| political writing by and for young people |

AnticipationsOnline taster edition | Winter 2010© YOUNG FABIANS 2010

RECLAIMING THE BIG SOCIETY Maurice Glasman argues that the time has come for Labour

to rediscover its history as a grassroots movement

INTERVIEW STELLA CREASYLabour’s new MP speaks to International Officer Marie Loewe about organising, party reform and female representation.

OPINION YOUNG FABIAN IDEASYoung Fabian members share their ideas on a wide range of policy issues, from tuition fees to the future of defence.

FEATURE COOPERATIVE FUTURELambeth Council Leader Steve Reed discusses how cooperative ideas are transforming local public services.

YOUNG FABIANS

The best fiver you’ll ever spendBy joining the Young Fabians you become a member of the only think tank in the country

run by and for young people. For over fifty years we have been at the forefront of the Left,

agitating for change through our pamphlets, magazines and events. You can become

part of that rich tradition by joining the Young Fabians today. What’s more it only costs

a fiver. That’s it. For that price you’ll receive the full edition of Anticipations delivered to

your door. It gets even better. You’ll also receive the Fabian Society’s quarterly magazine,

Fabian Review, and the latest editions of their policy books and pamphlets. So what are

you waiting for?

YOUNG FABIANS

Join the Young Fabians todayat www.youngfabians.org.uk

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| from the editor |

Back to its rootsLabour must offer a new vision of the state rooted in the party’s

history of grassroots activism

— JAMES GREEN —

One issue more than any other has dominated British politics since May. Cuts have been the order of the day, as the coalition has taken the axe to the public finances in its effort to bring down the deficit and shrink the state. In this tough political climate, Labour have played an important role in holding the coalition to account and opposing cuts, like those to housing benefit, that hit the poorest hardest. However, the party must be careful to avoid the temptation of riding the inevitable wave of public anger and opposing all cuts on matter of principle. The recently launched policy review provides a vital opportunity for Labour to develop a credible policy platform that is rooted in the political and economic reality of today.

That reality is a challenging one. Despite what the coalition may claim, the structural issues within the UK economy go far beyond financial services and alleged Labour profligacy. In fact the UK’s long-term debt has far more to do with our ageing demographic profile than with bankers bonuses and complex derivatives. Put simply, the taxes of those in work no longer cover the services and pensions of those who have retired. The problem is systemic and the only solution is a new conception of the state that reflects the complex realities of modern day Britain. Of course this must go beyond the

rhetoric of Cameron’s ‘Big Society’. However, unless Labour understands its message – that the state needs to be reformed and that people want more power over the issues that affect their lives – the party will fail to offer the credible alternative that is so desperately needed.

This doesn’t require Labour to give up on its own political traditions. In this edition’s essay, newly ennobled Maurice Glasman makes a powerful case for Labour rediscovering its radical tradition of solidarity and cooperation. As he rightly argues, Labour has a rich history of grassroots activism and it is this that the party must tap into if it is to offer a new vision of government that goes beyond investment and centralised control. At a time when the public feel disempowered by an overbearing market and an often unresponsive state, now is the time for Labour to once again become the party of civil society. To win the next election, it is vital that Labour does not cede this ground to the coalition.

There is a lot of great work already being done in this area. As new MP Stella Creasy discusses in this issue’s interview many Labour activists are applying the principles of grassroots activism to their own constituencies, supporting local people to take power and influence the decision making process. As a participant of Citizens UK’s national community organising

training – I share my experiences in this edition – I have seen for myself how effective these methods can be.

However, organising is only a small part of this agenda. Steve Reed, leader of Lambeth Council, writes about the groundbreaking work he is leading on to make Lambeth the country’s first cooperative council. Big ideas are vital, but implementation is equally as important and Lambeth are showing how Labour’s cooperative and mutual tradition – of which Greg Rosen provides a fascinating overview – can be applied to the challenges of the modern world.

During the times of plenty, Labour’s instinct was to invest rather than to empower. Despite its shortcomings, this approach had a huge impact of which all on the Left should be proud. However, in today’s economic climate and with the long-term challenge of an ageing population, a new approach is required. Now is the time for Labour to rediscover its history as a grassroots movement and place community empowerment at the heart of a radical new approach to government. Cooperation, mutualism and community organising; these are old ideas whose time has come.

James Green is Anticipations Editor and a Fabian Society Executive member

mattthomasillustration.com

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| starters |

It’s a privilege to write this, my first Chair’s column. Having finished top of the all-member postal ballot for the third year in a row, I’ve been joking with people that it is Barack Obama paying me back for helping him win the US presidency (in 2008 I led an 80-strong Young Fabian-Labour Staff Network delegation to his campaign).

Times are tougher for Obama now. The midterms proved a bloodbath for the Democrats. Whilst healthcare reform is a major achievement, underestimated in the UK, it is jobs and the economy that will make most Americans sit up and notice the effect their president is having.

Despite their recent electoral success, I’m not convinced the Republicans are a party coherent, united and determined enough to win the presidency. The frontrunners for the nomination are emerging but I retain confidence in Obama’s ability to defeat whoever is successful. He must be honest about the frustrations he has felt in the role and continue the narrative that he is the only chance to change the Washington logjam.

Time will tell whether the significance of who is in the White House has as profound an effect on UK politics as it did in 2000, or whether the coalition have enough trouble on their own without looking beyond Britain’s borders. There are certainly plenty of testing times ahead. University funding has by no means disappeared, rival AV referendum campaigns are underway and the government has yet to face a big test on Europe. Ed Miliband’s job is to apply pressure on such issues. He has loose positions, or political strength, on each that can ride the correct

decision to take his time over policy, whilst he focuses on making the government look unfair, out-of-touch and ultimately more interested in the politics of coalition than helping people get by and succeed – creating a gap for Labour to step into ahead of the next election.

I’m of the view that Ed is right to tackle (much needed) internal reform early in his leadership of the Labour Party. It is a risky strategy of course as he needs to be confident in his own ability to stay relevant and continue building a relationship with the general public whilst orchestrating the party talking amongst itself. Happily, the answer to many of the organisational problems the party must seek to resolve is in working with the public, building connections at a local level to effect change community-by-community, and to bring people into a more open, welcoming political party.

So it is an uncertain time for Labour, but a great time for the Young Fabians as the society goes from strength-to-strength. The ‘Transforming our Party’ policy development group showed that our members have plenty to feed into the consultation on reforming Labour’s policy-making process. And we look forward to influencing the shadow cabinet’s policy review. Young Fabian membership has risen 25% during 2010, an increasing number of members are participating, and there are more and more ways to get involved. Our membership has impressed me at every turn in 2010, and it is they that give us the strength, reputation and influence we have.

It has been great to see members of that

Obama delegation get increasingly active. Earlier this year Pamela Nash was elected as the Member of Parliament for Airdrie and Shotts, the Commons’ youngest MP. And some of you will know Sam Bacon, who perhaps epitomises the journey a Young Fabian can go on, from being a member, to attending some events, to organising Young Fabian activity himself in his local area, through to joining the executive committee in November’s co-options meeting.

Sam was one of five Young Fabians to be co-opted onto the executive committee adding to an already great team. The co-options meeting, in which those elected to the committee can select five more executive officers, was the most competitive I’ve ever known. It also saw relatively new Young Fabian members succeed in getting onto the committee that voluntarily runs the Young Fabians. The strength of our organisation is not just in quantity but quality and I look forward to seeing more and more members actively contribute.

I’m leading a strong Young Fabian Executive and there will be many different ways you can get involved over the next year. If there’s something else you think we should be doing, please do get in touch – and if you want to organise it yourself, we’ll do all we can to help. I feel more than ever that we can make a difference to the future of centre-left thought.

To find out how you can get more involved in running the Young Fabians email Adrian Prandle at aprandle@youngfabians.org.uk

Note from the ChairIt’s a tough time for the Left but the Young Fabians can rise to it

— ADRIAN PRANDLE —

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| starters |

So, I’d planned to use this column to talk about the government and the opposition’s deficit reduction plans. Riveting stuff. But November’s G20 meeting in Seoul raised an issue which in macro terms is far more important for the future competitiveness of the West and for the stability of the still delicate global economy – exchange rate policies in the emerging economies.

We can never say often enough that the financial crisis was very largely a result of massive trade imbalances between the ‘new’ economies and the old European and US powers. Roughly speaking, we bought Chinese televisions and they lent our cash back to us by investing in the Western bond markets. A clever business model (or at least it was until the inevitable credit crunch).

Chinese policy makers have worked hard to maintain their position as a leading exporter through careful management of their currency – the Renmimbi (RMB). If you are an export dependent nation then you would do well to maintain a low value currency, which in turn makes your export prices more competitive.

For many years Chinese policy makers have done just that. As a result they have been accused of protectionism since the flipside of this policy is that it makes Western exports to China far more expensive. At the G20, President Obama lent his weight to these criticisms, saying that imbalances “helped to contribute to the crisis” and that he will “closely watch the appreciation of China’s currency.”

American economists have estimated that the RMB is undervalued by approximately 40%. Not that China is the only nation accused of managing their currency to support their manufacturing industries. Quantitative easing doesn’t just inject liquidity into the financial system, it also reduces the value of the Dollar, Sterling or Euro, depending on who has the printing presses out. So there is an element of hypocrisy in Western complaints about China’s activities. Nonetheless, even if everyone is at it, it is protectionist. Just as much so as formal import barriers or tariffs. Ultimately if we want to recover from the crisis we need to start making things and selling them.

The easiest and emptiest comment to make about our own economy is that we need to rebuild our manufacturing industry. To the extent that

such a thing is possible at all, international protectionism and reduced export markets would give us almost no chance of working our way back to economic strength. Beggar thy neighbour policies of any kind are a long term guarantee of torpor and the sort of sluggishness which would make every ONS economic announcement feel like a conversation with a Counting Crows fan. And undervalued currencies do exacerbate trade imbalances of the sort that provided the context for the crisis.

So, what did the G20 decide? Not a great deal. An early draft of the statement from the finance ministers’ G20 pre-meeting contained a promise to, “move towards a more market-determined exchange rate system, and refrain from competitive undervaluation of our currencies.” By the end of the full leaders’ G20 the outcome was a rather vague set of ‘indicative guidelines’ which will have no real teeth.

The reality is that China are moving slowly towards a more market driven currency valuation. But they won’t be pushed, and with good reason. Until they are able to replace the lost export strength through bigger internal markets, there is little incentive for them to bow to the West’s demands.

China’s leadership are quite exceptionally strategic in their approach. They know that their economy needs liberalisation, and they know that they cannot become a genuine world leader while their business model relies on selling artificially low cost goods to the West. But I wonder whether the Western leaders have thought quite so closely about the impact of a less competitive China. In the years leading up to the crisis Asia and the Middle East exported around $3.3 trillion of surplus savings, while the US alone borrowed $3.9 trillion from overseas.

Despite the attempts to reduce public and private sector debt requirements, as things stand the need to fund huge deficits makes us utterly reliant on the continuing availability of low cost credit on the bond markets. We would be wise to avoid forcing China to take away the punchbowl before we have addressed our own spending, or we might find that our national debts suddenly become a good deal more expensive to fund.

Allen Simpson is a Young Fabian member and speechwriter to the Chief Executive of the London Stock Exchange

Economics EyeThe undervaluation of China’s currency has benefits for the West

— ALLEN SIMPSON —

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| cover story |

The Liberal Conservative coalition government, self-consciously progressive in orientation, while appropriating Labour’s language of mutual and co-operative practice, asks a fundamental question as to what distinctive gifts Labour could bring to this party. Beyond saying ‘its not fair’, what resources does Labour have to explain the financial crash and its electoral failure? Out of what materials can Labour fashion a compelling vision for the future?

Labour is a paradoxical tradition, far richer than its present form of economic utilitarianism and political liberalism. Labour is robustly national and international, conservative and reforming, Christian and secular, republican and monarchical, democratic and elitist, radical and traditional, and it is most transformative and effective when it defies the status quo in the name of ancient as well as modern values.

Labour values are not abstract universal values such as ‘freedom’ or ‘equality’. Distinctive Labour values are rooted in relationships, in practices that strengthen an ethical life. Practices like reciprocity, which gives substantive form to freedom and equality in an active relationship of give and take. Mutuality, where we share the benefits and burdens of association. And then if trust is established, solidarity, where we actively share our fate with other people.

These are the forms of the Labour movement, the mutual societies, the co-operatives and the unions. It was built on relationships of trust and mutual improvement that were forged between people through common action. They were transformative of the life and conditions of working people. The Labour tradition was rooted in a politics of the Common Good, a democratic movement that sought its rightful place in the life of the nation. The Labour tradition has never been straightforwardly progressive, and that is not a defect which we are on the verge of overcoming, but a tremendous strength that will offer the basis of renewal.

Meet the familyLabour was the child of a cross-class

marriage between a decent working class Dad and an educated middle class Mum. The Dad in this schema were the trade unions, the co-operative movement, the building societies and mutuals which were built by the working class out of the materials available to hand. Their concern was to build the relationships and institutions necessary to confront market power and their language was exclusive and associational; brothers, comrades. For the Mum, in this case the Fabian Society, Hyndman’s Social Democratic Federation,

the Anglican Church (which alone among the churches finds itself on this side of the family), the strong tradition of ruling class public service, the architects, scientists and writers, who were deeply connected to the development of the Labour Movement and who developed ambitious plans for government. Sidney and Beatrice Webb’s LSE was founded as a Labour think tank.

In philosophical terms we have an Aristotelian Dad and a Platonic Mum, a Common Good Dad and a progressive Mum, a traditional Dad and a radical Mum. For the Mum, the overwhelming concern, the categorical imperative was with the ‘poorest and most vulnerable in our society’ and the use of scientific method and techniques to alleviate their condition. For the Dad, they were a big warning of what would happen if you didn’t have friends, if you didn’t organise, if you didn’t build a movement with others to protect yourself from degradation, drunkenness and irresponsibility. These were the people who didn’t pay their subs, didn’t turn up for meetings, crossed picket lines and got pissed on the money they earned.

The problem in the marriage was clear from the start. The Mum had all the advantages of class. Resources, eloquence, confidence and science and none of the experience of hardship. There was a lack of reciprocity as the years went by and

RECLAIMING THE BIG SOCIETYIt’s time for Labour to rediscover its history as a grassroots movement

— MAURICE GLASMAN —

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| cover story |

Labour moved towards government. The Mum was much better suited to the demands of the modern world, capable of understanding the big picture, developing technically complex policies, managing change. The role of trade unions meant that they only had the power to disrupt, as there was no democracy in corporate governance, no capacity to pursue a common good within the firm in which power was shared and therefore, no possibility of internal promotion and responsibility without crossing picket lines.

This shift in power in the relationship is clearly seen in Labour’s attitude to the governance of the firm and the economy. Nationalisation, and its direction by state appointed experts was but one form of the social ownership that was discussed by the Labour movement for three decades before 1945. For most of the time before that co-operative firms, worker and passenger owned railways, mutualised waterways and worker run mines were party policy.

This was all but abandoned by the time Attlee became Prime Minister. The Dad had no power at work and no power at home either, as the party became increasingly dominated by middle class policy technocrats. The marriage, you could say, became increasingly abusive, which is why it is now crucial to rebuild love and reciprocity between the parents. This will require a commitment to renewing cross class organisation within the party, of common action for the Common Good, throughout the movement.

The source of Labour’s continued vitality lies in learning to cherish neglected aspects of its tradition that place reciprocity, association and organisation as fundamental aspects of building a common life between antagonistic or previously disconnected forces. It is a radical tradition that is as committed to the preservation of meaning and status as it is to democratic egalitarian change and seeks to pursue both.

This gives tremendous resources and possibilities to the Labour tradition as it seeks to renew its sense of political relevance in political circumstances that threaten its purpose. This requires, and has always required, an organised resistance to the logic of finance capitalism and a strengthening of democratic institutions of self-government.

Revising revisionismThe resources for renewal lie within the

tradition itself, but this requires an understanding of participating in a lived tradition in which we identify with its defeats and victories, successes and failures as it has engaged with its adversaries through time. This directly relates to the rationality of the tradition itself. Revisionism is

a wonderful thing, but it becomes impoverished when it is understood as a constancy of ends, pursued through a variety of means. Eduard Bernstein, the founder of German revisionism in the early 20th century said that the movement was everything and the ends were nothing. Fifty years later, Anthony Crosland, for reasons I have never fully understood, but with enormous consequences for the Labour tradition here, argued that revisionism was the opposite, that the ends were everything and the movement was nothing.

With the domination of this kind of revisionism, equality of rights and outcome

became the end, and this was decisive in moving Labour from being a tradition concerned with the Common Good in this country, as part of the country’s history, to a progressive, left of centre, social democratic party. In the same way that Labour’s response to globalisation after 1992 was a move from specific vocational skills to general transferable skills, so philosophically, it moved to general transferable concepts, such as justice and fairness, which would apply in any country, society and terrain rather than develop the specific language from within the political

traditions of our own country. It was a move from the Common Good to progressivism, from organisation to mobilisation, from democracy to rights, from self-management to scientific management.

A Good SocietyTradition in such a schema is an impediment

to justice, understood in terms of equality of opportunity and treatment. Tradition becomes irrational, a defiance of necessary change that needs to be overcome, and in some cases broken, by modern management. Flexibility became a workforce virtue. The idea that tradition could be more reasonable than modernism is almost inconceivable on such a view.

Tradition is synonymous with conservatism, an inability to adjust to new circumstances and an acceptance of prejudice. If it is the case that inherited associations, institutions and practices are an impediment to efficiency and justice, alongside the assumption that transferable and not specific skills are the best way to intervene in the market logic of globalisation, then what results is the biggest paradox of all, which is that contemporary socialism has no effective category of the social.

I am alert to these things, but as far as I know, Social Democracy, in party, union, or think tank has no plans for extending democracy in the social life of the nation. Put another way, social democracy has become neither social nor democratic. This is the land that Labour has vacated and is now being filled by the Conservative’s ‘Big Society’. The Conservative tradition does have a conception of the social, Burke is an important thinker, but it was lost under Thatcherism and has been robustly reclaimed by Cameron.

In response, Labour needs to develop the idea of a Good Society as its rival, and such a society would be built on relationships built on reciprocity, mutuality and solidarity, all the way up and all the way down, in politics and within the economy.

Where does power lie? That was Aneurin Bevan’s question, and the answer was to democratise it. This should remain our orientation, not the fantasy of abolishing power, but of democratic self-government within the reformed institutions of the realm. In order for there to be a redistribution of power it is necessary to confront unjust concentrations of power and wealth.

The credibility of Labour as a radical tradition lies in this terrain. Now is the time to build a politics of the Common Good by returning citizenship to all our cities, re-establishing guildhalls and restoring institutions

Now is the time to build a politics of the Common

Good by returning citizenship to all our cities. The economic

and democratic regeneration of local economies

requires a reciprocal partnership between

capital, state and society. You could call it socialism in

one county.

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| cover story |

of vocational self-regulation within them, including regional banks. The countryside too has no effective institutions of self-government and, with the democratisation and restoration of the country, hundreds could reconnect us to conservation and the needs of country people.

These are examples in which Labour can inhabit and renew ancient institutions and present a radical challenge to the concentrations of power and a general sense of powerlessness. The economic and democratic regeneration of local economies requires a reciprocal partnership between capital, state and society. You could call it socialism in one county.

The Common GoodLabour is a radical tradition with claims to

superiority to its rivals in terms of its reasonable assumptions, its conception of the person and its theory of history. Its axioms are:

Capitalism is based on the maximisation of returns on investment which creates great pressure to commodify land and labour markets. Human beings and nature, however, are not created as commodities and should not be treated as such.

Human beings, in contrast, are rational beings capable of trust and responsibility who need each other to lead a good life. People are meaning seeking beings who rely on an inheritance to make sense of their world, on liberty to pursue their own truth and on strong social institutions which promote public goods and virtue.

Democracy, the power of organised people to act together in the Common Good, is the

way to resist the power of money. In that sense, Labour holds to a theory of relational power as a counterweight to the power of money.

The building of relational power is called organising and this is a necessary aspect of the tradition.

As a theory of the Common Good, Labour holds to a balance of power within the constitution, and in all public institutions, including the economy.

While recognising the innovation, energy and prosperity that markets bring, there is also an awareness, absent in liberalism, of the concentrations of power, the disruption and the dispossession that are its accompaniment.

This requires not the abolition of capital nor the elimination of markets but their democratic entanglement in regional, civic and vocational relationships. This takes plural forms.

The first is a commitment to local, relational or mutual banking, that would entangle the short term imperatives of investment with the longer term needs of economic growth.

The second is a commitment to skilled labour, to real traditions of skill and knowledge that can mediate the pressures of homogenisation and preserve the capacity to transform the world in co-operation with others through work. A vocational economy would be one way of trying to grasp this.

The third is to rebalance power within the firm so that managers are held accountable, strategy is not based upon the interests of one group alone and the distribution of burdens is equitable.

The fourth is to support forms of mutual and co-operative ownership.

The instability of capitalism is caused by the movement of capital from the real economy to speculative bubbles that are based upon the reproduction of money through money alone. This incentivises the pursuit of ever higher rates of return. Local, vocational and political constraints on the sovereignty of capital to pursue its rate of return, is a defence against both concentrations of money power and speculative collapse, as well as giving purpose and interest to democratic association.

Socialism is a condition of sustainable capitalism in that universities, schools, libraries, vocational institutions, the rule of law and democracy all provide public goods that are necessary for its flourishing and growth. Against its own understanding, Labour asserts that capital needs partners too. Some reciprocity in the relationship with capital is required.

The tradition is strong, it offers a framework within which both previous mistakes can be rectified, and a claim to rational superiority to rivals plausibly asserted. The Labour tradition, alone in our country, resisted the domination of the poor by the rich, asserted the necessity of the liberties of expression, religion and association, and made strong claims for democratic authority to defy the status quo. It did this within a democratic politics of the Common Good. The argument of this essay is that it might be a good idea to do it again.

Maurice Glasman is the Director of the Faith and Citizenship Programme at London Metropolitan University. He was ennobled in the recent Honours List

Community leaders at a Citizens UK rally.Labour’s tradition of organising in action? C

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| endnotes |

Last month I started a new job. By almost all measures, it’s rather unusual. It involves a massive high voltage electrical network, but this isn’t the National Grid; over 27km of underground tunnel system, but it’s not the London Underground; international co-operation on a huge scale, though this isn’t (quite!) the United Nations. I’m lucky enough to work on a small part of what is arguably the most technically advanced machine ever created by the human race. I work at CERN, home of the Large Hadron Collider.

CERN is an international collaboration in the field of particle physics which was founded by a number of European nations in 1954. The UK was one of the twelve founder members and continues to benefit from access to the unique research facilities which CERN offers. On a typical day here there may be up to ten thousand people on site (which spans the French-Swiss border near Geneva), the majority of whom are research physicists. They are the ‘users’ of the huge underground machines. The remainder of those on site are permanent staff responsible for running CERN (everything from catering contracts to particle accelerator design and engineering) number only about two thousand, which makes for a demanding working environment. The collaboration exists to provide facilities which are far beyond the scale and scope of what individual members could achieve on their own. At CERN active research takes place in fundamental physics across the board, rather than the specific quest for the next ‘new’ particle such as the Higgs Boson. Although of course everyone here is hoping that the discovery of the Higgs will be made possible by the Large Hadron Collider.

As an electrical engineer, my work involves the provision of power supplies for the particle accelerators and physics experiments. At the moment I’m working on some new supplies for the safety system which protects the particle beams circulating within the Large Hadron Collider and the new experimental ground control room for the Alpha Magnetic Spectrometer, which is scheduled to be attached to the International Space Station next year and will be searching for dark matter and anti-matter in space.

The languages that I’ve heard spoken so far since my arrival include English, French, German, Portuguese and Japanese. The electrical team I work in is predominantly French speaking. Most of my colleagues have a good degree of fluency in two languages, with a few being fully tri- or even quad-

lingual! The majority of my meetings take place in French and when projects come to the implementation stage most of the workers actually doing the construction and installation work are also French speakers. I studied French at A-level and throughout university, though at the moment working in a foreign language every day is proving to be a real (and enjoyable) challenge.

Of course, it isn’t just about the job. I’ve had to move countries to come here, which like all major changes in life brings both advantages and inconveniences. The best thing about being here so far is definitely the food. The range of wines and cheeses available in local shops is superb. The countryside here is breathtaking; I can see snow covered mountains from my office window. The biggest downside is that I’ve left my friends and family behind in the UK. Fortunately flights from Geneva to London are frequent and not too expensive, so I can at least visit regularly.

It’s probably a fair question to ask how I ended up in my current position, so here’s a little explanation. I first visited CERN back in 1999, as part of an international school trip I persuaded my parents to send me on (thanks mum and dad!). During that first visit I was inspired by the possibilities of the groundbreaking physics research and the incredible machines being constructed here. After graduating with a degree in electrical engineering, I was able to obtain a CERN ‘Summer Student’ internship in 2005. During my internship I worked directly on a tiny (just ten square centimetres across) part of the particle detection system for one of the gigantic physics experiment called LHCb, which is part of the Large Hadron Collider complex. I highly recommend applying for the CERN programme to anyone currently studying a Physics, Engineering or Computing related course at the moment.

After finishing my internship, I spent five years working in the UK construction sector, designing buildings. At the same time I was making progress towards obtaining my registration as a Chartered Engineer, which can only be gained through a period of working as an engineer. Demonstrating good progress towards registration was an integral part of the application for my current position at CERN. I was able to achieve Chartered Engineer status just before taking up my new role here.

James Devine is a Young Fabian member

My day jobThe work at CERN is transforming our understanding of the universe

— JAMES DEVINE —

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| endnotes |

Why did you join the Labour Party? I joined the Labour Party in 1977. At that time the Labour government was having a difficult time on just about every front. However, I realised that if I wanted to see change I could best do that by joining a political party that best reflected my views. I wanted to see a fairer world where people could make the best of their talents and abilities and where no-one was held back because of no fault of their own. Of course there were things wrong with that government but rather than sitting round the television and complain about it, I thought it better to become involved. Despite the misery of ‘the branch meeting’ I stuck with it and here I am.

What are you most proud of?I am most proud of what our government has done over the last thirteen years. Not all of it worked out the way it should have done and of course we made mistakes along the way. However, it is a big mistake for people to trash what we did. We reduced the number of children and pensioners living in poverty. We introduced huge constitutional change with reform of the House of Lords and devolution of power and we introduced civil partnerships. Society is I think more tolerant than it was. Above all we made getting full employment a key economic objective. Although the last three years were far from easy, we avoided this country sinking from recession into depression. We stopped the banking system from collapse. We came within hours of bank doors closing and cash machines being switched off. The economy is still growing purely as a result of the action we took.

What is your top policy priority? The top priority now must be to get through the recession and restore growth. Not just here but in Europe too where problems continue to mount. Inevitably a new government will enjoy a honeymoon and will get away with blaming the last government for just about everything under the sun.

We need to set out a credible economic plan and therefore a political strategy to see the country through this and, importantly, it’s for us to show how it is essential that everyone benefits from recovery not just some.

Who is your political hero?My political heroes come from a number of sources. Some outside politics. One is Beveridge who showed how, as a society, we can ensure that we provide for everyone, especially in times of difficulty. The other of course was John Maynard Keynes. After years when he was slightly out of fashion, particularly when the monetarists held sway, his reputation has been fully restored. He showed that governments can make a difference. His writing on

the folly of reparations policy after the First World War through to how to deal with the Depression of the 1930s needs re-reading today. There are lessons to be learned from those experiences. Political inspiration comes too from an underrated Prime Minister over the last century, Clement Attlee. That Labour government achieved a great deal in a very short time. Much of it survives today.

What must Labour do to win the next election? To win the next election we have got to be in tune with the centre ground. Elections are won over a five year period. We can’t and shouldn’t attempt to write a manifesto now for in five year’s time. However, we do need an intelligent and credible approach to what’s going on now as we build up policies on which we will fight the next election. But we also need to reflect on how it was that we lost nearly one hundred seats earlier this year. Intelligent opposition is sometimes difficult and it’s very tempting to be against everything. That won’t work though. Today’s electorate is far more sophisticated. We don’t need a manifesto for 2015 now but we do need to ask what a modern government should do in a rapidly changing world. It’s not just building a recovery but dealing with a world where the centre of economic gravity is moving to the East. And every day we need to set out a credible position on the issues that matter.

ALISTAIR DARLINGThe former Chancellor on his inspirations, motivations and

what Labour must do to win again

Deadline for completed ballot papers is October 22ndFor further information visit www.youngfabians.org.uk

Deadline for completed ballot papers is October 22ndFor further information visit www.youngfabians.org.uk

IN THE FULL EDITIONJoin the Young Fabians today for only £5 and get Anticipations in full delivered

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INTERVIEW

STELLA CREASYby mar i e -noel le loewe

Labour’s new MP talks to International Officer Marie-Noelle Loewe about

organising, party reform and female representation.

FEATURES

THE PARTY OF THE PEOPLEby greg rosen

The author of the official history of the Co-operative Party on why Labour and

not the Tories are the people’s party.

FEATURES

COOPERATION FOR THE NATIONby steve reed

Lambeth Council leader Steve Reed discusses how cooperative ideas are

transforming local public services.

FEATURES

PEOPLE POWER, ORGANISEDby james green

Anticipations Editor James Green reflects on his experiences on Citizens

UK’s national community organising training.

OPINION

YOUNG FABIAN IDEASby var ious

Young Fabian members share their ideas on a wide range of policy issues,

from tuition fees to the future of defence.

STARTERS

POLITICAL PULSEby jos i e c luer

Young Fabian Josie Cluer outlines ten key challenges that Ed Miliband must

meet if Labour is to win in 2015.

and much more....

STARTERS

LETTERS TO THE EDITORby var ious

Young Fabian members have their say on the autumn edition of the

magazine, What’s the big idea?

SOCIETY NEWS

YOUNG FABIANSby var ious

In our new section with three new columns, we reflect on our Sweden

trip, pamphlet launch and plans for the year ahead.

YOUNG FABIANSYOUNG FABIANS