Argentina Today 1976

8/6/2019 Argentina Today 1976

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Argentina Today: A Reign of TerrorSource: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 3, No. 1, Imperialism and the Working Class inLatin America (Winter, 1976), pp. 157-168Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633259 .

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ARGENTINAODAY: REIGN FTERRORNowhere in Latin America is the struggleof the workingclass against imperialism and itsnational allies as fierce as in Argentina. Daily newspaper stories document the intensity f theundeclared civil war raging n that country.A briefglimpse of the realityof this struggle,which

claims hundreds of lives, emerges from the following rticle. t is excerpted from the Report sub-mitted to the Latin American Studies Association by its Sub-Committee on Academic Freedomand Human Rights n Argentinaof the Committee nAcademic Freedom and Human Rights om-posed of Juan E. Corradi (New York University), hairperson,Eldon Ken worthy Cornell Univer-sity), nd William Wipfler National Council of Churches). The Report and its engthydocumen-tary upplement "Argentinade hoy: un r6gimen e terror,nforme obre la represiondesde juliode 1973 hasta diciembre de 1974," discusses the historical background of the currentstruggle,outlines ts present dimensions, and amply documents repression against specific groups and in-stitutions.Among the latter it treats: political parties, workers and unions, universities, theChurch, the mass media and artistic ommunity, nd marginal groups. It also includes testimonyfrompolitical prisoners and persons tortured nder thepresent government on Argentina ngen-eral,see Corradi 1974a and 1974b and NACLA, 1975).We publish below a somewhat abbreviated versionof the chapter "Repression of the Work-ing Class." The issue editors take full responsibility oreditorial changes from the original text.The complete Report may be obtained from the LASA Secretariat,Box 13362,University tation,Gainesville, Florida 32601.

Repressionf heWorkinglassThis study penetratesto the very core of the currentrepressivesystem nArgentina. t not onlydeals with the all important heme of class struggle ut tunderscores ts uniqueness, form, nd scope. Consequently, t is indispensable

for a full understanding f what is takingplace in Argentina. n this contextthe repressionof theworking lass becomes the mostprofound xpressionof ageneralizedrepressionwhich affects ll Argentine ociety.In a certain sense, what follows is only a report nd does not exhaust thequestion. On theother hand, it should be read in the context of a moreexten-sive social conflict hatobviously ncludes the working lass but which is in noway limitedto it.This social conflicthas multiple nternal evels and also in-cludes theparticipationof veryexplicitU.S. imperialist nterests. n any case,a reading of the factual informationn the Chronologyclearlyshows in termsofspecificevents theextraordinary omplexity fthe Argentine onflict.To place the repressionin historical context,the firstrecorded instanceoccurred on July17, 1973, just four days after the resignation of HectorCampora fromthe Presidency.Duringhis fifty ays in power, in a continua-tion ofprevious trends,diverse social groupsmobilizedwhich,consciouslyorunconsciously,moved towards changingthe structures f social participation.The working lass proved one of the mostdynamic in this process. This phen-

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158 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESomenon brought crisis n termsof the power to controlthe masses inside thelabor movement.This movementhad existed for many years and was recog-nized by law and by the society as a whole in that powerful Confederaci6nGeneral de Trabajo (CGT), consolidated during the first Peronist period, anundisputed social institutionwhich carries a permanent nfluencethroughoutall Argentine ociety.The move towards a dismantlingof the existing unionstructure layed an importantpart in Campora's resignationon July13 - inwhich the CGT bureaucracy played the role of spokesperson for thebloodlesscoup - but it also lay behind the increasing repression that this reportdescribes.This repression in terms of the agents who carry it out, its victims, themethods used, takes varied forms.This points out one difference etween thetraditionalmethods ofrepression used against the working lass and the more"modern" methodswhich many countries now employ against workers. De-spite this difference nmethod,however, the goal of the repressionremains thesame: to paralyze the ability of workers to act as a class. In this case we candistinguishparticularformswhich define a new stage in class struggle s canbe seen clearly fromthe incidents presented in the Chronology.These formshave two basic characteristics: irst, n attempt o maintain n fact the monop-oly of power in theofficially ecognized trade-unionbureaucracy except,ofcourse, n the cases ofthose unions opposed to the centralized union bureauc-racy; and second, an attempt o prevent the spread of labor strugglesbeyondthe sphere of wage demands. As the reader will see, the Chronologydocu-ments the firstpointmore than the second, because thefirst s quantitativelymoreaccessible.The repressiveagents that participate n this process can be classified asfollows: 1) civilian groups armed with weapons that only can be obtained -one way or the other frommilitary istributors r factories icensed onlytosell to these distributors Itaka rifles, ear gas grenades, 11.25 caliber pistols,etc.); 2) pro-government rade unions or their leaders; 3) state, national, orprovincial securityforces;' 4) the state itself in its administrative capacitywhen it declares as illegal rank-and-file trikes which threaten to spill overoutside traditionalunion politics; 5) a factor hardly distinguishablefromthestateapparatus and only tangentiallymentioned here,JoseL6pez Rega - theprivate secretaryof President JuanPeron and later also of his wife who suc-ceeded him. L6pez Rega played a separate role in the process and still has anundeniable importance n shaping events. [L6pez Rega since the writing fthisreporthas been forced nto exile - editors.]The victimsof thisrepressioncan be classified as follows: 1) militant radeunions such as Luz y Fuerza, Mecanicos Automotores y Talleres Afines(SMATA), Transporte Automotor, all from C6rdoba Province, and theFederacion Grafica Bonaerense, Musicos y Periodistas, from Buenos Aires,etc.; 2) individualworkers who have defied theirown bureaucracy by assum-ing combative or dissident positions in a general sense or in specificstrikesorunionmatters; ) activists,both eaders and rank and file, ffiliatedwithwork-ers' caucuses belongingto specific political groupings such as the JuventudTrabajadora Peronista a leftist eronistWorker'sgroup), Partido Socialista de'Securityforcesrefers o thearmedbranches of any government, rovincial, or municipalagencyincluding, or xample,internal ecurity peratives,undercover gents,etc.


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ARGENTINA TODAY: REIGN OF TERROR 159los Trabajadores (PST, Trotskyist), r the Partido Comunista; 4) workers' as-semblies, eitherthosecalled as part ofnormalunion functions r those result-ingfrom strike, emonstration,r other abor conflicts.

Finally,the methodsdiffer ccording to the particularagent and typeofvictim.In general, however, the repressionfollows a set patternwhich in-cludes: armed attacks, ntimidation,kidnapping,torture,bombs set in unionbuildings, victionfromunion locals, arrestsand/ormurders.An integralpartof the process is thepresenceofsecurityforceswhich,underthe guise ofprov-idingprotection, id therepression, nd the obvious absence of theseforcesattimeswhen theirpresencemighthinderthe repression.It is possible to be more precise about the nature of the repressiveagen-cies. These fall ntothreeprincipalgroupings:1) "politicalorganizations" suchas theComando de Organizaci6n (CDO), the Comando de Resistencia Peronis-ta (CRP), or the Comando Nacional UniversitarioCNU); 2) the "hitmen" whoworkfor one of the above, or fora union,or for an individual union bureau-crat;and 3) the "para-police" who are agentsbelonging o thespy networksofsome branch of thesecurityforces.These latterforcesact outside the law, butare subordinateto the government.We should add to this ista few ideologuessuch as those behind the magazine El Caudillo which is sponsored by theMinistry f Social Welfare,and which invariablyends its editorialswith theslogan: "theonlygood enemy s a dead enemy."Given the broad rangeof repressiveagencies and victims, t is impossiblethat all repressiveactions originatefrom singlesource.The record ofevents,however,revealsthe presenceof a centralplan. Close scrutiny hows that con-flictsoverwages are few and that thebosses - whetherprivateor state capi-talists do not reallypartake n these conflicts.This shows thesingularity fthisclass struggle nd underlinesthe factthatthe principalagents n thestrug-gle, in clear alliance with the state, are the trade union bureaucrats. A goodexample of this is the handlingof the arrestof several membersof an armedgroupwhich attackedthemilitantLuz y Fuerza union in C6rdoba. When ar-rested,theywere immediatelyfreed by the police despite the fact thatclear-cut evidence existedas to theirguilt.Anotherexample is theattackbyanotherheavilyarmed groupon the Sindicatode Ceramistas n theprovinceofBuenosAires - a union whose leadership had just been voted out of officea fewhours earlier. The police did notarriveon the scene despite repeatedcalls forhelp. The absence of the police not only made the newly-electedunion com-mission's ousterpossible, but it also opened theway forthe brutalmurderofone of the new leaders byone ofthose ustousted.The casual observermight hink hatthese confrontations esultedfrompower struggle etween two warringbureaucraticsectors.Butthis impressionevaporates upon consideringthatone side - the bureaucracy has the sup-port of the securityforces (either by their interventionor their inactivity)while theother the new leaders - have thesupportofthe mass ofworkers.This was thecase, for example, in the conflictswithinthe Sindicato de Auto-motoresof Buenos Aires provinceas well as in the previouslymentionedcaseofthe Sindicato de Ceramistas.At thestate evel, it is necessaryto distinguishbetweenthepoliticalappa-ratus and thesecurityforces.Recently, he lattergained enough power to takecontrol over the political apparatus duringthe period of militarydictatorshipLatinAmericanerspectives:ssue , Winter 76, Vol.111, o. 1


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160 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESbetween 1966 and 1973. Now, however, the elected majority party whosemain base is Peronism controls the political apparatus and it carries outrepression by dictating aws or by administering hem through he executiveand judicial branches. After July13, 1973, however, the security forceshavesteadily regained the power they once held under the militarydictatorship.They have slowly increased their nfluence over general policy, makingtheiropinions about repression heard not only throughthe use of arms but alsothrough nput nto bureaucratic decisions.Since the Cold War, Argentine ecurityforceshave maintained both ideo-logical and material ties with the United States. The public revelations of CIAintervention n Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay indicate that what is happeninginArgentina s intimately inked to U.S. strategy orLatin America. In this ight tmust be noted that that trade union bureaucracy has been and is one groupsingled out to implement that strategy t the local level. The CIA admits tohaving worked with the AFL-CIO and international abor organizations (e.g.,ITS, ICFTU, etc.), which it controls or significantlynfluences, n order to cap-ture the allegiance of union leaders and organizations through "trade unioneducational programs" nd a series of other relationshipswhich closely resem-ble a networkof trade union espionage (NACLA, 1975;Agee, 1975; also Spald-ing, nd Erickson and Peppe in this ssue).In sum, repression of the Argentina workingclass takes place in the fol-lowing manner: 1) repression s a joint effort f the trade union bureaucracy,the security forces, and the state, which may have differentmotives, butwhich in this particular case happen to coincide; 2) the repression carried outby the union bureaucracy appears to have as its immediategoal the defense ofits own power position in the face of workingclass mobilization aimed at in-creased participation n decisions governing radeunions and politics n gener-al; 3) therepressive ctions of the securityforces and the political apparatus ofthe state seems to facilitatethe bureaucratic repressionand is aimed at main-taining system which guarantees theirpositionsof power; and 4) the goals ofall these repressive agencies coincide with many of the aims of U.S. imperial-ism - as admitted to in the recent CIA-related episodes - to the point thattheycould safely be said not only to coincide withthese aims but to aid them.

TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLICEven duringtheperiod of relativestabilizationof the standardoflivingoftheArgentineworkingclass, which began with the constitutionalgovernmentofDr. Campora on May 25, 1973,and continuedwhen General JuanPerontookpower, the mechanisms began to develop forpreventing n organized work-ing-classreactionwhen the economic situationwould again deteriorate aprocesswell underway when thisreportwas written.

Reform ftheLaw of ProfessionalAssociations - November29,1973The above goal lay fundamentallybehind the modificationof the Law ofProfessional Associations by Law 20615,which Congress sanctioned afterahurrieddebate. Many of this law's provisions were designed to assure statecontrolover theworking lass movement f,forexample, the sell-outbureauc-racy could not guarantee a particularunion's passivityand adhesion to the


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ARGENTINA TODAY: REIGN OF TERROR 161government'spolicies favoringmonopoly capital. Article 17 requires that alltrade unions submit their statutes to the Ministryof Labor for approval andthat unions must keep theirbooks in such a way as to allow the ministry on-trolover theirfinances.The law establishes two categories of professional associations: thosewhich are officially ecognized as legal entities i.e., which have been grantedpersonerna remial) and those which are not. The Ministryof Labor grantslegal recognition, nd those with it enjoy an almost exclusive monopoly overthe normal functions xercized by a union (Articles 30 and 42 of the law). Theministry an also suspend or take away recognition Article 42) or designate"interventors" Article 47). This latter power enables the ministry o legallydepose an elected leadership and place persons of its own choosing in unionoffices. n order to prevent a rapid turnoverof union officials, he law statesthat tenures in office can last up to four years (Article 11), a clause whichhelps consolidate the existing union bureaucracy.The law allows federationsand confederations to intervene n affiliatedassociations, provided that theunion's statutes permit t (Article 35). Article11 also states that only native ornaturalized Argentinescan hold upper or lower-level union posts, thus intro-ducing discriminationbased on nationality an important evel in a countrywhich still has a substantial mmigrant opulationamong the working lass.Violations of the ArgentineConstitution

The above provisions contradict specificrightsguaranteed by the Argen-tine Constitution: he rightof free association for a socially useful purpose(Article 14), the right f free and democratictrade-unionorganization Article14 bis) and the equality of all inhabitantsbefore the law, which prohibitsdis-crimination n the grounds of birth r nationalorigin Article 16).Violation of Convention 87 on Trade Union Freedoms and the Protection ofUnion Rights of the InternationalLabor Organization (ILO) and its Constitu-tion

The provisions of Law 20615 alreadydiscussed, violate Articles 2,3,4,7 nd8 (second paragraph) of the LO Constitution.Article 5 of Law 20840 on "National Security"passed September 1974

Obviously thinking hat changes in the Law of ProfessionalAssociationswere not enough to "legally" paralyze the working class movement, he gov-ernmentformulated Law 20840, which, among other repressive provisions,contains Article 5 which states: "prison terms of one to three years will begiven to those who, once a labor conflicthas been declared illegal by the ap-propriate uthorities, nstigate ny non-compliancewiththedutiesimposed bythat decision." This article makes the rightto strike, a right expressly con-firmed n the ArgentineConstitution, crime Article 14).

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ABOVE LAWSThe application of the Law of ProfessionalAssociations and theNationalSecurity Law are discussed here in termsof only four trade unions: 1) the

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162 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESFederaci6nGraficaBonaerense (Buenos Aires PrintersFederation): 2) Sindica-to de Mecanicos yAfines del TransportAutomotor,Seccional C6rdoba (AutoWorkersUnion ofC6rdoba); 3) Sindicato de Luz y Fuerza, Seccional C6rdoba(Cordoba ElectricalWorkers); and 4) Seccional Villa Constituci6nde la Uni6nObreraMetalurgica Metal WorkersatVilla Constituci6n).Federaci6nGr&fica onaerense (FGB)

The typographers ossess a long tradition forganization,formingn 1857one of the firstunions in Argentina.The FGB inheritedthis tradition, nd itsresulting truggles or the organzational rights f itsmembers ed to itsperse-cutionbyseveral governments,ncludingthemilitary egimewhich preceededthepresentgovernment.The union's most outstanding eader, Raimundo On-garo,presently n jail, was also held prisonerformanymonths under themili-tarygovernment.Duringthe period of sharpened working-classstrugglesun-der the militarygovernment,Ongaro was elected SecretaryGeneral of theCGT.In June1974,theunionwhichhas over 20 thousand members,decided at ameeting ffourthousandworkersto initiate job actionbyrefusing o cooper-ate with the companies and not to work overtime n orderto obtain wage in-creases and the up-grading f job categories.Jorge akour, one of the union'sofficials,opposed these tactics in the meeting.Afterwardsfive officials, n-cluding Zakour, resignedbecause theydisagreed with the plan of action andbecause theysupportedthePacto Social orActa de CompromisoNacional (theagreementbetween unions representedby the CGT bureaucrats,capitalists,and thegovernment omaintainsalary levels withoutchange forsetperiods oftime).

On August 6, five kilos of TNT were discovered and deactivated in theUnion's headquarters (Paseo Col6n 731) where thefuneralof RodolfoOrtegaPenia, National Deputy assassinated by theArgentineAnti-CommunistAlli-ance (AAA - a right-wingerrorist roup),had been held 48 hours earlier. Inthe next few days the graphic workers occupied a number of factories.OnAugust 8, bothprinting rade workers and newspaper people went on strike.On August 16, the police dislodged the workers from a factoryand arrestedthem.Three days later,the governmentrevoked the FGB's legal status. TheMinisterof Labor declared thatthe union "had consistentlyopposed thepoli-cies ofthegovernment nd specificallythePacto Social." The printersprotest-ed thisact by a strikewhichproved 97 percenteffective.On September 17 the workers appealed the decision to rescind theirunion's legal status,claimingthattheministerial esolutionwas made withoutdue process and thatthealleged acts did not fallunderArticle 42 ofLaw 20615.Two days latertheThirdCourt ofLabor Appeals of theFederal Capital hand-ed down its decisions: the ministry'srulingwas based on the Social Pact(which is national law) and thereforewas neither rbitrarynorcapricious. Onthe contrary, he appellant violated the laws that govern the rightto strike.(The right o strike s regulatedby Law 20638,passed by the presentgovern-ment,which reestablished the Decree Law 16936/66 of the militarygovern-ment. t gives thegovernment he right o impose obligatory rbitration n la-bor conflictsprior to using force.Obligatoryarbitrationviolates Article4 of


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ARGENTINA TODAY: REIGN OF TERROR 163Convention 98 of the ILO regardingthe right to collective bargaining.)Thecourt also rejected the appellant's contention that the legal status of theUnion's Social BenefitsDivision is different romtheunion itself, o thatthedivisioncould notbe brought nderthesame chargesas the union (thegovern-ment had intervened he Social Benefitsdivision). The division is ofgreat m-portance because it involves large sums of money and the administration fthesocial benefits compensation,retirement,tc.) that workersreceive.On September27 thepolice brokeup a streetdemonstration f fourthou-sand printing radesworkers, rresting ighty nd woundingthreewithplasticbullets.On October 11 a new union,headed by JorgeZakour, was formedtowhichthe government henawarded officialrecognition iving t controloftheunion headquarters, ts assets, and administration f the Social Benefitsdivi-sion. At the end of October,Raimundo Ongaro was arrested, ccused ofpos-session of firearms. he judge at his hearingorderedhimfreed,buthe contin-ued under arrest, byExecutiveOrderdue to thestateofseige."

Sindicato de Mecanicos y Afines del TransporteAutomotor(SMATA): Sec-cional C6rdobaThe autoworkersof Cordoba, a part of SMATA, were in the forefront fthe political and labor struggles gainst themilitary overnment nd thereforesuffered evererepression.After everal indecisiveelections, in 1974 an ample

majorityelected a new slate of union officialsrepresenting leftist lass-or-ientedpositionand headed by Rene Salamanca. In August the union began astrugglewith IKA Renault over wage increases. On the eighthof thatmonth,the pro-government ational leadership of SMATA decided to expel ReneSalamanca and all theelected officialsfromC6rdoba. Three days later,a rankand file plenary of SMATA-Cordoba asked forthe removal of soldiers fromthe auto plants and thereinstatementf ts eaders. On August17, theMinistryof Labor confirmed he expulsion of the Cordoba leadership and authorizedthe National Committeeof SMATA to send a delegate to "restoreorder."OnAugust24 SMATA's Cordoba local was stilloccupied by the local leaders andrank and fileactivists.Functionariesof theMinistry f Labor arrivedwith aneviction order,but Salamanca answered that they would only obey a courtorder. Two days later,now with a court order,the police cleared the local,attacking heworkersgatheredtherewithgunfire nd teargas. Three workerswere wounded and a likenumberarrested.On August 27, in a Buenos Aires law office,the legal representativesofSMATA-Cordoba, Lipovetskyand Garbino Guerra,called a press conferenceto condemn the illegal intervention.A month later that same law office(Parana' 326) was burned.On August 30 theMinistry f Labor orderedobliga-tory arbitration n the conflict n Cordoba. The next week a meetingof fivethousandworkersdecided to continuetheir truggle nd expressed supportfortheexpelled union leadership. In Octoberseveralmembersoftheousted exec-utivecommissionwere arrested, nd althoughthe courtsorderedthemfreed,theyremained in jail "by Executive Order." Finally, n April,thosejailed con-ducted a hunger trike nd Salamanca and other eaders escaped from ail andwent underground.LatinAmerican Perspectives: Issue 8, Winter 1976, Vol. III, No. 1


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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESLuz y Fuerza, Seccional C6rdoba

This is a small union in termsof its membership,but an importantonewithinthelabor movement n Cordoba, principally because its foremost ead-er, AgustfnTosco, is a nationally recognized militant within the Argentinemovement.This unionhas a longhistory f solidaritywith other unions,and itdemonstrated hissolidarity n theconflict fSMATA-Cordoba. Tosco spentalong time n ail underthemilitary overnment.In October 1974theCordoba police searched theunion's headquarters un-derthepretext hatarms and munitionswere hidden there.The arrest ofTos-co and other leaders was ordered. Several persons were detained and re-mained in confinement under Executive Order" without trial.Tosco escapedarrest and went underground.The union was intervenedby the MinistryofLabor.Seccional Villa Constituci6n ftheUni6nObrera Metaliirgica UOM)

After year ofpressureand open conflict n defense oftheirunion rights,in November1974 the steel workers of Villa Constitucion in the province ofSanta Fe (about six thousand in all) elected theirown executive commissionby 2,623votes against 1,437,placing in power the candidates of the class-or-iented eft nd defeating hoseof theNational Committee f theMetalworkers'Union,a committeewhich is one oftheprincipal, fnot theprincipal,support-ersof thegovernment mongsttheunionbureaucracy.On March 20,1975, thegovernment, singthe pretext hata plotexisted toshut down certain teeland chemical plants, aunched a broad repressiveoper-ation using fourthousand police, arrestingmany citizens and 150 union lead-ers and activists. On the twenty-sixth,20 thousand workers of VillaConstitucion metalworkers, ailroaders,grain elevatorworkers, extilework-ers, and dockers) declared a strikedemanding the freedomof their fellowworkers.Days later the steel complex remained closed by the strikewhich the ad-ministrative mployees had joined. Forty-sevenunion leaders, including thesecretarygeneral of theVilla Constitucion ocal ofthe UOM, Mr. Alberto Pic-cini,remained n ail. On April2, theMinistry f Labor designatedan interven-tor n thelocal who took over thefunctionof secretarygeneral. At this point,the company sent a telegramto the workerswarningthemto return o workand reminding hemthattheNational SecurityLaw (20540)was still n effect.Relatives of the arrestedtrade unionists and delegates fromthe RadicalPartydenounced wanton lootingand stealingby thepolice duringtheiropera-tion nVilla Constitucion.The government olicies described above formonly a part of thegeneralpicture.Duringthissame period,many otherviolentacts against union head-quarters,meetings, nd demonstrationsoccurred. Included in these acts werekidnapping,torture, nd the murderof union militants over thirtypersonswere murderedbetweenAugust 1973 and December 1974). In all, well over ahundred cases of violence by police or armed civilians against the workingclass tookplace betweenJuly 7, 1973, nd December 1974.


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ARGENTINA TODAY: REIGN OF TERROR 165[The following s takenfromthe Chronology ppended to the CommitteeRe-port. We have arbitrarily elected thefour-month eriod as representativeofthe daily repressionagainst theArgentineworkingclass that continueseventoday editors.]

CHRONOLOGY: SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER 1974September5 (Cordoba) The police ban an indoor meeting n supportofSMATA.9 (Buenos Aires) The conservativeMovimientoMusical de Liberacion(MML)which was defeatedin themusicians union elections,takes revengeon theMusicians' Union. Hiding behind a right-wing roup of thugs called the"Agrupacion Peronista Ortodoxa," MML members forcefully ccupy theunion's headquarters, ustifyingheiractions by accusing themusicians ofbeing"Trotskyistsnd Marxists."12 (Bahia Blanca) The Federacion de Sindicatos de Trabajadores Municipales(Municipal workers)of Buenos Aires province,denounce the illegal arrestsof several workers and theirtreatment t the police station in the areacalled MayorBuratovich.15 (Cordoba) A bomb is placed outside the Luz y Fuerza union, but it isdefused.16 (Buenos Aires) Atilio Lopez, formerVice-Governorof Cordoba, leader ofthe class-orientedCGT of Cordoba, and SecretaryGeneral of the auto-workersunion ofCordoba untilAugust 1974, s killedalong withhis friendJuan JoseVaras, formerUnder-Secretary f the Treasuryof the provinceand legal advisorof thesame union. Five heavily armedmen burst ntothehotel where Atilio Lopez happens to be stayingand kidnap him. A fewminutes earlier they had seized JuanJose Varas. The kidnappings takeplace in plain view of a police patrol.The kidnappers,who identify hem-selves as policemen, speed away by car. Hours later,the bodies of Lopezand Varas are found by the roadside about seventykilometersfromthecity.Their bodies have over sixtybullet holes each. In spontaneous reac-tion to the repressionof the workingclass and in posthumous tribute tothese victims,columns of silentmarchers, ed by workers,political activ-ists,and students,fillthe streetsof Cordoba at theirfuneral. They accom-pany the body of Atilio Lopez to its last restingplace and vow to turnhismurder ntoa symbolof resistance.20 (Buenos Aires) The federalpolice arrestthirtyworkersfromthe FGB whoare demonstratingo ask forthere-opening f a companywhichhas closeddown and thrown hemoutof work.21 (Bahfa Blanca) An eighteenyear-oldconstructionworkerand activistwiththe JTP,Luis JesusGarcia, is assassinated. At four a.m., four men whoclaim-theyare police, drag him fromhis house. Two hours later, twelvekilometers romBahia Blanca his body is foundwith tenbulletholes. Fourdays laterthe AAA claims responsibility orhis death.25 (Buenos Aires) A demonstrationof fourthousand workersin frontof theCaimara de EmpresariosGraficos (an association of owners in the graphicarts ndustry) s brokenup by thepolice. In small groups theworkers go totheFGB's unionheadquartersbuttheyare attackedbythepolice usingteargas grenadesand plasticbullets.

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166 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES26 (Cordoba) The police continue to search thehomes ofprivatecitizens,thistimethehouses ofmunicipal employeesappointedduring hegovernorshipofObregonCano.27 (Cordoba) A letterto the newspaper La Voz del Interior fromMs. NelidaB. de Tosco, wife ofthe abor leader Agustfn osco, publicly denounces therepeated threatsshe has received. These threatswarn her to leave herhome which according tothese anonymousvoices - will be blown up atthefirst pportunity.October4 (Cordoba) The AAA threatens everal members of thegoverningboard oftheSindicato de Trabajadores de Motores Diesel Livianos. To protestthesedeath threats,an assembly of workers from Perkil company decide on aworkstoppage on the sixthof themonth.10 (Buenos Aires) JoseOscar Bordon,SecretaryGeneral of theAsociacion deEncargados de Trabajadores del Puerto, s murdered. The CGT calls a fif-teenminutework stoppage to protesthis assassination and theviolence ingeneral.11 (Avellaneda) Duringa disturbanceamongrivalgroupsfrom heFederacionde Empleados de Comercio,theunion leader Horacio Avalos is killed.12 (Cordoba) The local police search the headquarters of the union Luz yFuerza (a class orientedunion) and claim that theyfoundnumerousweap-ons and subversive iterature. even persons are arrested.21 (Tucumain)A bombexplodes in thebuildingused by theFederacion Obrera

de los Trabajadores de la IndustriaAzucarera.24 (Mendoza) The unionmilitantHectorMario Palvareda is murdered.25 (Chubut) An armed band attacksthe house of Osvaldo Rosales, SecretaryGeneral oftheSindicatoUnido de Petrolerosdel Estado.November4 (Buenos Aires) People identifyinghemselves as police kidnap JuanCarlosNievas, a workerfor the Nestle Corporation. One hour and a half later,Nievas is founddead.10 (Cordoba) While theworkersofTransax, a subsidiary ofFord, hold a meet-ing n support of thedeposed officialsofSMATA, armedgroupsinvade themeetinghall threatening he ives oftheworkers and shooting.23 (Cordoba) The police announce that a shoot-out took place but thatAugusthnTosco, leader of the class oriented forces in Luz y Fuerza andwanted bythepolice, was able to escape.December1 (Tucuman) Mr.Juan de la Cruz Olmos, SecretaryGeneral of the Sindicatode Obreros y Empleados Municipales de Famailla, is killed by a bomb ex-plosion inhis home.14 (Cordoba) A Federal Judge,Adolfo Zamboni Ledesma, orders freedom forfourunion leaders of SMATA arrestedafter a search of theheadquartersof theLuz y Fuerza union. Immediately,however, theyare arrested underExecutiveOrder.15 (Avellaneda) The bodies of two leftistmilitants,Miguel Angel Bujano andJorge ischer,bothuniondelegatesfrom heMiluz paintfactory, re found.16 (Tucuman) The headquarters of the union of Molino "La Providencia" issearchedand itssecretary rrested.


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ARGENTINA TODAY: REIGN OF TERROR 16721 (Tucumain)Fifteenunion officials re arrestedwhen thepolice interruptnassemblyofworkers n theconstruction ndustry.

UNION MILITANTS MURDEREDBETWEEN AUGUST 1973 AND DECEMBER 19741973 August 21 Carlos Bache, Sindicato Ceramista de Villa Adelina.October 30 Pablo Fredes, transportworker,Buenos Aires.October 4 JuanAvila, constructionworker,Cordoba.October 3 Enrique Damaino, Sindicato de Taxistas, C6rdoba.November 8 Adrian Sanchez, Mina Aguilar,Jujuy.December 8 Arnaldo Rojas, Sindicato de Mecanicos, C6rdoba.December 27 Hugo Jaime,metal worker,VicenteLopez.1974 January 7 JoseRoque Contino, constructionworker,C6rdoba.February 5 Hugo Mazzolini, constructionworker,Bahla Blanca.February 21 Nemesio Sotomayor,oil worker,Comodoro Rivadavia.February 21 Luis Carcamo.May 3 Inocencio Fernandez, metalworker,Campana.May 27 Dalmacio Oscar Mesa, Sindicato Obreros Navales,

Buenos Aires Province.May 27 Antonio Moses, metal worker,Buenos Aires Province.May 27 Domingo Zila, textileworker,Buenos Aires Province.June 16 Angel Uris, food processing,Buenos Aires Province.June 16 Carlos BorromeoChavez, Sindicato Portuario,BuenosAires Province.July21 Mario C6rdoba,metal worker.August 7 Carlos Emilio Pierini,Buenos Aires Province.September 16 AtilioLopez, transportworker,Cordoba.September 21 Luis Jesu'sGarcia, constructionworker,BahfaBlanca.Octorer 10 JoseOscar Bordon, Buenos Aires.October 11 Horacio Oscar Avalos, commercial worker,Buenos AiresProvince.October 24 Hector Mario Polvareda, commercial employee,Mendoza.November 4 JuanCarlos Nievas, Nestle employee and member,PartidoSocialista de los Trabajadores (PST), Buenos Aires.November 4 Rub6n Bousas, PST member,Buenos Aires.November4 N.N., PST member.December 1 Juande la Cruz Olmos,General Secretaryofthe Uni6ndeEmpleados yObrerosMunicipales de Famailla, Tucuman.December' 1 Carlos Llerena Rosas, press secretary f theAsociacion dePersonal del InstituoNacional de TecnologiaAgropecuaria y Dirigentedel Frente zquierdaPopular.December 15 Jorge ischer,paint companyemployee,Buenos Aires.December Dora Emilia Vega, Sindicato San Jose,Tucuman.

LatinAmericanPerspectives: Issue 8, Winter 1976, Vol. 111, o. 1


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168 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESREFERENCESAgee, Phillip1975 Inside theCompany: CIA Diary, Harmondsworth,England: Penguin

Corradi,JuanEugenio1974a "Argentina,"pp. 305-407 n Ronald H. Chilcote and JoelC. Edelstein eds.), Latin Amer-ica: The StruggleWith Dependency and Beyond, Cambridge,Massachusetts: SchenkmanPublishing1974b "Argentina and Peronism:Fragmentsof the Puzzle," Latin American Perspectives, I,(Fall), 3-20NACLA1975 Argentina n the Hour of theFurnaces, New York: NACLA

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVESMICROFILM ERIESLatin American Perspectives now has available on mlcri)fulm. puiblic itionswhich art dliffic;ulto fin(d nthiscountry s well as in the countryof origin. I hi mph,iss of our mni ifilm is on Braz.ilia-n.'uhbanand Mexican materials, althoughwe have filmed ttms from Colombi,.tIIroigltayintl Chile The follow-ing itemsaire vailalble immediately some titleshavelnot been filmneds we art trying o fin(dmissingissues.) All iterms re filmedon 35mm roll filmaindl hi cost is S2(0pvr rvi. Positivi microfilmwill be,providedunless negative is specified.A 10%discount will t given on ill orders if SlIXE or more.Stndyotur rder to oiir diistriotor:CUSTOMMICROFILMYSTEMS,NC.PostOffice ox 792 Riverside,alifornia2502CHILESERIES

Chile Hoy (Santiago) (CH2). ImportantweeklyreflectingUnidad Popular perspectivesof the Allende period. Edited byMarta HarneckerwithJaimeBarrios,Theotonio dos Santos, Pio Garcio, RuiMauro Marini and others.Vol. 1, 1972, Nos1-17, 19-23, 25-26. 1 ReelCuadernos de Ia R*alidad (Santiogo) (CH3). One of the major social science tournalspublished during the Allendeperiod. Founded and edited byJacques Chonchol and othersand published at the CERAN of theCatholic University tobe microfilmed.)Punto Final (Santiogo) (CHS). Importantfordocumentsand analysis of Chileon affairs.Weekly reflecting iews to theleftof the Unidad Popular. (tobe microfilmed.)El Rebilde (Santiago) (CH6). Official orgon of the Movimiento de lzquierda Revolutionorio MIR). Aug. 28, 1971Jan. 22, 1973. 1 ReelCOLOMBIAN SERIESEl Tiempo (Bogota) (COI). One of Colombia s and LatinAmerica s leading daily newspapers. Jan., 1971 through1974and current. Yeorly subscription vailable 48 ReelsURUGUAYSERIESEl National (Montevideo) (UR 1). July,1953 throughJuly, 954 - December, 1963 throughOctober, 1966 3 ReelsMarcha (Montevideo) (UR2) Significant eft ndependent weekly and a major source foronalysis of socio-economic,politicalond culturaloffairs n latin America Volumes 30 through 5. Jan, 10, 1969 throughMay 31, 1974 8 ReelsMEXICAN SERIESLa Vot de la Fronteria (Mexicali) (ME 1). September, 1964 throughDecember, 1974 One of Baja Californias leodingdaily newspopers, Complete collection Yeorlysubscription vailable 82 ReelsSupemento Dominicol de El National (Mexico City) (ME2) April,1947- Morch, 1968. 15 ReelsMexico En la Cultura (MEXICO CITY) (ME3). February,1949 - May, 1968, 8 ReelsEl Diario de Culiacan (Culiacan, Rosales) (ME4). Januory,1968 - May, 1974. Daily newspaper of Sinola StateEl Imparcial (Hermosillo, Sonora) (ME5). September, 1967 - December, 1970. Daily newspaper of Sonoro State,La Opinion (Torreon,Coahuila) (ME6) 1967-1 973 (several missing ssues), Leoding daily newspaper ofCoahuila StateSiempre (Vallorta) (ME7). 1973 - 1974. Liberal-leftweeklycontaining politicaland cultural nalysis 8 ReelsEl Fronterizo Juarez) (ME8). May, 1967- October, 1973 A daily newspoper of Chihuahua State 52 ReelsEl Mexicano (Tijuana) (ME9) October, 1959 to December, 1974 Daily newspaper of Balo California State Yearlysubscriptionvailable.Tribuna (San Luis) ME 10). Nov. 30, 1974- Feb. 28, 1975. Daily newspoper Yearlysubscription vailable 1 Reel

Argentina Today 1976

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