Anthropologists as Villains
1
52 Anthropology Newsletter/May 1995 Commentary Anthropologists as Villains By Edward C Green (Ministry of Health, Maputo, Mozambique) "The war against us was designed by anthropologists—who knew all our society's weak points," —Jose Luis Cabago, former Mozambican government minister (quoted by Christopher Hitchens, in "African Goth- ic," Vanity Fair, November 1994, pp 92- 117) According to a recent Vanity Fair article, anthropologists trained the "Renamo" (Mozambique National Resistance) rebels during their campaign of terror against the civilian population of Mozambique prior to the Peace Accord of 1992. The implication is that anthropologists, with the help of ''witch doctors," directed the kidnapping and cor- ruption of children and the destruction of clinics, among other vile acts. Following the quote captioned above, author Christopher Hitchens comments. "The tribalist contras, who were financed by South Africa in the bad old days, were peo- ple who understood the weak spots. They went for the clinics and the schools, using local witch doctors to spread fear of new things, and they kidnapped children and turned them into killers" (p 108). No evidence of the participation of any anthropologists is offered. Moreover, it is also implied that great antipathy exists between the government of Mozambique and anthropology. As an American anthro- pologist working as an adviser to the Mozambique government. I feel I must respond to these allegations and innuendoes. Mozambican Culture Overlooked The post-independence government led by the '"Frclimo" (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique) party made several cultural or even anthropological mistakes during its first decade of rule-taking actions that an anthro- pologist would have strongly advised against. It is an irony of Mozambique's his- tory that the founding father of Frelimo, Eduardo Mondlane, was a US-trained anthropologist. Unfortunately he was killed before Mozambique achieved independence in 1975. In its attempt to create a modern, nontrib- al. nonracial. equitable nation, the new Fre- limo government embarked on a radical pro- gram to transform the country's economy and society as quickly as possible after achieving independence. Its motives were good but its anthropology was uninformed. Because the "traditionalism" of the various ethnolinguistic groups seemed to stand in the way of "scientific socialism," there was an attempt to abolish traditional practices such as bride-price (lobolo), polygamy, initiation rites and land tenure, as well as indigenous healing practices and practitioners and tradi- tional chiefs. The rural masses were obliged to regroup into communal villages in order to engage in new forms of collective agricul- ture. Such edicts from the capital city, unpopular with the rural masses in whose name they were made, were seized by the leadership of Renarno for their own purpos- es. But this does not mean that anthropolo- gists advised the kidnapping of children and murder of nurses. It means only that Frelimo underestimated the power—indeed the func- tion and meaning—of culture. Obstacles to Development Frelimo made the same mistake as many Western development planners. These and other professionals tend to think of tradition- al systems as archaic and dysfunctional—as a way of life to be overcome if there is to be progress and development. The Frelimo party also assumed that culture can be changed by legislation or decree. What such a view fails to recognize is that traditional systems may be well suited to the social, psychological and other needs of par- ticipants in these systems; and that these sys- tems may be a great source of comfort to people undergoing rapid culture change (independence, urbanization, war), insofar as they provide security and continuity in an unpredictable, changing world. Furthermore, whereas traditional systems tend to be gen- uine functioning systems, the same cannot yet be said of the modern-urban alternative, whether guided by capitalist or socialist ide- ology. As for those whom Hitchens calls witch doctors, many African indigenous healers—who are themselves successfully adapting to rapid culture change—serve as change-brokers, guiding and reassuring Africans "torn by the conflicting expecta- tions of their changing worlds," as Priscilla Ulin phrased it in connection with Botswana. To its credit, the Frelimo-led government was able to learn from experience. Begin- ning in the mid-1980s, there was growing awareness within party ranks that it had underestimated the power of tradition and culture. Frelimo recognized that many of Renamo's early achievements could be attributed to successful manipulation of tra- ditional beliefs such that it gained the approval of ancestor spirits as well as magi- cal protection from local spirit-mediums. By the mid- to late- 1980s, Frelimo began to suc- cessfully manipulate the same cultural sym- bolism against Renamo. By the 5th Frelimo Party Congress (1989), the government formally recognized the mis- After a brutal 16-year civil war, traumatized Macua children recover with the help of a community-based program designed to meet their psychosocial needs. Nampu- la, Mozambique, 1992. (Photo by Edward C Green) Collaborative workshop with Tsonga-speaking healers. Jnhambane, Mozambique 1994. (Photo by Edward C Green) takes it had made in its zeal to create a new, equitable, unified, national society. In an April 1992 national workshop held in Mozambique, a presenter noted that Fre- limo's attempt to radically transform society was "extremely altruistic, but the way it was implemented entered into direct confronta- tion with the cultural system hitherto exist- ing in the countryside, which was ignored or set aside to make way for the new, modern progressive and urban culture. A phe- nomenon, which in Europe had taken cen- turies to evolve, was attempted here from one day to the next, and in general the results vere not good. There was resistance, diffi- culties, and failures which might not have occurred if there had been an attempt to con- ciliate the culture of the peasants and the new forms being proposed, in order to achieve a more gradual and less confronta- tional transition. A situation of contradictory norms emanating from the traditional author- ities and the central government generated disrespect for norms of any kind." Government and Anthropology Anthropology has been taught at Mozam- bique's national university (named after anthropologist Eduardo Mondlane) for many years. By 1990, anthropologists such as Car- olyn Nordstrom and myself were brought in to recommend culturally appropriate ways of developing a working relationship between traditional healers and the Ministry of Health. Anthropologists have also been asked to recommend how traditional chiefs might be brought in from the cold to work with the government to reconstruct and resettle rural areas, and to reconcile former combatants. These are but a few examples of Frelimo's growing appreciation for and appropriate use of anthropologists during the past five years. Setting the Record Straight Jose Luis Cabaco, the former official "quoted" by Hitchens, is now a sociologist working as a consultant in development. He recently told me that Hitchens greatly dis- torted what was actually said. Willing to give his interviewer the benefit of the doubt. Cabaco allowed that the misunderstanding might have been due to his own "poor English" (sec below and judge for yourself), as well as to the foreigner's difficulties understanding the complexities of Mozam- bique during a short visit. In a letter to me, he wrote: "The war in Mozambique, con- trary to what has been said during many years, has not much to do with ideologies but rather with the process of transition from a predominantly tribal society to a nation. The South African military high command, who conducted the strategy of the war in Mozambique until it became a civil conflict in the mid-80s, used profusely anthropologi- cal studies and research [combined with the work of sociologists, psychologists, political analysts] to assess the concrete situation in my country. They tried to understand both the mistakes done by Frelimo's policy and the historical and cultural backgrounds that could be revitalized and reinforced in order to create an [indigenous] element to sustain the war effort. Actually this was basically what they were doing in their own country with the bantustan policy. The use of anthro- pology, as a science, by the military appara- tus [of South Africal to conduct a war has nothing to do with the war itself or with anthropologist.-; as social scientists." As students during the Vietnam war era, my friends and I were much concerned about charges that anthropologists were helping the US military in programs that seemed to lead to the destruction of peasant villages or left- ist-allied village leaders. In the present cir- cumstance, I know of no individual anlfcro- pologists who have advised members of South African or Rhodesian military intelli- gence, nor does the author of the Vanity Fair article offer any such evidence. Blaming anthropology for the atrocities committed by the Mozambique resistance group is akin to blaming physics for the Chernobyl disaster. [Green is a Washington, DC-based medi- cal anthropologist and consultant for a num- ber of international health organizations. He has just completed a year as full-time advis- er to the Mozambique Ministry of Health's program on traditional medicine, the pur- pose of which is to foster collaboration between indigenous healers and government health services. Green's most recent book is AIDS and STDs in Africa (1994); he is work- ing on a new book dealing with pollution beliefs in indigenous explanations of illness and misfortune in southern Africa.] AN Commentaries are designed to explore diverse views of the discipline from an anthropological perspective. Commentaries reflect the views of the authors; their publication does not signify endorsement by the A.nt.hropr.l ogy Newsletter or the American Anthropological Association, Authors are expected to verify ail factual information included in the text}; Mam^criptssltauld be less than Z(X)0 worth in length ami must be submit- ted on both disk and in double-spaced
-
Upload
edward-c-green -
Category
Documents
-
view
218 -
download
1
Transcript of Anthropologists as Villains
7
-L
y
52 Anthropology Newsletter/May 1995
t
s • •
a i
;
* •
$
fr3
-
^ 1 .
-
m, ' •
•5!
Commentary
Anthropologists asVillainsBy Edward C Green (Ministry ofHealth, Maputo, Mozambique)
"The war against us was designed byanthropologists—who knew all our society'sweak points," —Jose Luis Cabago, formerMozambican government minister (quotedby Christopher Hitchens, in "African Goth-ic," Vanity Fair, November 1994, pp 92-117)
According to a recent Vanity Fair article,anthropologists trained the "Renamo"(Mozambique National Resistance) rebelsduring their campaign of terror against thecivilian population of Mozambique prior tothe Peace Accord of 1992. The implication isthat anthropologists, with the help of ''witchdoctors," directed the kidnapping and cor-ruption of children and the destruction ofclinics, among other vile acts.
Following the quote captioned above,author Christopher Hitchens comments."The tribalist contras, who were financed bySouth Africa in the bad old days, were peo-ple who understood the weak spots. Theywent for the clinics and the schools, usinglocal witch doctors to spread fear of newthings, and they kidnapped children andturned them into killers" (p 108).
No evidence of the participation of anyanthropologists is offered. Moreover, it isalso implied that great antipathy existsbetween the government of Mozambiqueand anthropology. As an American anthro-pologist working as an adviser to theMozambique government. I feel I mustrespond to these allegations and innuendoes.
Mozambican Culture Overlooked
The post-independence government led bythe '"Frclimo" (Front for the Liberation ofMozambique) party made several cultural oreven anthropological mistakes during its firstdecade of rule-taking actions that an anthro-pologist would have strongly advisedagainst. It is an irony of Mozambique's his-tory that the founding father of Frelimo,Eduardo Mondlane, was a US-trainedanthropologist. Unfortunately he was killedbefore Mozambique achieved independencein 1975.
In its attempt to create a modern, nontrib-al. nonracial. equitable nation, the new Fre-limo government embarked on a radical pro-gram to transform the country's economyand society as quickly as possible afterachieving independence. Its motives were
good but its anthropology was uninformed.Because the "traditionalism" of the variousethnolinguistic groups seemed to stand in theway of "scientific socialism," there was anattempt to abolish traditional practices suchas bride-price (lobolo), polygamy, initiationrites and land tenure, as well as indigenoushealing practices and practitioners and tradi-tional chiefs. The rural masses were obligedto regroup into communal villages in orderto engage in new forms of collective agricul-ture. Such edicts from the capital city,unpopular with the rural masses in whosename they were made, were seized by theleadership of Renarno for their own purpos-es. But this does not mean that anthropolo-gists advised the kidnapping of children andmurder of nurses. It means only that Frelimounderestimated the power—indeed the func-tion and meaning—of culture.
Obstacles to Development
Frelimo made the same mistake as manyWestern development planners. These andother professionals tend to think of tradition-al systems as archaic and dysfunctional—asa way of life to be overcome if there is to beprogress and development. The Frelimoparty also assumed that culture can bechanged by legislation or decree.
What such a view fails to recognize is thattraditional systems may be well suited to thesocial, psychological and other needs of par-ticipants in these systems; and that these sys-tems may be a great source of comfort topeople undergoing rapid culture change(independence, urbanization, war), insofar asthey provide security and continuity in anunpredictable, changing world. Furthermore,whereas traditional systems tend to be gen-uine functioning systems, the same cannotyet be said of the modern-urban alternative,whether guided by capitalist or socialist ide-ology. As for those whom Hitchens callswitch doctors, many African indigenoushealers—who are themselves successfullyadapting to rapid culture change—serve aschange-brokers, guiding and reassuringAfricans "torn by the conflicting expecta-tions of their changing worlds," as PriscillaUlin phrased it in connection with Botswana.
To its credit, the Frelimo-led governmentwas able to learn from experience. Begin-ning in the mid-1980s, there was growingawareness within party ranks that it hadunderestimated the power of tradition andculture. Frelimo recognized that many ofRenamo's early achievements could beattributed to successful manipulation of tra-ditional beliefs such that it gained theapproval of ancestor spirits as well as magi-cal protection from local spirit-mediums. Bythe mid- to late- 1980s, Frelimo began to suc-cessfully manipulate the same cultural sym-bolism against Renamo.
By the 5th Frelimo Party Congress (1989),the government formally recognized the mis-
After a brutal 16-year civil war, traumatized Macua children recover with the helpof a community-based program designed to meet their psychosocial needs. Nampu-la, Mozambique, 1992. (Photo by Edward C Green)
Collaborative workshop with Tsonga-speaking healers. Jnhambane, Mozambique1994. (Photo by Edward C Green)
takes it had made in its zeal to create a new,equitable, unified, national society. In anApril 1992 national workshop held inMozambique, a presenter noted that Fre-limo's attempt to radically transform societywas "extremely altruistic, but the way it wasimplemented entered into direct confronta-tion with the cultural system hitherto exist-ing in the countryside, which was ignored orset aside to make way for the new, modernprogressive and urban culture. A phe-nomenon, which in Europe had taken cen-turies to evolve, was attempted here fromone day to the next, and in general the resultsvere not good. There was resistance, diffi-culties, and failures which might not haveoccurred if there had been an attempt to con-ciliate the culture of the peasants and thenew forms being proposed, in order toachieve a more gradual and less confronta-tional transition. A situation of contradictorynorms emanating from the traditional author-ities and the central government generateddisrespect for norms of any kind."
Government and Anthropology
Anthropology has been taught at Mozam-bique's national university (named afteranthropologist Eduardo Mondlane) for manyyears. By 1990, anthropologists such as Car-olyn Nordstrom and myself were brought into recommend culturally appropriate ways ofdeveloping a working relationship betweentraditional healers and the Ministry ofHealth. Anthropologists have also beenasked to recommend how traditional chiefsmight be brought in from the cold to workwith the government to reconstruct andresettle rural areas, and to reconcile formercombatants. These are but a few examples ofFrelimo's growing appreciation for andappropriate use of anthropologists during thepast five years.
Setting the Record Straight
Jose Luis Cabaco, the former official"quoted" by Hitchens, is now a sociologistworking as a consultant in development. Herecently told me that Hitchens greatly dis-torted what was actually said. Willing togive his interviewer the benefit of the doubt.Cabaco allowed that the misunderstandingmight have been due to his own "poorEnglish" (sec below and judge for yourself),as well as to the foreigner's difficultiesunderstanding the complexities of Mozam-bique during a short visit. In a letter to me,he wrote: "The war in Mozambique, con-trary to what has been said during manyyears, has not much to do with ideologiesbut rather with the process of transition froma predominantly tribal society to a nation.The South African military high command,
who conducted the strategy of the war inMozambique until it became a civil conflictin the mid-80s, used profusely anthropologi-cal studies and research [combined with thework of sociologists, psychologists, politicalanalysts] to assess the concrete situation inmy country. They tried to understand boththe mistakes done by Frelimo's policy andthe historical and cultural backgrounds thatcould be revitalized and reinforced in orderto create an [indigenous] element to sustainthe war effort. Actually this was basicallywhat they were doing in their own countrywith the bantustan policy. The use of anthro-pology, as a science, by the military appara-tus [of South Africal to conduct a war hasnothing to do with the war itself or withanthropologist.-; as social scientists."
As students during the Vietnam war era,my friends and I were much concerned aboutcharges that anthropologists were helping theUS military in programs that seemed to leadto the destruction of peasant villages or left-ist-allied village leaders. In the present cir-cumstance, I know of no individual anlfcro-pologists who have advised members ofSouth African or Rhodesian military intelli-gence, nor does the author of the Vanity Fairarticle offer any such evidence. Blaminganthropology for the atrocities committed bythe Mozambique resistance group is akin toblaming physics for the Chernobyl disaster.
[Green is a Washington, DC-based medi-cal anthropologist and consultant for a num-ber of international health organizations. Hehas just completed a year as full-time advis-er to the Mozambique Ministry of Health'sprogram on traditional medicine, the pur-pose of which is to foster collaborationbetween indigenous healers and governmenthealth services. Green's most recent book isAIDS and STDs in Africa (1994); he is work-ing on a new book dealing with pollutionbeliefs in indigenous explanations of illnessand misfortune in southern Africa.]
AN Commentaries are designed toexplore diverse views of the disciplinefrom an anthropological perspective.Commentaries reflect the views of theauthors; their publication does notsignify endorsement by the A.nt.hropr.logy Newsletter or the AmericanAnthropological Association, Authorsare expected to verify ail factualinformation included in the text};Mam^criptssltauld be less than Z(X)0worth in length ami must be submit-ted on both disk and in double-spaced
5
