Architecture and Sport

SRR513 ARCHITECTURAL RESEARCH JOHN LEONARD 201042293

ABSTRACTThis research paper aims to identify the developments

of western physical culture throughout various historical social contexts, with the intention of gaining an appreciation for the current context within which a small sustainable sporting facility would be placed. The resultant activity landscapes and changing participation opportunities of these context developments form a main focus. Modern sporting characteristics (from Guttmann) have been identified as representing the recognisable, global dominant paradigm and pre-modern and post-modern sporting landscapes are then considered most effectively compared to this central position. Analysis of historical precedent as it relates to the present day is considered an important part of design methodology. A broad current international context (considered Post-modern) emerges, from which closer national (Australian) and local conditions (Flemington, Melbourne) are then further surveyed to be acted upon for the design of a sustainable sports facility that aims to encourage, or increase, participation 'for all' as a health and well being issue.

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Diagram 1a The Ages of Sport (Werk,Beuen )

1.0 INTRODUCTION and AIMSOur era is characterised by intense professionalism in

sport, with a resultant ‘celebrity athlete’ and elite sport bias. This situation has led to an emergence of a greater magnification of sport as entertainment and commodity, with subsequent trends toward spectating as opposed to participating. Participation in sport is currently deemed a health and development issue, especially amongst younger people where diet and activity levels are suffering from sedentary lifestyle pressures. Alienation of marginal or ethnic groups that restrict participation in 'exercise' is also considered an issue, with aims to cultivate the potential of physical activity's importance toward social interaction and development. The large number of sport and recreation centres being developed as an integral part of new urban renewal programs and incorporated into other civic

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programs attests to this, along with the increasing emphasis being placed by governing bodies on the role sport and sports centres might play in developing countries as a way toward social inclusion, community building, and sustainability.

Physical culture has an undeniable presence in society that extends back to primitive civilizations. Throughout history physical culture and the facilities or landscape that contain these activities have reflected and been shaped by the society they are a part of. In his articles on popular culture, James Martens characterises sport in each successive era of human history as being both a reflection of the civilisation in which it functions and integrally related to that society’s political and social needs. He continues that the landscapes of physical culture are a result of the relationship between established authority and the lower classes and, consequently, changes within each society are mirrored by changes in these landscapes and activities. (Martens, retrieved May 2005) The purpose of this essay is not to define a position on the politics of sport but to conduct a survey on the facilities and landscapes that have resulted from or that house the activities of physical culture within specific social contexts through time. As such, the focus is on certain eras from the ancients to the modern day to trace the changing motivations toward play and competition, which essentially lead to the emergence of what we identify as sport. The potency of sporting facilities in conveying an image or ideology is also recognised, particularly throughout the Olympic Games of the twentieth century. Here, I am referring not only to the Berlin games in the Nazi era, but also such representations as Tange’s facilities designed for the Tokyo Olympics as a visible indication of Japanese ingenuity and modernity after World War II. More recently the Olympic Games and large sporting festivals in general, such as the recently held Commonwealth Games in Melbourne, show how sport is intricately entwined in the political and economical structures of world cities, seen to stimulate growth, encourage tourism and market image. These broader areas of study are recognised but not inherently focused upon in the paper, as the programme for the planned sports facility will be on a smaller scale, and participation at a grass roots level is the main intention.

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2.0 DEFINITIONS

Diagram 2a: (Eichberg's Trialectic of Body Culture)A definition of the term ‘sport’ was required that

would serve to place it more clearly within what is a broader area of study, alternately identified through key texts as body culture, movement culture (Eichberg, Bale), physical culture and as a component of play (Guttmann). The key texts form the sociological basis through which sport is defined and differentiated within the overall changing historical contexts and landscapes. Elements such as Eichberg’s Trialectic of Body Culture(Diagram 2a) and Guttmann’s paradigm of play and characteristics of modern sport(Diagrams 2b and 2c) serve as consistent analysis tools against which historical developments can be reviewed and further appreciated. The breadth of the study, and context of the research, limit the scope to a largely western bias, although eastern developments will be touched upon as they apply to more recent developments.

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Diagram 2b: (Guttmann's Paradigm of Play)

Diagram 2c: (Guttmann's Characteristics of Modern Sport)

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3.0 HISTORICAL CONTEXTS AND PHYSICAL CULTURE LANDSCAPES3.1 ANCIENTS: GREEK AND ROMAN

The ancient civilisations of Greece and Rome had very strong, readily identifiable physical cultures. The interest is in how they differed and how these differences manifested in the facilities created for the sporting event. In ancient Greece sport and the games were entwined with the rituals and festivals that bound together the various independent city states.

-Entrance to the arena at Olympia -Spectator berming at the Olympia ruins

In a sense they formed a more holistic part of the culture in that contests and athletics were not only deemed an illustration of competitive spirit but as having a direct role within Greek religion and the gods. In keeping with the Greek ideals of strength and beauty, the games were performed for the gods and victory or success as an indication of being chosen by the gods. (Martens, retrieved May 2005) Such entrenched notions of honour created enormous accolades on victors, and the inter-polis rivalry that ensued because of this importance provided a substitute for military combat. The opportunity for political stability the games offered was recognised, but chiefly the religious festival was paramount.(Martens, retrieved May 2005)

With the games associated so directly to the immortals the settings for the games were also located at the

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-The Olympian sacred site

religious shrines and ritual places. These shrines were located outside of any particular city-state. Sites such as Delphi, Delos and Olympia, were chosen for their direct setting in the landscape and provided a neutral environment whereby the opportunity for political negotiation was also available. Sport here is an avenue to social and political stability. In this respect it is interesting to note that that sites for the games began as offering sites, sacred sites, before being appropriated as a place for the actions of mortals. In contrast, modern sporting stadiums, often sited for functional or pragmatic reasons, work in the opposite way by attracting myth and giving a special importance to areas of the city through their use and the stories generated from them.

The prestige of the Greek games limited participation to wealthy families, generating further honour from any victories. The pressure to receive such accolades from the gods resulted in ever increasing measures toward victory and eventually to a substitution from a focus on the religious festival to one of winning.(Golden, 1998) Subsequent corruption, disloyalty and avenues for enhanced performance emerged. The focus on the athlete replaced that of the religious and special considerations and pampering of potential athletes resulted in an industry of groomers and agents. These developments led to many citizens preferring to spectate, and allowed non-citizen athletes to compete. In a development that can be seen repeated again and again in the evolution of sport, the ideal amateur was replaced by the professional elite athlete, and the spectator element of the event increased. The idea of the amateur is itself a contentious issue, and is being considered not entirely accurate but a product of the thinking and romanticism of the neo-classicist view.(Guttmann, 1978, p.27)

Roman sport and physical education, like much else of the pragmatic, utilitarian nation, derived from aspects of

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other cultures. Influence came from the Etruscans and the Greeks. Mechinkoff and Este suggest that the Etruscan fascination with death was a major influence on the arena games.(Mechikoff and Estes, 1993, p.47) Greek athleticism and the intensity of the Greek athletes did not suit the Roman temperament. The Romans generally preferred lighter exercise or viewed sport and exercise as largely beneficial to the development of soldiers; as a means to discipline, courage and team work. Whereas the Greeks revered the development of the whole, the Roman utilized more brutal methods of training the body.(Mechikoff and Estes, 1993, p.43)

-Roman fresco depicting earlyball games -Interior view of a Caracalla thermae in Rome

In the early Republic, baths and thermae were very popular, with ball games considered strenuous enough activity to work up a sweat before bathing rather than to engage in serious competition. The thermae were large public bathing houses, vast and full of light, where bathing and health gymnastics were important aspects of overall health of mind and body. Apart from these facilities, there also existed the military training areas such as the Campus Martinus. A large open area with a temple dedicated to Mars, the god of war, the Campus was where boys were taught skills such as running, jumping, swimming, wrestling, horsemanship, boxing, fencing, archery and obedience. It is an example of

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the flattening of the landscape and creation of the activity ‘field’ which is a consistent quality of sports facilities in the modern period. A famous physician of the time (AD130-200), Galen, exhorted against complete adherence to physical fitness at the expense of other activities, stressing moderation in all things.(Mechikoff and Estes, 1993, p.44) These, and his thoughts on games needing an element of delight for the mind, echoes in this era of professionalism where the trend is for young athletes of today to chase fame and wealth at the expense of education. A consistent aspect of both Greek and Roman sporting pursuits is the philosophy of working both mind and body, exercise and music.

As the Republic progressed, political holidays were introduced where businesses would close and free entry to sporting events was offered. The result of these spectacles was the loss of participation in sport and the formation of a nation of spectators. Political control used for the pacification of the masses to stave off boredom fueled such spectacles, which culminated in the ‘blood sports’ of the Empire. The archetypal sports stadium, the Coliseum, was built to house these spectacles in AD80. Oval shaped, it was four tiers high and had eighty entrances. The oval form allowed it to survey the entire city and when full, its size announced the public gathering of the Roman citizenry. The tiering reinforces the stratification of society with different sections offering a greater vantage and level of finish that reflected the status of the spectator. Another archetypal facility of the time of the spectacles was the Circus Maximus which served a similar social purpose. Both of these facilities are readily identifiable archetypes still visible today in the form of the stadia and the racetrack.

-Models of the Coliseumin Rome

Such settings for event and spectacle in both Greece and Rome suggest the creation of specialised sites for

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sporting activities. This indicates the ancient attitude to sport may be more closely aligned to the modern than the medieval and primitive. Modern processes of standardisation, measurement, recording and precision- all leading to a mono-functional sporting environment- reflects some of the ancient tradition of controlling the event in some way and the hierarchy of achievement. However, Bale suggests that the ancient practices were not entirely standardised, as in the modern world, mainly because ‘records’, and therefore constant progress and linear time movement were not as important as immediate victory over an opponent.(Bale, 1994, p.21) Subsequently, the nature of the performance did not necessarily require a landscape of performance. The landscape of performance is a result of the rationalisation tendencies of industry in the modern world.

3.2 PRE-MODERN PERIOD: MEDIEVAL TO RENAISSANCEThe Middle Ages heralds a change in the use of

landscape from the ancient, and a change therefore in the physical culture relationships that are apparent. In pre-modern times (pre- Renaissance) there was very little difference between what a modern would term sport, pastime, and recreation. Carter quotes Harris as stating that, “...in medieval times the word ‘sport’ covers every diversion by which a man disports or amuses himself in his leisure time, it is essentially the antithesis of work.”(cited in Carter, 1984, p.18)

-Medieval games in the streets

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Bale terms the modern characteristics of sport as being ‘sportised.’(Bale, 1994, p.16) This indicates the transformation of sport in modern times into a sportscape as opposed to a landscape. Before this, in pre-modern times, the segmentation of time and space did not exist and sport, or folk games, were conducted throughout the streets and fields of the urban or rural setting. As a result of modernisation and the emergence of measure, record and time, folk games and play became ‘sportised’, which led to divisions between sport and non-sport, and demarcation between sports. Subsequently, an increase in functional ‘containers’ developed, moving indoors under controlled conditions to ‘equalise’ competition.(Eichberg et al., 1998, p.62) These changes occur within changing social, economic and political contexts in history and will be expanded upon further along in the industrialisation period review.

The pre-modern period, where rough and tumble games were played throughout the towns, represents the a-productive approach in the trialectic; games played for identity. They were often between different villages and invariably violent. Surfaces of the buildings were used, utilising the existing surrounding landscape. Such games were essentially local and benefited the ‘team’ who had local knowledge, requiring an explanation of the ‘rules’.(Carter, 1981) Social division was not as pronounced at this time as it would become in modernity. The blood sports in England for example, such as cockfighting or bull baiting occurred in taverns or backstreet halls attended by peasants and kings alike.(Carter, 1984)

The Renaissance era equally enjoyed such folk games. A football game known as calcio for instance was played in the squares and streets. However, the advent of humanism and scientific enquiry influenced the ‘perfection’ of games and with the emergence in theories of ideal, planned cities came a re-evaluation of the location for games. Increasingly the city streets became a representation of the ideal city instead of the place of activity. Increasingly also, the activities of ball games were enclosed into indoor spaces, designed not only to separate classes but often, as in the case of royal tennis, the building itself served as the playing surface.(Bale, 1994, p.26)

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-Royal tennis uses the building itself as the surface

Already here, the degree of enclosure was related to the social class, with the upper classes housed in closed, covered spaces while the lower classes watched athletics and animal sports in open arenas. Other upper class activities such as fencing, gymnastics and equestrian took place in country mansions. Although enclosed these spaces were not yet standardised or specialised.(Eichberg et al., 1998, p.50) The health of both mind and body remained an important feature in the Renaissance period and the use of noble sporting activities such as the joust or fencing continued to have a militaristic benefit, as well as providing opportunities for the display of power.

-Public displays of power throughthe jousting match

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Folk games continued to be played to some extent through the streets and fields of entire towns up until the nineteenth century. Earlier attempts by Puritans to restrict these often unruly games had met with limited success. The Church first supported the folk games, allowing the venting and play to occur within the church grounds as part of various festivals. However, the violence and drunkenness that often followed such occasions led to protests of the appropriateness of these games toward God. Economic imperatives were the main catalyst toward rationalising the spatial requirements of sports. Commercial imperatives of the growing middle class in the early nineteenth century led to restrictions due to the need for efficiency and profitability in the growing city markets and streets.(Eichberg et al., 1998, p.28)

3.3 INDUSTRIALISATION IN EUROPEThe rise of industrialisation had an indelible impact

on the development of the nature of play and sports. In parallel to this though was the equally influential development of Romanticism. The mathematical, empirical, scientific world view that is the result of Enlightenment thinking, coupled with the changing social structure of society from rule by feudal nobility to the bourgeoisie middle classes, all lead to the evolution to what we now can identify as the characteristics of modern sport. Guttman has classified these characteristics as:-secularism-equality of opportunity to compete-specialisation of roles-rationalisation-bureaucratic organisation-quantification-the quest for records (Guttmann, 1978, p.16)All of these characteristics relate to the modern predilection for the idea of progress, for competition and for the constant pursuit of better and faster achievement. This appears to be the dominant face of elite sport in the modern day, but the development of sport in the nineteenth century was not all the one way. Criticism of the competitive and alienating aspect of competitive sport (the English model) emerged in countries such as Germany and Sweden. Nationalism and the Romantic Movement, especially in the German situation, produced attitudes to sport that were directly opposed to the English direction. The Romantic nationalists considered modern sporting developments as liberal, rational, international and un-German.(Guttmann,

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1978, p.88) The contrast in the facilities and landscapes that contained these differing views of what physical activity should be is also apparent. A typical quote from the Romantics called for , “…a renunciation of concrete stadium, cinder track, tape measure, stop watch, manicured lawn, and track shoes(English)….in their place comes the simple meadow, free nature (German).”(Guttmann, 1978, p.88) These developments can be considered further.

-Collage on Modern sporting characteristics

Developments in European, particularly Western European society are crucial to an understanding of much of what defines the sporting environment today. Aspects of the urbanisation process following the French revolution and the emergence of Enlightenment thinking radically changed the socialisation process in Western Europe. The large bureaucracies that emerged, the separation of the family and workplace, and the growth of institutionalisation all led to

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increasing regularisation and specialisation. Nationalism and the nation state also emerged. Such changes brought about changes in the concepts of physical culture and these differed depending on the differing contexts and conditions of each country. Three prominent directions emerged during the nineteenth century; German Turnen, Swedish gymnastics and English sport.

German Turnen was initiated by Friedrich Jahn as a nationalistic education at the time Germany was developing a state. It involves all kinds of exercise on apparatus, games, traditional forms of exercise such as running, jumping and lifting weights, as well as swimming, fencing and wrestling.(Pfister, 2003, p.66)

-German Turnen Hall

The apparatus and facilities used for these activities are recognisable in gymnastics today, such as parallel bars or the wooden vaulting horse, but the theories behind the movement did not focus on unlimited increase in performance or abstract achievement, as is recognised in the modern sport paradigm. Relative achievement and military performance were the main goals, achieved through structuring the activities as only an immediate contest with others. Additionally, Turnen involved more than merely physical exercise, containing other ingredients such as patriotic speeches, traditional songs and fatherland excursions.(Naul and Hardman, 2002) Turnen had a strong political agenda and was deemed subversive before eventually

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being integrated into the curriculum of boys’ secondary schools in 1842. Swedish gymnastics were based more on scientific basis but again had a nationalistic persuasion. Anatomy and the laws of the human body were paramount in Ling’s theories on physical education and he attempted to explain the relationship between the body and soul, and the physiological and psychological. Ling’s exercises and movements were considered by some, namely doctors, as irrational and speculative(Pfister, 2003, p.69) being, as they were, based on their effect on different parts of the body, muscles and internal organs. The main principle of the Swedish gymnastics was that the exercises should be simple, involve the whole body and encourage participation by everybody. Apparatus such as bars, ladders and ropes were used, along with free exercises. Essentially, the program was complete functionality, fun was not considered important and competition and records were not considered a part of the philosophy. When referring to Eichberg's trialectic, both of these movements can be defined as reproductive and a-productive activities. Sport as we know it today is considered to have emerged in

England, with the most important trait being that of the abstracting of performance so that the achievement, athlete and opponent are negated to an abstract figure.(Harris, 1975) The public schools system in England is thought to be the environment that created what has become known as the system of ‘fair play’ that characterises much of what is recognised in the English sporting system. Chaotic and unruly games existed in the schools as lawlessness and harsh survival culture was enmeshed in these aristocratic institutions. With changing social structures (ascendant middle class families)an attempt was made that aimed to tame behaviour through the social control of organised sports ‘out on the field’.

-Typical field and pavilionlandscape of English sport

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As such this notion of fair play was a practical necessity more than an ideology but soon developed into the notion of manliness by virtue of sport’s capacity to develop responsibility, initiative, self confidence and the will to win.(Harris, 1975) While all of these developments have differences, their similarities are also apparent. All conclude with a rational approach to body movement, systemisation, an educational contribution and national identity. All of them considered their system as superior to the others. Common to all of the developments is also the formation of manliness or masculinity culture, considered as vital to develop the competitive character necessary in the modern world.

As these developments in physical culture spread, being modified and adapted to the various cultures they colonised, gender and class preferences emerged. Gymnastics influenced the physical education of girls and sport became the male domain.(Pfister, 2003, p.81) Rivalries existed as each movement travelled, largely to do with nationalist politics or differing cultural attitudes to the outcomes of the movements. For instance, the German Turners could not accept the limited benefit of the performance fixation in English sport and questioned its aesthetic value. Cooperation and aesthetics counted more to Turnen than competition and efficiency. Gradually though, both forms of gymnastics and the ideology behind them became ‘sportised’. Rules and limits were developed and winning had to become one of the principles of these traditional activities. The victory of sport over the other non-outcome based activities runs in parallel to the development of the modern state, with its usefulness in reducing tension and channeling aggression as a surrogate for war and violence. Psychological aspects have also been offered as explanation for sport's rise, offering a wider variety of physical and psychological satisfaction along with greater speed and spontaneity than the gymnastics display. (Pfister, 2003, p.86) Perhaps most powerful an influence was the attraction to the spectator as well as the participant and the availability for the same activities and practices to symbolise different traditions and values. We only have to consider the varying national styles of play identified in something like World Cup football to recognise this. At a time of emerging nationalism this aspect of sport was seen as a powerful way to express nationhood. Recent trends in physical culture need to be analysed to assess how the dominance of competitive sport and its relationship to the other aspects of the trialectic, namely the reproductive and a-productive aspects, has evolved and how the competitive aspect of sport for the general population has

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changed. This is covered further along. The emergence of urbanisation in Europe and especially America further affected the landscape and facilities of sports.

3.4 URBANISATION IN AMERICAThe process of urbanisation was both the crucial factor

in shaping the rise of organised sport and a major influence in shaping the growth of recreational sports. Early walking cities in America enjoyed secular cosmopolitan populations who viewed sport in a positive light as a way to encourage sociability. With this, the possibilities for social segregation through sport were also realised.

In England at the advent of organised sport, gambling was one of the prime catalysts toward standardisation and codification of rules. Capitalistic ventures in wagering on contests required transparency and regulation. Entrepreneurship continued in America. Tavern owners were the first to run sporting contests in or near their establishments to attract sales from the spectators. Boxing, cockfighting and generally rough contests drew boisterous crowds to witness sporting events inside, usually accompanied by gambling and drinking.

Increasing urbanisation and the resultant anomie in big cities encouraged the formation of sport subcultures that in turn enhanced the need for sporting competition. The focus became the event and sporting facilities to attract paying spectators were increasingly demanded, usually in the form of enclosed semi public spaces. These facilities were generally highly politicised, involving local politicians in deals with illegal organisations or vote swinging interventions.(Riess, 1991) Urban pathology was deemed problematic to the moral well being of many American cities, along with the increased level of bachelor culture amusement sports. Voluntary sports associations and ethnic clubs recognised the social value of physical culture. By attaining territory through fields and sports facilities these social groups ensured their particularity and maintained segregation from threats to social cohesion.(Eisen and Wiggins, 1994)

Congestion in the urban American city had soon reached a point of saturation and the municipal parks movement began the process of allocating green space for the cities' poor. However, more than anything these spaces only served to territorialise the areas they allocated into, exacerbating social problems and alienating participants.

Innovations in technology such as improved transport facilities changed the spatial relationship of the cities

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and hence the sporting environment. Concentrated city populations had provided the necessary audiences for many commercial spectator sport facilities, but the availability of actual recreational areas became increasingly thin as rising city land values changed land uses. The city mightonce have been used for street games or swimming in the docks but crowding and safety provisions soon made these activities untenable.

-Municipal action moved urban games off the street and into purposeful facilities(Stickball and swimming)

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The radial city split sporting activity into two spatial configurations. Large parks and facilities were placed along transport routes which benefited those classes who could afford the journey or who lived in the open spaces. Inner city working classes and slum dwellers had to modify their activities to suit the surroundings. Usually this involved sports played in small indoor facilities such as billiards or bowling.(Riess, 1991)

-Indoor urban sports (Billiards and Bowling)

Boxing and basketball became urban sports available to space poor city dwellers. The transport routes on the other hand allowed the elite and middle classes to develop their more prestigious athletics clubs or use their mobility on bicycles or cars to access large outdoor fields for tennis and other outdoor sports that required open space. Social prestige and contact making had become the realm of sports clubs as the increased distances between people of the same class meant less contact in the everyday. -Tennis as an class based sportin the radial city

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-New York City Athletic Club: extensive facilities and exclusive access

In parallel to this, ethnic groups sought to maintain their identification with the old country by creating sporting clubs that maintained traditions such as the Turners of Germany.(Eisen and Wiggins, 1994) Spectator sports increased in popularity as improved transport systems allowed paying spectators to access facilities. Intercity leagues were made possible. Facilities that required large spaces such as racetracks and baseball or football stadiums were built on the periphery, restricting the audience to those with fare. Most locations were politically influenced for best effect, or developed by the transport companies themselves. Stadiums might begin as smaller wooden structures and gradually be improved as the market was assessed.(Rader, 1983) Technology has influenced the development of sport and its facilities to such an extent that now all weather, enclosed stadiums, air travel and so on has created sporting environments of total coverage. Professionalisation of sport through powerful media coverage results in major dealing and

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scheming by cities to attract franchised teams to boost city image and appeal. Placement of highways, or political deals, are all part of this process which increasingly places large stadiums for national sporting events within the transport milieu of the suburbs at transport interchanges and hubs.

4.0 LOCATING THE SPORTING LANDSCAPE TODAY: INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT FROM MODERN TO POSTMODERN

-Orthogonality and function in the Modernistsports 'container'

-'Superbowl' by Blue Architects- a postmodern sports landscape

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Commodification and consumption of sport, corporatisation and celebrity appeal, are all a part of what Bale terms the placeless sportscape.(Bale, 1994) Paradoxically, with the rise of these highly professional, synthetic sportscapes has been an increasing trend toward less structured sporting activity and landscapes.(Costa and Miragaya, 2002) While the aforementioned commodity sportscapes (ie.large stadia, precincts etc.) are firmly established as an international phenomenon, deemed essential for a city's image and even economy, informal sports of a more leisure based variety provide a challenge for the production of space.(Ru, [1976-] 2002, p.14) A discussion of this paradox in the social context of sport today necessitates a comparative analysis between the modern and the post-modern condition as it relates to sport. The characteristics of modern sport have been tabled earlier using Guttmann's model. These characteristics, as has been identified, mirror the society of modernisation and mechanisation that they were a part. The facilities and spaces planned in the modern era (until the nineteen-sixties) also represented these characteristics, resulting in the rigorously functional and programmatically separated planning of the Functional City model,(Ru, [1976-] 2002) which was the consistent paradigm across Europe, UK, USA and Australia. Sport and leisure in the modernist city aimed at a civilising policy toward providing healthy and meaningful leisure to a populace with increased free time due to changes in labour laws. (Ru, [1976-] 2002, p.13) However, in the seventies, with the emergence of what is now commonly termed the post-modern era, leisure moved from an emphasis on health and meaningful activity to become an essential part of the pleasure economy. The contrast between these two eras is summarised in Bale's comparative table;(Bale, 1994)

Diagram 4a: (Bale's Comparative Table)

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These differences manifest in the new post-modern landscapes that are invariably more informal and may be tied to a vastly greater colonising area than the previous era (scuba diving, paragliding, four wheel driving, surfing and so on). Bideau suggests that the impression gained is of a link between the birth of a sporting society and the death of material production.(Bideau, 2002) The result is hard work on our bodies, rather than hard work producing goods. Eichberg speaks of the change from the modern pyramid structure, with an ascendant 'top' and centred position of survey (represented literally by the winners dais), to a post-modern labyrinthine condition that is non-centred, lacks a point of survey and reflects the post-modern condition of curiosity.(Eichberg et al., 1998) Some authors have questioned the validity of a 'post-modern' era (Scambler, 2005), Uses of sport), seeing it as intractable from the meta-narrative that defines modernist thinking. Nevertheless, and while remaining aware of such debates, the changing sporting landscape from the nineteen seventies onwards offers distinctive differences between the modern and what has alternately been termed trans-modern, hyper-modern, late-modern and post-modern of today. Political changes, new ecological attitudes, and changing spatial and temporal perceptions can be identified. Wohl, as quoted by Eichberg (Eichberg et al., 1998, p.138) suggests the new games of the emergent post modern (skateboarding, jogging, frisbee, surfing) more closely resemble the medieval games and play, being more integrated into the surrounding natural landscape. Modern sporting characteristics such as separation of tasks, streamlined body condition, dynamic action and achievement are in the post-modern paralleled with what are recognisably more medieval aspects of festive repetition, song, musicality, movement and activity. In essence the new sporting environment that emerges in the post-modern age emphasises fun and bodily experience rather than competition and training. It also re-engages with the communicative aspects of traditional games.(Eichberg et al., 1998, p.145)

Again, such developments occur within a social context that reflects these aspects, one that 'thinks globally but acts locally' and is directing toward small scale production and regionalism.(Eichberg et al., 1998, p.146) Concurrent to this is the individualisation of recreation that manifests itself most clearly in the international marketing of lifestyle sports and 'bottom up' marketing strategies. Companies such as Nike have recognised the emergence of the importance of individual expression in the lifestyle market, exploiting this with strategies directed toward mass

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customisation that construct a 'grassroots' product-based lifestyle.(Ru, [1976-] 2002,, p.16) Often the informal activities such as skateboarding or 'ghetto soccer' invade the built environment and may seem disturbing to some. Planning for such informal activities has its own unique problems, primarily that of accommodating the flexibility needed for both passive and intensive uses.(Ru, [1976-] 2002,, p.17)

-Nike marketing toward mass customisation and individual preference

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Diagram 4b (Eichberg's Comparative Table) Furthermore, recent changes to physical culture landscapes

highlight the reclamation of the spatial element. Modern conditions of sport necessitated one dimensional, directional time and ever-increasing progress that served to disintegrate space.(Eichberg et al., 1998) The domination of time over space in modern sport gave it a 'staged' effect, appearing unnatural. The flattened landscape that denied irregularity and place compares to the Roman military fields. However, something such as jogging or surfing, or the eastern 'inner sports' such as tai chi, directs more toward timelessness, a new slowness, and a de-stressing from the rationality and tension of sportive time. Therefore, concurrent to the globalised sportscape of hyper-commodification are the activities that present as almost 'anti-sport'. Eichberg's trialectic can be re-visited here because it represents how these reproductive and a-productive activities (jogging, surfing) are used as training programs for productive sporting competition. At the same time the exploitation of these new games is visible through the 'sportising' of them, creating competitions, rules, regulations, and standard conditions that feed markets for branding and imaging. What is clear and is borne out in research (Costa and Miragaya, 2002)(Uses of sport) is

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a contrast between the elite based, celebrity/commodity sports, and the exercise activities or more de-structured sport, that serve more as an event; rhythmic and situational. In a design sense, this has resulted in either an alternative expressivity in facility design that aims to negate the functionalist panopticon, or a Disneyfication of the activity landscape in the form of adventure parks. Both are a critique in a sense of the space/time separation of measure/container found in modern facilities, and an indication of the need to express the 'fiction of progress'. (Eichberg et al., 1998, p.160)

Diagram 4c: (Bale's Interaction Analysis)

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5.0 AUSTRALIAN CONTEXT AND PARTICIPATIONParticipation in physical fitness is decreasing and has

become a health issue around the world as governments attempt to reverse this situation. The current political model and what Scambler calls disorganised capitalism (Scambler, 2005) contribute to this situation, as do other social aspects such as changing work patterns and entertainment/social options that appear as more sedentary(video games, television, internet). Scambler suggests that disorganised capitalism and the third way political model (in this case in the British model) is designed to secure public legitimisation rather than be effective.(Scambler, 2005, p.84) While consistently calling for increased activity levels, the state has sold off recreational land and reduced school physical education programs due to economic pressure from capital interests. Scambler cites Habermas’ summary of this situation as the system (money and power-economy and state) colonising the life world (communicative interaction-family and media), which suffers accordingly through reducing participants to legal entities instead of thinking, acting subjects. (Scambler, 2005) Simulation and 'the copy' (the television replay) instead of representation (the actual game) is one result, which further separates the spectator and the participant. Habermas emphasises a return to Modernist thinking, suggesting that the post-modern imbalance stifles opposition.(Scambler, 2005, p.182)

This political situation and the developments cited above in post-modern physical culture, summarised as directing more toward informal, unstructured, leisure based recreational sport, are all visible in the Australian context. Such developments are in keeping with the emergence of international bodies such as the Sport for All (SFA) movement, whose aim is to study and cultivate environments for participation in physical activity for all as a health issue. SFA is an umbrella term for recreation, sport development, mass participation programs and cultural recreation activities. It includes any kind of sport practiced without the pressures of top sport, and therefore cannot be based on talent for competition or on social status. (Costa and Miragaya, 2002, p.15) As a world wide movement it aims to offer initiatives which offer access

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and opportunities of physical activities for people without motivation, awareness and/or means to participate in them. (Costa and Miragaya, 2002, p.16)

In Australia, these initiatives are pursued within a multi dimensional sport framework that includes all levels of government, private not for profit organisations and commercial operators in an integrated, co-operative system. Trends in Australia match those internationally in a drift toward more individualistic, non-competitive recreation. Debate in political circles continues as to the preference on focus, whether directed toward the elite performance trickle down emulation model or the cultivation of grass roots activity. Nevertheless, initiatives such as Life.Be in It (LBII) and Active Australia (AA) serve to raise awareness about the benefits of a healthy lifestyle, and have been largely successful in sending their message. However, barriers to participation remain, especially for older people and migrant groups through cultural or economic restrictions. Many of the SFA initiatives are program based, either emphasising new games environments that focus on challenge rather than competition, or directed to school groups through creating activities that minimise inequalities in weight, height and gender. (Costa and Miragaya, 2002, p.46)

Recreational space usage in Australia is determined more by proximity, access, time, image, opportunity and awareness rather than for the competitive, organised element, as changing social conditions and work conditions in Australia has seen a reduction in the once dominant club culture. Australia’s SFA committee considers reducing social and psychological barriers toward participation by promoting programs to specific groups as a main strategy. (Costa and Miragaya, 2002, p.69)

The activity 'field' of leisure based recreation is so much vaster now with the majority of Australian activities not occurring in settings recognisable as the traditional sport landscape; the beach and the countryside for instance. However, indoor sports centres or community leisure facilities are still a relevant part of the overall SFA framework, and generally support modified team games, exercise for fitness and individual recreation. Within this, space set aside for social interaction forms an important part of the programme. (Costa and Miragaya, 2002, p.62) Multi-use community facilities are also considered effective in reinforcing the awareness programs. Another example of Sport for All initiatives is the ‘Rage Cage’, built for LBII as a mobile, diverse sporting space for young people in remote or depressed communities.

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-The 'Rage Cage' a Sport for All intiative for remote and depressed areas

Diagram 5a: (Sport for All Australian Context)

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6.0 RECENT INTERNATIONAL TYPOLOGICAL TRENDSThe design of sports facilities covers an immense

amount of variation within the typological range. Differing programs, budgets, users, cultures and so on produce different responses to the development of the type. Nevertheless, and in light of the socio/historical knowledge recorded above, some current typological trends for smaller sports centres are apparent and can now provide some insight into actual design strategies. The four trends identified as prominent are:1. INFRASTRUCTURAL: (multi-programming; combined planning)2. DECORATED CONTAINERS: (surface treatments to dissolve the object; modernist programming)3. PHENOMENOLOGICAL: (direct experience; movement)4. LANDSCAPE IMMERSION: (re-entering the landscape; sunken buildings; earth covered)As mentioned, many more approaches to designing a sports facility exist depending on scope, but these developments appear as a consistent response to the current sporting world context as concluded in the post-modern evaluation of the report. The first three will now be commented on further and examples presented.1. INFRASTRUCTURAL:Sports facilities can be planned toward being relevant to a much larger area than the immediate surrounds. Even the site for the proposed facility in Flemington extends far beyond the 'neighbourhood', through the bicycle track and vehicular infrastructure surrounding it. Why not tap into this? The movement and apparent distances adjacent to the site can be integrated so that the apartment dweller in Docklands is considered as much a potential user as the public housing resident. Derelict and un-activated ex-industrial areas (as the site is considered to be) might be multi-programmed and plugged into the traffic infrastructure. In Amsterdam new exploration into activating disused industrial zones have been undertaken, looking toward regional development by addressing the relationship between traffic, leisure and nature.(Bideau, 2002) Blue Architects' 'Superbowl' competition entry links two disciplines-transport planning

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and sport- to produce a synthetic, body oriented leisure landscape. Through the use of green ramparts and berming with different radii, multi-programming is possible which includes cycling, jogging, spectator stands and noise control. A diagram of different speeds results. A vertical cultural diagram, incorporating theatre, cinema and dining within a very flexible circular spatial structure, matches this horizontal sporting diagram.(Bideau, 2002)

2. DECORATED CONTAINERSArchitects such as Herzog and DeMueron continue the modernist 'container' programming in their sports center in Pfaffenholz a St.Louis, but through external treatment change the rigidity of like modernist boxes. The center appears as a monolith in the field but instead of reading the volumes, it is the surfaces that form the focus. As such, playing fields, lawns and facades are read together which serves to dissolve the object/field distinction, and allows varying levels of depth and texture through surface treatment on the concrete and glass.

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3. PHENOMENOLOGICAL:Another prevalent direction is to express the movement

and rhythm of the sporting event in the building itself. This is a phenomenological aspect of experiencing the movement, not only for the participant but more importantly for the spectator as well. Enric Miralles speaks of this aspect in the design for the National Gymnastics Center in Alicante, Spain completed 1995, explaining how the movement implied in the curved ramping and angled planes captures the spectator, and increases their perception of the event they are witnessing.(Zabalbeascoa, 1999) Miralles' designs make apparent the passing of time, and hence mortality, which is also apt in the sporting context of health and fitness and traces back to presence of death in the ancient arena games.

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Carme Pinos also expresses the movement and adds the potential for sensuality (as opposed to modernist rigidity) in her design for a small sports center in Egues, Spain. The large flat 'field' again lies in front of the building, but Pinos invokes another landscape through a serpentine wall with steps, ramps and terraces that undulate up and down, allowing a viewing area and shelter. The program inserts in ’islands' between this platform and the hovering monopitch roof. Deep internal view sheds across varying activities enliven the spaces.

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In Architecture for Sport, Sturzbecher and Ulrich suggest an open architecture, such as this by Pinos, is necessary for the design of sports facilities in the current post-modern context. Strategies for achieving this open architecture can include day lighting from the side and above, views into the site, alcoves for chatting, stimulating materials and shading, internal view windows and use of all of the building surfaces for activities. (Sturzebecher and Urlich, 2005, p.26) The informality of the post-modern sporting context requires a meaningful spatial condition. Modernist separation of programs led to rigorous standardisation of spaces for particular sports. Such regimentation alienated many. These sports ‘victims’ might be encouraged to get moving through the unconventional, so that the space for sport and exercise is created in what would seem like non-sporting surrounds. The examples immediately above illustrate some new directions toward the re-working of the sports space that looks at “finding ways to avoid the shadow that standardisation tends to cast.” (Broto, 2005, p.10)

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7.0 SITE ANALYSIS

The site is located adjacent to the Flemington public housing estate between Racecourse Road and Mount Alexander Road. Existing space exists for sporting use but through observation appears under utilised for the area allocated to this use. For instance, a large cricket oval with synthetic pitch does not get used, possibly for many reasons, among these the interest of potential users in cricket and the absence of any structured organisation to play. Cricket requires very specific equipment which is not available. Asphalt tennis courts and further nets for cricket practice also exist on the current site. The nets remain unused, but the tennis courts are regularly used, although in an informal way. Further concrete 'multiuse walls' (refer photos) are available but not entirely inspiring.

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-Concrete 'sports walls'

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-Unused cricket nets

-Tennis courts and changeroom building

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-Largely under utilised main field

The site has been chosen for its location at the fulcrum of the divergent demographics in the area, and also its proximity to infrastructure elements which may allow broader consideration of user groups and scope of the proposed facility. The aerial photograph indicates a varied potential user group, namely established permanent residents in private housing on the west hill, migrant residents in the highrise flats, new 'high end' apartment dwellers across Mt.Alexander Rd. and perhaps users of the bicycle track adjacent. Coordination with the three nearby schools for a joint sharing use is hoped for.A clubroom style facility (changerooms, verandah) exists but observation over five site visits has not seen it open. The community centre on the site is used frequently. Possibilities exist to integrate the sports facility with this centre. A community garden is also nearby which again might give integration possibilities as a strategy toward multiprogramming and informality in the activity landscape.

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-The community garden and the infrastructure

-Changerooms and DCM's gateway 'fries' beyond

The existing bicycle track, which runs from Moonee Valley Racecourse to Docklands creates a possible 'feeder' landscape. There is a creek beside this which acts as a pollution filter and represents another landscape that

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may integrate with the facility underneath the Citylink tunnel.Existing architecture and built environment surrounding the site was also another reason for choice of the site. The 'infamous' housing towers represent the modernist abstraction and standardisation that was a characteristic of modern sport reviewed in the main report. Architectural interventions on the modernist flats have been carried out, most prominently the postmodern 'ironical messages' of ARM's liftwell, which reads as sign for Neimeyer's Brazillian sensuous forms or the McDonalds M concurrently. These contrasts directly relate to the sporting landscape contrasts reviewed. DCM's Melbourne gateway for Citylink has been likened to the fries in response. The Citylink tunnel itself represents an enormous element to be engaged with, literally ignoring the flats and appearing quite intimidating. It separates this side of the creek to the train station and possible links and use of the space underneath this area is being considered.The flats are the first home for many migrants to Melbourne, housing largely African and Chinese migrants at this time. Participation by these groups are a part of the aims of the research, but it is recognised that turnover through the demographic of the flats is constant and designing specifically for certain migrant groups is not considered effective. Tai Chi and Soccer have been observed on the site, confirming a need for a mixed level of activity for health, wellbeing and competitive outlet for youths.

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Architecture and Sport

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