Argument structure and its realization 2/21/2005 Nianwen Xue.
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Transcript of Argument structure and its realization 2/21/2005 Nianwen Xue.
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Argument structure and its realization
2/21/2005Nianwen Xue
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outline
• Syntactic argument vs semantic argument• Selectional restriction• Subject control• Object control• Raising
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Semantic valency
• Arguments can be viewed as central participants in a situation Aous laughed.
Aous = the entity that does the laughing Chris invited Dave .
Chris = hostGuest = Dave
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Semantic valency
• One-place predicates Laugh, smile,
• Two-place predicates Invite, hit,
• Three-place predicates give, send, etc.
• Four-place predicates Accompany,
• Five-place predicates Rent,
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Arguments defined in the frame files
• http://verbs.colorado.edu/framesets Smile Invite Accompany Rent
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Syntactic argument (transitivity)
• Arguments that are actually realized
Intransitive: takes one argument
Transitive: takes two arguments
Ditransitive: takes three arguments
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Transitive to intransitive
He / interrupted / the meeting. He / interrupted.
Amy / knits / sweaters. Amy / knits.
They / are reading / a book. They / are reading.
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Intransitive to transitive
Dennis / died. Dennis / died / a peaceful death.
Lukas / laughed. Lukas / laughed / an infectious laugh.
Mona Lisa / was smiling. Mona Lisa / was smiling / a mysterious smile.
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Ditransitive-transitive-intransitive
We teach college students syntax. We teach college students.We teach syntax.We teach.
He told me the whole story. He told me. He told the whole story.He better not tell.
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Transitive to ditransitive
I baked a delicious cake. I baked my friends a delicious cake.
The lions killed a gazelle. The lions killed themselves a gazelle.
She sang a lullaby. She sang her baby a lullaby.
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Alternation
• Transitive to intransitive• Object to subject
Aous broke the window . The window broke.
• Changes of (syntactic) arguments• Change of position
Levin (1993)
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Syntax/semantics mismatch
• Semantic arguments are not always explicitly realized
• Realized syntactic arguments are not necessarily semantic arguments
• Semantic arguments are not always realized in the same syntactic positions
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Modification
• Properties of events, which are less central, are often realized as modifiers: Manner: He read the letter carefully. Point in time: They discussed the proposal in the
afternoon. Duration: You should keep your tax records for several
years. Frequency: I read the Times quite often. Location: We met in my office. Origin: We set out from Bangalore. Destination: We arrived in Benares. Cause: He threw it away out of spite. Purpose: I sent the message to warn everyone.
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Predication and subject requirement
• That they are corrupt is evident.Their corruption is evident.
• It is evident that they are corrupt.* Is evident that they are corrupt.
• Does “it’ contribute to the semantics of this sentence? If not, why is it needed?
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Pleonastic ‘there’
• Several vexing questions remain. There remain several vexing questions.
• There is a clean shirt right here. There is a clean shirt over there.
• * Remain several vexing questions.
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Selectional restrictions
• Amy drank the { lemonade, #sandwich }Lukas drank a whole { quart, #piece }
• { Two hours, #the shift, #two liters, #Larry } elapsed without further incident.
• The { paramilitary, #bomb, #avalanche } murdered { her husband, #the olive tree, #her house }.
• The { paramilitary, bomb, avalanche } killed { her husband, the olive tree, #her house }.
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Agree (1)
The children agreed to dance.
How many clauses does this sentence have?
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agree (2)
• The childreni agreed [that theyi would get wet ] .
# The { horses, trees, rocks }i agreed [that theyi would get wet ] .
• The childreni agreed [that theyi would speak Twi ] . # The childreni agreed [that theyi would { elapse, evaporate } ]
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agree (3)
• The children agreed [*PRO* to get wet ] . # The { horses, trees, rocks } agreed [*PRO* to get wet] .
• The children agreed [*PRO* to speak Twi ] . # The children agreed [*PRO* to { elapse, evaporate } ] .
• The subject control verb and the lower verb impose separate selectional restrictions on their subject.
• Therefore two clauses
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Representing subject control structure
The children agreed *PRO*-1 to get wet .
VP
VP
S
VPNP-1
S
TO
NP
VV
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Properties of subject control
• *PRO* can’t be replaced with an overt NP
• *PRO* must be coreferential with the subject NP in the matrix clause
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Arbitrary *PRO*
• [*PRO* to err] is human.
• [*PRO* to forgive] is divine.
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Small *pro* in Chinese
建筑 是 *pro* 开发 浦东 的 一 项 主要 经济 活动 。construction be develop Pudong DE one CL main economic activity .“Construction is a main economic activity in developing Pudong.”
NPADJPQP
NPVV
VPNP
IP DEC
CP
NPVC
VPNP
S
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Seem (1)
• The children seemed [ to dance ] .
• * There agreed to be a problem. ok There seemed to be a problem.
• The children agreed [ PRO to get wet ] . # The { horses, trees, rocks } agreed [ PRO to get wet ] .
• ok The children seemed to get wet. ok The { horses, trees, rocks } seemed to get wet.
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Seem (2)
• Subject idiom chunks # The cat agreed [ PRO to be out of the bag ] . [The cat]i seems [ ti to be out of the bag ] .
• Weather it: # It agreed to be raining. It seems to to be raining.
Seem does not impose selectional restrictions
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Seem (3)
• It seems that he is happy.• *That he is happy seems.
“Seem” does not take an argument at its subject position.
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Representing raising
The children seems *-1 to dance .
VB
VP
NP-1
SVBP
VPNP-1
S
TO
VP
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Representing raising
There seems to be a problem .
NPVB
VP
VBP
VPNP
S
TO
VP
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Properties of raising verbs
• Do not impose selectional restrictions on its subject. Selectional restrictions on its subject imposed by the lower verb
• Are not associated with a thematic role
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Persuade vs expect
We persuaded the children to dance.
• We expected there to be a problem.• # We persuaded there to be a problem.
• We expected it to rain.• #We persuaded it to rain.
• We expect the cat to be out of the bag.• #We persuaded the cat to be out of the bag.
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Representing object-control
We persuaded the children *PRO* to dance .
VPNP
SNPVBD
NP VP
S
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Exercise
• Is “tend” a control verb or raising verb?• What about “promise”?
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tend
• There tend to be huge traffic jams during rush hour.
• It tends to rain at night.• The cat tends to be out of the bag.(?)
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promise
• Control The { children, #horses } promised [ to eat their
oatmeal ] . The { children, #horses } promised [ that they would
eat their oatmeal ] . The children softly promised [ to eat their oatmeal ] . The children obediently promised [ to eat their
oatmeal ] .
• Raising This filly promises to win the race. All available evidence indicated that this filly will win the
race. There promises to be a new version by spring.
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Homework
• Treebank the following sentences Criminal charges are not filed in shootings that authorities
determine to be accidental. Two Republican governors on Monday questioned a Bush
administration decision allowing an Arab-owned company to operate six major U. S. ports, saying they may try to cancel lease arrangements at ports in their states.