawl off.25 And he crawled, and he crawled.26 After a while he got tiredand sat down in the middle of his journey.27 There he sat and sat in the shade pulling prickles out of hisknees and the tops of his feet.28 While he was sitting there in the shade pulling prickles out and feeling

very weary,29 his mother was nowhere to be seen, hunting around for witchetty grubs, goannas, bushonions, and yams I suppose.30 She might have been killing lizards as she was going along.31 Anyway,the little one crawled off again, and then once again sat down in the middle and pulled prickles out,32and then started off yet again. He crawled and crawled and crawled and by now he had come a verylong way.33 He was far away from his home34 and he was now approaching the water-hole.35 Thewater-hole always lay there in the rainy season.36 Finally he got right close up to it and headed for thecreek bed.37 He crawled along the bank [something could have happened to him, he could have havefallen] and then dropped down the bank to get to the water.38

His mother, however, was at this time wandering around at some place that was nowhere nearthe water-hole, and was just turning back.39 She brought the goannas that she had dug up and killedand was carrying them with their forelegs and back legs all strung together. She might have caught someother lizards and snakes as well.40 She had finished digging bush onions and was up to digging yams.41She had reached the side of the creek and was returning to the water-hole.42

At this time the poor little boy was crawling across the sand towards the water because he wasthirsty.43 With his hand he cleared away all the leaves and the brush from the water and had a drink44.After his drink he crawled off towards some shade where he threw himself down to sleep.45

Then, his mother finally returned and neared him.46 She saw that her son was sleeping whenshe arrived back.47 She quickly got the fire started and charred the outside of the goannas,48 and thencooked the bush onions while all the while the baby slept.49 She prepared all the food together andafter a while everything was cooked; the bush vegetables, the meats, the goannas, everything.50 Whenshe finished that she got the baby as quick as lightning51 and, in fear, started rapidly taking out the burrs,prickles, and thorns that had stuck into the baby as it had come crawling along.52/53 She took themout of his knees and out of his hands and arms,54 and since he had been awakened by this she startedhim back off to sleep.55

The father finally approached carrying the meat he had speared, and which he had prepared andcooked before bringing it home.56/57 When he got to camp he sat down and noticed that the baby wassound asleep.58 So, the first thing he asked was,59 "Why is it that the baby is always sound asleepwhenever I come home?60 He's never awake.61" But the woman lied and told him,62/64 "It's fromplaying. He plays all the time and that's why he sleeps."63

Every day it was the same.65 The man went out for meat, his wife went out for bushfruit andvegetables and also for goannas.66 but the poor little one was always left on his own to crawl to thewater-hole.67 Then one day the man woke up68 and when he got up to wake his wife up saying,69"Hey, the sun's up, it's time to get up.70 I want to go out hunting again today.71" The woman got up72and for breakfast they all ate some yam and some meat, and drank some water. Even the baby had this

for breakfast.73 Then the man told his wife,74 "You must be very careful with the baby.75 I just had avery powerful dream, a big dream that something bad is going to happen to the baby.76 I've had a reallybad premonition concerning the baby.77 Today you've got to really look after that little one that'salways asleep whenever I get home.78" The woman responded as though she always did everythingproperly,79 "Yes, of course. I always look after the baby, it's all I ever do."80 You see, the man didn'tknow.81 He didn't know that the woman always used to send the baby crawling all the way to thecreek by himself.82

So the man got his spear and womera and set off to go kill some meat.83/84 As he went hecontinued to glance back atthe baby who was sitting there in camp.85 He felt bad in the stomach for thebaby.86 Anyway, he started off looking for meat as he went along. He hunted and hunted andhunted.87/88 Without fail the animals were always scattering away in front of him before he had chanceto see them.89 There was only ever fresh droppings lying on the ground.90 One had just gotten upfrom here. From just there another one had just taken off past here. And from over there another onehad fled.91 "What's going wrong with today?", he thought to himself.92 But he was determined to keepon hunting until he killed something.93

Once again the woman stayed behind before getting up to go off.94 As soon as she saw herhusband disappear into the distance95 she collected all her things together; her digging stick, and hertwo coolamons (the one for water and the one for bush food).96 When she got everything together shestrode off; but before leaving she told her son,97 "Hey my darling boy, you've got to go off to the waternow.98 Crawl off ahead to where all the smelly pintye-pintye are.99 I'm going off over there to gatherour food again.100"

And so yet again the little boy made a road.101 He had created quite a large path fromcrawling,102 since he would crawl along the same path every day.103 Yet again he sat down.104 heused to sit from shade to shade always returning to the same places he had rested before, resting everynow and then as he went along.105 He descended down the bank to the creek bed.106 On thesurface of the water there were dry leaves and red gum branches which had fallen from the trees.107The wind had blown this debris to the other side on top of the water108 and a pile had built upthere.109 So the baby came crawling to this other side where the leaves were110 and there waiting forhim was a huge snake.111 You know how when he was nearing the big water-hole he would crawlmore quickly along the edge his eyes fixed on the water.112 Just as before he does whatever it is thathe always does to the plant material on top of the water.113 He pushed these things right away andcleared the surface so that he'd be able to drink the water.114 But, when he bent down to drink,115the snake coiled around him and gave him a savage bite right there by the water-hole.116 Although thetracks of the snake were still there, the snake just bit the baby and then slithered off away from the pile

of plant material.117 The snake might have been lying there cooling itself beside the water-hole when itbit the baby.118

At this same time the baby's mother was near. She was on her way back with the goannas, andbush onions, and all sorts of things.119 You see the baby's tragic accident occurred when his motherwas on the way back with lots of food.120 She did just what she had always done on her return fromhunting.121 She collected the firewood, laid down the fire-stick and lit the fire.122 Then the fire burntdown into hot ashes and coals for cooking123 the goannas, yams, and bush onions, and perhaps bushtomatoes which she always used to collect.124 She mistakenly thought that the baby was sleeping allthis time.125 When everything was completely cooked she went to collect the baby in the shade. Shebelieved that, as usual, the baby had thrown itself down to sleep after crawling all that way.126 But,when she touched the baby there was absolutely no response.127 She started hitting herself in sorrowright there128 and at the same time she noticed the tracks the big snake had left beside the water.129She had done something very wrong.130 She hit herself and hit herself out of sorrow, and rubbed herwhole body with ashes.131 She had blood all over her.132

Then the father returned home133 without having killed one thing.134 He didn't kill anything, oreven see anything.135 Nothing. He might have seen animals getting up and scattering in the distance,but he didn't get any closer than that.136 And so, when he returned he found his wife all covered withashes and watching his approach. She had made herself all white with ashes.137 Even from a distancehe could see, as he arrived, the baby was just lying there.138 "So the premonition of danger that I feltbefore I went off has come true. It was wrong of me to leave.140"

For fear of what the man may think the woman erased the tracks that lead into the camp.141From halfway out to right up close to the camp she had busily rubbed out evidence of herself.142

But the man had seen everything from a distance as he came.143 He inserted the spear into thewomera and speared her in the side.144 Then he also hit her on the back of the neck145 and he buriedthe baby,146 and then set the woman on fire before setting out to another place.147

So that's the story of the little crawling baby.148 Afterwards, after the baby is bitten by thesnake,149 the man goes off to another to find some other people to live with.150_______________________________________________________________________

APPENDIX 2 : Lexicon

This lexicon is in two parts: the first part lists suffixes and clitics and the second part is a wordlist. These lists contain most of the forms which occurred in the examples and texts above, althoughproper names have not been included. Some forms which have not appeared anywhere else in the thesisare also provided in order to give a better perspective on the semantic domains which are covered bythe Mparntwe Arrernte lexicon. Unfortunately, constraints on space and time have not enabled me toprovide a listing of forms according to semantic domains, nor are words specified for their part ofspeech (although in most cases this is clear from the gloss). Alternative forms of a word are often listedafter the head word and question marks are used to indicate uncertainty about form and/or meaning.Verbs are given in uninflected form and certain common or idiomatic verb derivations are listed.Occasionally antonyms (marked 'ant.') and rough synonyms (marked 'syn.') are provided within the entryfor a word and example sentences (unglossed) may be provided to clarify the use of a word. The readeris reminded that words that may optionally be pronounced with an 'a' (cf. §2.1.1.4) in initial position aretreated as consonant initial words in this thesis. The primary purpose of this lexicon is to facilitateunderstanding of the examples and the texts and to provide a rough indication of the way the MparntweArrernte lexicon 'carves' up semantic space.

Part A : Suffixes and CliticsFORMTRANSLATION GLOSS-again 'same again'-althe 'bad character' Bad.CHAR-ampe 'honey'-ampinye 'in the vicinity of'-angketyarre 'place abundant in' abundance-angkwe 'your kin relation' 2KinPOSS-ante 'only, exclusively' ONLY-anternenhe 'huge; giant; huge

amount of'-anteye 'as well, too, again, still' AS WELL-arenye 'associative; denizen of' ASSOC-arrkngele 'be indirect reason for anger' IndReasAng-arrpe 'by one's self, on one's own' SELF-arteke 'semblative; X is like Y' SEMBL

-arteye 'what about?'-artne.alpe 'quickly do verb action and DO QUICKLY&GO BACK

quickly go back'-artne.lhe 'quickly do verb action and DO QUICKLY&GO

quickly go'-artweye 'custodian; person responsible for

something or someone'-athewe 'isn't it?' TAG-atye 'my kin relation' 1KinPOSS-atye 'grub'-aye 'emphatic' EMPH-elpe (see 'reduplication & -elpe')-em 'marker of English transitive verb' E.tr-ewe 'strong emphatic' EMPH+-eye 'permissive' PERM-eye? 'is it?; (polar question formative)'-eyemenge 'hoping to do' HOPE-eyewe 'very strong emphatic' EMPH++-'gain 'same again'-iknge 'I'm sick of X'; 'happens TOO MUCH

too much'-ikwe 'his/her kin relation 3KinPOSS-ile 'causative' CAUS-inty.alpe 'do action while coming back' DO COMING BACK-intye 'do action while coming' DO COMING-intye.lhe 'do action while coming through' DO COMING THRU-ipenhe AFTER-iperre AFTER-irre 'inchoative' INCH-irtne '(a) do action while going back REVERS

(b) do back to; change back to''reversive'

-itanye 'despite; even; though' DESPITE-kathene 'mistaken belief' MISTAKE

-ke 'dative' DAT-ke 'past completive' pc-kemparre 'be first' FIRST-kenhe 'possessive (genitive)' POSS-kerle 'downwards'-[ke]rleke 'X is in (firm) contact with Y' CONNECT-kerte 'proprietive (having suffix)' PROP-ketye 'aversive; for fear of' AVER-kine 'same again'-kwenye 'nominal negator (& privative)' NomNEG-larlenge 'comitative' COM-le 'ergative' ERG(A)-le 'instrumental' INST-le 'locative' LOC-le 'manner adverb formative' ADV-le 'same subject' SS-lhe 'reflexive' REFL-lhile 'causative' CAUS-lhile (see reduplication & lhile)-lerre 'dual subject marking; only with dl.S/A

petye- (come) and -intye DOCOMING)'

-lewarre plural subject marking; only with pl.S/Aimpe- 'to leave s.t.'

-me 'interrogative; checking' INTER-me 'non-past progressive' npp-me 'unified quantity' UQ-mere 'hypothetical' HYPO-ngare 'happens X number of times' TIMES-nge 'ablative' ABL-nhe 'accusative' ACC(O)-nhe 'do action while moving DO PAST

past/through a point'-nhe (see reduplication & -nhe)

-nhenge 'kin relation together DYADICwith its complementarykin relation'

-ntape 'upwards'-ntye 'nominaliser' NMZR-ntye 'value adverb (marker)' val.adv-ntyele 'extends, goes or changes ONWARDS

from X onwards'-nye 'temporal nominal (formative)' tmp.nom-pe (see reduplication & -pe)-penhe 'poor thing; pitiable creature' PITY-re 'plural subject marking' plS/Areduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception' C.Incep.rdpreduplication & -lhile 'force to do; action on CAUS.rdp multiple objects'reduplication & -nhe 'nominaliser of habitual NMZR.Hab.rdp

involvment'reduplication & -pe 'happen frequently, FREQ.rdp

frequentive'reduplication & -rliwe 'happen sporadically, SPORAD.rdp

sporadic'-renge 'happens X number of times' TIMES-rl.alpe 'do verb action and go back' DO & GO BACK-rle 'generic event' GenEvt-rle 1. 'focal constituent' FOC

2. 'relative clause' REL3. ''that' clause' THAT

-rleke 'different subject' DS-rle.lhe 'do verb action and then go' DO & GO-rle.ne 'do verb action continuously' CONT-rle.nerre 'dual subject marking' dl.S/A-rlenge 'different subject' DS-rle.pe 'do verb action continuously DO ALONG

while moving along'-rliwe 'do quickly, do like lightning' DO QUICK

-rliwe (see reduplication & -rliwe)-rlke 'too, as well' TOO-rlte.ne 'plural subject do verb CONTpl.S/A

action continuously'-rlte.pe 'plural subject do verb DO ALONGpl.S/A

action continuously whilemoving along'

-rltiwe 'plural subject marking with pl.S/Abasic deictic motion verbs'

-rne 'immediate past' p.immed-rnirre 'plural subject marking; only pl.S/A

with tne-'-rre 'plural subject marking' pl.S/A-rre 'dual subject marking' dl.S/A-rre 'reciprocal; do to each other' RECIP-rrirre 'plural subject marking' pl.S/A-tayeme 'time'-te 'plural subject marking' pl.S/A-tetye 'instead'-thayete 'side of'-theke '-wards'-thepe '-wards'-ty.alpe 'go back and then do verb action' GO BACK & DO-tyange 'verb negator' VbNEG-ty.antye 'do action while going upwards' DO UPWARDS-tyathe 'the all time through,throughout' All-Time-ty.intye 'do verb action on Y's arrival'-tye 'nominalizer' NMZR-tye 'move towards speaker; hither' HITHER-tyeke 'purposive' PURP-tyekenhe 'verb negator' VbNEG-tye.kerle 'do action while going downwards' DO DOWNWARDS-tyele 'negative imperative; don't!' NegIMP-tye.lhe 'go and then do verb action' GO & DO

-tyeme 'past-progressive' pp-tyenhe 'non-past completive' npc-tyenhenge 'subsequent' SBSQNT-tyerte 'remote-past-habitual' rem.p.hab-ulkere 'comparative, more' MORE-ulkere 'a kind of' KIND-ureke 'during'-urrke 'before doing anything else' BEFORE-warre 'plural subject agreement' plS/A-warte 'since; because; as you SINCE

should know'-werne 'allative; to, towards' ALL-Ø 'positive imperative' IMPPart B: Word List

ahakeye native currantaharle heap; mound; (grave?)ahantye skin waterbag (of wallaby or kangaroo skin)ahate shortened, depleted (eg. of days running out or fire stick burning down)ahatirre- become shortened or diminished (eg. of time or firestick) [shortened-INCH-]ahawethe well-known, famous; easy to identifyahe a fight; anger (hot??)ahe-kngerre dangerous; aggressive [kngerre = big; much]ahele angry; angrilyahele-uthnerre- to argue with each other; have a verbal fight

[ahele = angrily; uthne- = to bite (of animals); -rre 'to do to each other (RECIP)]ahelhe ground; dirt; sand; land; countryahelirre- to get angry [angry-INCH-]ahelkngwe mound over grave; grave moundahentye throat; desireahentye-ne- to want ; need; desire; like (ie. want or need something; want or need to dosomething)ahentyekwenye to dislike s.t./to do s.t.; have no desire for s.t. or for doing s.t. [desire-NomNEG]

ahentyirre- to want; need; desire; like s.t.ahere quickly, in a hurry, do fastaherlke- to dawn; for sun to rise [syn. aherrke arrate-]aherlkentye sunrise, dawn [aherlke- = to dawn; -ntye = NMZR]aherre kangaroo (generally); red kangaroo (specifically)aherre-aherre kangaroo grass ? (used to make a medicinal drink good for colds and sore throats)[kangaroo-kangaroo]aherrke sun (older speakers)aherrke arrate- sun rise, for sun to rise [sun appear; syn. aherlke-]aherte rabbit-eared bandicoot; now used for rabbitaherte-aherte plant with white flowers that spring up during kwatye-tayeme (rainy season) [fr. aherte= rabbit eared bandicoot REDUP]ahethile- to clear s.t. up; sweep up (like kethile- ) [ahethe =??]aheye breathaheye-aheye fontanelle (soft spot on a baby's head which "breaths") [breath-breath]aheye-angke- to breathe [breath-speak]aheyenenhe kind of snakeahinpe long period of time, not recentlyahirre to do imaginingahirre-are- to envision; picture in one's mind, visualise; imagine; to have a vision [are- = tosee]ahirre-awe- to imagine a sound; hear in one's mind; to hear supernatural voices and sounds[awe- = to hear]akantye tip of; the end point of an objectakantyere [akantyerre?] storm clouds (white thunder cloud)akarre be awakeake(+) head [used rarely and only in compounds or idioms: ake-le knge-me = carrying on the head]ake-rtapme back of headake-ngkwerne skull [head-bone]akerturrpe short cutakintye the red flower of the bean tree (inernte)akiwerre [akeywarre ?] sulky, cranky, upset, worriedakngane- for a totem to manifest itself in a place

aknganentye place where a totem has manifested itself; a person's Dreaming'; conception site;sacred dreaming place)

[-ntye 'nominaliser']akngeye father [F; FB]akwalyenge left hand [akwe- = hand, arm; alyenge = ?]akwangenye left hand (body-part only, not spatial term)akwarratye right hand (body-part only, not spatial term) [akwe- = hand, arm; arratye =right, true,correct]akwe(+) arm or hand [only used as the first element of derivations and compounds: (a)kw-irre- = to wave; to handsign]akwintye windbreakalakenhe like so, thus (to do in the manner indicated)alakentye this many (demonstrating with fingers, in writing, or by drawing exact number ofstrokes in sand) [see nthakentye]alartetye traditional leader, spokesman and representative for a group (usually of a largefamily/clan group)alayarenye sea shell [sea-associative]alaye a large body of water (not flowing) like a lake or the seaalaye! look out!; get out of the way!; watch out or something bad will happen to you!; pardonme.aleme liver (of human or animal)alengke unfortunate onealenpenye smart, cleveralenye tonguealepe firestickaleperentye female kurdaitcha; wild woman, kind of devilalere nieces and nephews [BS/D; HZS/D] a man's term for his child(ren) [see ampe]alernnge sunalertekwenhe over there (the one I'm pointing to) [exophoric]alethe journey; tripAlethe-Theperringethe Alice Springs (Arrernte version of the English form) [see Mparntwe]alethenge stranger; unfamiliar thingalhampwe orphan, s.o. without one or both parentsalharrke- to lighten (i.e. to flash with lightening)

alharrkentye lightening [-ntye = NMZR]alhe nose; snoutalhe-altywere nostril (lit. nose opening)alhe-arlkwe- "to hunt s.o./s.t. away"; chase s.o./s.t. out of the camp [nose-eat-]alhele-are- to trick s.o. [nose-INST/LOC-see-]alhelpe coolibah?alhengke-are- to recognise by sight; to decipheralhengke-awe- to recognise the sound of; identify s.t. by the sound it makesalhengkeye (?) unfortunate person; s.o. "like an orphan or an ugly person", s.o. whose luck isagainst them. [see alengke]alhentere white person (typically Anglo-Australian) [apparently from "pink nose": alhe ntere-ntere] (note that the handsign for white people is the forefinger brought down across the nose)alherrkngerne fail to do properly; not do exactly as you intended; to miss s.t. [alherrkngerne wareawerne 'I just didn't catch(ie. hear) (what you just said a minute ago)']alhwe bloodalhwe thelelhe- to bleed [blood pour s.t.+REFL-]alhwe-unte- to bleed [unte- = to hurry, to run, to flow quickly]alkarle clean; new (ant. ulperte; arntirte)alkere sky; heavenalkere-alkere clear, transparent [fr. alkere = sky reduplicated]alkerekirre- [alkereke irre-] to take off into the sky (of bird, plane); to take flight [alkere = sky; -ke = DAT; -irre = become (INCH)] (lit. to become in the sky)alkerele-lhe- [alkerele lhe-] to fly [-le = LOCative; -lhe = to go (lit. to go along in the sky)]alkngapere are- to stare at [voyeur see-]alkngapere voyeur, s.o. who continues to stare at s.t. (typically in a lecherous way); Iwenhearemaye, alkngapere kngerre unte? 'What are you looking at, you big

voyeur?'alkngare- to turn around ?alkngarelhe- to turn back; (turn head to) look back at [-lhe 'reflexive']alkngarlpe hip bones (?)alkngarnpelhe(?) eyebrows [alknge = eye; arnpelhe = ?]alkngarnte eyebrows [alknge = eye; arnte = ?]alknge eye

alknge urltirreke "hollowed" eyes (ie. eyes that look as though they've become hollow), this istaken as a symptom of serious illness [eye hollow-INCH-pc]alknge uthne- jealous, s.o. to be jealous of s.o. else [eye bite (of animals)]alknge irrkaye short sighted [eye invisible/hazy]alknge-arlpelhe eyelash (arlpelhe = leaf; feather, wing)alknge-kwarte eyeball (kwarte = egg)alkngenthe flame; light; electricity (electric lights) [alknge 'eye'; nthe historically 'flame', cf.nthile-]alkngerurrke anklealkngetherrke(-therrke) cat (-therrke = small green plant; therrke-therrke = green) [lit.green-eyes]alknge-urrperle pupil (lit. eye black)alknginere [alkngirnere] cicadaalkngirre- to have a vision or premonition (expecially used with respect to quickening duringpregnancy and association of unborn child with conception site);

to be 'born' (become filled with spirit) [eye-INCH-]alkngultye tearsalknguntye [alknge-untye] tears [eye+waterdrop]alkngwe forgetfulalkngwile- to make forget [-ile = CAUSative]alkngwirre- to forget (thing forgotten is marked with DATive or PURPosive) [-irre =INCH]alpalthe someone who walks out of step; someone with a limpalparre coolamon (for carrying child)alpatye [ilpatye] ringneck parrotalpawe weak (of people, expecially referring to people weak from sickness or old age [?])alpe- go back, return back (away from place where speaker is); go homealperrantyeye bush tomatoe; desert currantsalte hair, furalte-we- to make (spin) hairstring [hair+throw (a missile)]alterre- to tear or rip s.t.altharte men's and general corroborees; ceremoniesalthe- to pluck the feathers or hair off of s.t.altherrpe bald [?]althwe-althwe rotten, of wood

alturle westaltyartwe wire grass (native millet)altye kin relations, family

Nthakenhe tyerrtye therre altyenhenge? 'How are (those) two people related to eachother?'

Nthakenhe tyerrtye mape altye neme? 'How are (those)people related to each other?'altyirre- become one of the family; become adopted; be accepted into a group (be given askin name?) [relation-INCH-]altyele female (cross-) cousin [MBD; FZD; DHM; SWM]altyerreDreamtime; a person's Dreaming country; the law of the Dreaming; a dream (that one haswhile one's asleep); Godaltyerre are- to have a dream; it is through dreams that one accesses the Dreamtime and alsoaccesses future events. Not all dreams are significant, but when a dream is accompaniedby "feelings" in certain body parts (like the stomach or clicking in the nose) then the personknows the dream is significant and needs to be interpreted.altyerriperre Dreamtime storiesaltyeye parts of bush banana plant (langkwe) which are eaten, especially the creepers whichare eaten when youngaltyiwe- to tip s.t. out of; to drain; pour s.t. out; chuck liquid awayaltywere open (adj) [ant. martelhentye]; an opening (open at both ends); a hole (as inclothes or swiss cheese; ie. holes without depth, 2D); idiom kaperte altywere 'open minded';iltye altywere 'magician'

altywerile- to open s.t. up (eg. a door); turn on (e.g. tap, light) [ant. marte-] [be open+CAUS-]altywerirre- to open, for s.t. to become open by itself [be open+INCH-]alware [arlware ??] swollen [see wangke-]; inflatedalwe be away from (?) (cf. alwerne- and alwirre-)alwerne- to chase [fossilized causative -rne on alwe which probably originally meant 'away'cf. alwirre-]alwerregrass with a pretty white floweralwerrknge veins; sinew; string made from prepared sinew used for such things as binding spearhead to spear, etc. (sinew is chewed to make it soft and pliable)alwerrknge-purtirre- cramping of muscles [purte = clump, cluster; irre- = become (INCH) (lit. forsinews to clump together)

alwirre- to run away, escape [alwe, which probably originally meant 'away', with irre- =INCH]alye boomerangalye- to sing someone (ie. cause somthing good/bad to happen to someone by singing certainsongs) ; sing a songalyelenge 1. term for phenomenon involving dark rain cloud behind which sun is shining sothat rays (shafts of light) are radiating out

2. person (male or female) having gone through initiation involving knocking out of oneof the top front teeth [associated with water dreaming] [darkness of gap of missingtooth next to other teeth resembles the phenomenon in 1] (cf. mpwelarre)alyelhe- to sing a song [sing-REFL-]alyelhentye songs (esp. non traditional songs) [sing-REFL-NMZR]alyelke queasy feeling, to feel like you're about to vomit

Atnerte alyelke welheme, welheme ntewirrerlenge '(the) stomach feels queasy, feeling likeyou'll vomit'alyenge [?] left hand [cf. akwalyenge]alyepe belt or string for carrying, things made of human hair (usu. associated with men [?])alyerne- to squeeze, twist, wrig outalyweke stone knife (not commonly made anymore) but term can be used for store-boughtknifeamake elbowamane-kweke baby boy, affectionate term used by adults; this is recognized as a borrowing fromAnmatyerre but is frequently used by Mparntwe spkrsamirre womera, spear throweramiwerre the Milky Wayampe child (generally; term used of an uninitiated person of any age); child in relation to mother(specifically MS/D: cf. alere); sons and daughters [S; D]ampe marle girl (lit. (child) female) [marle more generally means female]ampe urreye boy (lit. (child) male) [urreye more generally means male]ampe- to burn (tr. [with fire or sun as A]; also intr.)ampe-kenhe alyelhentye made up song for kids. Only happens nowadays. Songs for kidsused to be part of (a)tnengkerre, Dreamtime storiesampe-kenhe pwerte child endowment [child-POSS money]ampe-kweke baby (lit. child-small)

ampekartweye parents [ampe 'child', -ke DAT, +artweye 'custodian' (lit. custodians of children)ampeke be leaningampeke arrerne- to lean s.t. against s.t. else [arrerne- = to put]; cause two things to cometogetherampeke ne- to be leaning against something [ne- = to sit, to be]ampenye leftover food (s.t. leftover that still may be useful) [not sure what other contexts besidefood this may be used in]ampine- (?) to follow the tracks of s.o./s.t. (?)ampwe old (of living things: typically people and animals) [cf. ingkweye]ampwe-mape old people, the elders (ampwe = old, mape = pl. group marker)amwelte [amulte??] arm; foreleganaketye very large fruit or bush tomatoe type (?)Anmatyerre name of another Arandic language group living to the North of Alice Springsaname paralysed(?)anathe crippled(?)anatye yam (long kind which grows to the north of Alice Springs)ane and [alternate of ante]aneme now [alternate of anteme]Angale one of the eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle; Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]

angathe the other side of Y; X be on the other side of Y near here; close by (on this side) [ant. intwarre]

ange-ange grandfather (FF: shortened form of arrenge-arrenge) [FF; FFB/Z]angelthe edible leaves of a plant (when they are still young and green)angeme a fly [cf. (a)menge]angereke bush beanangke- to speak, say, make sound typical of an entityangke-lh-angkelhile- make s.t. talk(force to speak); to start (e.g. a motor); turn a radio or cassetteplayer on [speak-CAUS.rdp]angkentye language [-ntye = NMZR]angkere (?) [angere] resin from altharte(?) = spinifex bush prepared and used to affix bladessolidly to handles etc.angkere-angkere k.o. water reed

angkerr(ingke) ? k.o. tree; its bark is used for making arlpmenye/ilkwentye, ashes foringkwelpe = bush tobaccoangkerre coolibah?angkerre- to converse, speak to each other [-rre = do to each other (RECIP)]angkerrpmerne k.o. tree that produces seeds which can be ground to make flourangketye word; sentence; s.t. which is said [-tye = NMZR]angkwelye cloudangkwere elder sister [Z+; FBD+; MZD+] [see yaye]angware- to imitate, mimic, copy s.o./s.t.angwele [angwerle ?] cool, warm (of something that was hot, that has become not hot, eg. oftea which has cooled down slightly); steamangwelirre- for s.t. hot to cool down to where it is warm [cool-INCH]anhele- (?) to tease; torture; be cheeckyanherremother-in-law [HM; MMBD; MFZD]anherredaughter-in-law [SW; MBDD; FZDD]ankele male (cross-)cousin [MBS; FZS; DHMB; SWMB]ankere resinankerre coolibahankertebearded dragonankerte-ankerte kind of small lizardankertiwe- to push s.t. awayankeye to do in a begging manner

ankeyalthe greedy person; s.o. who doesn't share (esp. with respect to food) (fr. ankeye =[adv.] do in a begging manner + -althe 'bad character')ankurrpme misletoe (?), like small plums, redankwe asleepankwinte- [ankwe-inte-] to sleep [ankwe 'asleep', inte- 'to lie down']ankwirre- to become sleepy; to be sleeping [irre- = become (INCH)]Anmatyerre a language nameannge fruit; seedanpe- touch somethinganpere be or move past s.t.; be or move through s.t.

?past or through; extended along

anperelhe- to go past s.t./s.o.; pass through a place [lhe- = go]anperirre- to pass by; pass through a placeanperirre-nhe- to pass byanperne- to touchanperne- call or name s.o. by the appropriate kin term

The ngenhe kake anperneme 'I call you elder brother'anpernerrentye relations; people who may call each other by the appropriate kin term[call by kinterm-RECIP-]anperre shallow of water; flat of land; ahelhe anperre 'flat ground'antangke- to call s.o. over to youantarne shallow [?] (don't know the difference between anperre and antarne)ante [ane] andanteke wide, primarily of an open spaceantekarenye south wind [fr. ? antekerre = south; -arenye = ASSOC]antekerre southanteme nowantenhe possumantere fat; bone marrowantetherrke carpet snakeanthe flint chip on woomeraanthelke plant debris, flotsam (?)antime exactly; right there (PRECISE)antye poisonantye- to get up on s.t.; get up into, climb; ride (eg. a horse, bicycle)antyetyerre frogantyeye sweat; perspirationantyilpe- to sweatantyinye [antyenye] grey haired; old person (having grey hair is a mark of wisdom and is to berespected)antyipere batantywe nestanwantherre we all (1pl.S/A dif.pat)anyane- to sort of love or cherish s.t. [commonly used for children] ayenge ampe yanheikwere anyaneme 'I feel clucky over that (dear) child.'

anyelkngalthe thief [fr.anyelknge 'stealing' + -althe 'bad character']anyelknge- to do sneakily; stealanyelkngele-ine- to steal [sneakily-get-]anywerrirre- be critical; annoyedanywerrirremele angke- to criticise, harangue, complainapale incorrectly; do action wrongly; make a mistake in doing; to be wrong to do an actionapale-apale wrong, false; mistakeapane- feel; touch [cf. anpe-]apanenge-apanenge a game of tag [from apane- 'touch']apanthe largeish coolamon (don't know how it differs from urtne)apape stick (old word)apapele irretetye walking stickaparre butt of spearapate- speechless over,be; be in awe of; be amazed atapatele nthe- to amaze; to shock s.o. [be amazed+ADV give-]ape and (not common in Mparntwe Arrernte)apekepe weak, eg. of baby just starting to walk; people who are weak from sicknessapekethe [apekathe] a halfcaste (fr. Engl. halfcaste) [Does not refer to all people with some non-Aboriginal descent, but mainly to those who have left the old traditions behind and"lost their language". People who are technically halfcastes but are living according to traditional values are not apekethe. [derrogatory] apele X is a fact [FACT]aperle grandmother [FM; FMB/Z]; grandchild (for a woman: son's children)aperle-aperle grandmother [FM; FMB/Z]aperre k.o. caterpillar Yeperenye arrpenhe brown dots- kerte, white and brown 'It's anotherkind of (yeperenye) caterpillar with brown dots, it's white and brown'apethe pouch of marsupialapmapele lhe- to swim, using both arm and feet; not commonly used of people [see kwatye-ke irrpe-] but instead may be used of dogs paddling and the swimming of certain lizards, etc.apmarle father-in-law [HF; HFZ/B]apmarle (?) male cousin's children [MBSS/D; FZSS/D]apmikwe k.o. tree, it can be used to make spearsapmwe snake (generic)apmwerrke yesterday; a few days ago, "past-ish" [cf. ingwenthe; lyete]apmwerrke arrpenhe (nhakwe) day before yesterday [yesterday another (that)]

apmwerrkulkere a few days ago; recently [yesterday-MORE]apwe emu down feathers (used for ceremonial decorations and ceremonial apparel)apwelhe initiation ceremoniesarawirre- to come to life, to move after being disturbed [-INCH]arawelhile- to disturb s.o.; to stir or prod s.t. (like a snake) so that it comes to life' [-lhile'CAUS']are- to see; visit, look forarelhe womanarenge euro; wallaroo (kere)arerlene- to watch [are- to see -rle.ne 'do continously']arerre chestarerte deaf; crazy, mad; stupidarerte-arerte never pays attention, unmanageable (of child for instance) [fr. Redup. of arerte =deaf; crazy; stupid]arethape newborn babyaretherre wind; strong wind that comes before thunderstorms [Sometimes at springtime fromthe West]aretyelhe- to come upon; find; go and see [see-GO & DO=]areye group of related entities (3+) plural; more than two individuals [?maybe a clitic]arintyalpe- to see while coming backarlantye bicycle lizardarlatyeye yam typearlenge far, distantarlenge-arlentye very fararlepe prickly wattlearletye not ready to be eaten; 'unripe' of fruit/vegetable food (merne); 'uncooked', 'raw' of meat(kere), [note that in some cases you can have vegetable

food which is usually cooked to be eaten so that even if it isripeif it is ripe it may still bearletye = uncooked (e.g. arlatyeye = yam, sweet potato)]arleyarre [ileyarre] ? young man recently initiatedarleye emu (kere)arleye-ingke k.o. plant, (goodenia lunata ?) [emu-foot]arleywe south (infrequent)arlke- to call out to, yell, shout

arlkenye line, stripe (spec. a painted line or stripe)arlkenye arrerne- to put/paint stripes on s.t. [stripes put-]arlkerampwe [alkerampe] sweet 'ngkwarle' (arlepe also from tnyeme) (like toffee)arlkerlatye edible grubs found in arlkerle = buck busharlkerle buck busharlketyerre needle busharlketyerrarenye grubs from alketyerre = needle bush [-arenye ASSOC]arlkwe- (1)to eat ; (2) for a body part to be hurting with pain; amwelte arlkweme '(my) arm ishurting'arlkwerte [alkwerte ?] shieldarlkwerte-arlkwerte collarbone [arlkwerte = shield Reduplicated]arlpatye ring necked parrot (k.o. kere)arlpe sand hill; sandhill country [when used with place classifier pmere]arlpele sweet gum, toffeearlpelhe feather, wing; leaf of plantarlpentye long, or tall; to have extension in any planeArlpere Warlpiri (language group to the north west of Alice Springs)arlpere [alpere] be hanging; arlpere neme 'to be hanging', arlpere kngeme 'carrying in a hanging fashion (eg. of purse)'arlpere arrerne- to hang s.t. up [ie. hanging put]arlperre white wood (?)arlpmanthe mixture of hot coals and soil for cooking inarlpmenye ashesarlpmerre dew dropsarlte day, daytimearlte mpwepe middayarltwe empty, hollowarltwerre k.o. tree said to be like the wild passion fruitarlwe pebble, boulder, rounded stone [takes classifier pwerte]; often used to describe circularand spherical things generallyarlwekere single women's camparlwerte-arlwerte curly or fuzzy hairedarnare- to watch s.o./s.t that is approaching [arn- = ?, are- = to see]arnarenye insects (tree, plant dwellers)

arnartne [arne-artne] scrub; bush countryarne trees and bushes (any plant with woody branches); stick; plants generally; thing (object,artifact)arne-twere(?) digging stick, used specifically of wooden stick (arne) used for digging [twere = ?]arnerre rock hole; water holearnewirre- (?) to support each other, to stick up for each other (?)arnke [apwerte arnke] cliffarnkelye sulky and angry ("He'd want to fight you")arnkentye single men's camparnkerre [arnkarre] bank of creek/river (cliff? cf. arnke)arnkwerte-arnkwerte crooked; windy; zig-zagarnngenye beard (older speakers?)arnpe- to step on something; perrke-kerleke arnpeke 'stepped on a coal'; to stride or steptowards/past(?); to leavearnpenhe- to stride off past [stride-DO PAST-]arnperrke centipedearntapebark of treearntarlkwe fork of treearntarntare- to look after s.o/s.t., to take care of s.o./s.t [arntarnt- = ?, are- = see]arntaye gap (narrow pass between two rocky hills)arnte- to cramp, to be with cramps, to ache

from cramps; to ache (from a constricted feeling); kaperte ayenge arnteme (head I cramp-npp) 'I have a headache'arntenge sister-in-law [HZ; BW; MMBDD; FMBSD; MFZDD; FZZSD]arnterre white wood (?)arnterre to do intensively, firmly (eg. hold firmly on to), do with concentration , do "hard"(eg. think hard about); also loudly (eg. of voice)arntinye wasparntirrkwe- to catch s.t.[ie. s.t. thrown]; capture s.t./s.o [e.g. an animal (in a trap)], hold on tos.t. [with hands] (c.f. irrkwe-)arntirte [arntite; arntyite] rotton (of meat, fruit, etc.); sour (of milk); off; bad (of people)arntirtirre- to decay, to go offarntwerre- [antwerre-] ? to growlarnwerre humming noise

arrakerte [arrekerte] mouth [arre- 'mouth' -(a)kerte 'proprietive']arralte moustache (all spkrs) and beard (yngr spkrs) [arre- = mouth; alte = hair]arralthe- to shout, howlarrampiwe- to tease s.o. (about s.t.)arrangke- to wail; to cryarrangkere fast (?)arrangkwe no, nothing; to be without somethingarrantherre you all (2plS/A general and dif.pat.)arrare light of weight; light of colour; thetheke arrare 'light red' [ant. ulthentye]arrare near, close byarrare- to miss out on s.t., to see nothing of something (like meat)arrarlke- (?) [arralke] to yawnarrarrkwe [arrakwe] the Seven Sisters [star configuration]arrate- to appear; arrive; rise (eg. of sun or smoke from fire); go outarratelhile- to take s.t. out of s.t else; make s.t. appeararratintye- to come out; appear [appear-DO COMING-]arratye straight; true, correct, right [cf. akwarratye]arrawenthe- to whistlearre- mouth [only in compounds: arr-wantye-me = kiss (mouth lick); arr-urrperle = black-mouthsnake; arr- yenpe = lips (mouth skin)]arrekerte mouth [arre- = mouth; kerte = PROPR]arreltye [arriltye] lungsarrelyenge cheek; jawarreme licearrengakwe opposite side of X (away from Z), on the other side of s.t. which has no frontand backarrenge grandfather [FF; FFB/Z]; grandchild (actually: nephew's children or son's child's spouse)[BSS/d; SDH; SSW]arrenge-arrenge grandfather [FF; FFB/Z] (affectionate and respectful form of arrenge; cf.ange-ange)arrengkere quick; fastarrentye demon, devil, evil creaturearrere(?)arrerne- to put s.t. somewhere, sit s.o./s.t. down

arrernelhe- sit down somewhere (intr.) [arrerne- = put, lhe- = REFL]Arrernte Arrernte, Aranda, Arunta [name of both the language and its speakers]arretherrke small bush (?) "like utyerrke, atwakeye again" "in the rocks, medicine is good foranything -the leaves are mixed with fat and red ochre and rubbed on the body." Theseeds are also crushed and mixed with fat to make a "rubbing medicine". Bullocks eat it.arretye- to whisperarrewanthirre- to whistlearrewantye- to kiss [mouth-lick-]arrewe- to shiverarrilpe- chewarrilpenhe-ilpenhe temple (ie. of head) [arrilpe- 'to chew'+HabNMZR ?;

-nhe Redup= Habitual performer of verb action (i.e. 'the chewer')]arrirlpe sharp (eg.of alyweke knife); pointy (of nose; or pencil)arritnye namearriwe ? opening (eg. to a cave)arrkare spouse (husband or wife) [syn. newe ]arrkene fun; not serious, a jokearrkene-arrkene playful, enjoyablearrkene ilenhe-ilenhe jokes [playful tell-nominaliser of habitual involvement]arrkenirre- to play, muck around, to jokearrkerne- to taste s.t.; test s.o./s.t.; to try s.t.arrkernelhe- to try to do s.t.arrkernke bloodwood [a medicinal wash is made from this]arrkipengkwerle bloodwood apple (cf. arrkernke)arrkngerne kind of tree which was used for "food in early days", the roots are eaten ("yam-arteke"'like a yam')arrpanenhe each, every (as in everywhere, every/each day); many different X'sarrpe(+) self; do on one's ownarrpe- to carve; to scrapearrpenhe other, another; someone; different; strangearrpenheme some [other-unified quantity]arrperne- [irrperne-] to accuse; blame [cf. ilperne-]arrpernelhe- [irrpernelhe-] ? to admit guilt [accuse-REFL-]arrpwere magpie (big one) (not k.o.kere)

arrthwarrrthwe sp. of bird, owlet-nightjararrutne [arrurtne ?] chin; jaw [arre- = mouth; u(r)tne = ? coolamon]arrule long ago; a long period of timearrulenye something from long ago; olden timesarrutnenge wild passion fruitarrwalpe desert tomatoe (?) found in rocky hill countryarrwe rock wallabyarrwekele front, in front; before (temporal)arrwekelenye first (front-tmp.nom)arrwekeletheke forwards (-theke 'wards')arrweketye woman [used by Mparntwe Arrernte speakers, but not common; syn (a)relhe[?])arrwempe (cross-)cousins generallyarrwengkelthe [arrengkwelthe] disease; bad magic; poisonarryenpe [arreyenpe] lips [arre- = mouth; yenpe = skin]artakwerte(?) heartartange / artangentye to cooperate in doing, help one another to do, gang up ("doublebanking")artarrene- to bone s.o.arte- to build a shelter; cover s.t. (as with a blanket); bury s.t. [all senses involve causing s.t.to become covered]artekerre rootartepe back (of body); also used to designate the outer (often convex) side of an object (asopposed to atnerte = stomach) [arlkwerte artepe = front (outer) part of shield]artepe-arrernelhe- to kneel down and bend over to do s.t.; bending down on hands andknees as when having a drink from a water hole (?) [back-put-REFL]arteperrke kidneysartetye mulga treeartewarte [?] grinding stone; pestleartewe wild turkey (k.o.kere)artityerretyerre [artityerrityerre] [arteye-tyerre-tyerre (??)] willie wagtail (not k.o.kere)artitye tooth, teethartne scrub; mulga country [arne-artne]

artne- to cryartnelhile- to cry for s.o.; mourn s.o. (cry+CAUS-; but not cause s.o. to cry as might beexpected [c.f. therrelhile-])artnerre- to crawl (of babies)artnerrentye baby at crawling stage (takes child classifier : ampe artnerrentye)artnwepe swampartnwere dingo; (wild dog) kngwelye artnwereartwe man (ie. initiated male person); son (used when child term is no longer applicable: cf. ampe &alere)artwe ampwe old man (artwe = man, ampwe = old)artwe mperlkere white man (artwe = man, mperlkere = white)artwe nthetye young man (artwe = man, nthetye = young man)artwekere [atwekere] (a) boilartwerte grinding stone; pestle (pwerte artwerte)(+) artweye (+) custodian of, person responsible for (must attach to dative-marked noun, eg.ampe-k-artweye child-DAT- custodian 'parents'; or take kin possessive suffixes,

eg. artweyangkwe 'your parent; your boss, guardian)artwilye-artwilye move along with spearaimed and ready to throw (do with spear aimed andready) artwilye-artwilye petyeme 'coming with spear aimed and ready'artwilyile- to aim a spear (at s.o., s.t.) [aimed+CAUS-]arunthe many, a lot ofarwe handle of shieldatake- to tear down a building or other structure; fill in a hole; destroy s.t. that is put togetheratakelhe- cave in; to collapse (eg. of a building)[-lhe 'reflexive']atakwe ? windbreakatalkwe [rtarlkwe] across, crossing, overateralthe coward (fr. atere = afraid)atere afraid of, frightenedaterele-nthe- to frighten, to give s.o. a fright [atere = afraid, -le = loc/inst/erg, nthe- = to give]aterile- to cause to be afraidaterirre- to get scared [atere 'afraid', irre- 'inchoative']aternnge dirtyatertne- to squat, sit with crossed legsatetherre ? hell

atetherre budgerigah (not k.o. kere)athathe before; quickly do Y before X happens, hurry before X happensathe- to grindatheke [athake] thick (of sticks, but not of meat or rocks), used only of things; itsantonym is said to be irrkerlengeathere grinding stoneathnwerte curled upatilirreye frightening stories; arrentye-kerte = with monstersatnake- to praise s.o.; to choose as the best or as the winner [?name+cut]atnarnpe- to descend; get down off of, get out of (eg. car); jump off of [cf. atne 'shit'?,arnpe- 'to step']atnarnpe-nhe- to descend on the way pastatnarnpelhile- to drop s.o. off somewhereatnartenge base of an object (eg base of a tree)atne shit; faeces; guts; anus; vagina [also appears to be used in forms which have to do withspatial orientation downwards cf. atnarnpe-, atnartenge]atne-ine- [atnine-] gut an animal, take the guts out of [guts-get-]atnelhe (?atnilhe) bum, bottom, buttocks [atne 'shit, guts'; lhe nose???]atnelthirre- to have diarrhoea [syn. mpeltyirre-]atneme digging sticks, trad. made of wood but can now be used of crowbarsatnengkerre Dreamtime storiesatnengkerriperre song out of a Dreamtime storyatnerte stomach [originally a conflation of atne 'shit, guts' - kerte 'having']; also used to designatethe containing (often concave) side of an object (as opposed to artepe = back); arlkwerteatnerte 'inside part of a shield where handle is'atnerte-atnerte pregnant [fr. reduplication of atnerte = stomach]atnertirre- to be pregnantatnethe stingeratnethekerte scorpion [stinger-haver]atnetye name given to the roots of the bush banana (langkwe)atnewe-atneweconfident, braveatningke many, a large number of; a crowd; a revenge partyatnirrke to miss s.t. that you've attempted to hit, spear, come in contact with

atniwe- to call/name s.t./s.o by the appropriate word/name for it [ie. call a person by theirname, nickname or kinterm; call a thing by the word for it in a given language]; give a nameto s.o./s.t.(?) Iwenhe-me unte arritnye atniweke kweke ngkwinhe 'What did you name yourbaby?'[lit. What name did you call your little one?]atnulke- to shock, give a frightatnwaltye guts of kangaroo (?)atnwaye [atnware] heel and back part of ankle

atnwaye-atnwaye high heel shoes (new coinage based on atnwaye = back of ankle includingheel)atnyene- (1) to hold on to; have in one's possession; to wear (?)

(2) to keep s.t safe for someone else;(3) to have or to hold as in to have/hold a party [calque?]

atnyerlenge medicine boil and wash, suck ngkwarle from the red flowersatwakeye wild orangeatware- approach, visit, or go to a place[with caution?] The ure amperlenge atwareme 'I'mapproaching the burning fire' Kngwelye-arteke atware-mele petyeme '(The uninvited guest)comes approaching like a dog'atwatye gap (in hills)atwatyirre- (?) to stretchatwekere boil; abscessatwerte grinding stone [pwerte atwerte]atwetye joey (baby kangaroo)atyangkwelknge fire-stick used during men's initiation ceremonies; this can only be made fromatnyere = supple jack ?atyanke (?) bullant (yellow and black in creek bed)atyelpe native catatyemeye grandfather [MF; MFB/Z]; grandchild (actually: niece's children or daughter'schild's spouse) [BDS/D; DDH; DSW] <woman's point of view>atyemeye-atyemeye grandfather [MF; MFB/Z]atyenge me DATive (ie. for me, to me)atyenpe slow (?); patientatyete soft (eg. of feet), pliable

atyetetye small spears used by children for play, usually made from uyenpere =spear-bushatyetirre- soften, become pliable [soft+INCH-]atyeye younger sibling [B-; Z-; FBS-/D-; MZS-/D-]atyure ? ant, k.o. small black stinging antsatywe calf of legawe- to hear, listen to ; understandawele-awele k.o. bush fruit?awelye (1) women's dances; ceremonies

(2) men's and women's medicine songs (3)medicine generally -fat and bush medicine are supposed to be "sung over" when they

are prepared for use as medicine

awenhe aunt [FZ]awentye-awerle famous, well known; s.o./s.t. that everybody's heard about [hear-NMZR+hear-GenEvt]awerle derogatory term for a camp dog (like mangey mutt or 'fleabag') (?)awerne poor thingawerrkawere clumsy, lazy; a clumsy or lazy personawerrke- to strangleawerrtyepwere beans from angereke = bush beanawethe again; moreawethe-awethe again and again, more than expectedayenge I, me (1sgS/O)ayepe (?) umbilical cordayerne- to tie s.t. up, to bind s.t., wrap/coil around something ayerrere northayethe- to irritate, annoy, disturb a person/ animal by brushing against them; what bugs do to youwhen they crawl on your arm or inside your shirtayewe waist (not so much waist as the fat, soft bit on side around the waist)ayeye any story or bit of news (particularly a true story; does not usually refer to a Dreamtimestory)ayeye urrtyirrentye a pretend story, a made up story (for kids) [story a pretense-INCH-NMZR]ayuwe [aywe, aywewe ??] old person; particularly old man (respectful)aywerre noise; sound

aywerte spinifex grass; resin (ankere) comes from it. You leave the plant out to dry andthe resin melts. Mix corkwood (untyeye) bark ashes with the melted resin and it becomesvery hard. It is used in the making of spears (irrtyarte), and womeras (amirre)eyyye yuck!ikelhe thick/dense (eg. of hair, including beard)ikerrke bower birdikirre- to avoid kin that one is not - for traditional and ritual reasons - meant to be close to'ikirrentye respectful; avoidance; secret (of language?) [ikirre- 'avoid'-ntye 'nominaliser']; [cf.§1.2.4.3]ikngerre eastikwemeye sweet tasting, tasty (of cooldrinks, honeyants, etc.) [ant. irrkerteye]ikwere to, or for, him/her/it (3sg. DAT)ikwerenge [ikwerengentyele] after that; then (3sg-ABL(-onwards)ikwerenhe hers; his; its (3sg-POSS)ilanthe we two (different patrimoiety) [1dl. dif.pat S/A]ilantye galahile- (1) to tell s.t. to s.o.; to describe s.t.: re ayeye ileke itneke 'he told the story to them';

(2)tell s.o. to do s.t. : re itnenhe ileke lherltiwetyeke 'he told them to go' ; The ngenhe ilekearratetyeke 'I told you to get out.';

(3) to mean s.t.: Ingke "foot" ileme '"Ingke" means "foot"'ilelhe- to apologise; admit Ayenge ngkwenge ilelheme therle ngenhe tweke 'I apologise for hittingyou; I admit that I hit you.' [tell-REFL-]ilengare when? [?what-TIMES]ilepe axe, esp. a stone axeilerne we two (general or same patrimoiety, same generation)ilerrtye furrow; gutter; gullyilewerre salt; salt panilkerrtye [rlkerrtye ??] baby's spit up, white watery stuff that baby's spit up, stuff that comes out justbefore vomitting; dribbleilkerte [lkerte] hard, firm, strong; firmly, strongly (?)ilkwatherre s.o. who has been brought along for company (re ilkwatherre mwarre = s/he isgood company)ilkwentye ? ashes, especially those used for ingkwerlpe 'native tobacco'ilpe- to defend, protect s.o./s.t.

ilpentye love songs; songs to attract the opposite sex ("You don't have to sing it to them, youjust sing it thinking about someone and if you are strong at it you'll get them")ilperle tea tree (?)ilperne- to accuse s.o. of having done s.t. badilpeye needle bushilpmerre dewilte- to scold s.o.; to swear at s.o.iltelheye ugly (of people and things)ilterrpme twe- ? to beat time with sticks or boomerang in accompaniment to song ordanceilthe house; any building ?ilthwe- singe (hairs off carcass)iltyarnme yabby; crayfishiltye hand; fingeriltye-altywere magician; sorcerer (hand+open)iltye kwerrke-kwerrke pinky, little finger [finger+young of animals(rdp)]iltye purle-purle (?) thumb [finger+young uninitiated boy(RDP)?]iltye-artepe back of hand [hand-the back]iltye-atnerte palm of hand [hand-stomach]iltye-ingke [iltyingke] for several small animals (lizards, rabbits, etc.) to be strung together forcarrying purposes; tied hand to foot or all the necks together or strung over belt.iltye tywepmare [tyepmware] fingernailsiltyele angke- to handsign, to speak with the handsiltyele ile- to handsign, to say, tell with the hands

"kake" nthakenhe ileme iltyele 'how do you say "kake" with the hands?'iltyele angkerre- to converse (speak to each other) in sign language [hand-INST speak-RECIP]iltyeme-iltyeme hand signsiltyirre- to handsign; to wave (to s.o.) [hand+INCH-]iltywilty(w)e mantisilwe- (1) to die [rarely used when talking about people, more common with animals]Euphemistic equivalents are uyerre- 'to disappear' and the English-based forms 'pass-away-irre-' and'perish'.

(2) to cough (tengkwelknge ilwe- 'to cough from a cold')

ilweltye frost; iceilwempe ghost gumilwerne- to extinguish a fire [etym. die+(fossil)CAUS-]ilwernelhe- to go out (of a fire, or a light burning out); to fizzle out [to extinguish+REFL-]Imerlknge place name; Mt. Gillenimerne- show s.t. to s.o.imerre- see ipmerre-imerte then (sentential particle)imparrkiye [imparrkeye] bright, shiny, reflective (of polished metal or the surface of waterin sunlight)impatye tracks (of animals, people)impatyile- to tell a story using (ie. accompanying it with) traditional sand drawings whichtypically involves tracing in the sand the tracks followed by the participants in the story[tracks+CAUS-]impaye! leave it alone [leave-IMP-EMPH]impe- to leave s.t. behind, leave s.t. alone ; to win at (eg. win at cards)impene-impene ceaslessly; keep doing to the very end without a breakimpepe woundedimperlelhe- to depart a place; [idiom] to break up with lover/spouse [syn. iwerlelhe-] [leaves.t. behind+DO&GO-]imperre- to leave each other; to break up ( a relationionship) [leave+RECIP-]inape echidna, porcupine (rare in MpA.) [see inarlenge]inarlenge echidna, porcupine (in local parlance) [see also inape]ine- to get, or take, s.t. (from somewhere or s.o.) inentye kurdaitche maninernte bean tree; the seeds/beans (inernte) are all sort of colours and they are strung together tomake necklaces and mats; the wood is used to make a wide range of artefacts includingcoolamons and carvingsinernte akintye the red flower of the bean tree (inernte)ingkante- to track s.o./s.t.; follow s.o./s.t.'s tracks in order to catch it.ingkarte [ngkarte] ceremony leader ; priest or minister of a Christian church; godingke foot; toeingke lhe- to walk [foot-go-]ingke-arte (?) sole of feet, the hardened and thickened callous which forms on the sole of thefoot when one habitually walks around barefoot; term used by some people for thongs "if

you're in bed a long time then your feet atyetirreme (ie. become "soft") and the inge-arte falls off"ingke-artepe top of foot [foot-back]ingke-atnerte sole of foot [foot-stomach]ingke-kwerrke-kwerrke little toe [kwerrke 'young of animals' reduplicated]ingke-purle-purle(?) big toe [purle(?) 'young uninitiated boy']ingke tywepmare [tyepmware] toenailsingkentetye [ingkantetye] follower [from ingkantek = to track]ingkerne behind; the back part of; after (temporal and spatial)ingkerrke abandoned place, one that's been abandoned a long time [takes the classifier forplaces pmere][see ingkenye]ingkerte jealousingkertelhile- to make s.o jealous [jealous+CAUS-]ingkertirre- to become jealous [jealous+INCH-]ingkertele twerre- to fight each other (for, from, in) jealousy. [jealous+ADV fight+RECIP-]

ingketye [inketye ?] luscious, delicious; kere ingketye = 'delicious meat' (a positive valuejudgement word). This word can be used of people much the same way the English gloss can beingkinye [ingkenye] deserted place, one that's been abandoned only recently [takes classifierfor places pmere]ingkirre [ingkerre] (see ingkirreke)ingkirreke [ingkerreke] all; every; all togetheringkwe nearly, to nearly accomplish an action, almostingkwelpe [ingkwe(r)lpe] pitchery/native tobacco; there are a few different kinds ofingkwelpe: ingkewelpe appears to be both a generic and a specific. Specifically it is a plant found in the rocky hills. Other kinds of ingkwelpe are: mpurnpe (rocky ground tobacco);peturre/petere ; arunpe (red tobacco); ingkwelpe therrke (green tobacco). Chewedingkwelpe mixed with spit is rubbed onto itchy spots to soothe them.ingkwepeye white ant nestingkwiye [ingkweye] old (of things)ingwe night(time)ingweleme morning

ingwemernte dark, without light (eg. inteye ingwemernte = a dark, lightless cave) [fr. ingwe = night,-mernte = ?]ingwe mpwepe middle of the night; midnightingwenthe tomorrow; the next few days [cf. apmwerrke; lyete]ingwenthe-ingwenthe early morning, about dawningwenthulkere one day soon, in a few days [tommorow-MORE]ingwerre major initiation ceremony (last initiation ceremony)ingwethnele early morning, soon after sunriseinke soul; spiritinke- to ask for s.t.inngerre faceinte spindle; skewerinte- to lie down (to be in a lying position) ; to camp over night at ; to be born ( at a place or tosomeone)

Nthenhele unte inteke? 'Where were you born?' Ampe kweke inteke relheke 'The child was born to the woman'

intelhile- to write; to sketch, make a design [be lying down+CAUS-]intelhilentye (a)design, pattern, painting; colour(?) [lie-CAUS -NMZR]inteltye [intiltye ?] grasshopperintelyapelyape butterfly; mothinteye cave; can be used to refer to buildings made of stone, brick, or cementintilentye [intelhentye?] a painting; mark; sign; stripes [nominalised form of "cause to belying down"? cf. intelhile- ]intirlpe a stick sharpened on both ends used to pin closed the cuts made in carcasses for cooking;(witchetty grub hook?) [??? inte 'skewer' irlpe 'ear' ???]intirlpe arrerne- fasten the cuts with a sharp stickintwarlpe to carry kangaroo over neck; traditional way for men to carry a kangaroo they havekilled (and partially prepared) [typically used with -kerte proprietive attached]intwarre over there; on the other side away from here (ant. angathe)intwarrirre- to move away from [-irre INCH]intwerle hawk who kills other birds, Sparrow-Hawkintye- to be sexually aroused [of men only]inwerle spiderinwerrecrippled, lame

iparrpe quicklyipeltye very close friend (tyewe ipeltye tyenhe 'my close friend')ipeltye ile- ? to introduce s.o. to s.o. elseipenye s.o. from a far off place; strangeriperte hole (in ground); cooking trench; deepiperte-iperte rough; corrugated; holey (of a road) [fr. Redup. of iperte = hole]iperteke iteme to cook in groundipmenhe "granny" grandmother [MM; MMZ/B]; spouse's cousins; cousin's spouse;parent's opposite sex cousin's children [ MBDH; FZDH; MBSW; FZSW; HMBS/D;HFZS/D; FMBDS/D; FFZDS/D; MMBSS/D; MFZSSD]; grandchild (daughter's children) [DD/S];ipmenhe-ipmenhe grandmother [MM; MMZ/B]ipmerre- to accuse s.o. of being guilty of a crime [also recorded imerre-]ipmerrentye accused; the guilty person [-ntye 'nominaliser']

[also collected imerrentye]irlkngenye good hunterirlkngwe burial pitirlpangke- [irlpe-angke-] to remember, call to mind [ear-speak-]irlpangkelhile- to remind [ie. cause to remember' -lhile CAUS]irlparenye [arlparenye] green beetle (important Alice Springs dreaming)irlpe earirlpekerte [alye irlpekerte] number seven boomerang (hook boomerang) [ear- haver]irlwe- [ilywe-] to remove, take s.t. off of s.t. elseirlwelhe- to undress, take s.t. off of oneself [remove+REFL-]irrakere carved line, or carved designe; alye irrakerekwenye 'a boomerang without a designcarved in it'irrakeriwe- carve a line or design into s.t. [carved line+throw away-]irrare homesick, lonely, be longing to be where one belongs and/or longing to be with one's familyand friendsirrarile- s.o./s.t. cause s.o. to feel homesick or lonely for s.o. [homesick+CAUS-]irrarirre- to be homesick; to be longing for those things (or a particular person/thing/place) towhich one is attached and feels great affection for (especially used with respect to kin andcountry). It is a mixture of pleasure and pain; thinking of those things causes one to feelpleasurable affection for them and pain of separation from them

irrarle chrysalis, hard shelled pupa of a moth or butterfly; cocoonirrarnpe scattered; dispersedirrarnpelhile- to scatter [fr. irrarnpe+CAUS]irrarnpirre- to scatter; disperse; move off in all directions [fr. irrarnpe+INCH]irrarnte black cockatoo (not kere)irraweye weapon collection; used of collection of traditional weapons all togetherirre- to becomeirrelknge skeleton; corpse; dead person; stripped down or wrecked carirrepake- to surround s.t.; to go around s.t. so as to avoid it, to skirt around s.t.irrepake-lhe- (?) to circle, to go in a circle around [-lhe 'reflexive']irrernte coldirrerntarenye spirit beings who inhabit one location (cold-ASSOC: cold dwellers, belonging to thecold)irretetye [irrerteye] walking stick, cane, crutches; any support for standing up or holdingsomething upirretye wedge tail eagle (not k.o.kere); eagle(hawk) ?irretye-ingke Southern Cross (eagle-foot)irrewalye corpse; dead personirreye(-irreye) salt bushirreyekwerre wild onionirrkaye invisible, very faintirrkaye-irrkaye faint, barely visibleirrkayirre- to become faint or disappear (either of something visible or audible)irrke- to be itchy; feel itchyirrkere-(?) to rummage around in s.t. for s.t. else, to look for s.t. by moving things around to seeif it's hidden by those things; to get out and clean of food that has been cooking in thecoals and ashes of a fire.irrkerelhe- to rummage around for (eg. as when digging yalke 'bush onions' out by hand, orwhen trying to get something from the bottom of a full handbag)irrkerlantye [irrkelantye] k.o. hawkirrkerlenge narrow; very skinny (of an open space like a gap or of things) [ant. atheke ~athake]irrkerteye non-sweet; bitter, salty, sour (the normal taste of tea, meat etc.) [ant. ikwemeye]irrketye hair string headband

irrkngelhe thin barkirrkwanthe slowly (very)irrkwe- to catch s.t., hold on to s.t., capture [rarely used, arntirrkwe- more common]irrkwentye policeman [catch/hold+NMZR (ie. the captor)]irrkwerrentye (therre) siamese twins [catch/hold+RECIP+NMZR] (syn: murnerrentye therre)irrkwertethe s.o. with a speech impediment; Italian (ie. refers to a non-Aboriginal [white] personwho couldn't speak English properly)irrpe- to go into, enter into; dive into water; set (sun)irrpelthe brave, gameirrpenge fish (gen.)irrperre- to gather together in one place (can be anywhere, does not have to be inside)[go into-plural S/A-]irrpintye- to come into [go into+DO COMING-]irrtnye bark (thin bark easily peeled off); dry skin; thin peel of fruit, nuts (?)irrtnye-iwe- to peel the bark/skin/peel off of s.t.irrtnye-iwelhe- to shed skin (of snake) [dry skin-throw away+REFL-]irrtyarte spear that is thrown by means of a womerairrtye- to be going on a trip [?]irrtyelhile- to invite s.o. to go along to somewhere [-lhile CAUS]irrweltye twigs; small branchesite- to cook over a fire, boil water (in a billy), fry; light a fire [cf. nthile-]itelare- to know s.t.; be conscious of; remember; Itelaraye! "Remember!" [etym. throat+Instr+see=][itele-kwele- are- 'to supposedly know']itelarelhe- to remember [know s.t.+REFL]itelye birth mark; mole; wartitepe edge; sideitere side; besideitethe alive; sober, not drunkithwenge maybe notitirre- think (about s.t.) Nthakenhe unte itirreme ikwere? 'What do you think about it?'itne they (3plS/A)itware- to watch s.t./s.o. that is going away [compare with arnare- and atware-]itwe nearby, close

iwe- to throw s.t. away; throw s.t. to s.o.; drop s.o. off at a place; get rid of s.t.; [idiom] tobreak off a relationship with s.o.iwelhe- to lie down (from tiredness, exhaustion?)iwenhe what?iwenheke why (What for?) [what-DAT]iwenhe-kweye watchamacallit; thingummy [what-SelfDoubt]iwenhenge why (What from?) [what-ABL]iwenhepatherrewhat skin name is X?; what subsection does X

belong to?iwenhe-peke [iwenhepeke] whoeveriwenhipenhe why (After what?)iwenhiperre why? (After what?)iwenye mosquitoiwepe itchy grub; webiwerlelhe- to drop s.o./s.t. off at a place; [idiomatic] to drop s.o. (ie. break up with them, leavethem) [c.f. imperlelhe-] [throw away+DO&GO-]iwerre way; road, path [Iwerre nwernekenhe 'our way; our law'kake elder brother [B+; FBS+]kakwe- to bite (of people); (idiom) to ask for money, borrow money from s.o.kalke [akalke] a piecekalke-kalke a halfkalkelhile- to divide s.t. into parts; to separate two (or more) things from each other; to shares.t. out amongst a number of people [also kalkile-]kalkile- [akalkile-] to divide, to sharekalkirre- separate (intr.), to divide (intr.), to move away, to become divorced.kalte-kalte k.o. herb; it grows like a carrot with leaves like an onion; "It makes hair grow reallyfast" [?only found in Simpson Desert]kaltye [akaltye] knowledgeable, wise; to be knowledgeable of s.t.; knowledge (?)kaltye(le)-nthenhe-nthenhe teacher [knowledgable(+LOC/INST)-NMZR.Hab.rdp]kaltye(le)-nthe- to teach s.o. s.t.; teach s.t. to s.o.; [knowledgable(+LOC/INSTR)-give-]kaltyirre- to learn s.t. [be knowledgable of-INCH-]kamerne (?) uncle [MB] (uncle typically only occurs in possessed form the root of which is tnye-);niece's husband [BDH]kangke- [akangke]proud of, be happy about [ant. lhwarrpe]

kangke-mele angke- to praise s.t./s.o.kangkentye happy, proud (adj); happiness, pride [be proud of+NMZR]kangkwirre- [akangkwirre-] to pay attention to s.o.; listen carefully tokanyengarre adze; chiselkaperte headkare- to look after s.t./s.o for somebody else (i.e. during their absence), to mind s.t./s.o, to staywith s.t./s.o. for someone elsekarelhe- to wait for s.o./s.t. [mind s.o./s.t. in s.o. else's absence+REFL-]karnemarre leechkarnte-karnte roundkarte cardsKartetye Kaytetye (Arandic Group to the North)katyerre [akatyerre] wild sultana (?)ke- [ake-] (1) to cut s.t.; to pick s.t. (eg. fruit, flowers);

(2) to feel a sharp cutting pain Ayenge kerlenge nhenhe welheme 'I feel the sharp cutting pain right here';(3) to name a person's kin relation or to name a place or totem as a person's Dreaming or

conception site/totem. The kwatye-Ø aknganentye ke-me 'I call water my conceptiontotem'kele O.K.; ready; already; all right; the endkeltyile- [akeltyile-] ? to split (?)kelyawe lizardKemarre one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]kemelhile- to wake s.o. up, rouse s.o.; cause s.o. to get up, cause s.o. to stand up [to standup(intr.)+CAUS-]kemirre- to stand up (intr.); to get up; arise; wake up [cf. akarr- irre-]kenge [akenge] bad (not sure how it differs from kurne)kenhe but; by contrast; on the other hand (having considered X now consider Y)kere game, meat providing animal, bird, fish, or reptile; meatkertne above; up; top (of); high (?) [ant. kwene]kertnelhile- to lift s.t. [-lhile 'CAUS']kertnile- to raise s.t. up (eg. a flag) [-ile 'CAUS']kertwapme (?) lump just at base of neck and top of spine

kethe outside of; naked (of body); clearing, open country, plain, uncovered, bare; clearkethe-kethe [akethe-kethe] dawn, early morning just before sunrisekethelhile- uncoverkethile-[akethile-] to clean up, to clear s.t. (messy) up, to make a clearing; uncoverkngake- [akngake-] to pick out; cut out (eg. bullock from a mob); choosekngartiwe- to turn s.t. over , translate s.t. from one language into another.kngartiwelhe- to roll (oneself) over (eg. of a dog rolling over on the ground) [turn s.t. over+REFL-]kngartiwenhe-iwenhe tongs, eggflip [ie. something that habitually turns things over; (turnover-NMZR.Hab.rdp)]knge- [aknge-] to carry, to take (move away from speaker carrying/ transporting s.t.) Untyele knge-'carry on the shoulders' (ie. across the neck), Akele knge- 'carry on the head', Arlpere knge-'carry by swinging; hanging (eg. a purse)'kngelhe- [akngelhe-] to move (intr.), sway [e.g. of leaves of tree] [take/carry+REFL-]kngerne- to carry (while holding s.t. up ??)kngernelhile- to shakekngerre [akngerre] big; much, a lot; more; can mean loud when describing sound: rltarekngerre = a loud explosion, a big bang; when modifying a nominalised verb may be translated as 'always'kngerrepate elder; old person; eldestkngerrepenhe big onekngerrile- to enlarge s.t.; to raise children [big+CAUS-]kngetyalpe- to bring backkngetye- to bring s.t. [take+hither-]kngeye [akngeye] father and father's brothersKngwarreye [Kngwarraye] one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre;Perrwerle; Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]kngwelye [akngwelye] dogkngwelye artnwere dingokunye(penhe) poor thing, dear one, a person to be pitied (-penhe = s.o. you feel affection for [?])kurle hairstring [?]kurne [akurne] bad; evil; wrong (of a fact) (syn. akenge; ant. mwarre)kurnirre- [akurnirre-] going bad [-irre INCH]kurrknge [akurrknge] brainkurrkurrke owl (not kere)

kutne ignorant of, don't know s.t.kutye- to collect s.t. (like wood); go along picking things upkwaketyeke- to hug s.o.; to put an arm around s.o.kwarne- (?) to hurt, to ache, for body part to cause painkwarte eggs (of birds, insects, reptiles, etc.)kwatere cerimonial head decoration (?)kwatye water; rain; classifier for water related entities (men's dance?)kwatye angkentye thunder [rain speak-NMZR]kwatye-inpe-k-inpe ? grass reed to suck water out of inpekenhe = a narrow gap in the rocks filledwith waterkwatye-kwatye a clearish, translucent appearence [fr. kwatye = water]kwatye-pwere lightning [kwatye 'water, rain';-pwere 'penis, tail']kwatye-untye rain dropskwatyeke irrpe- to swim, to bathe, to shower [water+DAT go into-]kwe-arrkerne- tastes, s.t. tastes good or bad (transitive verb);

The stew kwe-arrkerneme mwarre 'The stew tastes good to me' [lit. I taste the stew good](cf. arrkerne)kweke small, little; not a large amount of; soft of explosion (ie. small)kweke-tyweye very small (kweke = small, tweye = ?)kwelaye rainbow snake, water snakekwele supposedly, so they say (QUOTative)

Kwementyaye "no-name"; When a person dies there is a taboo on using the name of that person(and sometimes even words that sound like the name of that person). Kwementyaye is usedas the replacement name for people or things that had the same name as a person whodied.kwene down; below; the bottom of [ant.: kertne]; in; inside; the inside of [ant.: kethe]kwene- (?) to insert; to put s.t. into s.t. else [cf. kwene]kwenekerle downwardskwenhe the assertive particle (ASSERT)kwenile- to lower s.t. down (e.g. a flag) [down+CAUS]kwenirre- to bend down; become lower down [down+INCH-]kwenpe to do anyway, without worrying about bad consequences, do bravely (or foolishly)kwentye-kwentye a mixture of a number of different things, especially different foods (?)

kwepalepale bellbirdkwerne- (?) to swallow; to bury; to put s.t. under s.t. elsekwerralye starkwerrke the young of animals (but is used stylistically for children); small, littlekwerrke-kwerrke a small digit, little finger, little toekwerrkwerrke owlkwertatye ? kurdaitcha [loan from English based Pidgin ?] [syn. inentye and aleparentye (?)]kwerte smokekwertengwerle people who are traditionally respondible for supervising the traditionalowners of a place to make sure sacred sites are look after properly and ceremonies areperformed in the correct fashion and at the right time ("manager"; "caretaker")kwetante [akwetante] forever; for good [still-ONLY]kwete [akwete] still; for a long time; keep onkwete-kwete keep on and on (though you thought it might have finished by now)kwetere nulla-nulla, hitting stick usually made of arne tyarnpe/(a)thenge = iron woodkwetethe [akwetethe] always; all the timekwetethe-kwetethe always without a break (you'd think that there could be a break)kwethe-kwethe blood ["olden time word"] [syn. alhwe]kweye eh?, oh!, oops!; what the heck am I doing, saying thinking?; is that right? (SELF DOUBT)kwirre- [akwirre-] to sign with hands; wavekwiye baby girl (term of endearment) [cf. weye]kwiye(-kweke) baby girl, this is used as a term of affection when adults are talking tobabies; the compound form is most common but kwiye on its own is attestedlangkwe bush banana (name of both the fruit and the plant: cf. altyeye, atnetye;ulkantyerrknge)layeke- to ask s.o. for s.t.lengkeye [lhengkeye] (?) a person who always has bad things happening to him/her, s.o.who is always in trouble (?)lengkiwe- [alengkiwe-] to hide s.t. somewherelengkiwelhe- to hide oneself, conceal oneselflenpenye [alenpenye] clever, bright, smart, good at learning things (can refer to dogs for instance)lerne- to shake s.t. out of s.t. else (eg. to shake the nectar out of a flower)lewetyerre [(a)lewatyerre] goanna (sand goanna)lhalkere [alhalkere] bone through nose [cf. alhe 'nose']

lhange- to add s.t. on to s.t. else; to chuck in money to help buy something; to add numberstogetherlhe- [alhe-] to go, move in the manner typical to the thing moving: thus to walk of people, to flowof rivers, to hop of kangaroos, etc. [motion away from place where speaker is] [cf. petye-]lhenpe ; alhenpe armpitlhere [alhere] creek bed; sand; creek,riverlhewe- [alhewe-] to wash s.t. or s.o.lhewelhe- [alhewelhe-] to wash oneselflhile- to promise s.t. to s.o.; owe s.t. to s.o.lhirre- [alhirre-] to lust after s.o., leer at s.o., desire s.o. [nose+INCH-] (sometimestranslated by Arrernte speakers as 'love')lhwarrpe [alhwarrpe] sad [ant. kangke-]lhwenge [alhwenge] burrowlhwerrpe winter; cold weatherlhwerte [alhwerte] (?) smoke that comes from medicine trees used for "smoking" babies (andmother during pregnancy) (?)lke ?bed; mattress?lterre shin bonelthane ghostlthangkwe wet (of person, clothes e.g. from rain) [cf. terte]lthape-lthape do making a lapping sound; to do an action that results in the lapping sound thatdogs make when drinking water or that water in a lake/rockhole makes against the shore;Kngwelye lthape-lthape ntyweme 'The dog drinks making a lapping sound'lthekelthilelhilelhe- to stretch; exercise [lthekelthe '?' -lhile CAUS -lhe REFL]ltingke-ltingke a bell; sound of bellltyentye beefwood treeLtyentye Purte Santa Teresa (Beefwood cluster)ltyirre- to take a restlyalthe march flylyape- to sprout; to grow (as of leaves from trees, or flowers)lyapelhile- to grow s.t. (esp. plants) [sprout+CAUS-]lyarnte head pad, for carrying things on headlyarnte-lyarnte (?) round (like head pad) [reduplication of lyarnte 'head pad']lyeke prickle, thorn, quill (of echidna)

Lyeke-kaperte k.o. plant; "billy-goat head-arteke" it's like a goat's headlyeke-lyeke spikey; rough; thorny (as of unyerre 'the thorny devil') [fr. Redup. of lyeke =prickle]lyentye k.o. grass (boiled in water it can be used as a medicinal drink or wash)lyepe-lyepe intestineslyetante the first time (s.t. happened) [lyete = now, today; -ante = only]lyete now; today [cf. ingwenthe; apmwerrke]lyete nthurre right nowlyete ware in just a minute; very soonlyetenye something recent or new [fr. lyete = now, today;

-nye = temporal nominal]lyetulkere this time; nowadays [today-MORE]makete (makite) gun, specifically of a rifle but inclusive of any gun (fr. English musket)male-male move in a manner appropriate to traditional form of meeting between strangerswhich involves repeated stylized actions and preparation to do battlemane money [syn. pwerte]mangke- to grow up; to grow into an adult (of people, animals, or plants)mangkelhile- [amangkelhile-] to raise children; cause s.t. to grow up to maturity [growup+CAUS-]mantere clothing (shirts, pants, etc.) [German loan word????]manyeme desert sultanamape indicates plurality as well as grouphood [pl.(grp)]marle girl; more generally 'female' [kngwelye marle 'bitch']marle-wenke adolescent girl just starting to get breasts (marle = female/girl, wenke = ?)marte- to close/shut s.t. (to close up an opening)martelhe- to close, shut [of s.t. closing by itself]; heal over (of a sore or wound) [closes.t+REFL-]martelhentye closed, shut (tight) [close s.t.+REFL+NMZR] (ant. altywere)me+ mother (stem formative form)me! there!; take it!; here it is! (response to ngke!)meke-meke sacred (of places)malyenweke opposite patrimoietymenge [amenge] fly (cf. angeme)

menge-irrkwenhe-irrkwenhe k.o. lizardmerne designates the class of edible plant foods; bread; food generally [distinguished from kere;ngkwarle; tyape]metye blunt (of a blade) [ant. arrirlpe]; stumpy (of the tail of a lizard or of chopped off finger;blocked (of nose); corner, anglemetyirre- to become blocked up (eg. of nose) [-irre INCH]meye mother [M; MZ]; nephew's wife [BSW]mpangke- to sigh, cry out in painMparntwe Alice Springsmpe! let's gompele-mpele a rash (of the kind where little bumps rise up on the skin)mpeltye diarrhoeampeltyirre- [mpeltye- ?] to have diarrhoea [syn. atnelthirre-]mpenge ready to be eaten; of merne = fruit/vegetable food, this means ripe, of kere =meat, this means cooked (fr. ampe- = to burn, -nge = Abl.)mpere [ampere] kneemperlkere white; white clay; white ochremperlkere-mape white people, Europeans (mperlkere = white, mape = pl. group marker)mpernpe yellow throated miner (not kere)Mpetyane one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]mpunye to elope, go off to live with (and have a sexual relationship with) someone who is notyour promised spouse (?)mpunye lherre- to elope [eloping go-dlS/A-]mpunye unterre- to elope [eloping hurry off-dlS/A]mpwaltye k.o. big frogmpwangke [mpwanke]whole, complete (syn. mpwerrke (??))mpware- to make; to dompwe urinempwelarre rainbow; (old) term used for person who has gone through ceremony involvingknocking out of front tooth. [cf. alyelenge]mpwepe in the middle of, in the centre of, between, amongstmpwerneye brother-in-law [ZH; HB; MMBDS; FMBSS; MFZDS; FZZSS]

mpwerrke [ampwerrke] body; whole; complete (syn. mpwangke (??)); be fat and healthy(ant.utyewe); full of cup or whole (ant. arltwe)mpwe-ulhe- [mpwelhe-] to urinate [urine-excrete]murne- to stick s.t. to s.t. else, jam s.t. in s.t. else so that it gets stuckmurnelhe- to get oneself stuck in somethingmurnerrentye siamese twins (stick-RECIP-NMZR; sy.n irrkwerrentye)murntirre- to refuse to do s.t.mwantye slow; careful (be careful)mwantye-mwantye carefulmwarre good; healthy, well; Unte mwarre? 'How are you?'[lit.'Are you well?'mwarre-kngerre beautiful, handsome [good+big]mwarrentye to do wellmwarrile- to heal s.o., make s.o. better; to fix s.t.mwarrirre- to heal up, become healthy ; Iparrpe mwarrirrirtneyewe! 'Hurry up and get wellagain'mwekarte hatmwere husband's uncle or mother's male cousins [HMB; MMBS; MFZS]mwere son-in-law [DH; MBDS; FZDS]mweremwenke blowflymweteke [mwetekaye] car, bus, toyota, vehicle (fr. Engl. motor car)mweye-mweye son-in-law [DH; MBDS; FZDS]; husband's uncle or mother's male cousins [HMB;MMBS; MFZS]name grass: the term used for long 'wheat-like' or 'reed-like' grasses (cf. therrke)namelhile- to move s.t. to another location [-lhile CAUS]namirre- [anamirre-] to shift location; move to another place [-irre INCH]nanthe horsenaweye father's eldest brother (if very old) [FB+]nayepe knife (fr. Engl. knife) [syn. alyweke]ne- (1) to sit (ie. be sitting not to sit down) [cf. arrerne- lhe-]; [positional verb]

(2) to live at a place; stay at a place [positional verb](3) to exist; [existential verb](4) to be something; to be in a certain state [copula/aux](5) ?? to be married ?? Mpwele anteme aneme 'So you two are married now'

nentye-nentye t o make shuffling or padding noises; to make soft but audible (shuffling) noises[spec. with feet]

nentye-nentye lhe- "go padding along."newarte married (couple)newarte ne- to marry; be marriednewe [anewe] spouse [husband or wife] (cf. arrkare)ngangkere traditional healer, can be used of a non-Aboriginal doctorngayekwe [angayekwe] hungry [ngkethekwe 'thirsty']ngentye [angentye] soakage; temporary waterhole (kwatye ngentye)ngepe [angepe] crow (not kere)ngerne- [angerne-] to dig with hands (for s.t.) [see tnye- (vtr.)]ngernelhe- [angernelhe-] to scratch oneself (as in scratching an itch) [dig with hands+REFL-]ngkarte (see ingkarte)ngke! 'give it here!'; give overngke- crack; crack out of (eg. of eggs, of moth or butterfly from chrysalis [irrarle], etc)ngkerne- to stand s.t. up, to put s.t. in a standing position; to stop something (eg. a car);mwetekaye ngkernaye! 'stop the car!'; to grow, raise, cultivate s.t.ngkernelhe- to stop, come to a stop, anything moving that suddenly comes to a stop; to parka car [stand s.t. up+REFL-]ngkerralye ? ribs [cf. utyipme]ngkethekwe [ankgethakwe] thirsty [cf. ngayekwe 'hungry']

ngkwarle sweet honey-like foods that usually go through a liquid phase and are suckedlicked (wantye-) or are drunk (ntywe-). Some forms of ngkwarle are hard toffee like substances.Other forms include nectar from flowers, native honey (urltampe), honey ants (yerrampe), edible tree sap, etc. [clitic -ampe = ngkwarle]; the term is now also used for grog(any alcoholic beverage but mainly wine).ngkweltye fragments, small pieces; loose change (ie. loose coins)ngkweltyile- to smash or break s.t. into small pieces

ure twemele nkweltyilaye 'chop the fire wood into small pieces' [-ile CAUS]ngkwene [angkwene] cockatoo with pink crest ; Major Mitchell cockatoongkwerne bones in general; leg (bone) specificallyngkwerne-ngkwerne boney, very skinny; used only of animates to describe a person or animal onefeels to be far too thin. This word definitely has negative connotations

(fr. Reduplication of ngkwerne = bone)ngkwernelyerre k.o. plant, it produces fruit that is like ahakeyengkwerrpme (ankurrpme ?) berry from the mistletoe (?) [emus feed it to their babies]ngkwetyeke k.o. grass with lots of seeds which are prepared for eating, found during "kwatye-time" (ie. rainy period)ngwenhe who?ngwerre [angwerre] afternoonngwerre-ngwerre [angwerre-ngwerre] evening, late afternoon, near sundownngwerrknge-ngwerrknge pignhakwe that over there; younder (distal certain demonstrative)nhawerne that over there/yonder uncertainnhe- [anhe-] to sprinkle or douse s.t. with water ; to rain (when no A and O mentioned); kwatye-lenhe-me 'it's raining'nhelhe- [nelhe- ?] to tease; torture; be cruel to; be nasty tonhelhentye cheeky; cruel ; nasty; a bully; a nuisance

[ -ntye= nominaliser]nhenge "you remember the one(s), the one(s) from before" REMEMB; whenevernhengkenhe this here, (proximal) uncertainnhengulkere of that kind; like this (when referring to handsign for s.t.) [REMEMB-MORE]nhenhe this/here, (proximal) certainnipe-nipe scissors [from 'snip-snip' ?]ntange any type of seed which may be ground and made into an edible porridge (tnurrknge) or can beground into flour used for making damperntenye-ntenye dots (e.g. like those in dot painings); frecklesnterlanye ? feather shoes worn by kadaitchanterne- to spear s.t.; to sew; slang for to copulatenterte quiet, peaceful, soft of soundntertirre- to quieten down, become silent

ntertirraye! 'keep quiet!', 'Shut up!'ntethe [antethe] flower; down (feather); white wispy clouds ?ntewe- to tackle s.o., to trip s.o., to throw (wrestle) something like a person or a calf down onto the

groundntewirre- [antewirre-] to vomitnthakenhe how? (see alakenhe)

nthakentye how many? (see alakentye)nthakiwe- to char fur/scales off game, only used when cooking on an open firenthariwe- to pinch s.o.nthe- to give s.t. to s.o; used to form a type of causative construction where a person is causedto feel a certain way or know a certain thing [c.f. kaltyele-ntheme; pure-le ntheme 'toembarass s.o.']nthenhe [thenhe] where?nthepe [anthepe] women's dance (at time of initiation); style of dance performed by women;women's corroboree (at time of initiation)nthepirre- dance women's dance; now also used for dancing modern Anglo-Australian dancestyles. [-irre INCH]ntherrtye [antherrtye] range of hillsnthetye [anthetye] young man [opposed to wenke]nthetye mape young adults including both young men and women (nthetye = young man, mape =pl. group marker)nthile- to light a fire; set a fire [flame(?)+CAUS- (see alkngenthe)]nthintyalpaye! give it back to me! [give+DO COMING BACK-IMP- EMPH]nthintyalpe- [anthintyalpe] to give s.t. back (to me)nthintyaye! give it to me! [give+DO COMING+IMP+EMPH]nthirtne- to return s.t. to s.o., give s.t. back [give-REVERS]nthurre true, proper, exact, real (eg. artwe nthurre = a real man, that is a man who has beeninitiated); in modifying adjectives this means 'very'nthurrke guts of caterpillar; stomach (name of Emily Gap)ntulye shadow; the movies [Undoolya 'place name']nturrerte ? rock pigeon; plumed pigeonntyame [antyame] swag, blanket; s.t. you sleep on (on the ground - [Gavan Breen [pc] hassuggested it refers more generally to any soft material that keeps you from direct contactwith the ground (matress; sheet)]ntyamenye ruby salt bush (?)ntyarlke k.o. caterpillarntyarnpe scoop (like a little shovel)ntye- to smell; stink; be odoriferous (eg. a flower, rotten meat) [cf. ntyerne-]ntyelpe red hot

ntyenpe tool used as spade for digging with (e.g. used for digging up yerrampe =honeyants) (?)ntyerle a boning instrumentntyerne- to smell s.t. [cf. ntye- ]ntyerre- to snorentyerrke [arntyerrke] dry (of berries on bush, clothes, etc.)ntyerrkile- to dry s.t.ntyerrknge a sneezentyerrknge tnye- to sneeze [a sneeze to fall]ntywe- [antywe-] to drinkntywelkere [?] nape; back of neck [cf. untye; kertwapme]nwerne we all (1plS/A general and same pat. - same gen.)nwernekartweye ancestors, our forebearers [nwerne 'we all', -ke 'DAT', +artweye'custodian' (lit. our custodians)]nyarewe cuckoo?nye+ stem formative form for 'father' (cf. akngeye)nye- to copulate with, engage in sexual intercourse withnyemale ratnyeme grandfather [MF; MFB/Z] (cf. tyemeye)nyengke zebra finch (kere)nyentarenye alone, on one's own [one+ASSOC]nyente one, a/an; alone, do on one's own; one and the same;nyentelhile- to mix things together; to unite or join two things; to tie two things together[one-CAUS]nyentirre- [anyentirre-] to unite (intr.), meet with s.o., come together, for things (ingredients) tobecome mixed together [one+INCH-]nyewane newnywerre critical, disparaging, "means like when you're giving a dirty look", showing that youthink something bad about s.o./s.t.nywerrirremele angke- to complain about , criticize s.t. [critical+INCH+npp+SS say-]nywerrirremele are- to glare at, give a dirty look at [critical+INCH+npp+SS see-]palkerecrested pigeon (kere)palunthe- [apalunthe-] to look for s.t. that is lost, search for [wrongly-look for-]pangkerlangke b ? kind of monster (devil; child killer[?])

papethe [papathe] for lots of the same thing to be all over a place; a confusion of things ofthe same kind.

mweteke nhenhe waye papethe-kerte 'This car has wires going everywhere'

parlkene [palkerne?][parlkerne] kingfisher (not kere)parlkiwe- to peel; to skinparlpe [aparlpe] to be lostparlpile- [aparlpile-] to lose s.t. somewhere [lost+CAUS-]parlpirre- [aparlpirre-] to lose one's way; to become lost [lost-INCH]parrekelye [parakeelya] leafy water plant found out in the desert (good for camels andbullocks but not for people)parrike yard; fence [from English barricade ??]patele bottle [from English]+patherre subsection, "skin" (only every occurs with iwenhe )payemile- to pay; to buy [from conflation of English 'buy' and 'pay']payntemile- to find [from English find]payuthne- [apayuthne-] to ask s.o. a question , ask s.o. to do s.t.peke [apeke] perhaps, maybe, if, orpeke- [apeke-] to smash s.t. (into pieces)pele [apele] fact (it is a fact that)pelhe spittle, salivapelhe-iwe- to spit (spittle, throw away)pelkere [apelkere] crested pigeonPeltharre one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]pelye soft, pliable; felt to be between rlterrke and atyete (of leather for instance vs. cloth vs. glass)Penangke one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]Pengarte one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]pennge cane grass (?)pente- [apente-] follow s.o./s.t. ,Operaltye [aperaltye] sweet solid white insect manna found on leaves of river red gums (pere),which are licked off the leaves [k.o. ngkwarle]

perantesap like honey (ngkwarle) when it is in liquid form (from the river red gum (apere))pere [apere] river red gumperlapeconckle berryperne- [?aperne-] to paint on with the fingers; to rub, to massagepernelhe- to paint oneself; decorate oneself; rub oneself (eg. with fat)pernke- to split openperrke coal of a fire (ure)Perrwerle one of eight skin names [c.f. Kngwarreye; Peltharre; Kemarre; Perrwerle;Penangke; Pengarte; Mpetyane]perte- [aperte-] to creep up on, sneak up on, creep aroundpertirre- to turn around in order to go back; pull (part/or all of oneself) away from; back downpertwelenge heartpetyalpe- [apetyalpe-] to come back; move back (towards place where speaker is)petye- [apetye-] to come, move towards place where speaker ispewile- to blow on s.t. (eg. a fire); to blow one's nosepike-pike pigpilekane billycan (fr. Engl.)pintyarre reedspintye [pentye] springpintye-pintye [pentye-pentye] grass (name) found growing beside springs and permanent waterholes; has strong and distinctive smellpipe book, paperpleyathe pleasepmere camp; country; place; home, house, shelter

[note that this form acts as a classifier for places. Further pmere can take kin possessivesuffixes which indicate its classification as a 'social' entitity [pmer-angkwe 'your dreamingcountry]. Some of the different meanings of these forms may be distinguished on thebasis of the existential verbs they occur with. 'Country' lies or sits; 'house, shelter' standsor sits, and 'camp' just sits.]pmerekartweye traditional owners of a place [pmere 'country', -ke [apmerekartweye] DAT, +artweye 'custodian' (lit. the country's custodians)]pmware bush dish, small container used for putting yalke = bush onions, berries, etc. inpmware-pmware water beetle (reduplication of pmware 'bush dish')pmwelkere (?) a clayish off white/yellow colour; grey ; sombre(?)

pmwelpere windpipepuke book (syn. pipe)puralthe shameful person [shame+BadCHAR]pure [apure] shame, embarrassment, shyness; ashamed, embarrassed, shy ayenge pure neme"I'm ashamed"[a sense of what is shameful is a necessary thing to have; people who actoutrageously in public have "got no shame" and are ridiculed for that. It is not thought to be right todraw attention to oneself in a public place.]purenge [apurenge] ashamed, embarrassed; for shame, out of shame, because ofembarassment [common answer (reason) given by s.o. who is asked to do something which is public and who doesn't want to for that reason]

[shame+ABL]pure netyekenhe shameless, "got no shame"purepirre- (?) to fend off, to keep s.o. away from a sore or wound so that they won't hurt it. ?purirre- [apurirre-] to become shy, to become embarassed or ashamedpurile- [apurile-] to embarass; to cause s.o. to be shy or embarassedpurle (?) boy, considered as young and uninitiated (?) [have only heard term in connectionwith the women travelling dreaming and the boys that follow them]purrke tired; boredpurrkirre- [apurrkirre-]to get tired [-irre INCH]purte cluster, clump, heap; (do) togetherpurtelhile- [apurtelhile-] to gather up; bring together; make into a cluster or clump; to roundup cattlepwathe boss, leader (fr. Engl. boss)pwe(r)teke hailpwe-pwe [pwape; apwapwe; apwe-apwe] willy-willy, whirlwindpweke-pweke puffballpwelantye [apwelantye] whistling kite, or eagle hawk (not k.o. kere)pweleke cow; bullockpwenatye grubs from the roots of (a)pwene = broom brushpwene [apwene] broom brushpwenge blindpwepelye tadpolepwere penis; tail of animalpwere alewatyerre b tiger snake (lit. tail of the goanna)

pwere-tayele tail [pwere 'penis,tail'- tayele from English 'tail']pwerlantye [apwerlantye] k.o. hawkpwerlepe shoulderspwerte [apwerte] rock (generic & specific); hill, mountain; moneypwerte athere grinding stone (stone classifer athere grinding stone) pwerteke [apwerteke] hailstonespwethepe to do anyway although not interested; do carelesslypwetye bush [from English]rake- to grab; take s.t. away from s.o.rante-rante be the same as [ant. arrpenhe]rapite [rapete] rabbit [from English]re he, she, it (3sgS/A)relhe [arelhe] womanrelhe ampwe old woman (ampwe = old)relhe wenke young woman (wenke = young woman)renhe her, him, it (3sg-ACC)rlke [lke] wind; air; spiritrlkerte sick, illrlpurtne- [lpurtne] to fan a fire (?); blow (?)rltare twe- to hit very hard,vtr; knock on [knock to hit]rltare-rltare to bang, knock; do causing a banging, knocking sound; rltare-rltare petyeme 'tocome along knocking' (said of woman walking on wooden floor with high heel shoes)rltare-rltare twe- to knock, bang on something (eg. to knock on the door; bang on the table)[knocking to hit]rlte-rlte tinyrlterre shin; shin bonerlterrke hard (of things, eg. pwerte = rock); strong (of people and animals); mean (in derogatory senseof people); tight/taut (of a rope); sturdy (of a table, or of pole stuck into the ground)rtakwe [atakwe] windbreakrtekiwe- [rtakiwe-] to spread out (to dry); hang up (to dry)rtirre-rtirre kingfisher or rainbow birdrwelywelye [rwelyerwelye; rulyelye] horn (as of bull)taltyekwele mulga (artetye) appletanthe- [atanthe-] to spear; to write; to sew; to peck of birds and bite of mosquitoes; [all theabove require bringing sharp point of s.t. into contact with s.t. else] [syn. nterne-]

to feel a sharp pain : arerre tantheme '(ihave a) sharp pain in the chest'tarne coolamon; shoveltatye-tatye five minute grass (?)tayele tail (from English 'tail' appears be replacing pwere 'penis;tail' and pwere-tayele 'tail':because of the association these latter two have with 'penis')te- [ate-] to burst, for something to burst [eg. of a boil, or a balloon]tekertne- to cough [cf. ilwe-]tengkwelknge [atengkwelknge] a snot; a coldteratye hot windless dayternelhe- to strech oneself (terne-REFL ??)terte wet, mushy, very soft of ground (ahelhe terte 'mud')terte(r)line- [??] to clean up dust; to clean meatterwerre clapping sticksterwerre twe- to play clapping sticks [clapping stick to hit]tetye-tetye rough surfacetharte startth-elpe-therre- to smile (at) [therre- laugh + reduplication & -elpe 'continuous inception' (ie.continously beginning to laugh without ever laughing]thakwere [athakwere] mousetharre numbtharte start [from English]thawe [athawe] waterbag made from arenge = rock wallaby skin [syn. ahantye]thayete sidethe- (athe-) to grind s.t. (with grinding stones; cf athere ), grind seeds (ntange) into flour(ulpmanthe)the- (?) to poke in the eye (?)theke-thekile- to tickle (?)thele- to pour s.t. (into s.t. else)thelpetherre- (see th-elpe-therre)thene- [athene-] to lay s.t. downthengatye grub (tyape) from thenge = ironwood treethenge [athenge] ironwood tree [syn. tyarnpe]thenge-arlpele edible, toffee-like substance from the sap of the ironwood tree (k.o. ngkwarle)thengkarre burr, bindi-eye

therre [atherre] two; and [conjoins names of two people who form a common couple (likehusband and wife)]therreme boththerre- to laugh (at s.t.)therrelhile- to laugh s.o. down; to affect s.o. by laughing at them. [laugh+CAUS-; but not causes.o. to laugh as might be expected; (cf. artnelhile-)]therre-me-nyente three [two-UQ-one]therre-me-therre four [two-UQ-two]therrke small herbaceous green plants (useless?); grasstherrke-therrkegreen [fr. Redup. of therrke]thetheke [athetheke] redthetheke-thetheke pink(?)thethekirre- be come infected (ie.become inflamed) [red-INCH]thile- to point at s.t.thirnte flat ; sheer of a rock face or cliff face; also used to refer to Chinese peoplethipe flying animal (birds; bats; ?large cicadas?)tirrpelhile- ? to smooth s.t. out; to plane s.t. down [tirrpe=? +CAUS]tiwe- to scrape of the burnt outside of animals before cooking in groundtiye-tiye magpie lark (small)tnake- to praise; to flattertnarnpe(?) [atnarpe] buttocks (?)tne- to standtnengkerre Dreamtime, Dreamtime story, dreamtnurrknge [atnurrknge] porridge, mushtny-elpe-tnye- to stagger, teeter on the brink [lit. to continually be about to fall : fall+C.Incep.rdp-]tnyante (to do) to "death', severely, sevagely [dead+ONLY]tnye+ uncle (stem formative form) [cf. kamerne]tnye deadtnye- to dig ground for something with an implement like a digging stick (atneme) or a shovel; digs.t. up [ NB.may take the ground as O or the thing dug for as O.]; Relhe mape-le ahelhe tnyeketyape-ke. Itne tyape tnyeke.'The women dug the ground for witchetty grubs. They dug upwitchetty grubs.'

[see ngerne-]

tnye- [atnye-] to fall down (ALL/DAT)tnyelhe- to scratch oneself [syn. ngernelhe-]tnyelhile- to drop s.t. [fall+CAUS-]tnyematye [tnyemetye] witchetty grub [(a)tnyeme 'witchetty bush', -atye [atnyematye] 'edible grub']tnyeme [atnyeme] witchetty bushtnyentye [atnyentye] moontnyentye kwerrke crescent moon [moon-young of animals]tnyentye mpwerrke full moon [moon full/complete]tnyerampwe name of sweet sap/gum (ngkwarle) from the supplejack tree (tnyere)tnyere [atnyere] supplejacktnyetyalpe- go home and have a rest (idiomatic, lit. fall as soon as you return) [fall-GOBACK&DO]tnyetyelhe- to sit/lie down to have a rest during a trip [fall-GO&DO]ture ? music sticks [arne ture]twe- [atwe-] to hit, chop; kill; be struck by something unpleasant; to hurt ; to bet (as in bettingmoney on cards);twernke pillow, anything gathered to rest your head on while lying downtwerre- [atwerre-] to fight [hit-RECIP-]

tyampete [tyampite] tin can, cup or any small container used for drinking (esp. tea) out of (incl.tin cans); billy (from Engl. jam pot)tyape grub, term for class of edible grubs that are dug out of the ground, or out of the roots ofparticular trees and bushes; the prototypical tyape is the tnyematye 'the witchetty grub', thegrubs are considered a good source of water, they may be eaten raw or cooked in coals;the term tyape may also be used (by older speakers) to designate certain caterpillars which are part of the same life cycle as the grubstyarne- [tyane-?] to go through; cross overtyarnpe [atyarnpe] ironwood tree [syn. thenge]tyarre- to pull s.t. out of s.t. else (ntyele)tyarre-ine- [tyarrine-] to pull s.t. out of s.t. else in order to get/have ittyarre-knge- to drag s.t. along [pull out+take/carry-]tyarrelhe- to pull s.t. out of oneself (eg. to pull a splinter out of your hand)[pull s.t. out+REFL-]tyarr-ine- to pull

tyarrpe a crack; a split in something; vaginatyarrpe atwe- ? to split [crack chop/hit-]tyeke [atyeke] loose, of s.t. that is not (or is no longer) firmly set in place (eg. of a loose post, or atooth that's about to fall out)tyelepe-lepe navel; belly buttontyelke flesh; musclestyelkerne- ?? to splittyelpme chipstyemeye grandfather (MF)tyepe-tyepe [atyepe-tyepe] energetic, livelytyeperre [atyeperre] special; important (pipe atyeperre = license(?))tyepetye woman's stories; love stories;

ayeye ilpentye arteke neme 'stories that are like love songs' "Not used much now. Some oldwomen used to tell stories arlwekere-le"tyerlarre hairband cloth (scarf), or hairstringtyerne- to answer, reply (to s.o.'s question)tyerre- [atyerre-] to cook s.t. in hot coals; to burn s.o. with the smouldering end of a stick, orwith a hot wire, etc; to shoot somethingtyerrtye human body; person (refers specifically to Aboriginal people)tyete [atyete] soft (of pillow, matress); also used to indicate smoothness in some cases (?); can beused for 'wet' (of ground) [cf. lthangkwe]tyewe [atyewe] friend (in general)tyewerrelye 'meat gift' (for a ceremony)tyipe a piece of s.t., esp. meattyipe-tyipe lots of different piecestyuketye soakage [from English; syn ngentye]tyunpe perentie (k.o. kere)tyweke sugartyweke-tyweke chook, chicken (k.o. kere)tywepmware [tywepmwere] nail of fingers or toestywerrenge sacred object; anything directly associated with the Dreamtime stories, songs, land,ritual objects, paintings, designs.tywwwe (?) used when s.o. is talking about s.o. or s.t. going off somewhere really fast; typicallyaccompanies hand sign indicating direction the entity sped off towards. Nthenhe re

uyirrerlelheme? Yweke. Tywwwe, the aretyekenhe.'Where'd he dissappear to? I don'tknow, all of a sudden he was gone, I didn't see'ularre facing towards (ant. untyeme)ularte nothing mixed in; of mass nouns like kwatye = water this means 'pure', 'fresh'; of count nounslike artwe = man this means 'just', 'only'ulenye to hunt, do in manner of hunting;ulenye lhe- 'to go hunting'ulhe- to excrete (mpwe-ulhe- 'to pee'; atne-ulhe- 'to shit');

to lay an eggulkantyerrknge the flower of the bush banana (langkwe)ulkere slippery; very smooth (eg. of rock so smooth one could slip on it)ulkerte prentie (said to be and "oldtime word") [syn. tyunpe]ulpare-ulpare pussytail (?)ulpe dust(y); soft (of lhere = sand)ulpere hollowulpernelhe- to whistleulperte a mess; dirtyulpertelhile- to make a mess, make s.t. dirty [mess+CAUS]ulpile- to pound; crushulpmernte dust; duststormulpmernte-ulpmernte a dusty red-brown colour [fr. Redup. of ulpmernte = dust]ulpulpe spring (season)ultake- to break; chopultakelhe- to break (by itself); to break down (of car) [lhe- REFL]ultakelhentye broken [fr.ultake- = to break tr., -lhe = REFL, -ntye= nominalizer]ulte side of the bodyultekethe altogether [from English]ulthe- to press down on s.t., pin s.t. down by force of weight, crush s.t. underneath s.t. else, torun over s.t.ulthentye heavy [to press down on s.t.+NMZR] ; dark of colour thetheke ulthentye 'darkred' [ant. arrare]ultherte all sorts [from English]ulye shadeulyentye shadeulyenye do hunting ?

ulyepere thighunte you (S/A)unte- to hurry off (away from where speaker is); rununtentye fast (nanthe untentye = a fast horse) [fr. unte- = to hurry along/to run, -ntye =nominalizer]unte-tye- to hurry hitherunte-ty-alpe- to hurry backunthe- to wander around and/or to look for ; hunting arounduntye back of neckuntye alyernemele twerle keme break neck of rabbit/manuntye drops of water (raindrops, tear drops)untyeline- to be elder sibling of s.o. (transitive verb literally meaning "takes by the neck" :ine- 'to take; get' )untyeme facing away fromuntyetye to be warm (of a person)untyeyampe nectar of untyeye = corkwood (k.o. ngkwarle)untyeye corkwood treeunye- to hum (also used of birds singing)unyerre mountain devil; thorny devilupernelhe- [urlpernelhe-] to whistleure fire; classifier of fire related entities like smoke, fire stick, coals]ure atetherre ? fire of hellure-nyengke gidgee (?)ure-wenhe-wenhe fire saw [lit. fire thrower :ure 'fire', we- 'to hit with missile', reduplication &-nhe nominalise of habitual involvement]urewe flood; river; large body of flowing wateruringe frog mouth owlurinpe hoturlarenye stranger; strange (language); a place that has no Dreamtime stories associatedwith it (eg. Sydney)urle foreheadurlekerte small water carrier (fr. urle 'forehead' -kerte 'having'; metaphor relating to shape (?));(coolamon)urlkerrpe suds; beer

urlpe red ochreurlpere hollow treeurlpme [urrpme ?] narrowurltaltye (?) Husband's uncle or mother's male cousins [HMB; MMBS; MFZS]; son-in-law[DH; MBDS; FZDS]urltampe wild honey (made by native bee - [hollow-honey])urltatye [ultatye ??] the click in the nose signalling a premonitionurlte a hollow in a tree (see urltampe)urnte- dance men's dance; to rain [when kwatye 'water/rain' is understood subject]urrpme [urlpme?] narrow, primarily of open spaces but can be used of things (?)urreke soon; later; wait on!; just a minute!; by and byurreke-ulkere little bit longer [later-more]urrempere lance; spear; shovel spearurreme-urreme confused, befuddled, out of it (not knowing what is going on)urrerne- to blame s.o. (for s.t.)urreye [urriye] boy/maleurrkale [urrkwale] mulga countryurrkape workurrkape- to workurrkapentye a job; work (noun) [to work-NMZR]urrke pus; matter (from sore)urrkere (?) spinal columnurrknge soft, mushy (eg. of muddy ground, or of flour mixed with water) [cf. terte]urrkwale [urrkale] mulga country; deserturrpare- to erase, wipe outurrperle blackurrperle-mape Aboriginal people (urrperle = black, mape = pl. group; ie. 'black people', thisarose in relation to mperlkere-mape = white people)urrpetye a few (specifically three)urrpetye-ke-urrpatye a few at a time [few-DAT-few]urrpmale fire sawurrpme chest scar (made intentionally [as part of initiation?])urrthe a type of rockurrtyalthe liar [lie-BadCHAR]

urrtye (a) lie; a pretenseurrtyirre- to lie to s.o. about s.t.; to pretend to be/do s.t. [INCH]urrwemperre (?) big fighting spear used while held onto or thrown by hand, usually made ofartetye = mulga woodurrwempele ceremony (initiation?)urrwerre cockatoo with yellow cresturtape fire that has burned away but is still hot, with glowing coals [?]urteke shorturtne general term for largeish coolamonurtne-uretye large water carrier (coolamon)utepirre- to turn back; turn around; back offuterne sunlight; heat of the sun; summer (hot season); the sun (younger speakers)uterne- to order s.o. to do s.t.; force s.o. to do s.t.utethe hips (whole hip region) [Watching lead singer of a rock band perform Margaret Heffernansaid about him "utethe tyeke; ngkwerneke arrangkwe" 'loose hips, no bones'uthene and (binary and) [only conjoins entities of the same general kind that are commonly foundtogether]uthne- to bite, of animals [see alknge-uthne-;ahele-uthnerre-]utnanthe gidgeautnanthe- being greedy to s.o.; failing to share s.t. that is good with s.o. [transitive verb]utnenge [urtnenge ?] soul; spiritutnerrengatye caterpillar from the utnerrenge treeutnerrenge emu bush [used for medicine]utnetyiwe- to make a fire using a fire saw.utyene a soreutyerne- to lift s.t. uputyernelhe- to be boastful, to skite [lift up-REFL]utyerrke native figutyewe narrow, thin; used of things or animates; is used to describe humans with positiveconnotations, like Engl. "slim"utyewetyake- to beg and plead on s.o. else's behalfutyewetyakelhe- to beg and plead for yourself (to s.o)utyipme ribsuyare- to misplace something; to be unable to find s.t. where it should be

uyarne unable to do, to do s.t. in vain [be attempting s.t. but be unable to do it]uye [see uyarne (syn?)]uyenpere spear treeuyerre- [uyirre- ??] to disappear; to finish [euphemism for 'to die']uyerrelhile- to use up; make s.t. disappear [-lhile CAUS]uyerrenhe- to pass by, disappear (can be used of days) [-nhe

DO PAST]wake- [awake-] to save s.t. for s.o.wale well (then), (and) so (well)walpale [warlpele] white man, (fr. Engl. white fellow)walye branchwangke- to swell up, for a part of the body to swell upwante- to feed s.o. or some animal; breast feedwantye- [awantye-] to lick s.t., suck s.t.ware only; nothing much(dimissive DISM); not reallyware nthe- to lend (ie. not really give, just give for a short while)ware angke- to guess; to not really be saying anything importantwarle humpy, wurley, any fully enclosed construction used for living inwarlekwerte widow(er) (i.e. either a man or a woman who has lost their spouse)warre may I remind you (REMIND)warrkirre- to work [from English]watelpere white woman (fr. 'white lubra')wawe fire, flame [child's word, syn. ure in sense of fire] ; loverboy, (hot-one)we- to hit s.t. by throwing s.t. at it (like throwing a rock at a bird); also used when something like ashanghai (slingshot) is used to propel the missile

Itne shanghai-le thipe we-pe-we-me, pwertele 'They're always pelting birds usingshanghais and stones.'; to pelt s.t. with s.t. elseweleke- to bark (of dog)welhe- to feel cold, sick, bad; ie. to feel/percieve s.t. happening in one's body (or a part of one'sbody) or to feel s.t. is affecting one's body (or a part of one's body) Ayenge irrernte welheme'I feel cold' [etymologically probably the reflexive of awe- 'to hear, understand']wengkere [awengkere]wild duck (k.o. kere)wenke young womanwenkirre- to be in the process of becoming a young woman [INCH]

werlatye breasts; breast milkwerlatye-alhe nipple (lit. breast nose)werlatye-werlatye k.o. medicine plant with milky sapwerne- to blow [intr.] (of wind, fan); to blow s.t. over/down/around (again where wind or fan isagent) werratye droughtwerre-werre [awerre-werre] name for k.o. wild flowers of different colourswerreke-lyaye-lyaye pretty flowers with red topswerrpe [awerrpe] blood of kangaroo, esp. blood that collects in chest cavity of kangaroo andis considered a "health drink" (good for babies)werte what's up?, what's news?; gidday!wiye [weye] baby boy (term of endearment) [cf. kwiye]y'know [yenewe] you know, you understandyakwethe [ayakwete] any closed container for water, esp. waterbags; also refers to pouches forcarrying tobacco, etc.yalange that/there, (medial) uncertainyalke bush onionyame yamyanhe there (near); that (near), (medial) certainyatyerre visitors; guests; do as a visitoryatyerre ane- to visit; be on a visityatyerre lhe-/alhe- to go visiting, go [visit(or) go-]yawe yesyaye elder sister [Z+; FBD+; MZD+]ye yesyekaye! what the hell's going on here?; shit!; ouch!yenewe [y'know] you know, you understandyenpe skinyepe [ayepe] tar vine;( "yam-arteke" 'like a yam'), its roots are eaten; this is the plant that givesits name to the Yep- arenye caterpillar (the caterpillar feeds on the leaves of the plant)yepe-yepe sheepyeperenye [yeparenye] caterpillar found on tar vine (the main one of three caterpillars sacred to theAlice Springs area) [yepe 'tar vine', -arenye 'ASSOC']yerne- to send s.t. to s.o.; send s.o. to do s.t.yerrampe honeyant [yerre 'ant' -ampe 'honey (source)'

yerre ant (generic)yewe yesyewe-yewe yesyweke [ywekwe ?] I don't knowywepe- [aywepe] to hunt away ; to chase out of camp

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