ARABY: A SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY? The Reproduction of Rumours and Socio-Economic Conditions in Araby, Växjö

Theodora Pettersson

Spring 2016

Master’s Thesis in Peace and Development Work

Linnaeus University

School of Social Sciences

Course Code: 4FU42E

Word Count: 22 042

Supervisor: Anders Nilsson

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Abstract

Questions of integration and immigration are increasingly subject to public debate in Sweden.

With the arrival of many immigrants, the current ethnic housing segregation in the country is

enforced. The problems associated to segregated and socio-economic weak areas are to a larger

extent also defined in terms of ethnicity: connecting problems of a place to the people of that

place. Research shows that many problems in these neighbourhoods exist regardless of who

happens to be the residents today. Based on this, the current study aims to better understand the

reproduction of rumours and socio-economic conditions in Araby, Växjö. The voices of people

from Araby are brought forward in order to let them reflect about their neighbourhood. The

main material collected through interviews provide an exploration of different perceptions

present in relation to processes of reproduction in Araby. The material is discussed in relation

to the concepts zone in transition and stigmatisation of place and mutually the concepts are

discussed by situating them in relation to the material. Two new insights not pronounced in

previous studies were found: the segregation unfolding within Araby, and the understanding of

the neighbourhood as a zone in transition in a positive light. In conclusion, the study strengthens

previous literature on segregated and socio-economic weak areas and also problematizes the

application of the concepts used. The exploration lays ground for future research, in Araby, or

in other kinds of segregated neighbourhoods.

Key Words: Socio-Economic Conditions, Zone in Transition, Rumours, Stigmatisation of

Place, Identification with Place, In-and-Out Migration

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Acknowledgments

I want to dedicate a thank you to everyone who has participated as an interviewee. Thank you

to the informant interviewees who have taken time from their work to meet with me, and thank

you to those who have shared with me reports and referred me to people. Thank you also to

those who have helped me with clarifications regarding some reports over telephone and email.

A special thank you goes to all the respondent interviewees who have shared their thoughts and

understandings with me. I am grateful for your participation and the time you have taken for

this study! Lastly, I would also like to thank Anders Nilsson for his guidance along the way.

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Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1

Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................................... 2

List of Figures ........................................................................................................................................... 5

1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 6

1.1 Gap and Focus of the Study ........................................................................................................... 7

1.2 Aim and Research Questions of the Study .................................................................................... 8

1.3 Contributions ................................................................................................................................. 8

1.4 Limitation and Delimitation ........................................................................................................... 9

1.5 Disposition ..................................................................................................................................... 9

2. Background Information ................................................................................................................. 9

2.1 Introducing Araby .......................................................................................................................... 9

2.2 Araby According to ...................................................................................................................... 10

3. Previous Literature ........................................................................................................................ 12

4. Analytical Framework .................................................................................................................... 15

4.1 Zone in Transition ........................................................................................................................ 15

4.2 Stigmatisation of Place ................................................................................................................ 17

4.3 How the Analytical Framework will be applied ........................................................................... 19

5. Method for Collecting and Analysing Material ............................................................................. 20

5.1 Type of Study ............................................................................................................................... 20

5.2 Selection ...................................................................................................................................... 21

5.2.1 Selection of Respondents ..................................................................................................... 21

5.2.2 Selection of Informants, Statistics, and the Observation ..................................................... 23

5.3 The Interview Sessions: Conversational Interviews .................................................................... 24

5.3.1 Respondent Interviews ......................................................................................................... 24

5.3.2 Informant Interviews ............................................................................................................ 25

5.4 Problems with the Method ......................................................................................................... 25

5.5 Ethical Considerations ................................................................................................................. 26

5.6 Method for Analysing the Material ............................................................................................. 27

5.7 Problems with the Method for Analysing the Material .............................................................. 27

6. Results ........................................................................................................................................... 28

6.1 Changes in Araby ......................................................................................................................... 28

6.1.1 The Physical Environment and the Physical Location .......................................................... 28

6.1.2 The Inhabitants ..................................................................................................................... 29

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6.1.3 Changes in the Surrounding Society ..................................................................................... 31

6.2 Perceived Changes in the Discourse ............................................................................................ 35

6.2.1 The Discourse of Araby in Växjö ........................................................................................... 35

6.2.2 Media’s Portrayal of the Neighbourhood ............................................................................ 36

6.3 Identification with the Neighbourhood ...................................................................................... 37

6.4 Imperatives for Staying in, and for Moving from, Araby ............................................................. 38

6.4.1 Staying in Araby .................................................................................................................... 38

6.4.2 Moving from Araby ............................................................................................................... 40

6.4.3 Araby as a Zone in Transition ............................................................................................... 42

6.5 Is there a relation between having a job and moving in-or out of Araby? ................................. 43

7. Analysis .......................................................................................................................................... 45

7.1 How are changes in Araby understood? ..................................................................................... 45

7.2 How is the discourse about Araby understood to have developed? .......................................... 47

7.3 What are the identifications with Araby? ................................................................................... 48

7.4 What different imperatives to move from Araby are expressed? .............................................. 50

8. Concluding Discussion ................................................................................................................... 52

8.1 Recommendations for Further Research and Action .................................................................. 54

References............................................................................................................................................. 55

Published Books ................................................................................................................................ 55

Reports .............................................................................................................................................. 56

Articles ............................................................................................................................................... 56

Websites ............................................................................................................................................ 57

Other types of Sources ...................................................................................................................... 58

Appendix A: List of Interviewees ........................................................................................................... 59

Appendix B: Templet for Introducing Myself and the Study (Swedish) ................................................ 60

Appendix C: Interview Guide for Respondent Interviews ..................................................................... 61

Appendix D: Interview Guide for Informant Interviews (Swedish) ....................................................... 63

Appendix E: Translation of Quotes ........................................................................................................ 65

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List of Figures

Model 1: The Concentric Zone Model: Urban Areas

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..Page 16

Table 1: Relative difference between employed people moving in and out of Växjö city, and

moving in and out of Araby neighbourhood, respectively, from 1998 to 2014

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..Page 43

Diagram 1: Relative difference between employed people moving in and out of Växjö city, and

moving in and out of Araby neighbourhood, respectively, from 1998 to 2014

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..Page 43

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The Hero, doomed and stubborn, remains

The same.

It is only the gods

Who are new1.

”Det är bara gudarna som är nya” by Johannes Anyuru, 2003.

1. Introduction Housing segregation is continuously debated in Sweden, and lately the issue has gained extra

attention in connection with increased immigration flows as a result of continued conflicts in

the Middle East and Africa. Questions regarding immigration have received more space on the

political agenda and Swedish voters today consider refugee- and immigration questions to be

the most important for politicians to work with during 2016 (Ipsos, 2016).

In Sweden the increased amount of refugees can be observed with a clear marginal: In 2015

162 877 people sought asylum in Sweden, compared to half this number in 2014; 81 301 people

(Migrationsverket, 2015). The quick increase of asylum seekers has put pressure on

municipalities to arrange housing for new arrivals. Refugees have weaker access to contacts or

knowledge about the housing market than the population in general, and thereby have

difficulties seeking to certain neighbourhoods and often end up moving to, what in research is

commonly referred to as, “Swede-sparse neighbourhoods” (Hedman & Andersson, 2016: 17).

Such housing segregation enforces ethnic living segregation which has remained a current

social and political problem in Sweden since the 1990’s; in contrast to the focus of the 1970’s

on socio-economic living segregation (ne.se, n.d.).

Disadvantaged neighbourhoods, commonly known as “problem neighbourhoods”

(problemområden) in Sweden, continue to be subject to public debate. These neighbourhoods

will in this paper be referred to as socio-economic weak neighbourhoods as it is known that

these areas are characterised by poverty and an accumulation of social problems of which

criminality is apparent (Sarnecki, 2016). Today the discourse among the general public often

connects the people living in these areas, which today to a large extent are immigrants, to the

problems in the area. In other words, when trying to understand a problem, immigrants as a

homogenous category is often used as a first explanation of problems: That the problems are a

result of many immigrants living in that area (Aziz, 2015).

1 Own translation. Original text: “Hjälten, dödsdömd och envis, förblir densamme. Det är bara gudarna som är nya.”

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However, problems in these neighbourhoods derive from the same streets and staircases

throughout the decades while people have been moving in and out. The problems have persisted

while the group has been redefined. Thus, when attempting a deeper understanding of

segregated and socio-economic weak areas, a historical aspect needs to be taken into

consideration. Furthermore, the negative images which have come to portray such areas,

focusing on problems in the areas, can create a feeling of vulnerability and negative

expectations on residents of the area. The easiest way to avoid the rumours is to move out of

the area: moving thus seems to become a common strategy (Vallström, 2015).

1.1 Gap and Focus of the Study

The introduction has provided us with an overview of the increasingly debated question of

segregated and socio-economic weak areas in general in Sweden. There is a gap between the

general discourse which connects problems of the neighbourhood to the residents of the

neighbourhood and research which suggests that problems have existed for a longer time,

irrelevant of who is residing in the neighbourhoods today. There are thus processes of

reproduction at place. This study will focus on one segregated and socio-economic weak

neighbourhood in Sweden: Araby in Växjö. Through a historical perspective, the study has the

aim to better understand the reproduction of rumours and socio-economic conditions in the

neighbourhood. This will help us to better understand Araby today.

This thesis will bring forward the voices and perceptions of people in Araby. While the voices

of people from Araby have been brought forward in previous studies, my review has found that

focus has mainly been on the residents: for instance, focus has been on the feeling of safety (see

Granér, 2014), or on youth and their opportunities (Ungdomsstyrelsen, 2008). In other words,

what this study does is somewhat unique: it brings forward the voices of people from Araby in

order to primarily understand the neighbourhood and not its inhabitants. People from Araby

have thus been asked to reflect on questions related to reproduction of the neighbourhood

concerning rumours about it and its socio-economic conditions. The method chosen has thus

been a field study where I have conducted interviews with people from Araby. Complementary

interviews and statistics have also been collected (see chapter 5).

This thesis will draw on two concepts found in the literature review: zone in transition and

stigmatisation of place; to better understand the reproduction of rumours and socio-economic

conditions in Araby. These concepts deriving from the field of Urban Ecology, will provide a

ground for discussions in which meaning is given to the interviewees’ thoughts in order to shed

light on the aim.

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1.2 Aim and Research Questions of the Study

The aim of this study is to better understand the reproduction of rumours and socio-economic

conditions in Araby, Växjö.

The literature reviewed (presented in chapters 3 and 4) suggests that a historical perspective is

needed as problems in socio-economic weak areas tend to persist while the inhabitants move in

and out. Moving from the area is often enabled by having a work as socio-economic weak areas

generally house cheap apartments. Similarly, the discourse about socio-economic weak areas

tend to stick to an area. Such discourses are often created outside the areas and are one-sidedly

negative, impacting the identification of residents to their area.

Based on this, I will thus focus on five research questions in order to explore the aim:

1. How are changes in Araby understood?

2. How is the discourse about Araby understood to have developed?

3. What are the identifications with Araby?

4. What different imperatives to move from Araby are expressed?

5. Is there a relation between having a job and moving in or out of Araby?

The first four questions will be answered by conducting interviews with people from Araby in

order to explore their perceptions on: changes, discourse, identification, and mobility. The fifth

question will be answered by analysing statistics. The methods are discussed in chapter 5.

1.3 Contributions

This study’s contribution is found on two levels. Firstly, as mentioned above, this paper differs

from previous studies as it brings forward the voices of people from Araby to reflect on changes

and continuations experienced in the neighbourhood to better understand processes of

reproduction. Such processes are important to understand today when the public discourse

easily connects problems of the neighbourhood to the people living there, as it can have

implications for the residents.

Secondly, discussions of the interviewees’ answers, will at the same time say something about

the concepts used. The present study about Araby is thus relevant also on a theoretical level.

And has further relevance for Peace and Development Studies and other fields interested in

studying how people understand problems, the discourse of problems, and consequences it has

for people and tensions between groups of people. This is important if one wants to get a deeper

insight into what normally can lead to tensions between groups and consequently want to

facilitate mitigation of stigmatised groups in socio-economic weak areas.

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1.4 Limitation and Delimitation

The dynamics of reproduction of rumours and socio-economic conditions certainly involve

many different aspects and factors working in conjunction. These will all be hard to address in

this paper and hence, this study makes a first exploration of such dynamics and processes in

Araby, and lays the ground for future research on the topic.

1.5 Disposition

The rest of the paper is structured as follows. In chapter two I will introduce Araby and the

ways it is portrayed by governmental institutions and the media. Chapter three presents previous

research on socio-economic weak areas and on Araby, respectively. In chapter four I will

present the two concepts of the analytical framework and how it will be used to analyse the

results. Chapter five presents the methods used to answer the research questions, followed by

discussions on problems with the method and research ethics. The chapter also includes the

method used for analysis and problems with this method. In chapter six I will present the

empirical material and analyse the statistics, and chapter seven provides an analysis of the

interviewees’ answers. In chapter eight I will conclude.

2. Background Information

This chapter will introduce Araby and then provide an overview of how the neighbourhood is

understood and portrayed by different governmental institutions in Sweden, as well as by the

local newspaper SmålandsPosten. This is done for two reasons. Firstly, the next chapter presents

previous research and this overview will make it clear for the reader why many studies already

have been conducted in Araby. Secondly, the overview is given in order to situate the

interviewees’ perceptions and thoughts which are presented in chapter six, in relation to the

picture that central institutions communicate about the area; as well as to position the

understanding of Araby which this study leads to, in relation to the current pictures of the area.

2.1 Introducing Araby

The area which is normally called Araby consists of the three neighbourhoods Araby, Nydala,

and Dalbo (Sandberg, 2016). In this paper Araby will be referred to as one neighbourhood, as

it is commonly understood in daily speech. The neighbourhood is located north of the city centre

in Växjö, Kronoberg County and housed in 2014 6.477 residents (scb.se, 2016). Built in the

1960’s as a modern neighbourhood, the majority of the area consists of rented apartments. Since

2007 the neighbourhood is undergoing a renewal and in 2007 a project was launched with the

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aim to further develop Araby by social efforts as well as by developing the physical

environment by reconstructing existing buildings and also building new ones (vaxjo.se, 2016).

2.2 Araby According to

The Government

Since 2012 Växjö municipality has an Urban development contract with the government

concerning Araby. Araby is one of 15 neighbourhoods in Sweden characterised by widespread

socio-economic alienation which the government has named as URBAN15. These areas have

been chosen on the basis of three socio-economic indicators: Employment levels under 52

percent, long standing (at least 10 months) economic support higher than 4.8 percent, and

students with qualification to high school under 70 percent. The goal of the governments

URBAN15 work is to achieve a positive socio-economic development in the concerned areas,

to reduce housing segregation, and to improve students’ performances in school

(Arbetsmarknadesdepartementet, 2012).

Växjö Municipality

In recent years the municipality of Växjö has started to co-ordinate their work in Araby, and

are more easily able to judge which efforts give results. Through the government’s investment

in the URBAN15 neighbourhoods the municipality has created a fund from which people and

associations can apply for grants for development projects. The most critical problem

recognised in Araby is the high unemployment levels, and also the lack of living space

(Mocevic, 2016). Problems in Araby are a central concern to the municipality, but investments

are also made in other neighbourhoods, such as Teleborg, which has the same extent of

problems, but is not as highlighted by the public discourse or by the media (Sandberg, 2016).

Boverket

Since 2012, Boverket (The National Board for Housing, Building, and Planning) has had a role

to coordinate the urban development work. According to Boverket the past years has seen an

acceleration towards socio-economic segregated cities, notwithstanding years of efforts to

improve social integration (Boverket.se, 2014).

The Swedish Police Authority

The Department of National Operations (NOA), comprised under the Swedish Police Authority,

has during 2015 compiled a list of the areas in Sweden which can be considered exposed areas

and consequently should be allocated extra resources. Exposed areas are those neighbourhoods

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where the residents (1) to a higher degree than residents in other areas have a low socio-

economic status as a cause of for instance high unemployment levels and lack of living space;

and (2) are impacted by criminal activities, for instance by direct threats or pressures, or

indirectly by open dealings of narcotics or by some residents acting out dissatisfactions against

the society. The final compilation consists of 53 areas and among these, 15 areas are considered

to be especially exposed which means that the areas have been deprived for such a long time

that a normalization of the exceptional has occurred; not only for residents in the area but also

for the police and other authorities. Araby in Växjö has been classified as an especially exposed

area (NOA, 2015).

The Police in Växjö

In 2016 the police in Växjö introduced a special initiative in Araby. The initiative is a part of

the Swedish Police Authority’s 14 national prioritised areas in Sweden where criminal networks

have a large impact on the habitants of the area. In these areas the police will work long-term

in order to consolidate safety for inhabitants. In Araby this for instance means that there will be

an increased presence of police officers (polisen.se, 2015).

SmålandsPosten2

SmålandsPosten is one of the two main local newspapers in Växjö. In recent years its coverage

of what is happening in Araby has uncritically come to be linked to questions of immigration,

and the linkage has become normalised. The percentage of negative media portrayal of Araby

has increased in the recent years, and it seems to be a result of a letter written to the chief of the

county police department in 2014. The letter addressed the actual problems that persist in the

area with the hope to strengthen the police presence. The letter came to spur a discourse about

Araby as a problem in itself, rather than a wanting police presence (Vallström, 2015).

A Collocated Image of Araby

What this section has shown is how the main societal institutions understand and portray Araby.

It is interesting as well as important to see how governmental institutions and the media act in

order to communicate certain understandings of the neighbourhood as this affects what

measures are adopted and the image can affect the residents. Overall, the image one receives

has a heavy problem-oriented focus. This thesis brings forward the voices of people in Araby

and these voices will be able to complement, contradict, or confirm the above image.

2 This section builds on an already made analysis of the image which SmålandsPosten communicates of Araby

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3. Previous Literature

In this chapter previous studies and reports on Araby are presented. Throughout the text

previous research on segregated and socio-economic weak areas in Sweden in general are

referred to in order to show the current understanding. The presentation helps to situate the

current study in relation to existing research and will in the analysis help to clarify how this

study has contributed with new knowledge.

One of the most comprehensive studies made on Araby was carried out by Ungdomsstyrelsen

(today the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society) in 2008. The study made an analysis

of the living conditions of youth (between 13 and 25 years of age) and their experiences of their

situation in neighbourhoods classified as alienated (utanförskapsområden). The study focused

on four areas in Sweden of which Araby in Växjö was one. The analysis showed that the

situation of youth in socially deprived areas cannot only be understood from their possible

foreign background or socio-economic position. Effects of housing segregation, ethnicity, and

class are also important factors. The same study also showed that most youth would like to stay

in their neighbourhood (Ungdomsstyrelsen, 2008).

According to Danish professor Jörgensen (2010), there is a lack of analyses within sociology

which suggest that there can be feelings of belonging and strong social bonds in socio-economic

weak areas. He stresses that in order to understand social bonds in socio-economic weak areas,

it is important to study the mobility of people and the patterns of moving in and out. He suggests

that an area acting as place of transit cannot be expected to have the same type of social bonds

as other areas and by studying mobility we can understand how this is expressed.

Sernhede has conducted studies in socio-economic weak areas in Sweden and in his article from

2009, he writes that residents in stigmatised suburbs have a feeling of not belonging to society

beyond their area. Especially youth in these areas feel connected to their area although the

general public discourse of it is negative. They create their own cultures and community of

which dance and music culture, especially hip hop, seem to play an important role (Sernhede,

2009). Castells (2010) emphasises the importance of technology to understand cities today.

Connections are made between cities and these are made possible through what he calls “global

networks”, an attribute of the information age, and these come to change areas in a city.

Hedman & Andersson (2016) puts housing segregation in Sweden in a broader societal

perspective by highlighting changes occurring in the Swedish society by focusing on the job

market. They show how there has been an increased correlation between ethnic segregation and

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income segregation. The authors build on previous studies which mostly suggest that

immigrants living in segregated areas will eventually have moving patterns similar to those

born in Sweden. The authors show on the other hand that there is no big difference between the

moving patterns in segregated neighbourhoods of people born in Sweden or abroad. Rather, it

is the economic status which steer mobility in and out of the areas. What has been noted is that

disadvantaged areas tend to be reproduced as people moving in to the area, often immigrants,

have a weaker socio- and economic position than people moving out of the area.

Such a finding supports Bråmå (2006) and a more recent study by Andersson (2013). In his

study of immigrant-dense neighbourhoods in Stockholm, Andersson concludes that one’s

country of origin does not seem to be a factor of importance when explaining out-migration of

the areas. There is however a pattern among those who choose to move in to immigrant-dense

neighbourhoods. His analyses support avoidance hypotheses which means that native-born

Swedes are less inclined than foreign-born, to move in to immigrant-dense neighbourhoods.

That work is perhaps the most important factor in understanding segregated areas is widely

acknowledged and explains the large focus of literature on questions of the labour market.

Aldén & Hammarstedt (2016) show that there seems to be a strong co-variation between work

and housing: living in an area with many immigrants, one generally has a lower income; and

living in an area with few immigrants, one generally has a higher income. Like many other

researchers, they show that networks are crucial and to some extent are created in one’s close

surroundings: one’s neighbourhood. As many immigrants lack networks upon arrival, living in

an area with other immigrants reduces one’s prospects for success in the labour market. Such a

pattern reinforces living segregation: there seems to be a process of mutual reinforcement at

place between ethnic housing segregation and immigrants position in the labour market.

Moving on, regarding the discourse about safety in socio-economic weak neighbourhoods,

Bunar (2009) highlights both an inside- and outside perspective. Firstly, strong discourses

deriving from outside the areas portray them as unsafe, often as unsafe towards the surrounding

society. Such a discourse is often understood together with criminality which recently has been

strengthened by riots like in Husby 20133. Secondly, there is the experienced feeling of safety

or unsafety among the residents themselves. Often feelings of unsafety are not connected to

criminality but to disturbances like youth riding scooters or vandalism on public property.

3 The uprising in Husby, Stockholm in May 2013 became internationally highlighted. The uprisings included

violent disturbances, such as burning of cars.

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In a study made by police students in Växjö, interviews with inhabitants of Araby suggested

that there is not such a high degree of experienced unsafety as previous studies in the area has

suggested. Factors leading to the feeling of unsafety which nevertheless exists refer to similar

aspects as Bunar shows: to physical aspects of streets with bad lightening and what might

happen here during the late hours, cultural clashes between residents, the bad reputation and

one-sided negative picture the media is perceived to portray of the area (Granér et al., 2014).

The most recent study in which Araby was included was published in 2015 as a part of

Boverket’s role in the URBAN15 initiative. The study looked at what mechanisms lie behind

the stigmatization of a place. The study found that the stigma around the studied areas are

created by rumours and negative stories outside the area and are strengthened by the housing

segregation which makes it easier for outsiders to alienate the area (Vallström, 2015).

The study further stresses that the stigmatization of place changes over time. What is most

crucial to note is that during the past decades, rumours have more ‘racialist’ undertones, where

the negative image of an area is connected to the fact that many inhabitants have an immigrant

background. What is needed is to detach the connections between an area and the descriptions

of it as different as it further spurs segregation, regardless if the descriptions are exotic or scary.

Therefore, it becomes important to delimit specific and concrete problems rather than

addressing an entire neighbourhood as problematic (Vallström, 2015).

Also other researchers emphasise the fact that, for instance, uprisings and social conflict are

phenomena which can be traced far back, but in modern times are more commonly placed in

an ethnic context (Andersson et al., 2016: 10). The uprising referred to above which took place

in Husby, where a majority of residents are immigrants, seemed to follow a pattern. Similar

uprisings, connected to ethnic conflict and alienation, which previously had occurred in

American, French, and British cities, now occurred in Swedish suburbs (Adman, 2016: 95).

Such riots further connect problems to immigrants which are part of processes of

overculturalisation which during the past half-century have been putting cultural aspects on the

agenda when it comes to economics, politics, and everyday life (Fornäs, 2008). The concept of

overculturalisation refers to the over interpretation of phenomenon as cultural without them

having a cultural background or cause (Egidius). People are thus claimed to be acting and

existing solely as a result of their culture, religion, or nationality. The terms “immigrant” and

suburbs have become closely associated and problems in the suburbs have become

overculturalised today, from a previous focus on social aspects of problems (Aziz, 2015).

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In summary, the literature review has led to the research questions focusing on changes,

discourse, identifications, and mobility; and falls into the concepts presented in the next chapter.

4. Analytical Framework This section presents the analytical framework used in order to situate the field study in relation

to theoretical discussions. When analysing the results, I will take off in these discussions;

highlighting the respondents’ thoughts within a broader theoretical and academic frame. The

discussions relate to the overarching aim of the thesis: To contribute with a better understanding

of the reproduction of rumours and socio-economic conditions in Araby. The framework is

composed of two concepts: zone in transition and stigmatisation of place. Firstly, each of these

will be discussed respectively; and secondly, I will present how these concepts will be used in

order to give meaning to the collected material.

4.1 Zone in Transition

The notion of a zone in transition was first presented in 1925 by Everest Burgess, a faculty

member of The Chicago School. The Chicago School refers to a group of sociologists who were

active at the University of Chicago during the first half of the 1900’s. The Chicago School of

Sociology is known for using the city as a social laboratory and the research is heavily

qualitative (Lutters & Ackerman, 1996).

Burgess interested himself in Urban Ecology and Geography and his most important theoretic

contribution describes the ever expanding concentric circles within the city: known as the

Concentric Zone model. The model describes the growth and expansion of cities (physically)

and the following changes in social structures. A series of concentric circles in the model

illustrate the successive zones of urban extension and the different types of areas which

simultaneously become differentiated in the process. There is a succession where each of the

inner concentric zones tend to expand by invading the next outer zone (Burgess, 1925).

By studying Chicago in the 1920’s, Burgess (1925), held that an urban city could be divided

into 5 distinct zones (see Model 1 on the next page). The first area is in the heart of the city: the

central business district; the second is the zone in transition which is in detoriation: the cheapest

zone for housing and consequently the first one settled by new immigrants; the third area consist

of second-generation immigrants and skilled workers and viewed as the region of escape from

the zone in transition; the fourth urban area is a residential area for the middle class with

apartments and houses; and the fifth area consists of suburban areas outside of the city limits

where wealthier families live.

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Model 1: The Concentric Zone Model: Urban Areas

Own drawings based on the model in Burgess, 1925: page 51.

The study by Burgess (1925) is among the first to show that criminality is concentrated to the

socio-economic weak areas where many immigrants live, that is, to the zone in transition. The

area was named a zone in transition because many of the inhabitants were immigrants who lived

in the area for a limited time before they had established themselves in the country, had work

and moved to other parts of the city. The explanation models for why criminality is concentrated

to these areas differ and is a matter of dispute even today. Notwithstanding the more precise

explanation for the connection, the socio-economic factors will continue to entail an increased

level of criminality in the area.

Moving on, an important question arises: Can a theory developed in the Unites States in the

1920’s possibly be applicable to the study of Swedish society 90 years later? The Concentric

Zone model has received a lot of criticism. One point made regards the limited use of the model

when applied to cities outside the United States and especially in societies developed under

different historical contexts. The model builds on a distinctive American geography where the

suburbs are wealthy and the inner city is poor; the opposite is more common in other countries

such as Sweden. As a result of advancement in information technology and transportations and

transformations taking place in the global economy as a result of forces of globalisation, even

in the United States cities are not organized in clear zones any more (Dear, 2002: 250f;

Rodrigue, 2013).

The Central Business District

Zone in Transition

Zone of Workingmen’s Homes

Residential Zone

Commuter’s Zone

17

However, even if the model of urban areas as being divided into clear distinctive zones has lost

explanation value, could the concept of zone in transition still hold? Swedish criminology

professor Sarnecki (2016) maintains that it does. He emphasises that just like in Chicago in the

1920’s and 1930’s, there is a considerable recomposition of the inhabitants in socio-economic

weak neighbourhoods. Inhabitants will eventually, whether in the first, second, or third

generation, establish themselves in society, start to work and with a more stable income the

majority of them will move. Consequently, the same places continue to be socio-economically

weaker than other neighbourhoods and continue to have problems of high levels of

unemployment and criminality while the people are exchanged. Those who move out leave

space for new people who for some time take over the out-movers problems (Sarnecki 2016).

Swedish research (see for instance Hedman & Andersson, 2016) shows that socio-economic

weak neighbourhoods are recreated over a long period of time as the people who move in have

markedly weaker socio-economic positions than those moving out of the area. In-movers are

often immigrants, and often so because of cheap housing and the presence of many inhabitants

with similar background as themselves. This increases the connection between ethnic

segregation and income segregation. There is thus a certain migration pattern attached to socio-

economic weak areas; which essentially is the idea of the concept of zone in transition.

4.2 Stigmatisation of Place

In his work from 1963, Goffman analyses the processes of stigmatisation and defines

stigmatised individuals as those deviating from the social expectations of those in her or his

surroundings. The surrounding society creates and develops a reluctance towards the

stigmatised person based on social differences such as class, culture, or physical attributes. The

concept of stigma labels people or groups in a negative way and can lead to the stigmatised

person internalising the deviating attributes as a part of his or her identity. An uncertainty

caused by the stigma can cause the stigmatised person to adopt strategies, such as cowering or

a hostile approach, which are characteristics further added to her or him. There is an interplay

between the normal and the deviating: if one person is stigmatised as a cause of an attribute, it

can mechanically confirm the usualness of another person (Goffman, 1963: Chapter 1).

While stigmatisation of categories such as woman, child, immigrants, and working class, among

others, have been widely discussed, the French researcher Wacquant introduced the concept of

territorial stigmatisation. Wacquant (2008) builds partly on Goffman’s work on stigma and

holds that segregated neighbourhoods and the way they are described in society is an example

of stigmatisation. These neighbourhoods are often characterised by being at the bottom of the

18

hierarchical system of places in the cities: often segregated and composed of lower-income

households. The dominant discourse which emphasises these neighbourhoods as dangerous and

as characterised by social exclusion, places a stigma to the place.

As mentioned in the discussion above concerning zones in transition, it is widely recognised

that socio-economic weak areas are those with the highest levels of criminality. The rumours

and stigma of danger which come to portray these areas in the public discourse are thus partly

grounded in reality. However, the interesting as well as highly problematic aspect of

stigmatisation of place is that it to some extent “contaminates” its inhabitants with the stigma.

This processes enforces the reproduction of the stigmatisation as taking distance from the

neighbourhood becomes a strategy in order to escape the stigma: whether while still living there

or by moving, and new inhabitants inherit the stigma (Vallström, 2015).

Wacquant (2008) introduced the concept of advanced marginality to explain how today’s

society has left everyone with smaller means in an advanced marginality. These are the urban

outcasts: often socio-economic weak and/or immigrants and subject to a stigma already.

Territorial stigmatisation can add to the already stigmatised group which become characterised

by it, but cannot be reduced to it. However, in the end, it matters little if the places are mostly

inhabited by poor people or if the places are really dangerous: when the prejudices and stories

of the place become widely shared it sets of harmful consequences (Wacquant, 2008: 238f).

So, what are the consequences of stigmatisation for the inhabitants? While the process of

territorial stigmatisation differs in different countries and cities, Wacquant holds that the effects

are nevertheless similar. The consequences of inhabitants internalising the stigma include:

spurring feelings of personal indignity; disclaiming identification with the neighbourhood

which can lead to a wanting feeling of belonging; that the areas are avoided by outsiders which

creates social fission; stimulates internal social differentiation which leads to a decrease of

interpersonal trust and undercuts local solidarity and communal bonds; hiding of address when

looking for work; affects interactions with for instance the police, or simply with acquaintances.

At the level of public policy, the stigmatisation of place can make it easy to justify special

measures such as an increased presence of the police (Wacquant, 2008: 29f; 271-274; 183f;

239f). Moreover, the worst consequence of stigmatisation of place can arguably be the lack of

(positive) expectations among the inhabitants (Vallström, 2015).

19

When applying stigmatisation as a concept for analysis, it becomes important to understand the

mechanisms behind its process. This can be done by understanding the stigma as contingent:

both in a historical sense and a spatial one. When understanding the historical contingence one

looks at the history of a place in order to see how it has been described over time. Often stories

of a place persist while people move in and out. In order to understand spatial contingence one

looks at other neighbourhoods, for instance in the same city, to see how discourses about places

have stayed, disappeared, or moved to other neighbourhoods. It is important to be aware of

how, or even if, the problems described about an area actually derive from the area or if the

problem needs to be relocated to the surrounding society. Often negative rumours about an area

are created outside it, commonly by people who have not visited the area themselves. Media

plays an important role in the stigmatisation process by building on predetermined pictures of

an area (Vallström, 2015).

4.3 How the Analytical Framework will be applied

Like Burgess, Wacquant is interested by the dualisation of the society and the physical structure

of urban areas, an interest of the field of Urban Ecology. This dualisation expressed in the

concept of zone in transition and in the stigmatisation of place is therefore at the heart of the

analytical framework, while the interplay and dynamics between the two concepts are used to

further understand changes and processes of reproduction in Araby.

Both concepts presented concern how the inhabitants relate to their neighbourhood and concern

a reproduction of the neighbourhood over time while the group of inhabitants have changed

through in-and-out migration. The zone in transition concept emphasises the reproduction of

social reality in the neighbourhood as there is a continuous recomposition where poorer people

move in and people who have established themselves in society and have work, move as soon

as they can. Stigmatisation of place as a concept concerns negative rumours and stigma attached

to a certain place. The general discourse does not reproduce social reality but can lead to an

internalisation of the stigma among the inhabitants, and this process continues despite a

recomposition of the neighbourhood as new inhabitants are contaminated by the stigma.

Stigmatised places can be understood as zones of transition, a place people move from as

quickly as they can in order to escape the stigma; while the concept of zone in transition has its

focus on people moving from the place as a result of having established themselves in society

and have a work with a stable income. Both concepts thus concern imperatives to move.

20

From the presentation of these two concepts I have chosen to make use of the following ideas

in my study in order to answer the five research questions and to shed light on the aim:

To answer the first question about changes in Araby, the interviewees’ thoughts will be

discussed by taking a departure in the two main critiques against the application of Burgess’s

(1925) Concentric Zone model today: (1) the particular American urban geography it takes as a

starting point; and (2) the effects of globalisation and huge advancements in technology have

altered the way cities are organised.

To answer the second question concerning the development of the discourse on Araby, the

discussion will take its point of departure in the way Vallström (2015) attempts to understand

stigmatisation: by exploring historical contingence of the discourse.

To answer the third question addressing the identifications with Araby, a discussion following

Wacquant (2008) will consider how some of the identifications can be understood as

consequences of a stigmatisation process.

To answer the fourth question querying about imperatives to move from Araby, I will depart in

the concept of zone in transition and look at to what extent stigmatisation of place seems to play

a role for people with the means to move.

To answer the fifth question of whether there is relation between work and migration in and out

of Araby, the tables will be analysed in order to see if, as Sarnecki (2016) maintains, Araby can

be considered a zone in transition.

The results will be analysed by taking off in these discussions.

5. Method for Collecting and Analysing Material This section will present the method used in order to reach the aim of the study. Strengths and

weaknesses of the chosen methods are also discussed. Changes in the focus made along the way

are presented in order to invite the reader to see the active role I have as a researcher, shaping

the process.

5.1 Type of Study

This paper has the aim to better understand the reproduction of rumours and socio-economic

conditions in Araby. In order to generate a better understanding, the study carried out has

explored the perceptions of people in Araby. In an explorative study there is no aim to attempt

an explanation of why this or that phenomenon is happening. Rather, an explorative essay

contributes with laying the ground for future research, exploring which topics are present and

central in a certain phenomenon (Esaiasson et al., 2012: 136, 210). Previous research on Araby

has not studied the neighbourhood per se as much as the residents, and especially not letting

21

the residents reflect on their neighbourhood in a historical perspective. This study will thereby

provide a first insight into accounts regarding stigmatisation and migration with an exploratory

character.

In order to explore perceptions on stigmatisation and migration in Araby, I have carried out a

field study in the neighbourhood (April – May 2016) and used interviewing as a method for

collecting material. The study is a qualitative one which allows me as a researcher to go in-

depth and to be flexible. The interviews have taken the form of a respondent character which

means that the aim is to explore perceptions, which cannot be claimed to be either true or false

(Esaiasson et al., 2012: 259).

Complementary informant interviews have also been conducted, in order to deepen my insight

on the topic from different perspectives and get key information, as well as one observation at

a citizen meeting in Araby. I have also collected statistics on in- and out-migration in relation

to work in Araby in order to answer the fifth research question. While this gives a more mixed

methods character of the data collection procedure, the weight of the result section is on the

perceptions of the respondent interviewees and it is also their accounts which are the focus for

generating a better understanding of the neighbourhood and the reproduction at place.

5.2 Selection

This section will present and justify the selection of interviewees: respondents as well as

informants. The selection of statistics which has been collected is also presented.

5.2.1 Selection of Respondents

The selection of respondents was based on the principle of intensity in the sample: strategically

selecting people who have an especially strong experience of the area (Esaiasson et al., 2012:

260). In the case of Araby, people working in meeting places were ‘targeted’ due to their

connections, knowledge, and relevant social networks. Three meeting places in Araby were

identified which acted as starting points for the selection of interviewees. These were:

Tallgården, the oldest meeting place in the area which focuses on engaging adults in learning;

Panncentralen, a café which also arranges activities; and the Araby Park Arena, an activity

house for sports and culture. These places are central for social interaction between visitors and

workers and therefore other working places, such as the supermarket, the pizzeria, or the hair

dresser, where people also meet, have not been included in this study. Purposive sampling was

thus used to identify these places: the purpose being their function as central meeting places,

attracting many residents and the interactions such visits entail with the workers.

22

The individuals interviewed in the meeting places were on the other hand more of a coincidence.

The people I interviewed were often a consequence of who happened to be working when I

visited the meeting places as well as who happened to be available at that time. This is not a

limit to the study as when conducting respondent interviews; it is not the interviewees per se

who are of interest, but rather their understandings about the topic under study which they can

externalise (Esaiasson et al., 2012: 262). Therefore, steering exactly which individuals I should

interview has not been important. The final selection of interviewees includes 3 workers from

Tallgården, 4 from Panncentralen, and 5 from Araby Park Arena (see appendix A for a list).

While the individuals interviewed to the most part were a result of coincidences, I remained

conscious about the selection in order to get a differentiated sample, which is especially

important when conducting respondent interviews with an exploratory process (Mikkelsen,

2011: 172). Having a sample with maximal variation allows me as a researcher to explore

different perceptions and to have a smaller sample and focus on going in-depth (Esaisson et al.,

2012: 261). It was important for me to ensure that I interviewed both women and men; people

born in Sweden, born in Sweden with foreign-born parents, and people born abroad (in the end

I had interviewed people from different continents such as South America, Eastern Europe, and

the Middle East); different kind of responsibilities at the meeting places (janitors, café

personnel, administrators); and lastly, to make sure that I had a wide age span among my

interviewee sample.

Before moving on, a note will be made on the age span of the interviewees. The final selection

of includes people between the ages of 21 years and 76 years. The wide age span and the

different experiences and understandings they have of Araby was possible by complementing

the initial selection of workers in the meeting places. This was done by interviewing an older

lady who is a long-time resident of Araby and a frequent visitor to one of the meeting places.

The same interview can have both a respondent and informant character (Esaiasson et al., 2012:

252) which was the case for what I have named my respondent interviews: the interviewees

acted as informants when for instance explaining facts about Araby or about the work the

meeting place carries out. However, most prominently these interviewees acted as respondents:

talking about their youth, days, and work in Araby. I have approached the respondents with an

exploratory character with the aim to explore perceptions; consequently, the interviews

naturally had more of a respondent character. Furthermore, the respondents were mainly

primary sources, however, sometimes when retelling an interaction or something a visitor to

the meeting place had shared, they took the form of secondary sources.

23

The selection of interviewees for the study was based on McCracken’s idea that importance

ought to be placed on working longer and closer with the participating interviewees, rather than

having a large sample (McCracken, 1988: 17). There was thus no ambition of finding a random

and representative sample. It is hard to know beforehand how many interviews are needed in

order to reach a certain aim: it depends on the answers generated (Bryman, 2016: 418). The

results chapter presents the thoughts of 13 respondents. I landed on 13 interviews because I was

simultaneously processing the material and an overall story was taking shape with different

categories and possible conclusions (Mason, 2010). This means that I approached theoretical,

rather than data, saturation, which can be problematic when conducting an explorative study.

This will further be discussed under the section problems with the method, 5.4.

5.2.2 Selection of Informants, Statistics, and the Observation

When selecting informants, relevant institutions for the study were identified. The institutions

were chosen on the basis of their work with different aspects of life in Araby and in Växjö. The

selection of these institutions has been purposive in order to obtain specialised knowledge in

different areas. The principle of centrality was thus adopted: selecting informants with the aim

to reach centrally placed sources; the most important people for understanding the topic from

different perspectives (Mikkelsen, 2011: 172; Esaiasson et al., 2012: 258).

The final collection of informant interviews is as follows: one interview with a member of

“Fältgruppen”, visiting different youth centres, Bergendhalska Gården; one interview with a

co-ordinator at the Civic Centre Medborgarkontoret; one interview with a statistical analytic at

the Swedish Employment Office, Arbetsförmedlingen; one interview with the administrative

manager of the Administration for Work and Welfare at the commune; and one interview with

the co-ordinator for the governments URBAN15 development work in Växjö. The housing

company Växjö Bostäder, which has apartments in Araby, has been contacted repeatedly,

without a contact being established. For the collection of statistics to answer research question

five, I have made use of the central agency of statistics in Sweden: Statistiska Centralbyrån.

I attended a citizen meeting arranged by the Police in Växjö where the police’s work in the area

throughout the years and today was presented, and the participating inhabitants of the area

shared their concerns and aspirations for the area. I refer to the attendance at the meeting as an

observation as it involved me as a researcher to immerse myself into a setting where I could

observe at first hand the interactions, how discussions evolved, and the people present, which

can be considered at the core of observation as a method (Mason, 2002:84). Some observations

made, and appreciations of the informant interviewees, are presented in the results chapter.

24

5.3 The Interview Sessions: Conversational Interviews

5.3.1 Respondent Interviews

Firstly, a templet for introducing myself and the study was constructed in Swedish (see

appendix B). Secondly, an interview guide for semi-structured respondent interviews (see

appendix C) was constructed after a first pilot interview (also included in the results section)

was conducted and further modified after the three following interviews. The guide has a basis

in themes found when reviewing previous literature and consists of questions aimed at creating

a complete picture to answer the research questions (Bryman, 2016: 469).

It is hard to know beforehand which categories are relevant to be explored (Esaiasson et al.,

2012: 253). It was not until after the first set of interviews I received more of an idea of what

could come up and thereby modified the interview guide. In the following interviews I

continued to bring in interesting ideas presented by some of the previous interviewees. The

most important change of focus made as a consequence of what the interviewees shared with

me, was that I came to redirect the focus of history (changes in Araby) to also include the

broader societal context in which these changes take place. Many of the interviewees discussed

how society has changed and therefore it became important to pay more focus to this aspect.

All the interviews started off with me asking the respondents to freely describe Araby in their

own words; what Araby is to them. The sessions thus took off in the interviewees own stories

and created a conversational tone from the start and I was able to follow the respondents line

of thoughts. Some interviews ended in mutual discussions. This gave me the possibility to

register unexpected answers as well as to follow up on what the interviewees were saying

(Essaiason et al., 2012: 251). All the themes in the interview guide where covered during each

interview by relating them to what the interviewees were talking about: a characteristic for

semi-structured interviews (McCracken, 1988: 34).

I conducted 12 of the interviews in Swedish and one in English as the respondent felt that he

could express himself more freely in English. The time of the interviews varied between twenty-

five minutes up to one hour thirty-five minutes. The interviews were recorded after first

receiving the permission from the interviewee. I made it clear that the recordings were only to

be listened to by myself and only used for the purpose of this study. When an interviewee did

not feel comfortable being recorded, I asked to take notes instead, and this was always accepted.

25

5.3.2 Informant Interviews

The informants in this study have contributed with different perspectives to the topic under

study. Because the informants have had specialised knowledge in different areas, different

questions were asked. An interview guide for informant interviews was constructed in Swedish

(see appendix D). The guide is not extensive as I wanted to allow space for the informants to

share information on the topic which is important from their perspective as workers in different

institutions, but which I may not have thought about in advance (Esaiasson et al., 2012: 228).

5.4 Problems with the Method

When discussing the choice of methods and its opportunities and limitations in research, the

concepts of validity and reliability are central to understand. The validity in a scientific study

concerns the absence of systematic errors. Put in other words, the validity of a study is ensured

when one is studying what is claimed to be studied (Esaiasson et al., 2012: 56). The reliability

of a study is ensured when it has been made sure that there are no, or being aware of possible,

mistakes during the data collection. Such mistakes can be caused by stress, tiredness, messy

notes, and misunderstandings during the interviews (Esaiasson et al., 2012: 63).

Concerning the validity of my study it is important to clearly state that I have been guided by

my research questions which I aimed to discuss in all of the interviews. In the interviews

conducted later on in the process I brought up ideas presented by other interviewees. I have thus

adopted a recursive strategy. This means that there has been an interplay between conducting

interviews and interpretation and theorising (Bryman, 2016: 379). This can be a problem as

some ideas might stand out more than others, not always because the interviewees brought it

up, but because I did. Nevertheless, it has been a good way to explore different understandings

of the ideas presented, by asking other respondent to reflect on the same issues.

Concerning the reliability of my study I have fortunately been able to record most of the

interviews which means that I have been able to decrease misunderstandings and

misrepresentations of the answers. Moreover, triangulation is a method commonly used in order

to increase the reliability of a study (Mikkelsen, 2011: 96). I have used different methods which

is one way to triangulate results. However, as perceptions are at the core of the study, claiming

that the reliability of them needs to be secured contradicts the belief that they cannot be claimed

to be either true nor false and also contradicts the assumption that people’s perceptions are in

themselves a valuable contribution to research. I therefore, again, want to stress that the

complementary interviews have mainly been carried out for me to increase my understanding

of the topic.

26

In the case of this study, a recursive strategy also meant that I was working more for theoretical

saturation than data saturation. In my last interviews, new topics were still coming up,

suggesting that I had not reached data saturation (Mason, 2010). However, from the answers I

had collected I had a better understanding and insights to say something about the aim with the

help of my analytical framework: thus having reached theoretical saturation, even though the

scale of having reached it is very subjective.

Here I want to return to the fact that I have conducted the interviews in mainly Swedish. This

means that I have translated the respondents’ thoughts when presenting them in the result

chapter, as well as translated quotes. It proved difficult to translate different styles of expression

and I have therefore chosen to show the translation made for longer quotes (see Appendix E).

5.5 Ethical Considerations

Throughout the research process I have reflected upon possible consequences of my study.

Something which has occupied my mind since the start of the study is how I might actually be

reproducing a picture of Araby as different. The choice of words used in this thesis and the way

the neighbourhood is presented has become important for me to pay attention to. I hope to not

be presenting a more negative or positive side of Araby as there are many pictures of an area

and I hope that my study will add to this understanding.

At this point the choice of topic for the study needs to be discussed in order to present a critical

study which is not blindfolded by my own standpoint. Before the start of this study I had

conducted a field study in one of the meeting places in Araby, which caught my interest to

understand the neighbourhood in a historical context and how it has (or has not) changed. By

sharing my initial interest in the research topic I hope to reveal any agendas and biases I might

have as a researcher (Sprague, 2005: 167f).

Furthermore, having already conducted a study in the area facilitated the contact with

interviewees. Many of the workers recognised me since before and my appreciation is that the

initial contact has been positive as I believe the interviewees felt comfortable to share their

thoughts with me. Moreover, even though there was an initial contact between some

interviewees and myself, I can be seen as an outsider as I am not from Växjö and am relatively

new to the city. Such a background has allowed me to approach the interviewees with a curiosity

to learn about their neighbourhood without having been coloured by the existing discourse in

Växjö about Araby.

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5.6 Method for Analysing the Material

Continuously after having conducted an interview, I listened through it and noted down themes

and the times (if recorded) when something related to the research questions, or something

interesting or surprising was mentioned. Later in the process I re-listened to the timings to

elaborate my notes and to write down illustrative quotes. The second part of the analysis

consisted of a process where I looked at the interviews in relation to each other to find patterns

and reoccurring categories. In line with McCracken’s (1988) method for analysis, I sought to

find categories and assumptions which the interviewees make use of to interpret the

phenomenon under study. The categories found were thereafter sorted under the research

questions and ordered into subsections.

After having written the results section, which lets the interviewees’ reflections go without

saying, I analysed it by making use of the analytical framework. The theoretical concepts and

discussions provided a starting ground for analysis and to answer the questions. The framework,

together with some of the discussions from previous literature, were the tools used to interpret

the answers. The answers sorted under one question in the results section will in the analysis

chapter sometimes be used in discussions regarding another question. This is because they are

interconnected and can be understood as a sign that the questions all relate to each other and

that it is the collocated understanding of them which will shed light on the aim.

So, how can this method for analysis contribute to a better understanding? The study carried

out has had an abductive approach which means that new meaning and a better understanding

is given to already known phenomenon by interpreting the material through applying a new

framework (Danermark, 2002). In the case of this study, a better understanding is given to the

phenomenon of reproduction in Araby, by describing the interviewees’ thoughts in relation to

the dynamics between the concepts of zone in transition and stigmatisation of place, which have

not previously been applied to better understand dynamics in Araby, or, to my knowledge,

segregated and socio-economic weak areas in Sweden.

5.7 Problems with the Method for Analysing the Material

A problem which presents itself during the analysis is that I might be steered by my background

assumptions based in the previous literature, when I draw connections, or reject connections.

However, this may not be a bad result: while the understanding may be limited, it is also a

natural process of reconceptualization. Such a process allows us to interpret new knowledge

within a frame a pre-existing frame of reference (Gilje et al., 2007: Chapter 2).

28

Lastly, it is important to highlight that other concepts can be able to describe the results in

another way; a way with equal explanation value as the current framework. Nonetheless, the

present study provides an understanding of the topic under study which will lead to a new

preunderstanding upon which future research can build.

6. Results This chapter presents the thoughts expressed by the interviewees and they have been structured

after the research questions. The data retrieved from Statistics Sweden (Svenska Statistiska

Centralbyrån) is also presented and in that section (6.5) I will also include an analysis as this

makes it easier for the reader to interpret the statistics with a discussion in relation to it, and

also in order to introduce, and fully leave, the analysis chapter to the perceptions of the

interviewees.

6.1 Changes in Araby

The theme of changes in Araby was expressed very differently among the interviewees. While

some only focused on changes in the physical environment in the neighbourhood, others

focused on the people, and yet others on changes in the surrounding society. This last focus,

was common among the interviewees and it became important for me to understand how

changes in Sweden and in the world are related to changes taking place in Araby.

6.1.1 The Physical Environment and the Physical Location

The Araby which one can see with one’s eyes has changed over the years. The interviewees

talking about changes in the physical environment generally expressed such changes as

successful investments which have contributed to making the area nicer. Today there are more

buildings, meeting places, a sports centre and thereby also more activities for the youth, and

that the Citizen Office has opened in the area. A rose garden has also been planted in the main

park, and the interviewees find that the neighbourhood is well taken care of, increasing the

attractiveness of the area (Interviewees 1, 6, 9, and 10). Some buildings or institutions which

have moved were also mentioned, such as the previous location for the supermarket Ica in

Araby and that the Police had an office in Araby before. It was also mentioned that there are

many new places “for immigrants”: hair salons which know how to cut afro hair, clothing stores

selling traditional clothes for immigrants, grocery stores selling food from mainly the Middle

East, and that a mosque has been built (Interviewee 12).

29

Regarding the location of Araby, some interviewees referred to the fact that the development

of housing in Växjö has further pronounced the uniqueness of Araby in relation to other million

program neighbourhoods. As expressed by one interviewee: “What is unique about for this

million program neighbourhood is that it is so close to the city centre, the residential areas are

outside, often it is the opposite” (Interviewee 3). The same interviewee also talked about the

difference of what is referred to when saying “Araby”. She told me that when she was growing

up there was a clear demarcation of which part was Araby, today the nearby neighbourhoods

Nydala and Dalbo are also referred to when one talks about Araby.

6.1.2 The Inhabitants

“[When Araby was built in the 1970’s…] many families with children moved in, and at that

time there were 95 % Swedes.” (Interviewee 1). This quote by one of the interviewees addressed

the change of inhabitants which some of the others also referred to: that from having been an

area consisting mostly of Swedes, there are not many who still live in the area today. Two

interviewees told me that they blame “them” (assumingly referring to politicians) for having

placed all the immigrants in the same place (Interviewee 7 and 12). Two of the informant

interviewees addressed the situation by referring to the housing shortage in Växjö: that

immigrants tend to end up in Araby because that is where the opportunities exist, where there

are available apartments (Jönsson 2016; Sandberg 2016).

In the late 1970’s people started to move to houses and people who moved to Araby in the

1980’s were mostly labour immigrants from countries such as Greece, Italy, and Macedonia.

At that time there were jobs, and the people easily got work and moved on to other places

(Interviewee 11; Sandberg, 2016). Also political refugees came, especially form south America.

In the 1990’s many refugees came from the former Yugoslavia. In recent years it is mostly war

refugees who move in to Araby and today most come from Syria (Interviewee 9).

Interviewee 9 explained that there is a big difference between refugees who came 10 - 20 years

ago, and those who come today. What she sees when working is much more traumatised people.

She illustrated how coming from war zones has become normalised by telling how the youth

often joke about coming from a war prone country and share experiences with each other. For

instance, they find common ground by discussing what happened on a particular day on the

way home for school, how their parents used to try and hide from them what was going on, for

instance by giving them headphones with music on, to not hear the bombs. The interviewee

shared these thoughts to highlight that we cannot forget that war refugees have completely

different preconditions for integration than for instance political refugees, like herself.

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Interviewee 1 shared with me an encounter he had had with an older lady. The lady had

expressed her relief saying that it is so much calmer in the area today, since the immigrants

came to the neighbourhood. What she, according to my interviewee, was referring to was that

in the 1980’s one would find people sitting outside drinking a lot and being noisy and disruptive.

The fact that many of the immigrants do not drink have also been raised by other interviewees

(e.g. interviewee 3). Interviewee 1 went on to say that he meets many parents who are worried

about their children who they fear have become addicted to drugs. He explained that there is a

big problem with narcotic abuse today in Araby, that some turn their frustration inwards.

Many of the interviewees addressed the problem of Araby being overcrowded. The

neighbourhood has not expanded area-wise at the same time as more and more people move in

and not as many people move out (Sandberg, 2016). Interviewee 3 explains how this makes

people “move their living room outside” and naturally the neighbourhood will be messier and

more things will happen. One of my informants also referred to overcrowding as a problem

which can feed into other kinds of problems (Jönsson, 2016).

Interviewee 11 expressed that the messiness experienced in Araby is not mainly a result of

many immigrants living in the area:

“Cave in.. eh.. 20 00 Swedes or what it is, I don’t know how many people live there in

Araby, I think it is 7 to 8 000, in one neighbourhood like that, then maybe it will be the

same thing there. It is crowded and some don’t have a job, and not a good economy and

the kids have like.. can’t be at home cause at home there are three other young siblings

who hustle, and they don’t want to be at home cause they feel feel sorta.. can’t do what they

want. So they go out and as soon as you hang outside with others you get up to stuff, get up

to one thing, another thing, first it’s fun, then it becomes more and more, then it gets off

hand and you do stuff you shouldn’t do.” (Interviewee 11).

Interviewee 12 also emphasised the overcrowding as one cause of the messiness experienced

by some in the area. There are many people in the area, and many in each apartment. What the

situation is like in Araby is hard to imagine if you have grown up in a house where each child

has her or his own room (Interviewee 5). A concern that the overcrowding affects the school

results of children was also expressed. With a home where there is no space or quiet room,

children have no place to do their homework and rarely get the help they need to at home where

perhaps younger siblings require more attention by parents (Ek, 2016). A situation where

parents are busy with young children at home, makes the presence of parents, or adults in

general, outside important and hard: today it is non-existing in Araby (Sandberg, 2016).

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6.1.3 Changes in the Surrounding Society

When I asked one of the interviewees what the biggest changes in Araby are since he moved in

30 years ago, he answered that:

“Roughly speaking, the biggest difference, has for sure not to do with the neighbourhood,

but with how our world has become, where phones, cell phones, these kind of stuff, tablets,

computers, kids and youth they are not outside and playing in the same way like it was in

the past (…) Then there’s not the same neighbour…, not collaboration but, the neighbours,

you don’t meet the neighbours in the same way.” (Interviewee 4).

The above quote illustrates what some of the thoughts presented by the interviewees

emphasised: that changes in Araby must be understood in relation to other changes in the

society and in the world. The advancement of technology and the interconnectedness it brings

along with it were especially mentioned as contributing to changes in the neighbourhood. I will

under this heading discuss the four themes which were mentioned by more than one interviewee

concerning changes in society which affect changes in Araby.

6.1.3.1 Associations and Relationships in Araby

As the introductory quote to this section (6.1.3) emphasises, there has according to some been

a change in the relationships in Araby. Interviewee 4 explained the loss of connections in the

area as a cause of fewer youth playing outside and consequently parents do not meet as naturally

as before. At the Police’s citizen meeting, a woman also brought up the fact that there are no

longer bonds between residents and that this makes it harder for adults to approach youth who

are doing something wrong, for instance littering. She experiences the children today to be more

nonchalant and less respectful. At the same meeting one of the police women who has been

working in Araby for over 10 years stated that the greatest difference which she has experienced

in the area is the change of attitude: that there is a lack of respect. She explains how youth today

can question her work and stand in her way when she is working in the area (Observation).

One of the interviewees talked passionately about the rich association life that Araby had in the

1980’s through the beginning of the new millennia. Today, he explained, there are barely any

associations left and that this fact is the cause of the loss of relationships and community feeling

in the neighbourhood. Today, politicians do not prioritise smaller associations run by

individuals as the culture sector is the first thing politicians cut down on if there is less money.

Instead, a lot is being built in Växjö and the money is invested in big projects like the VIDA

arena in Växjö, the swimming hall, or building new big and expensive apartments (Interviewee

13). The following quote illustrates how the change is perceived by this interviewee:

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“I reckon that everything that happens here in Araby, one talks a lot about it, but everything

is a reflection, a mirror of what is happening, what is happening in the society. The money

is invested on what produces. Culture doesn’t produce money. Culture produces other

things.” (Interviewee 13).

The interviewee remembered how engaged people were in different associations and that each

one had at least 30 members, and that equals 30 people who are not on the streets, indicating

not making a mess. Multiplying that number by for instance 4 people (as a family might consist

of), one had a really broad network. The same interviewee went on to explain that such

relationships are crucial for the connections with children, youth, as well as with adults in the

area. He used to be working as a door guard to a salsa place in Växjö, and the youth visiting

knew him, or knew that he was friends with their parents, so they behaved and were nice. This

contact has been lost today (Interviewee 13). One interviewee expressed the same thought:

“Araby has received many things, but at the same time lost a lot” (Interviewee 12).

6.1.3.2 What is Right and What is Wrong?

Today the reality is more diffuse, one of the interviewees explained; especially as a cause of

advancements in technology. Brought up in the 1970’s he mentioned that the reality has become

more diffuse and it is harder to know what is right and what is wrong. When he was younger it

was very clear what was right and wrong and the older generations (parents and teachers) set

the ground rules for the younger ones. Today reality has become more complex with the access

to the internet. Youth receive many more impressions than before due to the daily use of phones,

tablets, and computers. The information can be overwhelming and it becomes harder to navigate

between what is wrong and right. Rather than the older generation educating youth in what is

right and wrong, it is today friends and likes on the internet which determines if an action is

good or bad. When I later conducted two interviews with a boy and a girl raised in Araby in the

late 1990’s and early 2000´s, they emphasised the same development: that teachers and parents

have lost their role and that the youth of today need to learn what is right and wrong. The

changes brought by the advancement in technology is thus understood as one of the reasons for

why problems today are harder to catch at early.

The internet also allows people to know what is happening in other places, and to draw

inspiration from that. For instance, one interviewee believes that a lot of inspiration among

youth come from knowing what is happening in suburbs in the big cities of Sweden, and that

the use of drugs has become cool through the impressions youth get on the internet. It has

moreover become easier for people to help each other, to reach out to friends if there is a fight

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and a need of back up. This means that an initial argument between two individuals quickly

comes to involve 20 or more people. The use of the internet also allows people in the area to

share information of where the police is at the moment (Interviewees 3, 7, and 9).

Another issue raised was that it is much harder to come as an immigrant to Sweden today

because the attitude towards immigration is, as expressed by one interviewee, horrible. She

goes on to explain that racism has always been present in the Swedish society but that it is much

more open and explicit today. Therefore, one cannot only expect integration from one side but

the society also must contribute and create meetings between individuals (Interviewee 9).

Another interviewee provided another understanding of racism in the society today. He

expressed that immigrants to a greater extent abuse the expression “it is racism” today:

”Unfortunately, in this society, today, immigrants.. have such an easy time saying that it is

racism (…) I remember back then when I was playing football for instance, it was some

few who used the word, when we played against Swedes. All of a sudden I received a kick,

but I never said that he kicked me because he was racist. (…) That is why the Swedes are

so afraid to say things as they are, they are afraid, unfortunately. The society is afraid.”

(Interviewee 13).

Another interviewee also expressed the thought that the society is afraid today. That the society

needs to put demands on youth to work and on immigrants to learn the language p(Interviewee

12). Such a thought goes in line with a perception that reality is more relative today: that it is

hard to know what is right and wrong and to put demands on people (Interviewee 1).

6.1.3.3 A Society Perceived to Focus on Those Who do Bad

Interviewee 1 and 6 emphasised the fact that teachers had more control over their students and

that there were immediate reactions if the students did something wrong. Today, they said,

students do not even go to class, or only go to meet friends and that this behaviour has become

normalised. Interviewee 6 shared his view, or rather the view of many youths in the area, which

is that the system is built in a way to focus on those who do bad. Such an understanding means

that some might be triggered to do something bad in order to get attention and affirmation.

Interviewee 3 shared her impression that the affirmation youth can get from posting something

bad which they have done on the internet, gives them good self-confidence and makes them

continue. “Something bad” can for instance be setting fire to trash in the neighbourhood. The

youth receive a lot of inspiration from the internet and internet has become a way to get

inspiration as well as get affirmation. The same interviewee shares her opinion that youth in

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Araby look up to what is happening in Tensta, in Husby. Like interviewee 1, she said that first

we experienced the fires in Husby4, and a few years later the youth are burning stuff in Araby:

“(…) then one started to burn here too, to see sorta, the authorities’ reactions, what will

happen, do they care that it is burning here or do we get sorta… yeah, one gets sorta

inspiration from others.” (Interviewee 3).

Interviewee 7 also sees the youth today are only concerned about status, to show off by posting

on the internet. She finds that youth through the impressions and connections on the internet

come to live in a world which is much older than their own. She gives the example of drugs,

that when she was young no one knew anything about drugs, but today everything is on the

internet and children thereby know much more than she and her friends did when growing up.

6.1.3.4 Unemployment and the Role of Parents

One issue frequently mentioned as one of the most stressing problems was the high level of

unemployment in the area. Today there is a larger gap: there are more jobs which require high

education backgrounds and more people who are listed with the Employment office as

unemployed who generally have a lower education than before. While unemployment is

decreasing in Sweden, it is only decreasing for some groups. For immigrants, especially coming

from non-European countries, unemployment is actually increasing (Kihlman, 2016).

One of the interviewees stressed that the consequences of unemployment affects the children.

Children growing up with unemployed parents can create feelings of being chanceless which

can cause a sense of frustration. Another factor is that children in general, and especially of

their parents do not have a work, quickly pass their parents in learning Swedish. This means

that children to a large extent help parents understand letters and instructions and so on. Parents

thus loose a bit of their role as heads and as role models in their own family (Interviewee 1).

The fact that parents are not setting strict rules for their children, or that they are not present in

their children’s lives, was also brought up in some interviews (e.g. interviewee 7 and 12). At

the citizen meeting many of the participants voiced that they were afraid to set limits for their

children, often fearing that the social welfare office will intervene (Observation). There thus

seems to be a confusion about how the system of child care works in Sweden and what role

parents are allowed to take. When the parents fear taking a steady role in relation to their

children, they end up making use of all their rights as a citizen, and as a child in Sweden, but

forget that they have obligations to, such as going to school.

4 Referring to the same events explained in chapter 3.

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The fact that parents are not present in their children’s lives was also brought up. In Araby one

will mostly see children and youth outside. At the citizen meeting the police present explained

their wish that they would also see parents circle around in the area, keeping an eye on the

children and tell them when they are doing something wrong. The absence of parents on the

streets makes the police take on a role as parents (Observation).

6.2 Perceived Changes in the Discourse

Discussions about the discourse about Araby were usually brought up by the interviewees and

often discussed in contrast to their own perception of the area, both concerning the general

discourse among inhabitants in Växjö, and that used by the media.

6.2.1 The Discourse of Araby in Växjö

Many of the interviewees stated that there has always been a negative connotation to the area,

especially so since the 1980’s. One interviewee explained that many from the area moved to

houses in the late 1970’s and that the following decade Araby became the “social welfare

office’s apartments”, and that came to label the area. The 1980’s Araby also witnessed cases of

drugs, abuse, and alcoholism (Interviewee 1). Other interviewees also took up the fact that the

area always has had a bad reputation; one of them expressed that the discourse has always been

“Araby, Araby, it is bad” (Interviewee 5). Interviewee 3 drew a parallel to the million program

saying that there has always been a negative connotation to the neighbourhoods built as a part

of the program, and that includes Araby. She speculated that the cause might be because there

were a lot of workers living in the area since it was built. A working class which usually had

immigrated from other parts of Sweden or Europe to work in the industries in Växjö.

The same interviewee expressed that: “There is something I have pondered upon a lot. Where

have all the messy Swedes disappeared to?” (Interviewee 5). She shared this thought with me

when explaining that when she moved in to Araby about 30 years ago, everyone was talking

about the messy Swedes in Araby, and today everyone seems to be talking about the messy

immigrants.

Some interviewees emphasised that the negative attitude towards Araby always stems from

outside the area, not rarely from people who have never visited it themselves. Some of the

questions frequently asked to my interviewees have been “How can you live in Araby?” and

“How can you work in Araby, you’re a girl” (Interviewees 5 and 7). Such an attitude and a

presumed idea about what it is like in Araby spurs different feelings among the people I

interviewed and these will be discussed in the next section (6.3).

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One reason for the negative attitudes about Araby mentioned by some of the interviewees was

the lack of integration in Växjö. Some would stress that people from outside of Araby rarely

visit the area, even though it is close to the city centre and has beautiful green parks and a lot

of free activities. By not visiting the area other citizens might create prejudices about Araby

based on what they hear others say, which lead to skew images of the neighbourhood which is

not based in reality, and contrasts the experiences of people living or working in Araby

(Interviewees 3, 5, 7 and 11). Generally, people in Araby feel safe, while people outside regard

it as unsafe; the municipality has to work with this gap to convey a true image (Mocevic, 2016).

Regarding the mobility of people in Araby different views were expressed. Some had the

perception that the inhabitants do not generally visit other places in the city; that there is no

need to as Araby has everything: clothing stores, hairdressers, bank services, dentists, and

grocery stores (Interviewees 3, 5, and 11). Other interviewees had an impression that inhabitants

in Araby do, at least to a higher degree than other inhabitants of Växjö coming to visit Araby,

visit other parts of the city. One of the informants told me that the mobility of the youth in

Araby is great as they move to other places in Växjö and that the main issue is to make others

come to Araby in order for there to be interactions and integration taking place (Jönsson, 2016).

Overall I experienced a feeling of being tired about the discourse around Araby which to the

most part only portrays negative sides of the neighbourhood, such as disruptions in the order,

fights, and burning of garbage. Interviewee 7 especially expressed a feeling that the portrayal

of Araby is unfair. She explains that she is often in Teleborg, and that compared to late nights

in Araby where she can walk around and feel safe, she would not feel safe visiting Teleborg

late. She continues to tell that there are a lot of bad things happening in Teleborg, but that the

neighbourhood is not talked about in the same way as Araby but that most of the drug dealing

is happening there, and not in Araby. Campus was also mentioned as a place where a lot of bad

things happen. There is thus a feeling that bad things which are happening in other places are

hidden behind the dominating picture of Araby as the problematic place. The fact that there are

people who do wrong and bad things in Araby, but that such people exist everywhere, not only

in their neighbourhood, was also stressed by two other interviewees (Interviewee 8 and 12).

6.2.2 Media’s Portrayal of the Neighbourhood

The media was often brought up as contributor to other citizen’s negative attitudes about Araby.

Many of the interviewees expressed that it is a pity, or felt frustrated, as they explained media’s

portrayal of the area. Most commonly SmålandsPosten (the biggest newspaper in the region)

was brought up as it is quick to write negative things about Araby. While a negative side to the

37

area exists, many stressed that there are many positive things about the area which no one ever

talks about outside Araby (Interviewees 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, and 9). One interviewee describes how

the media started to portray Araby in a solely negative way about seven to eight years back.

Interviewee 1 expressed that the media in general in Sweden, as well as politicians, find it

important to stress that the immigrants are a problem. Interviewee 9 explains that she finds that

the attitudes towards Araby and other segregated places have worsened. It was also expressed

that “had one removed media, it would be incredibly much easier to work” (Jönsson, 2016).

Lastly, some of the interviewees shared their impression that the rhetoric around Araby,

especially by politicians and the media, recently relate Araby to suburbs in Stockholm and

Malmö: Tensta, Rinkeby, and Rosengård (Interviewees 1, 3, 7, and 9). What impact such a

rhetoric might have on what is happening in Araby will be discussed in the following section.

6.3 Identification with the Neighbourhood

An interesting thought which was brought up by one of the interviewees is how identification

today is not only to one’s neighbourhood, but to “hoods5” as a homogenous group in Sweden

(or perhaps even the world). It was described that there is a sense of belonging to Araby, that

one identifies with the area, and that it is a place where one as an inhabitant feels at home and

a place which one is proud of, proud of living there. Today there is a stronger “hoods” mentality

and feeling. Influences come from suburbs in for instance Stockholm and inhabitants in Araby

adopt expressions, slang, and what is cool from there. One thus creates one’s identity not only

in relation to Araby, but “to be from the hoods” (Interviewees 3 and 9).

Interviewee 9 goes on to explain that what is particular with Araby is that it is not a suburb, it

is close to the city, yet it has succeeded in being so unique, and create an identity similar to

suburbs in the big city areas. When the interviewee grew up in Araby, she explains that one did

not hear about other “hoods” in Sweden. Hip hop music has played an important role in

popularising the “hood” which has created a homogenous attitude around being from the

“hood”. Another interviewee also emphasised the fact that many youths look up to what is

happening in suburbs of Malmö and Stockholm:

”Everyone here thinks that, or the teenagers who live here, think sorta, yeah Rosengård n

Tensta n Rinkeby, is the coolest ever, it is something which they look up to.” (Interviewee

3).

5 The Swedish word used was ”orten” and I have translated it to “hoods” in English.

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Another aspect of identifying with the area seems for some to be accelerated by the negative

attitudes and discourse about the area. Some of the interviewees expressed how negative

attitudes about Araby make them want to defend it. One interviewee said that when met by

questions of how she can live in the area, she always takes “the side” of Araby (Interviewee 5).

Another interviewee explained that she becomes really angry when met by friends or strangers

with a negative preconceived idea of the area (Interviewee 7). Yet another interviewee said that

people outside the area always talk bad about it while people within the area talk good about it,

which has resulted in a need for her, and others to always defend the area (Interviewee 9).

Lastly, a new dynamic in the area was presented. Many interviewees referred to the living

segregation in Växjö where most immigrants live in Araby and few Swedes (Interviewees 4, 7,

9, 11, and 12). However, two interviewees have observed that it is more segregated within

Araby as well. It was expressed that before all the children in the area played together, across

age and background differences (Interviewees 7 and 9). Today, on the other hand, there is a

splitting. Two main groups of inhabitants have been created: Somalis socialise with other

Somalis and Arabs with other Arabs. Sometimes a splitting in the socialising patter also comes

down to nationality: Iraqis socialising with Iraqis and Syrians with other Syrians (Interviewee

6 and 9). One interviewee explains that the problems in Araby are not necessarily more or worse

today, but rather more complicated as a cause of this segregation (Interviewee 6). There are

thus different dynamics between the people in Araby today, and identification happens to a

larger extent along the background or nationality of the inhabitants than before.

6.4 Imperatives for Staying in, and for Moving from, Araby

The theme of living in Araby and of moving from the neighbourhood was approached in

different ways among the respondents. One of the interviewees used a language which de-

dramatized the discourse around Araby, for instance by expressing that “I think it’s normal to

live in Araby it’s just like any other place” (Interviewee 2). Another expressed that “(…) At the

same time, if I should be honest, I couldn’t have lived here, as is, if I should be really honest, I

could not have lived here.” (Interviewee 7). These different relations to living in Araby sets the

ground for a continued discussion on imperatives among the respondents, and people who they

have met at work, for staying in and for moving from Araby. Araby as a zone in transition as

explained by one of the interviewees is also presented.

6.4.1 Staying in Araby

Many of the interviewees said that they feel safe in the neighbourhood. For instance, when

walking alone at night, because they recognize the people who they meet or simply because

39

there are generally people around which makes it feel more safe; you are not alone (Interviewees

1, 3, 4, 5, 7, and 10). One interviewee brought up an interesting perspective saying that many

inhabitants from certain cultures might have become too safe and too comfortable in the area

and with their daily lives. He was clear about the fact that he cannot tell other people how to

live their lives, still, he expressed a concern that some inhabitants feel so safe with their

compatriots in Araby that they do not feel a need to learn Swedish. Once one accepts one’s

situation, it is also easier to start liking it. As a consequence, it becomes hard to move even if

one would have a good economy (Interviewee 11).

The same interviewee also said that it is not only one’s culture and the comfort one experiences

in the daily life in Araby which makes some stay in Araby. It is also a different epoch of time

where the economic condition in the country is such that getting a work is hard. Having a good

income makes it hard to move. However, as mentioned above he wonders if different cultures

might be more prone to stay in Araby with compatriots than others. Not being able to move is

one factor, but as he stresses “Then I don’t know if people want to move from there, if they feel

so well.. that is what I mean by certain cultures.” (Interviewee 11).

Interviewee 11 also finds that many in Araby feel so safe they do not feel the need to visit other

parts of Växjö. Another interviewee also mentions that the inhabitants of Araby generally like

their neighbourhood and think it is really good. However, she emphasises, they have rarely

visited other parts of Växjö so Araby is the only place they know (Interviewee 3). The

interviewees who said that they wanted to stay in the area expressed a belonging to the area and

simply put find it to be a good area (Interviewees 6 and 8). Other factors for staying in the area

which were mentioned was the cheap rent and the closeness to the city (Interviewees 3 and 4).

The life and noises in the neighbourhood were frequently brought up but approached from

different perspectives. Some interviewees described Araby as an amazing place: full of life and

sounds from children and youth playing outside. Interviewees 6 and 8 moved back because of

this. Other interviewees, especially an older lady, stressed that this is what she liked in the area

but said that now that she is getting older, it is getting annoying in the late summer nights

(Interviewee 5). Another interviewee explained that even though she loves Araby, she could

not live in the area because of the noise and the messiness (Interviewee 7). Two of the

interviewees referred to the choice of living in Araby as coming down to individual preferences:

if one like the movement and sounds or prefer it more calm and quiet (Interviewees 6 and 7).

Three of the interviewees had chosen to move back to Araby (Interviewees 2, 6, and 8). One of

them moved back because he could easily get an apartment in the neighbourhood and because

40

he had his friends there. The other two also moved back because of their ties to the

neighbourhood and that they like the area. Interviewee 1 also shared an encounter with a lady,

a frequent visitor to one of the meeting places. He explains that she from one week to another

stopped coming to the meeting place. A year later she showed up again. She had told my

interviewee that her children had moved her to another neighbourhood, but that she finally

managed to move back to Araby where there is life around you and you can feel alive.

6.4.2 Moving from Araby

Some of the respondents who previously had lived in Araby explained their move as a cause of

wanting to live in a house (Interviewee 3, 9, 13). Interviewee 3 shared her interactions with

people visiting the meeting place where she was working and their wishes of moving to a house.

She explains how it has become important for some to move to a house. That many older people

want to move to another place, to a bigger one, a better one, and to have their own lawn.

Interviewee 3 had recently moved to a house and received a lot of questions about the house

buying process. She explained that:

“One doesn’t know how one should do if one for instance is going to buy oneself, buy

oneself a condominium or if one is going to but oneself a house. One has no idea about

how you do it (…) I bought a house a few years ago, and they think that I have bought it

with cash, and I just but it’s not my house. It’s the bank’s house in reality. All Swedes today

borrow money. There is no one who can buy a house with money saved from what one

works with.” (Interviewee 3).

The informant interview which I conducted at the Citizen Office in Araby allowed me to explore

that the concern about overcrowding is obvious. Every week there are many people visiting the

office with questions about how to find a bigger place, not necessarily a house. There does not

seem to be a specific aspiration to either stay in Araby or to move, the visitors mainly raise the

issue of wanting a bigger place. The co-ordinator who I spoke to had only encountered one man

who stressed that he only wanted to move to a bigger apartment if in Araby (Ek 2016). A lack

of living space in one’s home is thus one of the factors motivating people to move, but not

necessarily outside of Araby.

Other reasons for moving were mentioned in the interviews and include wanting to experience

the life in other neighbourhoods, wanting to be closer to work, or simply to be able to get a

work somewhere else (in this one case, outside of Växjö). One interviewee is considering

moving as she in her older days is starting to perceive the noises from youth playing outside in

late summer nights as too loud (Interviewee 5). Another resident in the area voiced that he

41

would move as soon as he could from the area. He expressed his experience (or perception) of

the fact that housing companies do not accept immigrants to other neighbourhoods in Växjö

(Observation).

Only one of the interviewees mentioned rumours as a cause of moving. Interviewee 7 told me

that those who arrived to the Araby in the 1990’s had no plan of staying. Rumours and problems

had started to be more obvious in the mid 2000’s and her family, as well as others who had then

lived in the area a decade or so ago, moved. She told me how much she loved living in Araby,

and that she has many times asked her father why they had to move. She tells me what he

answers:

- ”Yeah but so much rumour Araby had, I hadn’t been able to see you girls, cause then me

and my sister were born, I could never have seen you two grow up here, because I, I felt

that it was too dangerous for you (…). So that is why we moved out.

- So then the rumour mattered?

- Yeah, it did. For my father it did. Definitely.

- Do you think that it can still matter for people?

- Absolutely. It does. For instance my parents still today, I am (…) years old, and I work

here, they call me, now she called for instance, she calls the whole time, precisely to check

how are you are you okay?” (Interviewee 7).

Together with her family, interviewee 7 moved to a street not far from Araby, a street also

which also two other of the interviewees have moved to.

One man voiced that he is staying in Araby but that he would move as soon as he can. He had

experienced (or perceived) a discrimination among housing companies and said that they will

not allow immigrants in other neighbourhoods (Observation). Referring to the decreased

contact and relationships in Araby, one interviewee expressed that:

”I’ve heard that there are many old immigrants who want to move from here (…) it is youth

who do what they want, no control over the youth, that is the problem. Back in the days we

had full control on our youth.” (Interviewee 13).

Lastly, Interviewee 6 and 7 shared their experiences of moving from Araby to a new

neighbourhood stressing that moving does not equal a successful integration. One stressed that

it can be really hard to be accepted, that discrimination exists. The other said that she wants it

calm and clean, and that Araby is not like that. She told me that a family which has not been

integrated into the Swedish society, cannot live anywhere. It can be hard for them to adapt to

new places if they are used to, and want, life and noise. She stressed that she herself would not

42

like neighbours like that and that the most crucial part is that one wants it clean and calm. For

the same reason she says that she does not think that any Swede would like to live in Araby,

because she as an immigrant does not even want it. The main reason is that there are many

immigrants and that she likes to have it calm.

6.4.3 Araby as a Zone in Transition

One of the interviewees provided a new perspective on Araby as a zone in transition. She

expressed the thought that while there are in fact many new immigrants, mostly war refugees,

coming to Araby, instead of spreading new arrivals across the city of Växjö, which would be

the best, it can also be a good thing that Araby acts as a place of transit. What she meant by this

is that refugees coming today are very traumatised and can in Araby find a place where

integration to the surrounding society is allowed to take the time it is needed. Araby provides a

quite undemanding space for refugees to learn about the new society and culture, as well as to

learn the language as there are many inhabitants who come from the same country and speak

the same language. Furthermore, there are also people in the area who have the same

experiences of war and fleeing one’s country and thereby a deeper understanding than others

without those kind of experiences can have (Interviewee 9).

The same interviewee explained that coming from a context where one has lost most of one’s

daily life, one also loses oneself. In Araby it is easier to create relationships with others by

speaking one’s native language. Such relationships help individuals to build up one’s identity,

to regain self-confidence. Therefore, it can be important to let integration take its time and

Araby can provide a safe space for refugees to figure out who one is. In other words, act as a

point of transit, before establishing oneself in the surrounding society (Interviewee 9). It can be

a positive environment for newcomers as they can learn about Swedish society from fellow

countrymen, valuable knowledge which Swedes cannot contribute with (Jönsson, 2016).

Another respondent (interviewee 7) explained that many of the youth who she meets at her

work see their stay in Araby as temporary. She mentions that many talk, act, and live, as if they

will move soon, in a year or two. The people she has encountered are not considering Araby as

a place of transit into the surrounding society, but as a place of transit before returning to their

home countries. Interviewee 7 explains that they have a mentality that they are only staying

here because it is safer than at home, that the do not understand the Swedish culture, and do not

want to understand it because they find many things to be wrong here. She refers to the role of

women in Sweden which allows one to work, go out in to the city centre in the late night,

wearing whatever one wants, as one of the main issues for some of the people she meets.

43

6.5 Is there a relation between having a job and moving in-or out of Araby?

The following table shows the relative difference between people with work moving in and out

of Araby, and Växjö respectively. The table shows the quota received when dividing the

proportion of working people moving into an area by the proportion of working people moving

out of that area. The quota 100 means that the percentage of in-movers with work is the same

as the percentage of out-movers with work. The numbers show in-and-out migrants, not in-and-

out migration, meaning that the same person might have moved in and out many times during

one year, but she or he is only counted once. Furthermore, a migrant is considered to be

employed if she or he has a work at the turn of the year after the move. Lastly, the statistics are

based on people registered with the authorities in Sweden.

Table 1: Relative difference between employed people moving in and out of Växjö city, and

moving in and out of Araby neighbourhood, respectively, from 1998 to 2014

Växjö 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Women

and Men 85,4 77,6 81,8 87,8 105,8 98,2 99,8 97,2 89,1 89,0 97,9 81,5 81,4 89,4 102,3 86,6 84,9

Araby 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Women

and Men 87,5 73,6 77,3 76,8 74,0 76,2 74,1 67,1 67,9 59,4 63,9 45,2 63,3 74,5 84,2 100,0 85,6

Statistics retrieved from Integrationsdatabasen, Svenska Statistiska Centralbyrån.

Diagram 1: Relative difference between employed people moving in and out of Växjö city,

and moving in and out of Araby neighbourhood, respectively, from 1998 to 2014

Own compilation based on the above quotas.

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

1998 2002 2006 2010 2014

QUOTA OF IN AND OUT MOVING WORKING PEOPLE

Växjö Araby

44

By a quick overview of the quotas for Araby and Växjö as a whole, one can see that the quota

started to differentiate in 1999, and from there a gap between the quotas started to grow. The

gap comes from the quota for Araby decreasing, and the quota for Växjö increasing, which is

the trend until 2013. Here, I will only discuss the gap between the years of 1999 and 2012 as

the decisions to move can vary greatly from year to year depending on the job market, housing

market, and especially the economy in the country: if there is growth or a recession. Therefore,

I will only discuss the time period where there is a longer patter.

To answer the research question, Araby has (except year 2013) a quota lower than 100, which

gives support to what Sarnecki (2016) maintains; that socio-economic weak areas in Sweden

are zones in transition. Such an assumption is not surprising as Araby mainly houses apartments

and among the cheapest ones in Växjö. Between 1999 and 2012 Araby has a lower quota than

Växjö city, a lower quota suggests a more instable opportunity for sustenance, also a feature of

a zone in transition. However, there are some complications with the statistics.

Firstly, the statistics only build on people who are registered in Sweden, which means that those

applying and waiting for a residence permit, and also those who have lived in Sweden less than

a year, are not included in the statistics. In the case of Araby this could mean that the number

of in-movers without a job is higher than counted for in the table (assuming that many of those

moving in to Araby are newly arrived immigrants without work). A higher number of people

moving in without a work will decrease the proportion of working people moving in, and

consequently result in a lower quota, given that the proportion of employed out-movers stays

constant. Thus, the quota for Araby might actually be lower than in the table, strengthening the

theory of Araby as a zone in transition.

Secondly, the comparison to Växjö city as a whole can be misleading when one wants to say

something about the quota for Araby. From the statistics one can draw the conclusion that it is

generally so, compared to Växjö in total, that the proportion of employed out-movers from

Araby is higher than those moving in. However, the imperatives for moving in and out of a

neighbourhood will most likely differ from the imperatives for moving in and out of a city.

What would have been more interesting for this study would have been to compare Araby to

other neighbourhoods in Växjö. However, such statistics are not available. When looking at the

statistics it is important to remember that Araby mostly consists of rented apartments.

Comparing to Växjö which also has houses will most likely affect who chooses to move in. I

will now leave the statistics and focus on the interviewees’ perceptions in the following chapter.

45

7. Analysis In this chapter the four first research questions will be answered. The research questions will

be answered through taking off in the discussions presented at the end of the analytical

framework (section 4.3). The discussions will also be situated in relation to previous research

in order to show what research is strengthened or weakened by the present study and to show

contributions of the present study. The analysis falls into how the aim can be highlighted, and

this is discussed in chapter eight.

7.1 How are changes in Araby understood?

How the interviewees chose to answer about changes in the neighbourhood varied greatly.

Some talked about the physical location and changes in the physical environment, others about

the change of the inhabitants, and yet others about changes in relation to the surrounding

society. Taking off in two of the main critiques against the application of Burgess’s Concentric

Zone model today: (1) the particular American urban geography it takes as a starting point

where the suburbs are rich and the city centre poor, making the model hard to travel to other

countries; and (2) the effects of globalisation and huge advancements in technology have altered

the way cities are organised, meaning that the model has lost explanation value today; the first

one will open the discussions.

Among my interviewees the particular location of Araby was mentioned, a location which

distinguishes it from many other socio-economic weak areas in Sweden which usually are

located at the margins of the city: in the suburbs. The fact that Araby is located so close to the

city centre, and the rich residential areas are found beyond Araby, makes the set-up of Växjö in

fact more resemble that of Burgess’s Chicago in the 1920’s. While not consisting of clear circles

in an order, one could consider a single neighbourhood as a circle. One interviewee brought up

the fact that when Araby was built, it was considered to be outside of the city. The inner city

has however expanded and is today including Araby: a process of expansion which Burgess

understood as inevitable in the urban areas. The physical area of Araby has, like the model of

Burgess suggested, expanded. Today the neighbourhoods earlier more distinctively known as

Dalbo and Nydala are commonly referred to when Araby is discussed. The first critic against

Burgess model suggesting that its application is not universal is most likely true for urban cities

in Sweden in general, but the critic seems to lose some validity in the case of Växjö.

46

Concerning the second critic about the changes which have taken place in the world today,

many of my interviewees stressed changes in relation to the increased interconnectedness

experienced today because of the advancements in information technology. The advancement

of information technology has increased the connectedness and affiliations between what in

Burgess’s model is zone 2: the zones in transition. Such a connection leads to influences and

inspirations being transferred between these distant zones in transition, located in other parts of

Sweden, and perhaps also outside of Sweden. Advancements in technology and other societal

changes do not necessarily discredit Burgess’s concept of zones in transition (while the whole

model of concentric circles can be discredited), rather, it adds new dimensions to it. As the

results concerning the identification with Araby (section 6.3) shows, the connectedness with

other suburbs in Sweden creates a new identity, and when coming from the “hoods” becomes

cool, it can affect one’s choices to stay in or to move from the area. This means that the mobility

of the residents might become less tied to economic factors and having a job, which is the

theorem at the core of the zone in transition concept. These findings strengthen the limited

research there is on social bonds in segregated areas, and also the fact that “global networks”

create new identity markers (Castells, 2010).

An aspect not covered by Burgess (1925), but raised by the interviewees was the fact that there

are different types of immigrants. When Araby was built labour immigrants moved in, later

political refugees, and today mainly war refugees. Such a change of immigrants occurs in

conjunction with changes, or continued conflicts, in the world. Moreover, Burgess’s theory

assumes that there are work opportunities. In the 1970’s and 1980’s there were many industries

in Växjö and getting work was easy. With globalisation, industries have become out-sourced

and we are experiencing a situation in Sweden where jobs to a greater extent require high-skills

and knowledge, which some of today’s immigrants do not have. Again, we can see that changes

in society, as a consequence of globalisation, adds new conditions to the concept of zones in

transition which can make it less applicable in today’s society.

In fact, the problem of overcrowding in the area and the fact that people move in, but not out,

of the area was addressed. Burgess would most likely say that such a situation is because of the

lack of jobs available, however, as mentioned above, other factors such as identification and

imperatives to stay need to be taken into consideration and these will be further discussed in

section 7.4.

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Building on the analysis of the zone in transition concept using statistics, the discussions about

the application of Burgess’s Concentric Zone model and the concept of zones in transition

today, and in the Swedish society, allows us to interpret some of the changes addressed by the

interviewees through discussions on the application validity of a theory which explains the

reproduction of socio-economic weak areas.

7.2 How is the discourse about Araby understood to have developed?

“There is something I have pondered upon a lot. Where have all the messy Swedes disappeared

to?” (Interviewee 5). While many changes in Araby were mentioned by the interviewees, less

change seems to have happened concerning the discourse about the area. This thought by

interviewee 5 clearly portrays how the discourse has changed with a change of inhabitants. The

thought suggests that there has always been a discourse of Araby as “messy”, while the

discourse of who is causing this “messiness” has changed along with changes of inhabitants:

from Swedes to immigrants. Have the “messy Swedes” really disappeared, or is it simply the

discourse which has reframed who is messy and causing trouble in the neighbourhood?

In order to understand this, I will depart in Vallström’s (2015) approach to deconstruct the

stigmatisation process: by looking at the historical contingency of it. In the case of Araby, the

fact that the discourse evolves around immigrants: of immigrants as a part of the problem, needs

to be understood as a historical contingency. It is only a historical contingency that it is

immigrants today and that the discourse evolves around ethnic, cultural, or religious lines.

Before the discourse about Araby described it as the place of “the social welfare apartments”,

evolving around socio-economic lines. The historical aspect of the discourse is important to

understand in order to highlight the contingency of it today. Along which lines might the future

discourse evolve around? To use the term of Wacquant, who will the new urban outcast be?

Such questions help us to de-dramatize and de-culturalise the problems which is needed in order

to de-stigmatise the discourse connecting place to people, especially problems of a place to the

people of that place.

Furthermore, what Wacquant (2008) meant by a stigma of a place contaminating the

inhabitants, can be understood by the change of the discourse about Araby. Such a process of

contamination entails that the discourse and stigma of a place is reproduced even though the (in

the case of Araby) “the messy Swedes” move, as the new inhabitants will be contaminated by

the same stigma. Another aspect to be taken in to consideration is that perhaps the “messy

Swedes” have in fact not moved, but are instead hidden by a narrative which has become highly

overculturalised. Previous literature emphasises that processes of overculturalisation are

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becoming more common and add explanation value of problems by referencing to a specific

culture, religion, or ethnicity (Fornäs, 2007). In the case of Araby this can be the case if the

discourse to a larger extent, as explained by interviewee 1, described Araby in terms of “social

welfare apartments” rather than “messy Swedes” a few decades ago, and today emphasises

“messy immigrants” more than socio-economic factors. The quote from a poem about Araby at

the outlook of this paper states: “it is only the Gods who are new”; indicating that the inhabitants

have changed, and thereby also the culture, religion, and beliefs, but that the neighbourhood

does something to the residents, and the new inhabitants, the new protagonists of the stories of

the neighbourhood, take over the problems from the previous ones (own interpretation).

Furthermore, we need to be aware of the fact that stigmatisation of place does not only have

effects on the inhabitants of the area, as mostly discussed in this paper. It can also have effects

on other people, categorised by the society as belonging to the same group as those identified

with a “problem area”, today many immigrants. This can further stigmatise the group. Also,

when we start to see a neighbourhood, a distinct geographical place, in itself as the problem,

the social order in which it exists can easily be forgotten. Perhaps there is a need to reorient the

problem from the neighbourhood to the surrounding society.

The most critical aspect mentioned by the interviewees when it came to the discourse about

Araby is the lack of interactions which is leading to presumptions and prejudices. Such

prejudices further enforce the segregation as people in general do not want to visit the area.

Goffman (1963) maintains that in the creation and reproduction of a stigma, in a mechanical

way the usualness of the other is confirmed. Some of the interviewees were anxious to stress

on the fact that bad things happen in all places, and especially in some other particular

neighbourhoods of Växjö. The discourse of Araby as the place of criminality and “messiness”

however overshadows focus on other areas and at the same time, if considering Goffman’s

claim, reproduces other neighbourhoods in Växjö as normal.

7.3 What are the identifications with Araby?

The topic of identification with Araby revolved around three themes: Being from the “hoods”,

defending one’s area, and segregation within the area. Wacquant (2008) claims that a

stigmatisation of place will “contaminate” the inhabitants and affect how they relate and

identify with their area, along with other consequences such as a social fission in the city and

an internal social differentiation in the neighbourhood. This section will answer the question

about identifications with the area by taking off in these consequences mentioned by Wacquant:

how are they (if at all) expressed by my interviewees?

49

According to Wacquant (2008) a consequence of inhabitants being contaminated by the stigma

is that they tend to disclaim their identification with the area. Among my interviewees, the

opposite was expressed. Some of the interviewees explained how people feel proud of Araby

and how negative attitudes articulated about Araby spurs them to defend the area. A reason for

such a defensive response may be because of the gap the interviewees perceive between how

the area is portrayed and how they experience it. Perhaps a stigma which causes inhabitants to

disclaim their belonging to the area requires some degree of recognition with the rumours about

the place.

Moreover, not only an identification with Araby as a neighbourhood was expressed, but also an

identification to “hoods” as a homogenous group. Once again the advancements in information

technology and the interconnectedness with remote places which it results in, was stressed as

important in order to understand the dynamics at place in the neighbourhood. In the case of

Araby, influences come from suburbs of the big cities in Sweden and identification with

inhabitants of these areas has become more pronounced. Such an identification can also be

understood as further being spurred by how the media, politicians, and researchers relate Araby

to other suburbs in Sweden. Most importantly, perhaps, music, especially hip hop music, has

contributed to making the “hood” and coming from the “hood” cool. It thus seems like the

consequence of taking distance from the stigmatised place is not anything explicitly evident in

Araby. Rather it allows us to explore that the opposite is more common and the interpretation

of that must be understood together with advancements in technology, discourses, and music.

Such a finding supports both Castells (2010) who emphasises on the important of global

networks, and Sernhede (2009) who has found hip hop music as an important contributor to a

feeling of a community.

Another of the consequences brought up by Wacquant (2008) is that stigmatisation of place

leads to social fission in the city as outsiders avoid coming to the area. Many of the interviewees

expressed thoughts in line with this. Avoidance further reinforces (miss)perceptions of the area

and segregation. This segregation of socio-economic weak areas from the surrounding society

is in line with previous literature on living segregation. A new aspect of segregation, which has

not been found in the previous literature, was presented to me, namely that of segregation within

the area itself: between the inhabitants of the neighbourhood.

Such a segregation between the inhabitants, along the lines of country or region of origin,

further adds to the dynamic of identification with the area and of what is happening there today.

While not addressed in literature on living segregation, it is according to Wacquant (2008) one

50

of the consequences of stigmatisation of place: internal social differentiation, which through a

decrease in interpersonal trust can undercut communal bonds. The weakening of bonds was

mentioned by some of the interviewees, especially one who passionately talked about the time

when there were many associations in the area which most of the inhabitants were a part of. In

other words, there are signs of such a loss in communal bonds and internal differentiation which

Wacquant talks about; expressed through the division of some in the neighbourhood along clear

lines. It is however hard to deduce the division and loss in communal bonds to an effect of

stigmatisation; perhaps the political allocation of resources and the increased number of

immigrants coming from the same countries are more important factors. Nevertheless, by taking

off in Wacquant (2008) we can interpret it as a plausible consequence of the stigmatisation of

Araby.

7.4 What different imperatives to move from Araby are expressed?

The imperatives to move form Araby mentioned include wanting to live in a house, experience

other neighbourhoods, and to be closer to work. Some still living in Araby wanted to leave

because of the noises and the youth in the area who there is no control over, as expressed by an

interviewee.

The concept of zone in transition assumes that socio-economic weak people will move into the

zone in transition while more socio-economic strong people will move out. Considering the fact

that Araby houses the cheapest apartments in Växjö, such a relationship can be assumed legit

in the case of Araby (as discussed in section 6.5). The concept of stigmatisation of place

assumes that the stigma attached to the place will transmit to the inhabitants and the only way

to avoid it is by distancing oneself from the area, for instance by moving (Vallström, 2015).

However, at this point we are coming from the previous section, where it was established that

the collected material shows that stigmatisation of Araby to a greater extent leads to a stronger

connection to the area than to a distancing from it. Thus, at the outlook of this section it can

already be problematized that stigmatisation will lead to a move from Araby. Nonetheless, some

of the interviewees expressed thoughts which referred to a stigma in relation to moving, and

these will firstly be addressed.

The fact that upon moving from Araby, one still has to be accepted into the new area as there

can be cases of discrimination was addressed among the interviewees. Such an expression can

be interpreted with the help of Wacquant’s (2008) term urban outcasts: those who live in

stigmatised suburbs. The urban outcasts, according to Wacquant, often already have a stigma

attached to them and the territorial stigmatisation can add to it. Understood in these terms, the

51

expression can emphasise that a move from Araby might equate an escape of a stigma, while

another might still be attached to one self because of the group into which the surrounding

society places one, such as the group “immigrants” which has been subject to stigmatisation.

With the increase of rumours in the mid-2000’s about Araby as dangerous, one of the

interviewee’s family moved from Araby. Having children seems to be a factor for moving from

an area perceived to be increasingly dangerous. It is however hard to know if moving in this

case was a cause of the rumours attached to the neighbourhood or the actual feeling of the

rumours having bearing in reality and that Araby was perceived to become more dangerous.

An important factor motivating people to move seems to be a wish to live in a house. A bearing

point in such a move is that Araby mainly consists of rented apartments and thereby one cannot

stay in the area if one would like to move in to a condominium or house. Furthermore, the

Concentric Zone model assumes that people will move when they have become established in

the country. From the interviewees it seems that a lack of networks and knowledge about the

housing system seems to play an important role, steering one’s possibilities to move. What

“being established” in a country means most likely differs depending on who you ask,

nonetheless, networks can be assumed to be an important part of establishing oneself in a

country and thereby impacting one’s mobility. The importance laid on networks supports

previous research, as Aldén & Hammarstedt (2016) emphasize.

Moving on, while neighbourhoods which can be considered to be zones in transition, that is,

many of the socio-economic weak areas in Sweden, often are discussed as “problem areas” in

Sweden, one interviewee presented a different approach and attitude towards such areas. She

thought it can be a positive thing for immigrants to have Araby as an entrance into the Swedish

society. This aspect is rarely mentioned nor discussed in the public discourse or in research: it

has become somewhat of a norm to stress integration from the start.

Another interviewee however expressed that some of the inhabitants might be feeling too safe

and comfortable in Araby and therefore do not want to move, even if they have the means for

it. This might suggest that one has not yet established oneself in the Swedish society and

therefore identifies and finds comfort to a greater extent in the near surroundings: the

neighbourhood and the people with similar backgrounds. If there is not a continuous flow of in-

and-out movement over time, it means that the segregation in society will not mainly be

between the segregated neighbourhood and the surrounding society, but actually between the

people in the area and the surrounding society. This can have further implications for the

reproduction of rumours and socio-economic conditions in the area.

52

Lastly, before concluding this section, a note will be mentioned on the possibility of there being

a “third zone” in Växjö. Three of the interviewees mentioned a move to the same street in

Växjö, not far from Araby (the name is not mentioned here because of the risk of

stigmatisation). It can be interesting to study if there is a pattern of where people moving out of

Araby move to. If understanding Burgess’s (1925) concentric zones more as areas or

neighbourhoods in a city, perhaps there is pattern of movement from zone 2 to a third zone. In

the case of Växjö, the move made was towards the inner city, opposite the direction assumed

by Burgess.

So, concluding, the imperatives to move which were addressed by the interviewees cannot fully

be explained by referring to the stigma placed on Araby. The type of housing plays a role as

well as a strive to experience new neighbourhoods, and yet others to be closer to work. Such

moves suggest that one has the means for it, as Araby is the cheapest place to live in. However,

identification with, and how comfortable one has become in, the neighbourhood also seem to

be important factors steering one’s choice of moving or staying. Such factors cut across

economic factors and as there seems to be a strong connection among many to the area, having

a work does not automatically equate a move from the area. Regardless of the motivations for

migration, like Jörgensen (2010) stresses, mobility in socio-economic weak areas is in fact a

bearing point in need of more studies.

8. Concluding Discussion In conclusion, like previous literature on socio-economic weak areas suggests, there seems to

be a reproduction of both rumours and socio-economic conditions in Araby. What we can say

about the reproduction of socio-economic conditions using the concept of a zone in transition

is that there has been a pattern where out-movers to a higher degree than in-movers are

employed. What we can say about the reproduction of rumours using the concept of

stigmatisation of place is that the discourse about Araby has been reproduced throughout the

years, with the sole change of the protagonist. The stigmatisation of Araby and the reproduction

in the above mentioned aspects, suggest that the neighbourhood is a self-fulfilling prophecy.

What this study has allowed us to explore is that to better understand the reproduction of

rumours and socio-economic conditions, which arguably seem to be taking place in Araby,

moving patterns, which contribute to the reproduction, are more complex than how they can be

explained by stigma or by having a work. Foremost, identification with the place seems to

matter greatly, and through the exploration of how changes are understood, we have seen that

53

such an identification has a new dimension to it today, as an effect of advancements in

technology. Such a new dimension makes what is happening in Araby important to understand

in conjunction with what is happening in other stigmatised areas.

One can understand the reproduction as a natural consequence of problems having become

territorialised in Araby and are today intertwined with the inhabitants along ethnic lines, rather

than socio-economic lines. What is happening in Araby today thus seems to stem further back

in time and is mixed with societal changes, especially in conjunction with processes of

globalisation. Also, cultural aspects, such as hip hop music are important identity markers.

These findings support previous research and foremost contribute with the conclusion that

societal changes are important to take in to account, and that there exists a sense of belonging

and identification. Two new aspects were brought up, which were not found in the literature

review. The first, is that there is an ongoing change of socialisation in Araby where the residents

are becoming more distinctively separated along lines of nationality: a case of segregation

within Araby. The second, is that Araby as a zone in transition can be understood in a positive

light: a much needed place for refugees as a neighbourhood of comfort, reconnaissance, and

understanding. These two new aspects are both reflections of changes taking place in the society

and allows us to explore what some of the impacts of societal changes are in Araby.

Through bringing forward the voices of people from Araby, the two concepts have allowed us

to explore the historical contingency of the discourse today. Having an understanding of this

contingence is critical to have today in Sweden, in a context where the increasing arrival of

immigrants and subsequent ethnic housing segregation easily leads to an overculturalisation of

problems in these neighbourhoods, further stigmatising a group of people along ethnic lines.

On a theoretical level, this study has contributed by making use of the dynamics between two

concepts, of which ideas are commonly applied to the study on segregated and socio-economic

weak areas, but not necessarily by using the concepts. This study has shown how the concepts

can be used to understand what is happening in Araby, and what they cannot explain. I suggest

that the two concepts are of interest to the field of Peace and Development Studies as core

questions relate to the study of conflict and poverty and to understand such relations,

stigmatisation processes and the tensions it can lead to between groups need to be considered.

Furthermore, the field has a growing interest in issues related to the social accommodation of

refugees and immigrants in countries which are not within the core regions of the discipline,

making the topic highly relevant for the field.

54

8.1 Recommendations for Further Research and Action

I do not aim to generalise from my findings. Nevertheless, a note will be said about what the

results can say about other neighbourhoods. The interviewees laid much weight on changes in

society, and especially on the advancement of technology and the effects it has on a local level.

As such changes are not unique to Araby, it can be assumed that the changes play an equal

important role to understand changes in other segregated and socio-economic weak areas (as

well as any other neighbourhood). Cross-city studies can be interesting in this regard.

Regarding the study of Araby, I mentioned in my methods chapter that my evaluation is that I

had not received data saturation. There are thus most likely still interesting aspects to be

explored to gain an even better understanding of the reproduction of rumours and socio-

economic conditions. Nevertheless, this study has laid the ground for future research and

especially the new insights received on segregation within Araby and Araby as a zone in

transition viewed in a positive light are worth to study further as they are of relevance for

understanding the continuous development of Araby and the discourse about it.

While a paragraph here could be devoted to explaining further relevant topics of study to

complement the present one: such as the existence of a third zone in Växjö; changes in the type

of problems; further explore migration patterns. I will however devote the rest of this section to

address action to be taken and the role research can play in the stigmatisation process.

It is recommended that further work is made on neutralising the discourse about the area, for

instance by continuing efforts to create meeting grounds and interactions between residents of

Araby and of other neighbourhoods in Växjö, as was stressed by many interviewees. Also, the

media has an important role in communicating, perhaps not what people should think, but what

they should think something about. Therefore, journalists have a heavy role to ensure that they

do not uncritically reproduce a one-sided negative discourse of Araby.

Most importantly perhaps, as mentioned in the methods chapter, choice of words become

important to neutralise the discourse. Moreover, not only the description of the area matter.

Even the choice of study indicates that there is something especially worrying or especially

interesting to study, reproducing an image of the neighbourhood as different. In this matter

researchers play an important role. It is recommended that more studies will be conducted on

segregated areas with a majority of residents who are born in Sweden and who have a high-

income. These are also segregated areas and are through the current discourse normalised. They

deserve attention in a society becoming more multi-ethnic.

55

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59

Appendix A: List of Interviewees The names are not published in order to respect the anonymity of the interviewees.

Respondent Interviews

The list indicates those who are still residents of Araby.

Interview no. 1: Man, working in Araby (2016-04-21)

Interview no. 2: Man, resident of Araby (2016-04-22)

Interview no. 3: Woman, working in Araby (2016-04-22)

Interview no. 4: Man, resident of Araby (2016-04-22)

Interview no. 5: Woman, resident of Araby (2016-04-27)

Interview no. 6: Man, resident of Araby (2016-04-29)

Interview no. 7: Woman, working in Araby (2016-04-29)

Interview no. 8: Man, resident of Araby (2016-05-02)

Interview no. 9: Woman, working in Araby (2016-05-03)

Interview no. 10: Woman, working in Araby (2016-05-03)

Interview no. 11: Man, working in Araby (2016-05-05)

Interview no. 12: Woman, working in Araby (2016-05-12)

Interview no. 13: Man, working in Araby (2016-05-12)

Informant Interviews

Interview with a woman working in Fältgruppen, Bergendhalska Gården, Växjö (2016-05-04)

Interview with the co-ordinator at the Civic Centre Medborgarkontoret, Araby (2016-05-12)

Interview with the statistical analytic at Arbetsförmedlingen, Växjö (2016-05-12)

Interview with the head of the Administration for Work and Welfare, Växjö (2016-05-16)

Interview with the co-ordinator for the URBAN15 work in Araby, Växjö (2016-05-18)

Observation

The Police’s citizen meeting at Panncentralen, Araby, Växjö (2016-05-13)

60

Appendix B: Templet for Introducing Myself and the Study (Swedish) Sometimes presented in person, other times written in an e-mail or explained over the phone.

Hej,

Jag heter Thea Pettersson och är student vid Linnéuniversitetet (i Växjö).

Jag skriver just nu min magisteruppsats i Freds-och Utvecklingsstudier. Efter att ha gjort en

fältstudie vid en mötesplats i området Araby, blev jag intresserad av att förstå området djupare

och framförallt i ett historiskt perspektiv. Jag har alltså valt att fortsätta studera om Araby och

vill gärna genomföra intervjuer med personer i området, eller som har kunskap om området,

för att bredda min förståelse.

Jag undrar därför om jag skulle få möjlighet att genomföra en intervju i form av ett samtal

med dig? Det skulle vara värdefullt för min studie att får ett perspektiv från (…) och jag är

tacksam för din tid. Ditt deltagande är väldigt uppskattat!

För respondenter: Frivilligt och anonymt. Jag skulle gärna vilja spela in samtalet om du

känner dig bekväm med det. Inspelningen kommer endast att avlyssnas av mig själv för syftet

av denna studie. Annars, är det okej att jag för anteckningar?

För informanter: Kan ni hänvisa mig vidare till någon som har kunskap om dessa frågor?

Ni får väldigt gärna ta del av uppsatsen när den är färdig. Meddela i sådana fall mig vid slutet

av intervjun.

Tack så mycket på förhand!

Vänliga Hälsningar,

Thea Pettersson

61

Appendix C: Interview Guide for Respondent Interviews

Interview Guide for a Semi-Structured Interview

All themes are discussed in each interview, while the narrative of the interviewee steers the

conversation. Open-ended questions are used and specific follow-up questions depending on

the responses of the interviewees.

Interviews are held in either English or Swedish, depending on the language skills and

preference of the interviewees. The same guide is used for interviews in either language.

Theme 1: Introductory Questions

Name, age, city/country of origin, occupation, free time activities

Theme 2: Relation to Araby over time

Please, freely describe Araby.

How long have you lived in Araby? In Växjö?

If your parents also lived in Araby, when did they move here?

Has Araby changed during the time you have lived/worked here? Examples?

Theme 3: Media Portrayal of Araby and Rumours

How do perceive Araby to be portrayed by media?

How do you think others in Araby and in Växjö perceive Araby?

In what ways are these understandings of Araby in coherence and/or in contrast to your own

understanding?

If there is a contrast, why do you think it is like this?

If there is a contrast, how do you think it might affect the neighbourhood? The residents?

How is Araby talked about among your friends, family, co-workers, etc?

Have you had any practical experiences of encountering prejudices (positive or negative)

about Araby?

Araby is often compared to Rosengård, Tensta, and Rinkeby, especially by media. Have

you heard this comparison? What do you think about it?

Do you perceive there to be a sense of belonging between some in Araby and residents of

these other areas?

The media mentions problems in the area, for instance crackers, burning of garbage, fights.

Are these problems you face in Araby too?

Do you experience, or perceive there to be, problems in the area? If yes, what kind of

problems?

Do you wish that the image of Araby would change? How? To what? Why?

62

Theme 4: Identification with Araby and Växjö, and Networks

The friends who you usually socialise with, do they live in Araby or somewhere else?

If not in Araby, how did you meet? Do you visit them? Do they visit you?

How do you meet new friends? How have you met your current friends?

If you had a problem with finding a room or a job, do you know where or to who you would

turn to?

In your experience, are contacts in the area important to have? Do you have an example of

a time when it was needed?

Do you think it is important to also have contacts in other areas in Växjö?

Is there someone or some people you look up to as role models? People from the

neighbourhoods, friends, or someone you have read or heard about? Why do you look up

to them? How do they inspire you?

Do you perceive the youth in the area to have role models? Who are they? Why do you

think that they look up to them?

Theme 5: Relation to Växjö: Mobility

Do you sometimes go to the city centre or other neighbourhoods in Växjö? For which

reasons? How often?

What do you think of the location of Araby in Växjö city? Of the facilities available?

Why did you choose to move/Are you planning to move from Araby or Växjö?

I have understood that Araby only consists of apartments, mainly flats for lease, have you

planned or dreamt of moving into a house? If yes, do you think that you will do so

eventually?

Do you have friends or relatives from Växjö who have moved into a house? Or to other

neighbourhoods in Växjö?

What do you think are the most common reasons to move from Araby?

And why would some perhaps prefer to stay?

Where in the city do you feel at home? Where do you feel safe and where do you like to

be?

63

Appendix D: Interview Guide for Informant Interviews (Swedish) All interviews are conducted in Swedish

Fältgruppen at Bergendhalska Gården

Hur jobbar ni i Araby?

Har ni sett någon förändring sedan ni började jobba där?

Vad är bra i området och vad kan utvecklas?

Har ni en bra kontakt med ungdomarna som ni möter?

Hur upplever ni att det talas om området innanför och utanför det?

Medborgarkontoret

Vilka är de vanligaste frågorna som besökare ställer?

Har de förändrats något över åren?

Får ni frågor om att flytta? Inom, eller utanför Araby? Till lägenhet eller hus?

Hur hittar de flesta av era besökare till kontoret?

Hur upplever ni att det är att jobba i området?

Växjö Bostäder

Stämmer det att era billigaste lägenheter i Växjö är placerade i Araby?

Är det stor prisskillnad jämfört med andra mindre dyra ställen i Växjö?

Bortsett från priset, är det av någon anledning lättare att få lägenhet i Araby?

Hur har ert arbete sett ut i området sen det byggdes? Vad ligger till grund för de olika

satsningar som görs i områdena? T.ex. mötesplatser i Araby, och grannsamverkan på

Norr och i Teleborg.

Upplever ni några stora förändringar i området i övrigt?

Hur skulle ni beskriva diskursen (om diskursförändringar) om områdena där ni har

lägenheter?

Hur skiljer sig marknadsföringen om de olika områdena?

Hur kan ni agera för att motverka stigmatisering av områden?

Har ni statistik över omsättningen i Araby över åren (jämfört med andra

områden/Växjö)? Skulle jag kunna få tillgång till sådan statistik?

Arbetsförmedlingen

Hur ser arbetsmarknadssituationen ut i Växjö, Kronoberg, och Sverige idag?

Vad är de största förändringarna de senaste decennierna?

På vilka sätt skiljer sig de är inskrivna hos er idag från tidigare?

Går det att få tillgång till statistik om arbetslöshet på stadsdelsnivå?

Hur jobbar ni med att integrera invandrare på arbetsmarknaden?

64

Förvaltningschef för Arbete och Välfärd på Växjö kommun

Vilket område syftar ni på när ni använder benämningen ”Araby”?

Efter vilken förståelse om området jobbar ni?

Hur ser ni att området har förändrats?

Och hur har ert arbete följaktligen förändrats?

Hur kommer det sig att så många av de nyanlända bosätter sig i just Araby?

Vad tycker ni om det?

Hur ser ni på faktumet att det är tätbefolkat i området?

Är det en rättvisande bild av området som ges av exempelvis media?

Samordnare för regeringens Urbana Utvecklingsarbete i Växjö

Hur arbetar Växjö kommun efter regeringens URBAN15 arbete?

Vad har gjorts sen det drogs igång 2012? Något speciellt fokus?

Ser ni några resultat av arbetet än så länge?

Vad är det för önskemål som förs fram från Araby?

Hur kommer ni att fortsätta jobba framöver?

Finns det rapporter om arbetet som jag kan få tillgång till?

65

Appendix E: Translation of Quotes

1. Interviewee 1, page 29

“[När Araby byggdes på 1970-talet…] många barnfamiljer flyttade in, och det var ju 95 % svenskar

asså.” (Interviewee 1).

“[When Araby was built in the 1970’s…] many families with children moved in, and at that time there

were 95 % Swedes.” (Interviewee 1).

2. Interviewee 11, page 30

“Tryck ihop eh.. 20 00 svenskar eller vad det nu är, jag vet inte hur många som bor där I Araby,

jag tror det är 7 till 8000, på ett område sådär, så kanske det blir samma sak där. Det är trångt

och vissa har inget jobb, och ingen bra ekonomi och ungarna har liksom, kan inte vara hemma

för hemma finns det tre andra unga syskon som trängs, och dom vill inte vara hemma för dom

känner sig liksom, kan inte göra vad dom vill hemma. Så går de ut och så fort man hänger ute

med andra så hittar man på grejer, hittar man på en grej, en annan grej, först är det roligt, sen

blir det mer och mer, sen ballar det ur och man gör grejer man inte borde göra.” (Interviewee

11).

“Cave in.. eh.. 20 00 Swedes or what it is, I don’t know how many people live there in Araby, I

think it is 7 to 8 000, in one neighbourhood like that, then maybe it will be the same thing there.

It is crowded and some don’t have a job, and not a good economy and the kids have like.. can’t

be at home cause at home there are three other young siblings who hustle, and they don’t want

to be at home cause they feel feel sorta.. can’t do what they want. So they go out and as soon as

you hang outside with others you get up to stuff, get up to one thing, another thing, first it’s fun,

then it becomes more and more, then it gets off hand and you do stuff you shouldn’t do.”

(Interviewee 11).

3. Interviewee 4, page 31

“Den största skillnaden I det stora hela, har ju inte med området att göra, utan hur vår värld har

blivit, där telefoner, mobiler, asså såna här grejer, surfplattor, datorer, barn och unga de är inte

ute och leker på samma sätt som de var förr i tiden. (…) Det blir ju inte samma grann.., inte

samverkan men, grannarna alltså, du träffar inte grannarna på samma sätt.” (Interviewee 4).

“Roughly speaking, the biggest difference, has for sure not to do with the neighbourhood, but

with how our world has become, where phones, cell phones, these kind of stuff, tablets, computers,

kids and youth they are not outside and playing in the same way like it was in the past (…) Then

there’s not the same neighbour…, not collaboration but, the neighbours, you don’t meet the

neighbours in the same way.” (Interviewee 4).

4. Interviewee 13, page 32

“Jag tycker att allt det som händer här I Araby, man pratar mycket om det, men allt det är en

reflektion, en spegling av det som händer, vad som händer I samhället. Pengarna investeras på

det som producerar. Kultur producerar inte pengar. Kultur producerar andra saker.”

(Interviewee 13).

“I reckon that everything that happens here in Araby, one talks a lot about it, but everything is a

reflection, a mirror of what is happening, what is happening in the society. The money is invested

66

on what produces. Culture doesn’t produce money. Culture produces other things.” (Interviewee

13).

5. Interviewee 13, page 33

”Tyvärr I det här samhället, idag, invandrare så.. har så lätt för att säga att det är rasism. (..)

jag kommer ihåg på den tiden när jag spelade fotboll till exempel, det var några få som använde

den ordet, när vi spelade mot svenskar. Plötsligt jag fick en spark, men jag sa aldrig att han

sparkade mig för att han var rasist. (…) Det är därför svenskarna är så rädda att säga sakerna

som det är, dom är rädda, tyvärr. Samhället är rädd.” (Interviewee 13).

”Unfortunately, in this society, today, immigrants.. have such an easy time saying that it is racism

(…) I remember back then when I was playing football for instance, it was some few who used

the word, when we played against Swedes. All of a sudden I received a kick, but I never said that

he kicked me because he was racist. (…) That is why the Swedes are so afraid to say things as

they are, they are afraid, unfortunately. The society is afraid.” (Interviewee 13).

6. Interviewee 3, page 34

“(…) då började man elda här med ju, för att se liksom, myndigheternas reaktioner, vad är det

som händer, bryr dom sig att de brinner här eller får vi liksom… a, man får liksom inspiration av

andra.” (Interviewee 3).

“(…) then one started to burn here too, to see sorta, the authorities’ reactions, what will happen,

do they care that it is burning here or do we get sorta… yeah, one gets sorta inspiration from

others.” (Interviewee 3).

7. Interviewee 3, page 37

”Alla här tycker ju att, eller tonåringarna som bor här, tycker liksom, a men Rosengård o Tensta

o Rinkeby, är det coolaste som finns, det är ju nånting som dom ser upp till.” (Interviewee 3).

”Everyone here thinks that, or the teenagers who live here, think sorta, yeah Rosengård n Tensta

n Rinkeby, is the coolest ever, it is something which they look up to.” (Interviewee 3).

8. Interviewee 7, page 38

“(…) Samtidigt, om jag ska vara ärlig, hade jag inte kunnat bo här, asså så, om jag ska va riktigt ärlig,

jag hade inte kunnat bo här.” (Interviewee 7).

“(…) At the same time, if I should be honest, I couldn’t have lived here, as is, if I should be really honest,

I could not have lived here.” (Interviewee 7).

9. Interviewee 11, page 39

“Sen vet jag inte om folk vill flytta därifrån, om dom känner sig så väl.. det är det jag menar med vissa

kulturer.” (Interviewee 11).

“Then I don’t know if people want to move from there, if they feel so well.. that is what I mean by certain

cultures.” (Interviewee 11).

10. Interviewee 3, page 40

“man vet liksom inte hur man ska göra om man exempelvis ska köpa sig, köpa sig en bostadsrätt

eller om man ska köpa sig ett hus. Man har ingen aning om hur man gör. (…) Jag har köpt ett

hus för ett par år sen, och dom tror ju jag har köpt det kontant, och jag bara men det är ju inte

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mitt hus. Det är ju bankens hus egentligen. Asså, alla svenskar idag lånar pengar. Det finns ingen

som kan köpa sitt hus med att spara pengar på det man jobbar” (Interviewee 3).

“One doesn’t know how one should do if one for instance is going to buy oneself, buy oneself a

condominium or if one is going to but oneself a house. One has no idea about how you do it (…)

I bought a house a few years ago, and they think that I have bought it with cash, and I just but it’s

not my house. It’s the bank’s house in reality. All Swedes today borrow money. There is no one

who can buy a house with money saved from what one works with.” (Interviewee 3).

11. Interviewee 7, page 41

- ”A men så mycke rykte det hade I Araby, Jag hade aldrig kunnat se er tjejer, för då var

jag och min syster född, jag hade aldrig kunnat se er två växa upp här, för jag, jag kände

att det var för farligt för er (…). Så därför flyttade vi ut.

- Så då spelade ryktet en roll?

- A, det gjorde det. För min pappa gjorde det. Definitivt.

- Tror du att det fortfarande kan spela roll för folk?

- Absolut. Det gör det. T.ex. mina föräldrar än idag, jag är (…) år, och jag jobbar här,

dom ringer mig, nu ringde hon tex, hon ringer hela tiden, just för att kolla mår du bra är

du okej?” (Interviewee 7).

- ”Yeah but so much rumour Araby had, I hadn’t been able to see you girls, cause then me

and my sister were born, I could never have seen you two grow up here, because I, I felt

that it was too dangerous for you (…). So that is why we moved out.

- So then the rumour mattered?

- Yeah, it did. For my father it did. Definitely.

- Do you think that it can still matter for people?

- Absolutely. It does. For instance my parents still today, I am (…) years old, and I work

here, they call me, now she called for instance, she calls the whole time, precisely to check

how are you are you okay?” (Interviewee 7).

12. Interviewee 13, page 41

”Jag hörde att det är manga gamla invandrare som vill flytta här ifrån (…) det är ungdomar som

gör vad som helst, ingen kontroll på ungdomar, det är problemet. På den tiden hade vi kontroll

på våra ungdomar” (Interviewee 13).

”I’ve heard that there are many old immigrants who want to move from here (…) it is youth who

do what they want, no control over the youth, that is the problem. Back in the days we had full

control on our youth.” (Interviewee 13).