Anglo-Saxon Costume: a Study of Secular Civilian Clothing and Jewellery Fashions, Part 2
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Transcript of Anglo-Saxon Costume: a Study of Secular Civilian Clothing and Jewellery Fashions, Part 2
ANGLO-SAXON COSTIJNE:
A STUDY OF SECULAR, CIVILIAN
CLOTHING AND JEWELLERY FASHIONS
Thesis for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
University of Newcastle upon Tyne
Gale R. Owen 1976
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PART THR : REPRE$ EIJTATIONS IN ART
A. INTRODUCTION: SOURCES AND ORGANIZATION
459"
1. Illuminated manuscripts
The earliest surviving Anglo-Saxon illuminated manuscripts,
which are Gospel Books and a Bible from seventh-century Northumbria,
offer no information about contemporary costume, since their
ornamental repertoire consists of decorative patterns inherited
from Irish Christian and pagan Anglo-Saxon traditions, and/or
figures derived from Mediterranean models. The earliest illu-
minations which may possibly show contemporary clothing occur
in eighth-century works: the Vespasian Psalter (BM MS Cotton
Vespasian Ai), a product of the Canterbury School, and the Book
of Kells (Codex Cenannensic )a Gospel Book possibly
produced in Pictland, under Northumbrian and Irish influence. )
The potential evidence in the former lies not in the well-known
full-page miniature of King David and his musicians, which is
the product of iconographical traditions, but in a historiated
initial depicting David and Jonathan. The figures in the initial
have no known source2 and their costume may therefore have been
influenced from life. Similarly, evidence from Keils depends
not on the elaborate miniatures, but on figures in minor decora-
tions, including an initial.
These early examples are isolated cases, however. Much
more evidence is to be derived from the many manuscripts illu-
minated in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Artists of this
period continued to depict Christ and the Evangelists in sub-
classical, draped garments; observers and minor. characters in
the same scenes were, however, sometimes depicted in different
costumes. For example, in BM MS Cotton Titus Dr. vii (fol. 65v), 3
a representation of the crucifi>'ion includes the Virgin and John
460.
wearing traditional draped garments, while above, Sol and Luna
appear in short tunics. Such "non-classical" costumes may
reflect the fashions of contemporary seculars. There is a clear'
distinction between the Mediterranean drapes worn by some male
figures and the presumably medieval costumes worn by others.
The distinction is less clear-in relation to women's costume,
where the position is complicated by the fact that many depic-
tions of women represent the Virgin and other characters who
appear in biblical narrative. The Virgin, and sometimes others,
may have been clothed traditionally.
The costume portrayed in any Anglo-Saxon drawing, even if
"non-classical", must be treated with reservation since it may
not necessarily represent contemporary English fashion; the
iconography of some illustrations showing such figures may be
traced to older continental models. For example, BM MLS Harley
603, which is lavishly illustrated and provides some represen-
tations of garments unique among English drawings (Plates XIII-
XVIII) is a copy. of the Utrecht Psalter, which itself probably
derived from a Greek original through a Latin intermediary. 4
Similarly the English illustrated manuscripts of Prudentiusr
(Plates XIX-XXI), which contain many drawings of costumed figures,
derive from a continental antecedent. The style of English 5
artists of this period was strongly influenced by continental
work, chiefly by Carolingian art and the School of Rheims. 6
Even the less formal figures in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts betray
this influence in their stylized posture and swirling clothing.
Despite these reservations, however, the modern student is
justified in drawing conclusions about Anglo-Saxon clothing
from some of the illustrated figures. Dodwell has shown that 7
the artist who illustrated hlfric's version of the Old Testament
461.
(BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv; Plates )CcII-) V) probably did not
derive his drawings from a model, but created directly from the
text. Dodwell suggested that the tools and other equipment
seen in use in these pictures are types which were in use in
Anglo-Saxon times. It is likely therefore, that the artist
depicted characters in the costume of his own day. The clothing
illustrated in this manuscript is similar to the "non-classical"
costume in English versions of continental manuscripts, such as S
Harley 603.
Manuscript illuminators of the late Saxon period were not
so restricted to biblical subjects as their predecessors had
been. There survive from the later centuries several represen-
tations of English kings, commemmorating ceremonial occasions
(Plates XXVI-XXVIII). The royal figures wear garments unlike
Mediterranean drapery, and their appearance contrasts with that.
of contemporary occlesiastics. Calendars8 (Plates <XIX, XxX)
contain illustrations of the occupations appropriate for the
various months of the year, where figures are dressed in costumes
basically similar to those shown in MS Claudius Biv. The details
of their clothing (footwear, cloak, tunic) vary according to
their activity..
The artists of the Harley 603 Psalter, the Prudentius
manuscripts, Claudius Biv and the Calendars were concerned to
illustrate the subject matter of their texts, producing lively
scenes containing active medieval figures, contrasting with the
formal portraits to be found in the contemporary, or near-contem-
porary Benedictional of St. Ethelwold (BM MS Additional 49598).
The manuscripts which are copies of continental originals show,
at least, the general features of medieval costume in Western
Europe, while Claudius Biv makes it possible to specifically
462.
distinguish details of English costume in the late Saxon
period.
Thus, illustrations survive in sufficient quantity and
with enough clarity to make possible some deductions about
women's costume at this time. It is possible to establish with
a greater degree of certainty the garments commonly worn by
men, as well as to observe what may have been some less common
variations in the clothing of both sexes. 4
2. The Bayeux Tapestry
The Bayeux Tapestry is probably the best-known secular
testament to Anglo-3axon art. 9 In it may be found a fusion of.
the talents of the English artist with those of the Anglo-Saxon
needlewoman, the latter prefigured in the skilful weaving of
the pagan period, proved in the Cuthbert embroideries, and later
to become internationally famous. 10 ; Unlike the designer of the
Cuthbert embroideries, the artist of the Tapestry seems to have
presented his figures in the attitudes and costumes of evei1ay
life, more comparable with the Claudius Biv and Calendar illus-
trations than with the Benedictional.
The Tapestry depicts the events preceding and culminating
in the Norman' Conquest. It shows men of various ranks engaged
in a wide range of activities, enabling the modern student to
contrast the appearance of the Saxon with the Norman as they
were seen by contemporaries. Though worked after 1066, the
Tapestry has been included in the present study because it
reflects the artistic techniques of the years preceding the
Norman Conquest, and because it portrays Anglo-Saxons at the
time of their defeat when that event was within living memory.
463"
3. Sculptures
Most Anglo-Saxon sculpture can, for convenience, be divided
into three groups: eighth- to ninth-century Northumbrian, and
tenth- to eleventh-century Southern, which in general are
artistically superior to the third group; and work of the ninth,
tenth and eleventh centuries from Northern England, an area of
Scandinavian culture at that time. (More precise dates are often
difficult to establish. ) Not all sculptures have figure carving,
and not all carved figures are relevant for the present purpose.
The earliest Northumbrian sculptures are ornamented with abstract
insular motifs and figures derived from Mediterranean models.
They therefore offer no evidence of contemporary Anglo-Saxon
costume. Many of the figures on later Southern carvings are also
foroign-derived. Evidence therefore is to be drawn mostly from
artistically inferior works of the Viking Age.
Thera curvivo a small number of detailed figure oculpture3
which may depict native secular costume, all unique in some
detail (Plate XXXVII, Figs. 15,16); and many crudely executed
carvings which may depict contemporary costumes, but which mostly
lack detail.
Since many of the surviving Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Viking
figure sculptures represent biblical subjects the influence of
continental iconography is inevitable. Moreover, the Viking
settlement resulted in the incorporation of Scandinavian mytho-
logy into the repertoire of the Anglian sculptor. The degree
of freedom allowed-to the sculptor in portraying such subjects
is uncertain. There existed some iconographical tradition in
the presentation of heathen figures in Scandinavian art" but
there is little. evidence that this extended to sculpture carried
out in England, or, specifically, to the clothing on that sculpture
464. Sculpture offers little evidence of women's costume, but
provides a number of examples which confirm and add to the
information on male costume derived from the manuscripts. Since
many of the works are northern, any variations from the costume
depicted in drawings may reflect regional fashions; in particu-
lar, the costume of the Scandinavian settlers may be represented.
4. Ivories
Craftsmen in the Christian Saxon period applied their
talents to the decoration of many articles associated with
religion, such as elaborate coverings for holy books and con-
tainers for relics, and to personal objects such as seals. Ivory
was a popular medium for such works, and a small number of ivory
12 carvings of this kind may provide evidence of costume.
6 The earliest example, and, for the present purpose, the
most important, is the Franks Casket, r13 (Plates XL, XLI), a
whalebone object identifiable by its runic inscription as
Northumbrian work of the eighth century. The Casket is carved
with scenes from biblical narrative, Roman history and Northern
mythology, themes presumably derived from a universal history.
No exact model has been found, and since the figures in the
scenes are not dressed in sub-classical, draped garments, and
the clothing of the men bears some resemblance to that of secular
figures in later art, it seems likely that the artist intended
to depict contemporary costume. The Casket is so much earlier
than the manuscripts under consideration that the unusual features
of the costume on the Casket could reflect earlier fashions.
Furthermore, the peculiarities of costume in eighth-century
Northumbria were commented upon by a contemporary (Part Four,
B, 5, p. 558 , below). The costume on the Casket could reflect
regional variation.
465"
Most other surviving ivories attributed to the Saxon
period belong to the last centuries of that era, and like
other art, reflect foreign iconography. A small number of
them may, however, depict costume as worn in England, and are
therefore considered below.
5. Metalwork
Human figures appear only rarely on the metalwork of the
pagan and conversion periods, and most are irrelevant for the
present purpose since they are either armed, naked or so stylized
as to reveal no costume. One possible exception is a gold pendant
found in Grave 56 at Riseley, K, which was probably made in Kent,
although iconographically it reflects Scandinavian influence. 14
Another is a bronze object found close to tumuli at Breach
Downs, K, 15 which, it was suggested above (Part Two, XIII, 14,
pp. 139-40), might have been a textile implement. A human head
probably once formed the head of a pin, which was sheathed in
a human torso.
During the Christian period the art of the metalworker
reflected some of the stylistic influences to be found in other
media. The Fuller Brooch, one of several surviving ninth-century
brooches16 (discussed in Part Two, C, 2, pp. 460 9- 11 ,
above), is the only one of the corpus to be decorated with human
figures (Plate XII). The figures, which are arranged in the
form of a quincunx surrounded by a border of roundels, represent
the five Senses. The stylized depiction of the figures corresponds w
in some respects to earlier manuscript illuminations including
the figures in the Vespasian Psalter (which have not here been
considered reflections of English fashion). Yet no model has
been found for the conception-of the Senses as they appear on
466.
the Brooch and one feature of the costume worn by the figures
is not parallelled elsewhere. This could reflect contemporary
clothing and must be considered.
A figure similar in some respects to those on the Brooch
appears as one of a number of motifs engraved in silver as
ornament to the pommel of a sword from Abingdon, Bek. 17 The
ornament is ninth- or early-tenth-century.
A clothed human figure also appears on the Alfred Jewel 18
(Plate hZli). This object, associated by its inscription with
King Alfred (who died in 899) is designed to hold a rod, and
may have been an '&Bstel', a pointer to aid reading. The object
is gold. The figure upon it is enamelled, and, although several
different suggestions have been made as to its identification,
probably represents the Sense of Sight. ; I
r"
6. Organization
In the discussion which follows, manuscript illuminations.
and the Bayeux Tapestry have been considered together, since
both give one-dimensional representations of figures and the
evidence they offer is complementary. The manuscripts provide
more evidence than other art. The conclusions presented in
Section D are based upon an examination of all the drawings and
paintings of human figures in manuscripts which have been con-
sidered Anglo-Saxon. The distinguishing features'of medieval
costume are chiefly to be deduced by comparison of figures in
traditional drapery with others in different (presumably contem-
porary) costume. These conclusions, drawn from illuminations,
are applied to other art, and in subsequent sections evidence
from stone and ivory carvings and from metalwork partly confirms,
and partly adds to, the evidence from manuscripts.
467.
B. ILI, UI, 1II1ýT: D tVs. NUSCRI17i'S AND TIE; F3. lYEUX T:; Pi: S'i'RY
1. Fernale costume
Almost all illustrations of women, whether or not they
represent biblical characters, depict them in wimple-like hoods
covering the head and neck, ankle-length garments beneath which
are visible the close-fitting sleeves of inner garments, and
shoes.
The distinctive head coverings of women clearly distinguish
them from men in crowd scenes. Very few illustrations show
women bare-headed. There are examples in the illustrated manu-
scripts of Prudentius, where personified Vices are represented
by female figures. Avaritia, for example, depicted in B: 4 MS
Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 23v), has her head uncovered and
her hair loose. Since the iconography of the Prudentius roanu-
scripts is demonstrably derived from a continental model, 1
this
may not be considered an example of an English fashion, but the
association of loose, uncovered hair with a Vice suggests that
such an appearance was undesirable in ]: ngland and her continental
neighbours in the early medieval period.
Laver stated that in the Anglo-Saxon period "young girls
wore their hair long and loose over their shoulders, with a
band to keep it from being too unruly. In the privacy of their
homes women of all classes wore their hair the same way".
There appears to be no English evidence to support either of
these statements. Women, except the personified Vices mentioned
above, are depicted with covered heads indoors and out.. There
appear, to have been no distinction in the matter of costume
between single and married women. Artists saw nothing ludicrous
in depicting Vzrcr by means of a head-and-shoulders painting
468.
I of a woman wearing the usual hood, as in BM MSS Arundel 60
(fol. 5) and Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 7).
Laver considered the wimple type of hood to have been an
innovation of the ninth century. "LPreviously] the head was
covered by a square veil of semi-transparent material... In
the ninth century a new kind of veil was introduced. It consisted
of a circle of material with a circular hole cut, not in the
centre but about a third of the way across. The veil was
draped over the head in such a way that the face and throat
appeared through the hole. 13 Laver's description and reconstruc-
tion of the (later) veil accurately define the headdresses of
late Anglo-Saxon illuminations, but there are no illustrations
of appropriate date to confirm that this was a ninth-century.
innovation. 6
This type of headdress is worn by almost all the women
depicted in Anglo-Saxon art, although the details and elaboration
vary. Considerations of style may account for the differences
between the loose hood with many folds which appears on some
female figures (often biblical) and the closer-fitting version
on others. The hood may reach to the shoulders (Plates XXI,.
XXIV, centre, XXV, XXVI, X Xi), sometimes hanging lower at the
back than at the front; or, more rarely, it may combine the
roles of cloak and hood, hanging to the knees, lifted by the
raised arms. (Such a garment is worn by the Virgin as portrayed
in BM MS Harley 2904, fol. 3v, though the colouring of the
picture suggests that there may have been two separate garments. 4)
The hood is always sufficiently long to cover the bhoulders of
the garment beneath it.
Other ornaments may have been worn at the head in addition
to the hood. Female figures representing the daughters -of a
469"
priest in I3M MS Cotton Claudius Div wear heädbands outside the
hood, which pass across the forehead (Plate x: V). Though the
paint is daubed the bands were clearly part of the original draw-
ing. Alfgyfu ("Emma), wife of King Cnut, illustrated in BM MS
Stowe 944 on the ceremonial occasion of the presentation of a
cross to the New Minster at : Winchester. (Plate xxvi), wears a
decorated band across her forehead, which is concealed at the
side by her hood. It is possible that this article was a royal
diadem, but it seems likely that it was an embroidered band, since
two streamers, decorated and ending in tags, appear from under
the hood at the back. These probably belong to the piece -of
material visible at the forehead. There is no parallel among
English illustrations for the wearing of a band under the hood
in this way, but as the queen was of Norman birth, and her hus-
band Scandinavian, it is possible that her dress reflects foreign
taste. It may be significant, however, that bands of similar
width to that worn by Alfgyfu. are draped over the shoulders of
the allegorical figures representing Pompa in the BM Prudentius
MSS, Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 22v) and Additional 24199 (Plate
XcI). It may be that the Prudentius artists adopted, as an,
indication of fleshly indulgence, a decoration which was actually
worn by high-ranking ladies such as Alfgyfu.
Women sometimes appear to wear another head covering under
the hood, particularly when the latter is of the loose-fitting
kind. Some of the women illustrated in BM MS Harley 603 appear
to have projections under the front of their. hoods, which suggest
the wearing of head bands, caps or underhoods (Plate XV, centre
bottom, Plate XVI). It is possible, however, that the projections
are stylized depictions of hair. Enoch's child, pictured in his
mother's arms in the Comon Manuscript (Bodleian Library MS Junius
XI), 5
wears an enveloping hood, of the kind worn by women, from
the front of which projects a fringe, clearly representing hair.
470.
The foremost figure in a group of women addressed by Aldhelm
in an illustrated version of his poems in Bodleian Library MS
577 (27645) (£ol.. lv), wears a scarf or veil under the hood. The
two loose ends pass, together, from under the hood at the front, '
before separating and extending under the outstretched arms.
The dancing figure of Luxuria in the BI4 MS Additional 24199
Prudentius (Plate XIX), wears a similar scarf without the outer
hood. The scarf covers the head, before crossing on the breast,
passing under the armpits and hanging forward over the arms.
A veil is held suspended over the head of Cnut's queen in
the Stowe 944 illustration (Plate )xVI). The device provides
a symmetrical balance with the crown suspended over the head of
the king on the right of the picture, but need not carry equal
symbolism. If the veil were worn over-the hood and ornamental
headband, the headdress of this queen would be the most elaborate 6
illustrated.
A small figure drawn-in the Paris Psalter, Bibliotherue
Nationale MS Fonds Latin 8824 (fol. 3) carries a scarf, and wears
what appears to be a round hat. Wormald described both this
figure and its companion in the illustration as male, 6 but although
the figure on the left is bearded and wears a tunic, the right-
hand figure (with the hat) wears a long gown and has. - no obvious
beard. It is therefore probably female. The costume as it appears
in the Paris Psalter is apparently unique, but it is possible
that the scarf could have been worn wrapped round the hat, in
a fashion parallelled in a Carolingian manuscript, Vienna, '
Nationalbibliothek Cod. 2687.7 There, the Virgin Mary is depicted
in a veil wrapped round the head and passing under the chin,
covering a hat or cap which projects over the forehead. The
projections appearing from under the hoods of women in BM MS
Harley 603 (Plate XVI) may indicate similar caps.
471.
An alternative form of head covering may be found in the
hooded cloak worn by a female figure personifying the Moon in
1M MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate =III), a figure in Harley 603
(fol. 9) and by Superbia in BM MS Additional 24199 (Plate r-4).
In BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv a woman wears a hooded cloak which
is rather different in that it is draped loosely over the head
and not fastened or shaped in any way at the neck (Plate "ZCIV,
left-hand figure).
The hooded cloak offers a combination of head covering and
outer garment. In other representations the outer garment of
women takes one of two forms. It may be ankle-length, with wide
sleeves (which sometimes turn back into cuffs) reaching to the
forearm, often revealing the longer, close-fitting sleeves of
an inner garment (Plate XxVI). The alternative garment does not
have fitted sleeves, but hangs from the shoulders to cover the
arms, being raised when the hands are lifted, as they always are
in illustrations. At least one longer garment is visible below
this robe (Plate XVI, left-hand figure), and the tight inner
sleeves are usually revealed at the wrist (Plate XXXI), where,
unusually, the garment is worn over a wide-sleeved coat as well
as an inner robe with tight sleeves.
The hood conceals the shoulders of both types of robe-in
illustrations, but it seems likely that the sleeved robe was
tailored, like a coat, and that the draped garment was circular,
or oval, with an aperture for the head, like a op ncho or chasuble.
The draping of the garment would depend on the position of the
aperture. If it were central, the garment would hang equally,
back and front; if it were not central, the garrcient might hang
lower at the back, as it seems often to have done. (It is this
47 2.
type of garment which artists seem occasionally to have amalga-
mated with the usual hood, depicting a garment which hung from
the head to the knees, p. 468, above).
The sleeved outer garment and the draped are accompanied
by similar hoods, shoes and inner sleeves. The marked dichotomy
between imported, Eastern Mediterranean costume and medieval
costume which can be found in pictures of men, is absent in
depictions of women. The costume of Anglo-Saxon queens is very
similar to that of the Virgin. Clearly the draped garment was
widely exploited by biblical illustrators. The Virgin is mostly
pictured in a garment of this form, so are some allegorical
figures, such as Philosophy. Possibly this type of garment was
worn by contemporary nuns, since St. Etheldreda is attired this
way in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold. 8 Yet the draped
garment might also be worn by Anglo-Saxon seculars, since it
appears in Claudius Biv (fol. 9v, for example).
The sleeved outer garment was probably worn by Anglo-Saxon
secular women, since Queen Edith, in the Tapestry9 and Alfgyfu
in the Stowe manuscript (Plate XXVI) appear in it; but artists
might also depict biblical characters in this costume, such as
Eve in the CDedmon Manuscript10 (Adam in the same manuscript
wears medieval costume), and the Virgin in the Stowe manuscript
(Plate XXVI).
Holy and allegorical figures, then, are more regularly
portrayed in the draped, and seculars in the sleeved costume,
but there is some overlap. Artists may have felt confusion over
these alternative garments. There are several instances in
which an artist has drawn a female figure with one arm covered
by a wide sleeve, the other holding up material hanging from the
shoulder -- an impossible hybrid. (For example the Virgin
473"
in Cambridge, University Library MS Ff. 1.23, fol. 88v. 11 A
possible example is the Prudentius illustration Plate L. )
The resemblance of the draped outer garment to the chasuble
and to costume of Byzantine tradition suggests that it might
have been introduced through Christianity. The poncho- shaped
cloak is worn by Germanic men'on Roman sculptures (Plate XI)
but there is no known continuity between this and the similar
garment worn by women in late Anglo-Saxon drawings. It is
possible that the style was popularised by Christian art. It
is uncertain whether such a garment formed part of the Anglo-
Saxon woman's wardrobe, or whether the artists simply copied
the costume from imported manuscripts.
The sleeve had been part of Germanic costume since before
the migration to Britain. The garment of a female figure
representing Germania capta on a Roman sculpture has close-
fitting sleeves (Plate V) and pagan Anglo-Saxon women, at least
in Anglian areas, wore sleeves, as demonstrated by the occurrence
of wrist claps (Part Two, B, XXXI, la, pp. 3tß"8, above and rig.
l0). Although probably in neither case were the sleeves attached
to the outer robe, these examples show that the technique of
making sleeves was well-established in Germanic civilization..
The sleeved robe of late Saxon art was probably a development
of a native tradition.
In later medieval times the sleeves of women's garments
were to become more elaborate. Outer sleeves in Anglo-Saxon
illustrations are normally simple, but there is an exception
in the long, hanging sleeves of one of the three women depicted
in the Bayeux Tapestry. 12 Sleeves in BM MS Cotton Claudius
Biv are occasionally shown overlapping the ann. (Plate XCIV,
centre. The woman depicted is a member of Jacob's family,
474"
travelling. ) Fairholt maintained that this was a winter
f ashion. 13
Planche claimed that mittens formed part of the costume
of women, citing an illustration in BM MS Harley 2908 (fol.
123v). 14 The probable continental origin of this manuscript
(discussed in the Introduction, Part One, pp. 6-7) makes this
unsuitable evidence for English costume, but since evidence of
medieval gloves is to be considered below (Part Four, C, VII,
3, -pp. 6 tit -8), it should be noted that, although Planche' s inter-
pretation is understandable, examination of the manuscript
suggests that the painter made an error, rather than that he
intended to depict a single mitten. 15
Women's inner garments are largely concealed'by the hood
and outer robe. Their clothing always extends to the ankles,
so that if the outer robe is of the short, draped type, the
inner gown is longer. There may be an additional garment,
reaching to the knee, worn between the outer robe and the inner,
ankle-length gown (Plate The close-fitting inner sleeves
may be attached to the long robe or to a garment otherwise
invisible. In painted manuscripts the inner sleeves are often
coloured white, contrasting with the darker outer garment. They
have a , wrinkled or pleated appearance, like the sleeves of men,
discussed below (p. 4e1 ). (The inner sleeves may be seen clearly
in Plates XXI and XXVI. ) Women's arms are usually concealed to
the wrist. (Plate XXXIII shows a rare exception. This depicts
a mythological figure. )
Women's clothing may have been decorated with embroidery.
The bands at the wrists of the inner sleeves are often ornamented
475"
with dots; more rarely, a wide sleeve may be decorated (Plate
xxiv).. The long gowns often have marked hems. Bands of decora-
tion occur on some skirts, but it is. not clear whether the
artist's intent was to represent ornament on the costume, or
merely to elaborate his drawing. There is, for example, an
ornamented strip on the skirt of the Virgin in Cambridge,
University Library MS Ff. 1.23 (fol. 88v) 16 at each thigh and
at the hem. Nevinson considered that a similar ornament on
the garment of King Edward the Confessor in the Tapestry, marked
the hem of a short outer tunic, 17 but since the band is not
continuous either in this illustration or in the depictions of
women, the theory cannot be proved.
The long skirts normally cover the legs, but a female
figure representing the'Vice Superbia in BM MS Additional 24199
(Plate XX) is shown barefoot, and enough leg is, visible to
reveal that garters are wound round and tied at the ankles. It
is possible, therefore, that women wore close-fitting leg cover-
ings which were bound to the leg, in addition to. the layers of
skirts. There are depictions of pre- Anglo-: axon Germanic
women apparently wearing trousers (Plate VIII)'9but there is
no evidence that this was ever a widespread fashion, or that
it continued into Anglo-Saxon times.
Women wear the flat-soled, close-fitting ankle shoes which
are also worn by men. They are usually painted black. (Plates
=V, XXVI), and haveZwhito or unpainted strip running down the
front of the foot, marking the fastening or decorated area
(visible on Plate =1, a line drawing where the body of the
shoe has not been coloured). There are no variations on this
-style. '
476"
The jewellery which formed so characteristic a part of
women's costume in the pagan period rarely appears in the
illustrations of the late Saxon era, though Christian period
archaeological finds and literary evidence imply that such
objects were still treasured. If any brooches had been worn
at the shoulder they would be concealed by the hood; but the
outer garments of the illustrations are not normally such as
to require brooches or pins as fasteners. The Prudentius
illustrations offer exceptions to this (Plate cc) following the
descriptions in the text. The brooch worn by Su erbia in B: -1
I"IS Additional 24199 is of the simple circular type which was
current in late Anglo-Saxon England. : he arrangement of the
drapery suggests that the woman's gown was girdled, but there
are no depictions of buckles, or of objects suspended from the
girdle.
2. Male costume
The distinctive garment of the Anglo-Saxon man in secular
life appears to have been the girdled tunic, usually worn Short
enoucgh to reveal the knee. Such tunics are represented c: zr]. iest
in the Vg p tan Psalter, not only in the (rack-derived D, ºvid
miniature, 19 but also worn by one of the figures in the David
and Jonathan initial. (The other figure wears a longer garr, ýent. )20
The tunic is the common garment in 13M MS Cotton Claudius 3iv.
(Plates =1, XXIV), for the illustration of which the artist
apparently drew upon Contemporary material, and in many other
late Anglo-Saxon illustrations (Plates XIII, XV, ; VII, 1uß, XY. VI,
XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, =I, VIII1 =: IV).
The girdle is sometimes not visible (Plates'X: CVI, XXVIII,
XXIX, centre and right, NCO:, left, XXXII) , being concealed by
477"
pouching of the tunic, but the waisted shape of the garment
suggests its presence, and in some representations a bulge at
the side or back of the tunic may indicate the position of the
girdle knot. In other illuminations, a loose girdle, not a
rigid belt, worn low on the hips, is suggested, though painted
the same colour as the tunic (Plate 3, centre). In the Bayeux
Tapestry, however, girdles are regularly indicated by the use
of contrasting colours. No buckles or pendant girdle-ends are
indicated in the Tapestry or the manuscripts. The ubiquitous.
knives of the pagan period are absent, and appendages of any
kind are rare. An unusual example may be found in the figure
of Ishmael in BM TLS Cotton Claudius Biv (fol. 36v) where an
object appears to be tucked into the girdle.
Tunics are usually round-necked, and were probably tightened
by means of a draw-string, as clearly indicated on a figure in
BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate XXYC,;, left). In other cases
there is a small slit at the front of the head opening, and the
neck and this slit are bordered by a band which forms a V-shape
at the front (Plate =, centre). In two instances, BM MSS
Arundel 155 (fol. 93) and Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate )xxiV)
Goliath is pictured in a tunic with this type of neckline, with
the additional feature, not found elsewhere, of'two strings,
ending in tags, with which the front slit was laced or drawn
together. A human figure among the illustrated "Wonders of the
East" in BM MS Cotton Vespasian Axv (fol. 101), 21 wears an
unusual square-necked tunic, to which a hood is apparently
attached.
Tunics were full-skirted, as clearly indicated by an over-
balancing figure in the Bury St. Edmun& - Psalter, Vatican
Library MS Regin. Lat. 12.22 The skirt of the tunic cascades
478.
in a circular swirl. Norris23 claimed the full skirt to be a
development of the tenth century, but secular costumes are
represented so rarely in English manuscripts before this period
that the statement is difficult to substantiate. Most tunics,
from the Vespasian Psalter to the Bayeux Tapestry are depicted
in stylized folds which indicate fullness in the skirt.
It appears that men engaged in manual labour, or other
activities in which the skirt would be an encumbrance, either
wore an alternative garment, like a loin cloth, or arranged the
usual tunic in such a way as to leave the logs free and the
thighs exposed-'at the sides. Men dressed in this way are almost
always barefoot and barefoot men almost always wear this costume
(Plates XVII, upper group, C IX, centre). Some illustrations
suggest that the tunic is slit at the sides. A figure in the
November scene of the Cotton Julius Avi calendar wears a garment
which is drawn with a double outline, ' suggesting that the front
of the skirt is divided from the back, although in this case
the thighs are not exposed (Plate XXIV.., centre left). It is
possible that these figures wear distinctive garments. It may
be, however, that the apparently slit tunic or loin cloth is
the result of the artist's misunderstanding or careless repro-
duction of a method of arranging the ordinary tunic; for in
several instances the ordinary tunic-skirt has been caught up
at the sides and fastened by the girdle, so that the thighs are
exposed, and the skirt falls in a V-shape back and front. In
a calendar in BM MS 'Cotton Tiberius By . (Plate XXX), a- barefoot
man sowing seed wears such a tunic, while his two companions
wear the more usual tunic and shoes. Like a man similarly
clad engaged in the same task, which represents the occupation
for the month of March, in BM MS Cotton Julius Avi,, he uses the
479.
pouch formed by the front of the skirt to hold the seed which
he sows. Men viewed from the rear in BM MS"Harley 603 (Plates
XIII, top left, XIV), wear tunics similarly arranged, which can
be seen to cling round the buttocks and loop up to the girdle
at the sides. A tunic arranged in this way is worn by a
barefoot figure representing the letter L in Cambridge, University
Library MS Ff. 1.23 , in this case the skirt falling into aV
at-the front and a deeper V at the back. 24
It is possible that the slit tunic and the tucked-up tunic
were both undergarments, normally worn under the full-skirted
tunic, and revealed when the outer tunic was removed for labour;
but there is no direct evidence to confirm this. On the contrary,
in the Tapestry, Harold and other Englishmen are depicted wading
ashore barefoot, with tunics tucked up, 25 but they are never
shown removing or replacing over-tunics. The tucking up of the
tunic, therefore, appears to be a matter of convenience; the
slit tunic may be a different garment, but could be artist's
variation.
Strutt, citing the occupations of the months, assumed the
slit tunic to be a "badge of slavery or servitude". 26 This is
a plausible explanation, especially taken in conjunction with
the fact that men who wear such tunics are without shoes, but
it is weakened by: the recognition that the ordinary tunic_
could be tucked up during similar occupations; the fact that
Harold, a man of rank, is depicted. wearing his garment this way;
and the fact that the garment of the biblical Joseph, known to
be elaborate, is shown with slits in MS Claudius Biv (Plate
xxii). Practicality, rather than status, appears to be the
reason for this fashion.
480.
Some tunics appear to have been decorated. Red dots
ornament the neck and wrist bands of Goliath's costume in 3: 'i
MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate : ärxIV) and King Athelstan' s in
CCCC 183 (Plate =III). The skirts of figures representing
the constellation Gemini in BM T-L:; Arundel 60 (fol. 4), are
ornamented, and figures in BM MS Cotton Claudius Div tear tunics
of more than no colour, the skirt either having a border, or
an inner layer (Plate : C'IV, right). The figure of Longinus in
a crucifixion scene in BM PIS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate MON)
has a decorated band round the hem of the tunic, which forms an
inverted V-shape. (The costume of this figure is unusual in
several respects, however, and may be an attempt to represent
Roman military costume. ) Some of the tunics in the Tapestry
have hems or borders stitched in contrasting colours. Bodices
do not usually contrast in colour with skirts, either in manu-
scripts or the Tapestry though an unusual variation may be
found in the costume of Harold, depicted in the Tapestry at
the scene of his capture. 27 Y: evinson described the costume as
"a sort of green kilt with vertical pleats and a contrasting
red jacket" . 28 The Anglo-Caxons' conception of an elaborate
tunic may be deduced from the depiction of Joseph's garment in
Claudius Biv (Plate XXII). It is'a wide-sleeved, V-necked, short
garment, painted blue with a pattern of circles and apparently
with slit sides. This garment is called 'tunece' in the tc}: t.
(Lines 4 and 6 on the Plate. C. E. Part Your, C, III, 5qpS744,
below. )
: some tunics, such as the one worn by King At-helctan (who
died in A. D. 925) as portrayed in CCCC MIS 183, (Plate : JIII)
and the ones worn by men in the Tapestry, have smooth, close-
481.
fitting sleeves, which extend to the wrist. Male figures in
manuscripts more often, however, have sleeves which are marked
from wrist to elbow in a series of parallel lines (running, round
the arm) usually terminating in a broader or more distinct band
at the wrist (Plates XXII, ice" CIV, noC, XZCII, =III, XXXIV,
cocV). The wrist band is sometimes ornamented with dots. (This
type of sleeve is similar to the inner sleeve of women's costume. )
Both Strutt29 and Planch&, 30 in discussing such sleeves,
cited the statement of William of Malmesbury that the English
were accustomed to load their arms with bracelets. 31 Strutt
concluded that the "appearance of borders" at the wrist represen-
ted bracelets; Planche considered, but rejected for most
instances, the possibility that the parallel markings might
indicate bracelets. (The identification is unlikely since the
lines are regular, unornamented and not usually coloured to
resemble metal. ) Planche finally posited a single bracelet at
the wrist to confine a sleeve which was longer than the arm and
gathered into folds. Both Planche and Truman32 suggested that
the wrinkled appearance of the sleeves reflects the provision
of extra material which could be rolled down to cover the hands
in cold weather; but costume historians have disagreed about
assigning the wrist-length sleeve to the outer or to an inner
garment. Planche considered that the outer tunic was short-
sleeved, and that the wrinkled sleeves were attached to an
inner garment. Yarwood stated that the sleeves of the tunic
were long. 33
This question may be partially resolved by the fact that
a number of male figures have a decorative band round the upper
arm. This might be merely ornament, but it is more likely that
the band marks the extent of the short sleeve of an outer tunic,
I
482.
and that the wrinkled sleeve extending to the wrist belongs to
another garment worn underneath the tunic. Such decorative
bands or sleeve borders are found, for example, on the garment
of King Edgar (who died in A. D. 975) as portrayed in BM MS
Cotton Vespasian Aviii (fol. 2v), King David in Cambridge,
University Library MS Ff . 1.23., 34 and a figure representing the
constellation Orion in BM MS Harley 2506 (fol. 41). 35 One. of
the men stoning St. Stephen in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold,
}3M 123 Additional 49598 (fol. 17v) though lacking the decorative
band, has close-fitting tunic sleeves which seem to reach only
to the elbow, while the pleated sleeves which stretch from elbow
to wrist appear to emerge from under the tunic sleeves, and to
belong to an undergarment.
Enlart, considering Carolingian costume, believed that the
exposure of the undergarment sleeve was an innovation of the
second half of the ninth century. ; It is possible that this 36
was also true of English costume, but it is noticeable that the
long, smooth sleeve also continued to be used in the tenth century
in England, as attested by the Tapestry and the Atheistan picture
(4$o-i , above).
The explanations by Planche and Truman of the wrinkled
appearance of the inner sleeves are not entirely satisfactory,
since these are never depicted on male figures in the extended
state which the writers postulate. A more firmly based explana-
tion may be found in the traces of pleated material which was
found on the backs of Viking women's brooches at Birka, Sweden,
and which was believed to have derived from blouses. 37 It is
possible that a similar material was worn in England at about
the same time, and that the wrinkling of the sleeves in manuscript
illustrations represents, not loose material gathered up, but
deliberate pleating.
483.
The undergarment indicated by the sleeves was probably a
form of shirt. Bands of contrasting colour at the necks of men
in tunics pictured in the Tapestry were considered by Nevinson.
to be collars of shirts worn under tunics. 38 It is possible,
though, that these colours mark the decorative neck band of
the tunic, mentioned above (p. 471 ). Illustrations rarely
indicate undergarments at the hem of the tunic. A figure
representing Perseus in BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate XXXII)
provides a rare example. Undergarments are occasionally shown
below ankle-length garments: there is for example a frill of
white below the long robe of a king in BM MS Royal 13 Ai (fol.
lv).
Anglo-Saxon men might also wear long gowns, but these
appear less frequently than short tunics. They seem to have
been mostly confined to the upper classes, although a shepherd
(7) in BM MS Cotton Julius Avi (fol. 5) appears in a long robe.
(He does not handle the sheep. ) Harold, in the Tapestry, appears
in a long robe after he has been elevated to the position of
king, 39 although earlier he wore a short tunic. Kings might
wear the short garment as well as the long. Crowned figures
appear in garments of both lengths in ]3M MS Harley 603. It is
possible that the custom of wearing short garments on ceremonial
occasions declined among English royalty by the end of the tenth
century. Athelstan wears a short tunic in CCCC MS 183 (Plate
XXVIII), as does Edgar in BM MS Cotton Vespasian AAviii (fol. 2v),
but the latter icing wears a long gown in BM MS Cotton Tiberius
Aiii (Plate XXVII). Edward the Confessor (who reigned 1042-66),
as portrayed in the Tapestry, like King Harold, wears long
robes. 40 Cnut, however, (who reigned 1016-35, ) is depicted in
484.
a short tunic in BM MS Stowe 944 (Plato XXVI). This might
mark the persistence of the short tunic, or might reflect the
Scandinavian taste of the Viking king.
The long gown of King Edgar, in the Tiberius manuscript
(Plate XXVII), is a long, patterned garment, with a decorated
hem and a wide sash. It is short enough to reveal the feet,
encased in shoes with decorated front strips, and the lower legs
in either striped stockings or unusual garters. A long cloak,
fastened by a round brooch at the centre of the chest, is worn
over the gown.
King Edward's gown, in the Tapestry, is also surmounted
by a centrally-fastened cloak, and is worn over close-fitting
trousers or stockings and shoes. -The gown itself has smooth,
close-fitting sleeves, and a band of embroidery or other decora-
tion on the skirt in the area of the left thigh. Nevinson, as
stated above (p. 475), considered this to be part of a continuous
band of embroidery marking the edge of a short upper tunic, the
same colour as the ankle-length one worn below. The depiction
of Harold at his coronation supports rather better Nevinson's
view that the royal costume consisted of a short upper gown and
an ankle-length one below it. Harold wears, on this occasion, 9
a sleeved gown which extends to mid-calf, revealing an ankle-
length robe of a different colour below. Like the other kings,
Harold wears a centrally-fastened cloak over the long robes.
Immediately after, Harold is portrayed without the short, outer
gown, in a single, long gown, not quite reaching to the ankles. 41
Cloaks accompany short tunics and long gowns. Unlike the
cloak of earlier Mediterranean tradition, tho Anglo-Saxon garment
is not supported by the bent arm. It is rectangular, and varies
485"
in size, although only long cloaks accompany long gowns. When
associated with the short tunic, the cloak may be suspended in
such a way as to be short at the front, but long enough at the
back to reach the calf. Examples of this fashion include the
cloaks of Icing Cnut in BM MS Stowe 944 (Plate XXVI), Orion in
BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 39) 42 and Harold, depicted
several times before his coronation, in the Tapestry. In other
cases the cloak might fall only to the level of the waist at
the back,, for example those worn by figures engaged in agricul-
tural occupations in EM MS Cotton Tiberius By and the man stoning
the martyr Stephen in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold (fol.
17v). The latter uses the front of his cloak as a container for
the stones he is about to throw. Often the cloak is the same
length as the tunic (Plates XIX, XX, X-: II, XXVIII, XXIX, Mall).
The cloak is usually fastened by a brooch at the right
shoulder. The function of the brooch appears to have been to
clasp together the two sides of the cloak, not to attach it to
the garment worn below, as shown in an illustration in BM MS
Cotton Tiberius Cvi (fol. 8). There, a cloak has been thrown
off, over the head of the wearer (David, killing a lion). It
falls, the two sides still clasped together, leaving a circular
opening for the head. This function of the brooch is confirmed
in CCCC MS 183 where there is an illustration of King Athelstan,
with bowed head. His cloak is clasped high on the shoulder,
while the neckband of his tunic is visible lower down the shoulder
(Plate xxVill).
When the cloak is fastened on the right, or more rarely,
on the left shoulder, the loose material may be allowed to hang
down at the front, covering the opposite arm, or it might be
pushed back leaving the arm free. An illustration in BM MS
486.
Cotton Tiberius £3v (fol. 7) shows a man working, or hunting,
with the surplus material of his cloak turned back, its upper
edge tucked into the neck of the tunic.
Centrally-fastened cloaks occur often in association with
long gowns (Plates ; CCIII, =11), though with short tunics
cloaks are more often fastened at one shoulder. A rare example
of a centrally-clasped cloak worn over a short tunic may be
found in the illustration of a man hawking, the occupation for
the, month of October, in BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 7v).
Cloaks fastened at the centre of the chest are usually arranged
symmetrically, often being pushed back over the shoulders.
Brooches fastening the cloaks are usually represented by
a circle with a dot in the middle, though elaborate variations
and different shapes do occur, usually associated with persons
in elaborate costume, such as kings. No shape, apart from the
circular, appears consistently, and the shapes are unlike those
of the pagan period.
There may have existed other methods of fastening the cloak.
Longinus, in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate xxxv), wears a
round brooch transfixed by a long pin. In several-instances,
for example in CCCC MS 41, the cloak is caught up in a small
loop which projects behind the brooch. Cnut, as pictured in BM
MS Stowe 944 (Plate ? ücvi) has two ribbons or bands, finished
with squarish tags, hanging from the cloak at the point it is
fastened. A similar arrangement is worn by Duke William in the
Tapestry. 43 A king in BM MS Harley 603 (fol. 56v) has, attached
to the brooch, a trailing ornament.
Cloaks may have been embroidered,. or decorated with braided
bands. There is a band of ornament on the falling cloak in BM
Ms Cotton Tiberius Cvi (above, p. 4.95), and the blue cloak worn
487.
by King Edgar in BIA MS Cotton Vespasian Aviii (pp. 411, M, above)
is bordered with gold.
The manuscripts and Tapestry do not generally suggest that
trousers were worn by the Anglo-Saxons without a covering tunic.
Knee-breeches worn without an over-skirt may have been the fashion
in eighth-century Northumbria, nearby Pictiand or Ireland, for
small f igures, dressed in them appear in the Book of Keils, but
not elsewhere in Anglo-Saxon context. One Keils example occurs
as the decoration of an initial letter. H. nging out of the
initial is a pair of legs clad in dark--blue knee-breeches, red
and white striped stockings and pale shoes. 44.
Loose-fitting, knee-length trousers seem to be worn by
some Normans in the Tapestry. 45 (The divided coats of mail 46
worn during the Battle, 6f Hastings are not included in the present
discussion'. ) The loose-fitting trousers are not worn by the
English except by Harold when on horseback during and after his
'visit to Normandy, 46 by one Englishman during the battle47 and
possibly by two other figures, one preparing the body of King
Edward for burial, 48 the other gazing at a comet. 49 The thighs
of the former are concealed by the corpse, and the other-is
seen in half-profile, so these examples are not unambiguous.
Fairholt50 claimed that a horseman, drawn in BM MS Harley
603, wore long trousers, but, 'as in a similar case in the Tapestry,
the rider might equally well be wearing, and sitting on, a skirt.
In BM MS Harley 603 (Plate XVII bottom, left, XVIII), there
is an unusual illustration revealing trousers being worn under
a long garment, which would normally cover any undergarments.
In this example, the skirts are raised, as the wearer, with two
companions, prepares to undergo a foot-washing ceremony. The
other figures are bare-legged, but the third wears trousers
which extend to the ankles, the feet being bare. All three wear
cowled garments, and might possibly be men in holy orders. (The-
relevance of this part of the illustration to the Psalm is not
obvious. ) The illustration proves the existence of long under-
trousers, however, which might have been worn by seculars.
The presence of trousers, or long stockings, under the short
tunic, is suggested by the fact that in the Tapestry and the
painted manuscripts- the legs of male figures are often coloured,
and coloured differently from the bare hands and faces (Plate
XXVIII). Yet the leg coverings must have been very close-fitting
as the limbs retain their natural shape. They are not so loose
as the leg coverings worn by the-cowled figures in the Harley
manuscript (above) nor the characteristic German trousers, as
they appear on Roman sculptures. (Plates IX-XI). The-leg
coverings meet the shoe at the ankle. It is possible that they
extended to cover the foot.
Many male figures in manuscripts wear gartering on the
lower legs, possibly to support close-fitting leg coverings which
are not often indicated in any other way, but also probably as
a garment in their own right.
Cross-gartering, although part of the modern popular con-
ception of early English costume, rarely appears in illustrations
of the Saxon period. The few-occurrences may reflect icono-
graphical tradition rather than current fashion, since cross-
gartering most often appears on representations of the biblical
King David, or characters associated with him. (For example,
David in OCOC MS 391; 52 David and Saul in BM MS Cotton Tiberius
Cvi (fols. 8v, 9V, 3OV); Goliath in BM MS Arundel 155 (fol.
93). )
489"
The garters are more often represented by a series of
parallel lines, with a diagonal band at the top, , either crossing
the horizontal bands or lying further up the leg. This type of
gartering appears in the costume of men of all ranks. it is worn,
for example, by agricultural workers in the calendar in BM M;
Julius Avi (Plate XXIX), and by King Edgar as he appears in BM
MS Cotton Vespasian Aviii.
A figure representing the contellation Perseus in BM MS
Cotton Tiberius By (Plate : CII) wears garters decorated with
a line of dots along the diagonal band. A figure in BM MS Harley
603 (fol. 72v) wears garters of which the top two strands cross.
King Edgar,. in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Aiii (if not wearing striped
stockings) may wear leg coverings which are wound round the leg
without overlapping, so that the leg is visible between the strips
(Plate XCVII). The fastening of garters is rarely shown. There
is an example in the ßenedictional of St. Ethelwold (fol. 24v),
where the foremost of the three kings wears garters fastened in
an elaborate knot, the ends of which dangle and are finished off
with squarish tags. Tradition may, however, have dictated a more-
than-usually exotic costume for these characters. 53
The wrappings which covered the leg, may, in some cases,
have been extended to cover the foot. A seated figure in B14
MS Harley 603 (fol. lv) appears without shoes, but. his feet,
revealed below the hem of a long garment, are bound by parallel
strips.
The similarity of the technique by which the arm and leg
covorings are usually represented -- both executed in a series
of parallel horizontal lines -- led Truman to suppose that the
leg coverings were "rather full, and wrinkled in. much the same
way as the sleeves, but on a lesser scale". 54
In some illustra-
490"
tions the lower legs appear to be clad in loose, wrinkled. socks,
rather than in the commoner, separately wound strands. Many of
the figures in the Q dmon Manuscript and BM MS Harley 603 wear
leg coverings resembling loose socks, and there are examples in
other manuscripts, such as the figure of Orion in BM MS Harley
25065and in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate =. 'V, right-hand
f igure). ' These leg coverings have a pronounced band, or turn-
over, at the top. Yet it is likely that this variation of leg
covering is artistic stylization rather than evidence of a
different garment. Socks fitting as loosely as these, without
visible means of suspension, would not remain in position. The
lines which mark the "wrinkles" of such "socks" are parallel,
like those marking the strands of the garters. An unusual varia-
tion of the "wrinkled" leg covering, which could support the view
that this was not a sock, is worn by Longinus in 13M MS Cotton
Tiberius Cvi (Plate XV, left-hand figure) . There is, in this
case, a gap between the shoe, which reaches to the ankle, and
the baggy coverings worn round the calf. Decorated bands mark
the upper and lower extremities of the leg covering.
Even though the above cases may be stylized representation
of garters, rather than of socks, there is some evidence of the
woaring of kfleo-nockn. amooth, close-fitting cocks, reaching
to just below the knee, and decorated at tho top with a band,
are worn by Cnut as portrayed in the Stowe illustration (Plate
XXVI). Similar socks are worn in association with a tunic, by
a figure in BM MS Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 13v).
Flat, black-painted ankle shoes, with a white front strip,
are the usual footwear for mono as for women. Occasionally there
are more elaborate shoes.: The footwear of King David, for example,
491"
is often ornamented; for instance in CCCC MS 391 (fol. 24v)
the shoes are decorated at the side and toe, and appear associated
with elaborate cross-gartering. 56 The shoes worn by David in
the Vespasian Psalter are of ecclesiastical significance57 and
not representative of Anglo-Saxon fashion.
The long-toed shoes which were to become popular in the
later medieval period are only rarely represented in Anglo-Saxon
drawings. They are worn, for example, by the figures of Jubal
8 and Cainan in the Odmon Manuscript; though long, slender feet
are characteristic of this artist, and the shoes may not be
" realistic. In the same manuscript, Jubal's shoes have side seams
as has one shoe of a king in BM MS Royal 13 Ai (fol. lv. -The.
other has a decorated front strip). This form of'seaming corre-
sponds to the ninth-century archaeological finds of shoes from
York. (Part Two, D, 18; p. 45(o, above. )
Ornamentation of shoes almost always takes the form of
decoration of the front strip. King Edgar's shoes are elaborated
in this way in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Aiii (Plate {VII) and a
similar ornament may be seen on the shoes of Gemini ih BM MS
Arundel 60 (fol. 4). It is uncertain how far this represents
the practice of the day, for there is no independent evidence
that the Anglo-Saxons decorated leather in this way. The artists
may simply have filled the blank space on the shoe with decora-
tion, in order to elaborate the costume. The. upper edges of
the shoes worn by King Cnut in the Stowe MS drawing (Plate XXVI),
are marked by a series of dots which might be merely decorative,
but could represent thonging.
Many men appear bare-headed, or, when armed, in helmets.
Kings wear crowns, of various shapes, the King' s retainers,
492"
as they appear in DM Mä Cotton Claudius Div (Plate : C: III)
pointed hats.
I3en are depicted with short hair, and are more often clean-
shaven than bearded. Beards, when worn, are sometimes forked.
The Englishmen in the Tapestry are distinguished from the Normans
by their moustaches.
3. Children's costume
Children are rarely pictured except in illustration of
biblical history. The C3dmon Manuscript depicts infants in long
gowns and either in the type of hoods worn by women, 59
or bare-
headed. 60 These children are pictured on their mother' knees,
and are presumably very young.
A child depicted in a scene showing a battle for souls in
B. 1 MS Stowe 944 (fols. 6v-7) wears a long, sleeved gown, but the
infants noch and Isaac, illustrated- in BM 143 Cotton Claudius
Biv, (fols. 9,35v) wear short tunics. A child holding its
raother'c hand, in BM MS Harley 603, wears a short tunic (Plate
'all, bottom left).
4. Surtnary
Women of the late Anglo-Saxon period were dressed in a
gown or gowns, one of which reached to the ankles, and onc: _of
which had tight, pleated sleeves. They wore shoes, and may have
had leg-coverings, secured by garters, which were normally con-
cealed. The tight-sleeved garment was always covered by an outer
robe, either sleeveless or wide-sleeved. The shoulders of this
were concealed by the wimple-like hood, which may sometimes have
been worn over a scarf or cap, covering the long hair. The
hooded cloak may have been an uncommon alternative to the usual
493"
hood and outer robe, and the square veil a feature of royal
ladies' costumes. . Ornament appears to have consisted of embroi-
dered bands at the wrist, hem or skirt of the garment, or as a
rare luxury, 'p endant ribbons, rather than jewellery or girdle
adjuncts.
The costume was clearly different from that of the pagan
period. The similarity between the hood and outer garment worn
by some secular women, and that worn by biblical, suggests that
late Saxon women's costume may have been influenced by Christian
art, or directly by fashions from southern Europe. (Alternatively,
it is possible that some artists - monks, perhaps --were less
free in their drawings of secular'women's'costume than of men's,
and relied upon models of biblical origin. ) The usual absence
of jewellery from women's costume, though archaeology and litera- 6
ture suggest that it was still being manufactured, suggests some
discrepancy between the costume of women in life and in art.
The distinction between medieval and biblical male costume
in art is clearer. In the late Anglo-Saxon period men were
mostly dressed in short, girdled tunics, with V-shaped or rounded
necks. The tunic might be tucked up, or replaced by a garment
with slit sides for physical activities. The tunic may have had
long alcoves, or short alcoves which revealed the pleated, wrist-
length alcoves of an undergarment. The two styles probably co-
existed. Shoes were normally worn, and garters, wound in parallel
.. strips which may have functioned as a garment in their own right,
and/or covered close-fitting trousers, or stockings. Short socks
were rarer. A cloak could be worn over the tunic. This might
be arranged in various ways, but was usually clasped at the
right shoulder by a circular brooch.
494"
A long gown might be worn by men of high rank, a fashion
which may have increased in popularity towards the end of the
Christian Anglo-Saxon period. * The gown was probably worn over
trousers or garters, and was sometimes covered by a long cloak,
often fastened at the centre of the chest.
It is possible that trousers could be worn without tunics,
but this fashion is depicted rarely, once early and once late
in the Christian Saxon period.
Men, who might be bearded, clean-shaven or moustached,
sometimes wore tall caps on their short hair.
Infants were probably dressed like women, in long gowns
and hoods, but older male children, like men, could wear either
long or short garments.
i"
I
495"
C. ScULPTURE
1. Female costume
Sculpture reveals very little about women's clothing. The
evidence is from Viking Age, Northern carvings.
The figure of the Madonna on the fragment of a sculpture
from Sutton-on-Derwent, 'M1 bears the remains of a row of tassels
which may have ornamented the cloak. This feature is not found
elsewhere in, Anglo-Saxon art but may be descended from the
tasselled cloak shown on some Germanic figures on Roman sculp-
tures, 2 and the fringed garments suggested by some textile finds
from the pagan Saxon period (Part 2, D, 11, . -p. 4.41 I
above. ) The Sutton-on-Derwent sculpture has many peculiarities
which make dating uncertain, but its style, identified by
Collingwood as late Jellinge-early Ringerike, suggests that it
is tenth-century. 3
Carvings representing Sigyn, wife of the Northern god Loki
on the tenth-century cross at Gocforth, Cumb, the woman in the
crucifixion scene on the same cross4 (Plate : cß: Vi) and a female
on a Viking Age hogback at Sockburn, Du5 resemble female figures
on Scandinavian stones6 and metal amulets. I
All have long, unbel-.
ted, trailing gowns, and plaits of hair are evident on the
Gosforth figures. The hair style is not confined to women, for
it is shared by Loki. Heads with single plaits, or pairs of
plaits, appear on two Viking Age hogbacks at Lowther, C. urb. 8
A Viking Age cross shaft at Sockburn9 shags a figure which
is probably female, since it holds a horn from which another
figure drinks, a scene from Norse mythology commonly found on 10
Scandinavian sculptures. The Sockburn figure has been described
as wearing "a flowing cloak hol& on the left shoulder by a round
496"
brooch", and the hair "appears to fit the head closely as. though
pulled back, "ll perhaps a full-face view of the plaited hair
style.
The figure of the Virgin Mary on a probably tenth-century
cross frag� peat from Kirkby Mharfe, Y, 12 wears a long gown with
clone-fitting alcoves, but the carving is crude and there arc
no vi. uiblo detailo. There are figureo in long gowns on othrr
ocu1j tureo, for e1: amýýla, a gowned figure appcar. ^, with one in a 13
short tunic on a tenth-century atone from Stavely, Y, but
there is no indication of their sex, and no detail of clothing
can be deduced from them.
2. Male 'Costume
A small numc er of surviving sculptures, mostly ninth-century,
depict male figures in tunics and other garments which are shown
in some detail. These will be considered individually before
a discussion of the evidence to, be drawn from than, and from
cruder, or less well-preserved, pieces.
A male figure sculpted on a stone slab at Codford St. Peter,
t'li. (Plate 31'xVII), offers a rare example of possible native
costume on a West Saxon carving. The sculpture has been called
"completely ""nglish"14 though the verdict is not unanimous and
a Frankish model has been suggested. l5 The figure is ninth-
century, although the exact date has been disputed. 16 The hair
of the figure is bound with a fillet, and he is dressed in a
;; nee-lcngth tunic, cloak and shoes. 11 wide sleeve covers the
upper arm, and tight-fitting folds cover the lower arm and wrist.
it may be that the sleeves of the tunic are short and loose, and
that the longer, tighter sleeves of a'shirt protrude, but there
is no clear demarcation line between the two, and the whole area
497"
of the cloak and tunic is carved in similar folds, so one cannot
be sure to what degree the effect is realistic-and how much the
product of the sculptor's style. The cloak, which is the same,
length as the tunic, is fastened in the middle of the chest by
a T-shaped clasp, and appears to be confined at the waist by the
girdle. This would be a convenient arrangement for a man engaged
in physical activity, but it is not paralleild in the manuscripts
where cloaks swing loose, outside the girdles. The shoes, cut
low over the instep, but with projections up the backs of the.
heels, and possible side seams (shown on the outer side of the
left shoe) may derive from a model or may be an "early type
known to the carver". 17 it is clear that the figure is engaged
in some activity, but the nature of this iä disputed. Cramp
considered him to be dancing. 18 He holds an object in his
left hand, interpreted by Kendrick as a musical instrument, 19
and by Forbes (who thought the figure was engaged in cutting
alders as part of a ceremony confirming fishing, trapping and
cutting rights) as a knife. 20 A personal opinion is that the
object resembles a mallet, and that the figure, who reaches up
to the carved vegetation, could represent the sculptor. (A
sculptor is depicted on an early Norman font, at Bridekirk, Cumb) 21
The numerous folds carved into the Codford figure's costume
also appear on the garments of a small, probably early-ninth-
century, figure from Jarrow, Du. The figure stands amidst vine
scroll, attacking a beast. He has been described as "a hunter"22
and "of juvenile appearance". 23
A knee-length tunic, long pleated
or wrinkled sleeves and a short cloak or cape are worn by the
figure.
498. Several surviving sculptures bear figures of archers.
These may ref lect. the Northern legends of Egil, or, as Raw has
argued, may have some Christian significance. 24 The costume
of an archer depicted at the base of a ninth-century cross
shaft from Sheffield5 is clearly carved (Fig. 15). The figure
wears a round-necked tunic which does not reach to the knees.
The sleeve of this garment is close-fitting but smooth, flaring
slightly at the wrist below a decorative band. The sleeve is
unique, although a sleeve of similar shape is worn by an archer
depicted on an ivory, (D, 2, p. 5i2 , below). The legs of the
Sheffield figure appear to be clad in tight-fitting trousers
indicated by lines' sculpted at the back of the knee and the
calf. He may wear close-fitting shoes reaching to the ankle,
and is bare-headed. The carving is mid-ninth-century.
Routh was able to describe the costume of another archer,
placed in a corresponding position at the base of a cross shaft 26
at Bradbourne, Db. The garments included a conical cap, short
"kirtle" and "breeches".
Two ninth-century figures from the church of St. Maryr
Bishophill Junior, York, wear garments differing from those
shown in manuscripts27 (Fig. 16). The left-hand figure wears
a girdled tunic which falls well below the knee. The second
figure also wears a fairly long garment. It has been suggested
that the figures wear the voluminous lay habit, shorter than
the habit which superceded it in the late ninth century28 (a
substitution mentioned among literary evidence, Part 4, B, 4 ,
p. 5j4 , below). From the girdle of the left-hand figure, which
Collingwood described as being "in three plies", a horn is'sus-
pended, and from the girdle of the right, a dagger. The left-
499"
hand figure wears a hood secured by a round brooch at the right
shoulder; the other, who has been interpreted as a falconer,
has a "frilled or furred collar" similar to one worn by a falconer
on the late-seventh- or eighth-century cross at Bewcastle, cumb. 29
Collingwood considered that the second York figure was bareheaded.
Another variant on the tunic is worn by a figure on an
eleventh-century (possibly post-conquest) sculpture from Ingleby,
Db. 30 The carving was originally executed in detail, but is
badly preserved. The figure may be engaged in fruit picking.
He wears a tunic which appears to be tucked up at the front con-
firming the evidence of manuscript illustrations (Be 2, pp.
4"7 8 above) that the tunic could be tucked out of the
way during physical activity. The figure wears a tall, conical
hat, and according to Röuth, has a satchel suspended from a girdle.
Many of the cruder sculptures depict figures in knee-length
skirts, which probably correspond to the tunics usually worn by
men in manuscript illuminations. In several cases the skirts
are longer-at the sides than in the middle, having curving hems,
for example on the figures of Christ and Longinus on the cross
at Gosf orth, comb (Plate XWI), armed figures on ninth- or
tenth-century stones at Norbury, Db32 and Alstonf leld, St, 33
and possibly the central member of a group on a Southern sculp-
ture at Burford, 0.34 This stylized representation may derive
from the fullness of skirt which is represented in drawings and
other carvings by bunching and folds. Many of the bunched tunics
in drawings appear to hang lower at the sides than in the middle.
Some of these sculpted skirts, for example, the Norbury carving,
are patterned in horizontal and vertical lines dividing the area
into two panels, though as these are worn by armed figures they
may represent protective clothing, perhaps divided mail skirts.
Parallel lines are normally used to depict armour on Pictish
35 sculpture.
Several skirts of this concave shape, for example the
Norbury and Alstonfield examples, and the skirts of three figures
on a tenth-century carving from Gainford, Du., 36 are depicted
with a double outline. This may not be a realistic feature,
perhaps resulting from the influence of the Jellinge Style, but
it is possible that it reflects some variation of costume. Two
variations as depicted in drawings might explain the double out-
line. There is a patterned border round the hem and up the sides
of a tunic depicted in BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv, (Plate cIV),,
but it is not an exact parallel as the tunic is straight-edged. I
Another possible-parallel from the drawings is the type of tunic
which is slit up the sides. The skirt of one such tunic in BM
MS Cotton Julius Avi has a double outline (Plate XXIX, centre).
The concave shape and the double outlines (and also the
panelling) may therefore be characteristics of the sculptors'
style, but they may owe their origins to existing clothing.
There exist many examples of the straight-edged tunic, though
on some fragmentary sculptures this may be represented by as
little as the legs of a figure and the hem of a garment. One
of two figures "picking grape's" on a late-eighth-century frieze
at Breedon-on-the-Hill, Le, 37 wears a tunic. There are eighth-
or ninth-century examples from Bakewoll, 38 Bradbourne3g and
Hope, Db,, 40 Late-eighth- or early-ninth-century figures illus-
trating Christian subjects on two crosses at Sandbach, Chesh, 41
wear tunics. There are tenth-century examples on fragments from 42 the church at Bakewell, Db, and on the Gosforth, Comb, cross.
501.
A horseman figure on the latter cross wears such a tunic with
what may be a vertical slit at the neck. 43 A tenth-century
fragment of Anglo-Viking sculpture from Otley, Y, 44 bears the
remains of a skirt panelled in the same way as the concave skirts
discussed above. A procession of warriors from an earlier,
probably mid-ninth-century, grave slab at Lindisfarne, Nb, 45
possibly a commemmoration of the Viking raid on the island in
A. D. 793, appear to be dressed in tunics of which the skirts are
marked in horizontal bands, although Brdndsted considered their
costume to consist of "thick jerkins and narrow trousers 46
These figures might of course represent Scandinavian Vikings
rather than native men.
Christ and two soldiers portrayed in a late Saxon crucifi-
xion scene from Daglingworth, G147 wear tunics of which the
skirts are patterned with vertical markings, possibly indicat-
ing pleats. There is a vertical slit- at the neck of the tunic
as portrayed by this sculptor, and one of the soldiers wears a
girdle, the end of which spreads out into a fan-shape. The
indication of fullness in the skirt and the opening at the neck
correspond to other evidence from drawings and carvings, but
the detail of the girdle is unusual.
There survive a number of figures which, even allowing for
the poor proportions of many of these carvings, appear to be
wearing tunics longer than the norm. A figure in a "long, loose
kirtle" accompanies another wearing a shorter tunic on a tenth-
century stone from Stavely, Y; 48 The figure in the longer garment
has a horn,. and may represent a hunter. The longer garment may
have been associated with the hunt, since a figure with a horn,
accompanied by another figure with a hound, is dressed this way
502.
on a tenth-century cross shaft from Ovingham, Nb, 49 and since
one of the figures in such tunics from St. Mary; Bishophill
Junior, York (p. &r98 , above) also carries a horn (Fig. 16).
The longer tunic may not have been exclusively worn for the
hunt, however. A headless figure from the "smith scene" on a
tenth-century sculpture from Halton, 450 wears a longish tunic
with tight sleeves.
Other crudely-sculpted figures wear long, straight gowns,
sometimes appearing in scenes where other figures are differently
dressed. Some have been interpreted as male characters from
biblical narrative, but it is uncertain whether the sculptors
have been influenced by the long garments traditionally worn by
figures such as Christ and the apostles, or by the long gowns
of their own day, sometimes worn by high-ranking men in manu-
script illustrations (B' , p. 4.83) .A pair of Viking Age figures ,2
on a stone from Bilton, Y, 51 provide,; an example: the figures,
which have been interpreted as Abraham and Isaac, are differently
clad, one in trousers or naked (discussed below), the other in
a long, straight garment, clasped or ornamented by a long object
at the centre of the chest. A similar cjarment, unadorned, is
worn by a figure perhaps representing John the Baptist on a
stone of similar dato from Sherburn, I. 52 Probably the most
that may be deduced from thoco figures is that the sculptors
intended to differentiate them by their costume, and that as the
figures accompanying them probably wear. contemporary clothing,
these may also. (The St. Peter and Christ figures on the'
Daglingtwrorth, G1, sculptures wear long, straight gowns with
vertical slits at the neck, and girdles fastened with ornamental
knots. 53 Neither the shape of the garments nor the knot are
typical of known Anglo-3axon work, however. Although the figures
503"
do not wear traditional Mediterranean drapery the nature of the
characters suggests that the sculptor would not create freely.
This together with the doubtful date of the sculptures, minimises
their use as evidence of costume. )
I
A number of figures appear to be clad in belted garments
which are noticeably short in the skirt and leave the upper part
of the body naked. Possibly loin cloths are intended. 54 The
activities of some of the figures dressed this way support this
interpretation. Wrestling figures on a fragmentary stone of
uncertain date from Monkwearmouth, Du, 55 and one figure in a
wrestling scene on a Viking Age fragment from Lythe, Y, 56 wear
this dress. Apparently bare-chested figures . with skirts, but
without belts, possibly representing Adam and Eve, appear on a
fragment of similar date from Pickhill, Y, ' (Collingwood' s
f ragnent di and in a . sociation with a vine or tree on a late-
ninth-century cross shaft at Urswick, La. 58
Leg coverings are rarely distinguishable on sculptures.
Two figures on a Southern carving of uncertain date at Barking,
Ex, 59 possibly representing Peter and Paul, wear, below tunics
and long cloaks, leg coverings resembling the wrappings often
found in manuscript illustrations. A figure on the reverse of
the same shaft may wear anklets, or other ornaments round the
leg, which show below the hem of the long tunic. A crudely-
carved angel on a. Viking Age sculpture at Slaidburn, y, 6Ö (Plate
c1111), wears boots, the uppers of which extend into flaps,
projecting on either side of the ankle. Similar flaps depicted
at the front and back of the foot', rather than at either side
504.
appear on the ankle shoes or slippers on the Codford cross and
the Abingdon sword (is, 1, p.. 5140, below) and on ecclesiastical
figures on a Pictish slab at St. Vigeans. 61
it is sometimes possible to distinguish trousers below tunics
as for example on the Sheffield (Fig. 15) and Bradbou rae, Y,
stones., (p. ' q8 , above). Br$ndsted assumed that trousers were
worn by the figures on the Lindisfarne', Nb, stone (p. 5o1 , above).
Where figures are without tunics, the lack of detail in
the crude sculptures 'makes it impossible in many cases to dis-
tinguish between naked figures and trousered ones. Some unso-
phisticated figures do, however, appear to wear belts, and it
is possible that a contemporary fashion of wearing belted trousers
62 without a covering tunic was represented in this way. Two
tenth-century cross shafts from Middleton, Y, 63 depict Vikings
(Plate COaX). Figures on both stones wear pointed caps or
helmets, and each has a belt or girdle knotted at the left side
to which a scramasax in a sheath is attached by a thong. The
headgear suggests that the figures are clothed;, the girdles may
support trousers. Belts are worn by all the male figures on
the Gosforth, cumb, cross (Plate XXXVI) though one lacks a tunic.
The central boss of a Viking Age cross shaft from Bilton, y, 64
is surrounded by bearded figures without tunics, but with belts.
On the shaft of the same cross are two figures, mentioned above
interpreted as Abraham and Isaac. The left-hand figure
(Abraham; he holds 'a knife) wears no tunic or gown, nor, in
this case, is there a belt. A round ornament at the centre of
the chest and an ornament on the top of the head, however, would
suggest that the figure was intended to be clothed, perhaps in
a shirt and trousers.
505"
These examples of "trousered" figures all derive from the
area of Viking settlement. It cannot be proved that the Anglian
population wore belted trousers without tunics, but it seems
probable that the Vikings did so. Barbarians depicted on Roman
sculptures are sometimes dressed this way (Plates X, XI). though
the absence of the tunic may have been a sign of. captivity,
rather than regular custom. In view of the possible cases of
trousers, already discussed, Anglo-Viking sculpted figures without
tunics or gowns, may be interpreted as wearing close-fitting
trousers, rather than being naked. Examples include one of the
Viking Age wrestling figures from Lythe', Y, 65 two torturing (? )-
66 another, on a tenth-century sculpture from Winwick.. La, and
the figure of St. John on a fragment from Kirkby Wharfe, y. 67
Few sculpted figures wear garments over the tunic.. The
Codford St. Peter f inure (Plate 3GC{VII) wears a cloak which is
both clasped by a pin of unusual shape, and secured by the girdle
in an unparallelled manner. There are apparently no other depic-
tions of cloaks.
A wide-sleeved overshirt is worn by a figure on a Viking
Age fragment from Kirklevington, Y. 68 The garment has a front
neck opening, and ends at the waist in a scalloped edge. A skirt
shows beneath it. Collingswood considered that the sculpture
was the portrait of a warrior, wearing a helmet and a coat of
mail. Mailcoats with similar scalloped edging, but with short
sleeves, are depicted in BM MSS Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 18v)
and Harley 603 (fols. 13v, 56v), therefore the assumption that
the sculpted garment is armour is justified. There are no
depictions of such overshirts in peaceful circumstances. Lang,
however, has called the costume on the Kirklevington stone "civi-
506"
Tian dress consisting of a broad sleeved smock and a conical
69 cap".
Headgear is occasionally shown. The Codford man (Plate
XXXVII) wears a fillet, a feature normally associated, in manu-
scripts and sculptures, with religious subjects such as angels.
Conical hats are worn by the Ingleby, Db, figure, and the archer
from Bradbourne, Db, while several figures, including the
Middleton, Y, Viking (Plate XXXIX) wear helmets or caps. Colling-
wood considered that a close-fitting cap was worn by a figure
on a cross from Brailsford, Db, which he considered a possible 70
portrait. A (probably Anglian) figure from Warden, Nb, as drawn
by ryson, 71 wears a brimmed hat with trailing fastenings hanging
from under the chin almost to the waist. The figure also wears
a belted tunic with a band at the neck so is apparently male.
The only parallel to this unusual headgear is possibly to be
found in the round hat of the Paris Psalter (B, 1, p. 470 ,
above).
Other unusual headgear includes the hood on one figure at
York, and possibly the garment worn by the companion figure,.
of which the collar is observable (Fig. 16). A tenth-century
.. figure from Nunburnholme,, identified as Viking by the shape
of his helmet, also wears a wide collar'or scarf at the neck.
Three sculpted figures, two at York and one at Ingleby, Db,
carry objects attached to their belts. The objects are a knife,
a horn and, apparently, a satchel. What appears to be a pouch
appears at the waist of the girdled tunic of a man standing beside
a cross from West Witton, Y. 73 (A similar oval pouch is worn
by a warrior figure illustrated in BM MS Harley', 2886, which
Clinch74 considered representative of Anglo-Saxon clothing,
507"
although the date of the drawing is too doubtful for it to be
included in the manuscript illuminations mentioned in the previous
section of the present work. )
3. Summa x-y
The crudeness of most of the sculptures tinder discussion,
and their possible debt to inherited iconography limits the
evidence to be derived from them; but certain points emerge.
The tasselled cloak of the Sutton-on-Derwent Madonna, though
unique in Christian Saxon art, may reflect a long-established
Germanic fashion of decorating the garments. The trailing garment
and plaited hair depicted on Scandinavian works appear on Viking
Age sculptures in England.
The depictions of men confirm that the normal garb was the
tunic, but suggest variations on this costume in the Viking North.
The variations include the longer tunic found in ninth-century
work, the full-length gown, the shorter tunic or loin cloth and.
in one possible case, a smock. Other representations suggest
that Vikings, if not Anýnglians, wore trousers without tunics, a
fashion attested in Roman sculptures of Germanic men, but not
in Anglo-Saxon drawings.
The Codford sculpture shows an unusual way of wearing the
cloak, the Codford and Slaidburn carvings, footwear. Sculptures'
depict various types of headdress, the conical cap attested from
BD4 MS Cotton Claudius Biv. and less common styles. The articles
carried at the belts of several male figures testify to a prac-
tice which is rarely shown in drawings. They confirm that the
many objects found in the waist areas of pagan period skeletons.
had probably been attached to the belt, - and that the. custom of
carrying objects this way continued in the Christian centuries.
503. D. '1. 'r1i; 1ý'1ýý1i:: ý (: ý'º: riý:: l AND 0'1'IIüR xV0I2IL . ';
1. Fnin'l ie CO: 'tumC
. ',, group of three female figures, perhaps Valkyries, and
an isolated female figure appear on the panel which originally
formed the right side of the Franks Casket. 1 The figures of
Princess ßeaduhild and her female attendant appear on the front
of the Casket in the panel depicting the legend of : Jayland (Plate
M) and the head and shoulders of Fgil's wife are visible inside
the beseiged house on the Casket lid.
The group of three wear hooded cloaks over pleated or
gathered skirts which are apparently longer than the skirts, of
male figures on the Casket. The women's skirts cover the knees
but reveal the feet. The left-hand figure is angled so as to
expose the straight bodice of the gown and a demarcation in the
area of the waist, indicating a girdle. Two of the figures in
this group are shown in profile, revealing that the hoods are
pointed at the back. These two, though not the third, may wear
bands across the foreheads, below the hoods. The hoods of the
isolated figure and Egil's wife, also depicted in profile, are
not pointed.
The females on the front of the Casket are positioned full
face. Their heads are covered by hoods which are clearly attached
to their cloaks, and which do not pass under the chin as tiýir 't 103
would have done. Similar hoods appear on a Pictish sculpture,
Abernethy No. 4, which Allen tentatively identified as "the
Three Maries", adding that the figures were dressed like nuns. 2
The cloaks on the Casket are voluminous, and apart from
what could be a circular brooch at the centre chest of one of
the Valkyries, without visible fasteners. The cloak of the right-
hand female in the Wayland scene hangs in folds over the am
509.
and between the arm and body. Under the cloak the arm is covered
by a sleeve marked in folds, probably the sleeve of the' ankle-
length gown worn below the cloak. This figure carries a small
bag in her hand.
Shoes are not clearly depicted on the Casket, but neither
is there any suggestion that the figures are barefoot. Heels
are flat, so the carver probably conceived footwear similarly
to later artists. I
The costumes of female figures on most other ivories, both
those of the eighth century from Northumbria and later examples,
are derived from continental models. There may, however, be
evidence of an alternative form of headdress on an eighth-century
English ivory now in Munich3 and on two later carvings. The
figure of the Virgin on a tenth-century book-cover4 wears a
headdress similar to the scarf of Luxuria in Prudentius manuscripts
(Plate XIX). The Virgin wears the garment turban-fashion round
the head, over a plait of hair arranged across the crown. One
end of the garment encircles the neck, falling onto the shoulder.
The headgear of another Virgin figure, on an early-eleventh-cen-
tury carving 5 is also wrapped round the head. A female figure,
possibly representing the Virgin, on the eighth-century ivory,
wears a garment similarly wrapped round the head, but more volu-
minous, hanging down the back like a cloak.
Details of headdress and hair may be observed from Princess,
Gunhild's Cross, 6 possibly of Anglo-Saxon workmanship, dated
by Beckwith to c. 1075. The figure of a queen wears "her crown
over a veil which does not pass under the chin, reminiscent of
the veil suspended over the head of Cnut's queen in the Stowe
MS drawing (Plate XXVI). The figures of the blessed laity-on
6
510.
this cross, depicted in head-and-shoulders only, are distin-
guishable by the fact that men have short hair and women long
hair worn down their backs. This supports the evidence of the
Prudentius illuminations (B, 1, p. 4(7, above), that although
early medieval women normally covered their hair, they wore it
long.
2, N ilo co ntume
Male figures appear in all the scenes on the franks casket.
They wear sleeved garments which hang straight from neck to
waist, and below the waist, skirts. Only one figure (one of
the armed men attacking Egil in the scene on the top of the
Casket) has a clearly-defined belt. In other cases the bodice
appears to be pouched over the narrower top of the skirt. It
is likely that the artist intended to portray the tunic as
commonly found in later drawings, in which the bodice is pouched
over the belt. Two of the male figures have bands at the wrist,
one at the neck. The tunic'sleeves of two huntsmen in the
Romulus and Remus scene on the left side of the Casket (Plate
: MI) are marked by horizontal lines into a series of folds,
like the sleeve of the woman in the Wayland scene, and resembl-
ing the sleeves shown in many manuscript illustrations. Other
sleeves on the Casket are plain.
The skirts of most male figures on the Casket are incised
with vertical lines dividing the material into pleats or folds,
numbering frog three to six. The * proportions of the figures
are unrealistic and variable, but the skirt generally appears
to end above the knee.
The figures of the Magi on the front of the' Casket (Plate
; M) and one of the attackers of -E-gills house on the lid, have
511.
clearly defined log coverings. On two of the Magi figures these
are depicted as a"series of pouches (two or three) decreasing
in width towards the ankles. The artist may have intended. to
portray baggy trousers, tied at intervals down the log. Loose
trousers are depicted on continental sculptures (Plates IX-XI)
but do not appear in other Anglo-Saxon art. The leg coverings
of the third king and the armed man are- . depicted by a larger
number of parallel lines bearing some resemblance to the parallel
gartering of figures in manuscripts, but since the'marks on the
separate legs of the armed warrior unite just below the skirt,
it is possible that these also represent trousers. The legs
of other male figures are narrow, some being marked with hori-
zontal lines, but none so systematically as these three.
The Magi and the huntsmen wear waist-length cloaks clasped
by circular brooches at the right shoulder, the Magi's brooches
having a central incision indicating-/a stud or other ornament.
Figures on the back of the Casket, in the scene depicting the
capture of Jerusalem, wear longer cloaks which hang below the
bottom of their tunics. These seem to be more voluminous than
other cloaks, since most are marked in heavy vertical folds;
one man covers his face with his cloak. In this panel brooches
clasp the cloaks centrally or at the right shoulder. Possibly
the artist used the larger cloaks to distinguish captives from
captors, or this variation may be the result of inherited
iconography.
Later ivories add little information about male costume.
The male figure depicted on Godwine's seal? wears the usual brooch at the right shoulder to secure a cloak, under which a
close-fitting sleeve, with folds at the wrist, is visible. The
512.
figure of an archer on a reliquary which Raw considered eleventh
century8 could be , wearing secular costume although the fillet
binding the hair and tied in a knot at the back of the head is
not typical. Since the figure is distorted to fill its allotted
space the length of the skirt is indeterminate, though it hangs
in the folds usually associated with the tunic. The close-fitting
sleeves of the archer's. garment flare at the wrist like those
of the archer on the Sheffield sculpture (Fig. 15).
0
3. Summary
The ivories bring additional evidence of costume to that
offered by other art. The unusual features of costume on the
Franks Casket may reflect regional variation and/or chronolo-
gical development in clothing. The depictions of men provide
important early evidence for the appearance of the Anglo-Saxon
male. They confirm that he wore a cloak fastened by a circular
brooch, over tunic and trousers, as did his continental ances-
tors. This suggests that men's costume had retained those
features throughout the pagan period for which the archaeolo-
gical evidence is inconclusive, and it must provoke further
surprise at the absence of circular brooches from male graves.
The leg coverings of the men on the Casket supply a link between
the baggy trousers of Germanic men on Roman sculptures, and the
narrow leg coverings, covered by parallel gartering, of the
late drawings. Possibly the Casket shows both stages.
The handbag carried by a female figure on the Casket recalls
the many adjuncts to the costume carried by the pagan/conversion
period woman, absent in later Christian art. The hooded cloaks
of the women on the Casket are unique, being unlike the outer
garments, which, it has been suggested, were worn in the pagan
513"
period, and unlike the later headdresses and gowns of most
manuscript illuminations. The closest parallels are the hooded
cloaks depicted in BM MSS Cotton Claudius Biv, Cotton Tiberius
By and Harley 603 (B, 1, P. ßh71 , above) and on
the Pictish sculpture. 9 Possibly this hooded cloak was a feature
of the innovation in women's costume noticeable in the archaeo-
logy of the seventh century. Cloaks of this kind could perhaps
have been fastened by linked pins.
The headdressesof the queen and the Virgin on ivory carvings
similarly offer evidence of variety in costume, in these cases
corresponding to some of. the more unusual styles to be found in
drawings. The slight variations in the depiction of tunics,
particularly with regard to sleeves, also confirms the evidence
of other art. I
/
I
514" E. I, T!, TAI,, -; O ßY.
1. Male costume
The Senses of Taste, Smell, Hearing and Touch are depicted
on the Fuller Brooch (Plate XII) as four full-length, male figures,
surrounding a central bust representing Sight. The four surround-
ing figures wear tunics, the skirts of which are depicted in the
stylized manner of the Canterbury School, each having a central
pleat and fullness at the sides. The skirts reach to just above
the knee. The tunics of the upper pair, and of the left of the
lower pair of figures are confined at the waist by girdles marked
in each case by a double line. The tunics of these three are
round-necked, and appear to be worn under long-sleeved, close-
fitting jackets. The bolero-like jackets are shorter'than the
bodices of the tunics, and without visible fastening. The left
hand of the figure representing Hearing is turned palm outward,
revealing the inner side of the arm, down which a line runs.
This may represent a seam of the jacket.
The costume of the fourth figure differs, though the varia-
tion is slight enough to have been the result of error by the
engraver. The neck of this figure's costume is marked by a
'double line, there is no bolero, and a wide collar or cowl lies,
over the shoulders. (The costume is, however, partly obscured
by the left arm of the figure. )
Possibly this, and some of the other figures on the brooch
are not secular. (Clerics appear in short garments on the
Bayeux Tapestry. ) The central bust representing Sight and the
four busts in roundels which form part of the border to the brooch
could be wearing vestments. There is a small cross near the
centre of the brooch on what could be part of the robes of Sight.
515"
it seems possible that this figure could be wearing the archi-
episcopal pallium.. 1
The small figure on the Abingdon sword hilt2 wears a garment
resembling a loin cloth. The artist may have intended the upper
part of the body to be naked, since nipples are visible, but
lines at the neck and upper arms suggest a short-sleeved shirt
or bodice. The lines at the arms could, possibly, belpng to the
plant in which the f igure, is entwined.
The Breach Downs figure wears a short skirt or loin cloth,
the chest being apparently naked.
A V-necked, short-sleeved garment,. covers the upper body of
the figure on the Alfred. Jewel (Plate =I). The yellow line
which outlines this garment crosses the waist of the figure, and
the small area below is enamelled in a different colour, suggest-
ing that a different garment covered the lower limbs.
None of the figures considered so far has visible leg
coverings. The figure on the Riseley pendant, however, which
is without a tunic, has lines at the ankle'which could mark the
bottom of trousers. Alternatively, the figure could be wearing
anklets, a custom apparently rare in Anglo-Saxon England, but
found in Kent (at Lyminge; Part Two, B, XIII, 16, p. 148, above).
The four full-length figures on the Fuller brooch wear flat-
soled shoes, indicated by the double lines at the ankles. The
shoes appear flexible since the shape of the foot is visible.
The shoes of the upper pair and the left of the lower have side-
gussets of a kind rare in manuscript illustrations but parallelled
516.
by the ankle shoes found at York (Fig. 13). The Abingdon figure
wears similar shoes with a projection at the back of each, resem-
bling the footwear on the Codford sculpture (Plate =CYVII) and
the slippers found at York (Fig. 12).
0 2. Summa ry
The figures on the brooch confirm the evidence of sculpture
and the Vespasian Psalter for the wearing of the tunic between
the eighth-century depictions on the Franks Casket and the tenth-
century drawings. The brooch shows a type of jacket not attested
elsewhere, perhaps a fashion of the ninth century. The Riseley
pendant may show trousers, the Abingdon and Breach Downs figures
both suggest the wearing of loin cloths though of dissimilar
kinds. The Breach Downs example is loose, like a skirt, the I
Abingdon one close-fitting. The Alfred Jewel also suggests a
variation on the one-piece tunic of the manuscripts. The side-
seamed shoes of the Fuller Brooch and the shoes with heel pro-
jections on the Abingdon sword resemble archaeological finds,
and the'Abingdon shoes resemble those on a sculpture.
PART FOUR: LITERARY AND LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE
/
PART FOUR: LITERARY AND LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE
A. INTRODUCTION: SOURCES AND ORGANIZATION 517.
1. Literary evidence
The appearance of some of the Germanic peoples before,
and at the time of-the settlement of England is described
by continental writers, 1 but references to the costume of
the Anglo-Saxons themselves are more allusive than descriptive.
Although the available evidence covers the period extending
from the seventh century to the Norman Conquest, it gives
an uneven coverage which cannot offer a full picture of
clothing at any given time, or indicate chronological
developments:
The earliest information is to be derived from the
observation of a continental scholar, Paulus Diaconus; 2
and from literary works and letters of early Anglo-Saxon
churchmen, 3
whose concern about the physical needs and
physical indulgences of their fellows sometimes yields
evidence of fabrics or clothing which may reflect contemporary,
secular ways of dressing. Some information about costume
towards the end of the Anglo-Saxon period is to be deduced
from: records of trade; 4 post-conquest Chronicles; 5
an
Old English letter; 6 Llf ric' s Col loauy; 7 and a later
Icelandic saga. 8 Contemporary Welsh9 and Frankishl0 texts
offer comparative evidence.
2. Linguistic evidence
A vocabulary of Old English garment terms and related
words is to be derived from: texts composed in OE; OE
translations, paraphrases and glosses of Latin texts;
518.
and Latin/OE word-lists (glossaries). In the present work
the term "text" is applied to passages of continuous writing,
as opposed, to word-lists and occasional glosses.
The OE texts yielding linguistic evidence include
various sermons and lives of saints, and wills, laws12 13 ll
the Indicia Monasterialia, a catalogue of signs by which
silent monks might indicate their needs. 14 Translations
from Latin and glossed Latin texts include: biblical
material -- Elfric's Old Testament, 15 the Gospels16 and
versions of the Psalms; 17 Alfredian translations;
18 the
OE versions of monastic Rules; 19 /Elfric's Colloquy;
medical treatises; 20 and the romance Appolonius of Tyre. 21
In the discussion, terms found in texts designed for
monastic communities have been selectively accepted as 4
evidence. It is likely that monks and seculars had some
articles of clothing in common, particularly footwear and
the body garments which scam to have been worn under, tho
habit. The sign language of the Indicia Monasterialia
supplies unique information about the shapes of garments,
and upon which part of the body they were worn. (In the
Indicia signs indicating mass vestments are treated separately
from the signs for other clothing. It is chiefly the latter
group which is cited in the present work. )
Many of words are known from glossaries. These Latin
/OE vocabularies are variously arranged, according to
subject, or to sources, or to alphabetical principles;
in some, the arrangement of the items is miscellaneous.
The purpose of making such lists was the collection and
interpretation of Latin terns (ultimately from glossed Latin
519"
texts) and they cannot be regarded in any way as exhaustive
lists of Anglo-Saxon terms. Vocabularies arranged according
to subject are particularly useful for the present purpose
since the arrangement helps to establish the semantic range
of the OE terms. The grouping must be used as evidence
with reservation, however, for the practice of glossators
was not always consistent. A group of terms would sometimes
be inserted into another group relating to a different
subject; or a glossator, having begun to list related words
under an appropriate heading, could stray into another topic
without giving another title. 22
There are several groups-of terms in subject-order
glossaries which give information about costume. Bodleian
23 Library MS Junius 71, a seventeenth-century copy of an
OE glossary, contains a group of entries under the heading
Vestium Nomina, 24 a group of clothing and jewellery terms25
and another group of clothing terms in which there occur
a few words associated with related subjects, such as
spinning. 26 In BM MS Cotton Julius Aii there is a group
of terms relating to headgear and Jewellery. 27 One of three
word-lists in BM MS Cotton Cleopatra Aiii28 is a subject-
order glossary. This contains a group of terms relating
to bedding under the heading Incipit de Lectulo, in which
there are also some-clothing terms. 29 The glossary also
contains a group of words relating to textile production,
under the heading Incipit de Textrinalibus. 30 There is
another textile group in Brussels Bih Roy. MS 1829.31 BM
MS Additional 32246 contains similar material to MS Junius 32 71.
520.
The sources of many glosses have been traced. (This
includes miscellaneous glosses as well as those arranged
according to source. ) Many are derived from the various
manuscripts of the Latin works of Aldhelm, 33 the majority
of those cited in the present work occurring in Bodleian
Library MS Digby 146. Many of the Aldhelm glosses relate
to the description of women's clothing in De Laudibus
Virginitatis which is quoted below (B, 5, pp. 536-7). Many
other terms cited may be traced back to the Etymologiae
of Isidor. 34
Among vocabularies arranged according to alphabetical
principles is the Corpus glossary, 35
an eighth-century word-
list, and the earliest of the sources to be cited. This is
an AB-order glossary (arranged alphabetically according to
the first two letters of each lemma). Cleopatra contains an
A-order glossary36 (one in which the lemmata are grouped
according to their initial letter) which is dependent to a
large extent on Corpus. There is also an AB-order glossary 37
in BM MS Harley 3376.
3. Organization
The material has been divided into Literary Evidence
(I3) and Linguistic Evidence (C). B contains information
about Anglo-Saxon costume from OE, Latin and Old Icelandic
texts, and comparative evidence about the costume of other
countries.
in C, of garment terns are listed and discussed. The
material is considered in sections. I examines the stuffs
from which clothes were made; II to VII contain words
grouped according to the possible function of the garments
they represent: II outer garments; III body garments; IV
loin and leg coverings; V shoes; VI headgear; VII accessories.
Section VIII deals with general terms and IX with clasps. X
is a discussion.
Each section begins with an alphabetical list of the terms
under consideration. The initial selection of each item and
its assignment to a category is dependent upon the definition
of that term in the Bosworth-Toller Dictionary and/or Supplements 33 Obvious battle garments and ecclesiastical vestments have been
excluded, except for comparative purposes, but terms with ambi-
guous definitions have been included, sometimes to be dismissed
or re-categorised after discussion.
Within the sections I to IX the terms have been variously
grouped in subsections according to the semantic or other
problems they present, or in clusters of terms having similar
meaning. In the absence of obvious relationship, alphabetical
order has been used.
Citations have been considered in such a way as to
supply maximum information about the meaning and use of
each term. The prime concern has been to establish semantic
range. Where an OE term is used to gloss or translate a
recognised Latin word, at least some of the meaning of
the OE term may be gauged. The glossary evidence, however,
may not be straightforward. A single OE term may be found
glossing more than one Latin word, and the Latin terms may
have different meanings; it may gloss a Latin term which
has more than one, accepted meaning; or it may occur in
one of the ambiguous glossary entries which probably result
522"
from a glossator's ignorance, or misunderstanding of the
Latin. Several of. the OE terms considered do not fit neatly
into the categories which have been suggested, which may
be as much a reflection of the nature of OE as of the
problems in interpreting the glosses.
Since in most of the sections the listed items are
numerous, the discussion will attempt to establish whether
any terms are synonymous. In glossed texts and word-lists
Latin terms are frequently glossed by more than one OE
word or phrase, the items often being separated by the
OE word ' oÖöe' or by an abbreviation of the Latin vel.
In some cases such multiple glosses may offer alternative
interpretations of imperfectly-understood lemmata, in others
they may be genuine synonym: s included for the sake of
fullness. Occasionally two clothing terms in the same text
may have been used in such a way as to show they were, or
were not synonymous.
The discussion also-aims to consider if Individual
terms were well-established in the language, or rarities.
There is no record of OE earlier than the earliest surviving
written texts, which are, of course, post-conversion, and
may contain words which were only borrowed into the English
language from Latin, through Christianity. Those garment
terms which have cognates in other Germanic languages, 19
however, are likely to have existed in spoken OE before the
conversion, and the garments they originally indicated are.
likely to have been characteristically Germanic, rather
than influenced from the Mediterranean. Several of the
OE terms listed in C will be shown to be Latin loans. Those
loan-words of which the form suggests post- conversion borrowing,
are discussed with the aim of establishing whether they
523.
are likely to have been used of secular clothing by seculars.
Some Latin garment terms, originally applied to Roman secular
garments but ultimately having the specialized meaning of
ecclesiastical vestments, when borrowed into OE may only
have been used in this latter, restricted sense; but others
may have passed into general use. Only the occurrence
of a Latin loan in an OE text designed to be understood
by laymen could prove that the loan-word was absorbed into
secular English, but as such information is lacking in
most cases, the occurrence of a term in a religious text
(but in non-specialized context) must sometimes be considered
as evidence.
The cloister-composition of glossaries, and the practice
of copying older material, may have perpetuated scholarly
terms and probably preserved archaisms. Discrimination
in this matter is difficult for the modern reader, who can
only note that terms which are attested only from glossaries,
especially from related versions, should be treated with
reserve.
The occurrence of a clothing term in a vernacular
text may yield detailed information about the garment thus
named. For example, the documentation of a term in the
will of a secular person, can establish that a garment of
this name was worn by a layman, or a laywoman, the precise
date at which it was in use, and that it was considered
of sufficient value to be bequeathed. Unless, however,
the context illustrates how the garment was worn, or unless
the word occurs elsewhere glossing a Latin term of known
meaning, the precise function of the word, and. the garment
524"
represented by it, may remain ambiguous.
The majority. of surviving CE is written in the West
Saxon dialect. However, some Anglian glosses are included
in the citations: the early, Corpus glossary has been
considered Mercian, 40
and the Gospels are glossed in
41 Northumbrian and Mercian versions. Thus it will sometimes
be relevant to consider the possibility of regional variation
in the naming of garments.
In the discussions which follöw, foreign words are
underlined, Old and Middle English enclosed in single
inverted commas. Modern English definitions are enclosed
in normal inverted commas. Definitions of Latin words are
enclosed in square brackets. 42 The OE and Latin words
mentioned in C are listed alphabetically in Appendices 2
and 3.
/
525"
B. LITERARY EVIDENCE
1. The costume of other Germanic peoples
Descriptions of the appearance of continental Germanic
peoples before the time of the settlement of England are
worthy of consideration, since there may have been common,
traditional features in the costume of the different tribes.
Caesar, writing of the Rhine Germans in the first century
B. C. recorded only that skins and spanty upper garments
were worn: _ Atque in eam se consuetudinam adduxerunt, ut locis f rigidissimus nectue vestitus praeter Pelles haberent ctuictuam, quarum propter exic7uitatem magna est corpores pars aperta, et lavarentur in fluminibus. 1
(both sexes, ) in fluminibus perluuntur et pellibus auf parvis rhenonum tegimentis utuntur magna corporis Parte nuda.
Tacitus, describing Germanic peoples in the second
century A. D., also mentioned skins, but. ermphasised that
the cloak, fastened by a brooch or thorn, was the chief
garment of Germanic men, though the rich wore close-fitting
garments under the cloak:
Tequmen omnibus sa um fibula aut, si desit, spina consertum: ceteraintecti totos dies iuxta focum atciue ignem aqunt. locuplectissimi veste distinguuntur, no fluitante, sicut Sarmatae ac Parthi, sed stricta et singulos artus exprimente. gerunt et ferarum peý llees.. ,3
He claimed that women wore the same garment as men
(this, presumably being the cloak, but possibly the undergarment),
often having in addition trailing linen garments, striped
with purple, which were sleeveless, exposing the arms
and shoulders:
526.
necalius feminis cxuam viris habitus, nisi cýuod feminae saepius lineis amictibus velantur eosque purpura variant, partemcrue ye stitus" superioris in manicas non extendunt, nudae brachia et lacertos; sed et p roxima pars pectoris patet. 4
The information that skins were worn may be taken
in conjunction with literary and linguistic evidence
from the Christian Anglo-Saxon period (subsection3,
pp 532-3, C, II, 4, pp. 55`1 -- (6O , below) . Though
there was little archaeological evidence to show that
furs were worn during the pagan era, this seems probable
in the light of earlier and later evidence. The apparent
importance of the cloak corresponds to the evidence of
provincial Roman sculptures (Part Two, B, XXXI, At
P. 34 to , above) and late Anglo-Saxon art (Part
Three, B, C, D, pp. 4-8-7, Soy, 511 above). The
close-fitting male garment may correspond to the tunic
(Part Three, B, C, D, E, pp. 47(2-8,4'99- Svl, 510, S/4 ,
above) and the woman's garment to the gown supported by
"paired" brooches (Part Two, B, XXXI, 1 a7 139 - 1*1
above) if worn without an under-blouse.
Sidonius (c. A. D. 430-479)mentioned the appearance
of Germanic peoples at about the time that others of their
race were settling in England. His remarks about the
Saxons were confined to their physical characteristics, not
to their costume -- he mentioned that Saxon seamen were
blue-eyed and shaved their hair round the hairline. 5 He
noted that the Franks also wore their hair in this way,
and were clean-shaven apart from thin moustaches. Many 6
of the Anglo-Saxons depicted in art are clean-shaven,
and the English in the Bayeux Tapestry wear thin moustaches
527"
(Part Three, BAp .44 (R , above) , but there is no other
evidence that the-Saxons shaved their heads (though the
Normans appear in the Tapestry with the backs of their
heads shaved).
Sidonius also mentioned a garment worn by the male
Franks. This belted, close-fitting garment, reaching
to the knees, corresponds to Tacitus's description, and
to the tunic of Anglo-Saxon art:
strictius assutae vestes tirocera cohercent membra virum, patet his altato tegmine poples latus et anoustam suspendit balteus alvum. 7
Later descriptions of the national dress of the Franks
are provided by two biographers of Charlemagne, Einhard
and the Monk of St. Gall. The inclusion of these in a
discussion of Anglo-Saxon clothing is justified not only
by the long contact between the two peoples and the
demonstrable Frankish influence on Anglo-Saxon culture,
but also by the fact that cloaks were exported to the
Carolingian Empire during the reign of Offä of Mercia.
An extant letter from Charlemagne to Offa requests that
cloaks sent from England should be of their former length:
Lita et nostride prolixitate sagorum deposcunt, ut tales iubeatis fieri, cruales anticuis tempor-, bus ad nos venire solebant. 8
The allusion to the different length of cloak suggests
that there had been a change of fashion. in England,
unless, of course, the English were giving the Franks
short measure. (The Monk of St. Gall recorded that a
trick of this kind was employed by merchants he described
as Frisian. The shorter cloaks in-this instance were said
to be striped articles, of Gaulish fashion) .9
528.
The evidence that the Anglo-Saxons and
had at least one garment in common at the time of
Charlemagne, suggests that there may have been other
resemblances between the costumes of the two peoples.
Einhard stressed Charlemagne's detestation of any dress
other than his native costume, and went on to describe
the latter:
Vestitu ratrio, id est francisco utebatur. Ad corpus camisam lineam et f eminalibus lineis induebatur; deinde tunicam c{uae limbo serico ambiebatur, et tibialia; tum fasciolis crura, et pedes calciamentis constrin ebat, et ex pellibus lutrinis et mu rinis thorace conf ecto humeros ac pectus hyeme muniebat; sago veneto amictus, et gladio semper accinctus.. lu
The description of the tunic and leg coverings corresponds
to the illustrations of Anglo-Saxon men's costume
considered in Part Three, "B-E, pp. 4ýt-says-9"soý, to3"as,,, ý: ýcýbove) .
The information that linen undergarments were worn under
this attire usefully supplements the evidence of the
illustrations. It is likely that the Anglo-Saxons'wore
similar undergarments. The choice of linen corresponds
to English evidence that this was the preferred fabric
(subsection 3, p. S ý; p below). The fur garment worn
. to protect the chest and shoulders is not parallelled by
any English illustrations, but suggests a use for the furs
which are known to have been worn in England (subsection
3, pp. 532 -3, below) .
The tunica favoured by Charlemagne seems to have been'
short, since a costume which " Pope Hadrian persuaded
him to wear on one occasion in Rome, was characterized
as including a long tunic (longa tunica_et clamide
amictus)11
529.
The Monk of St. Gall gave a description Of Charlemagne's
costume similar to Einhard's but which mentioned three
distinct leg coverings, including cross garters:
Erat anticruorum ornatuc vel naratura Francorum calciamenta forinsecus aurata, corigiis tricubitalibus insic niter, fasciolae crurales V vermiculatae, et subtus eas tibialia vel coxalia linea, auamyis ex eodem colore, tamen onere artificiosissino variata. super ctuae et fasciolas in crucis modum, intrinsecus et extrinsecus, ante et retro, longissimae illae
" corrigiae tendebantus. Deinde camisia clizana; _ post haec balteus spate colligatus... ultimum
habitus eorum erat gallium canum vel saphirinum ciuadrangulum duplex, sic formatum, ut cum imponeretur humeris ante et retro pedes tangeret, de lateribus vero vix genua contegeret, .
2. William of Malmesbury
William's chronicle was composed in the twelfth century,
but he is known to have drawn upon earlier traditions. 13.
He gave a brief description of the appearance of the Anglo-
Saxons at the time of the Norman Conquest:
Ad summam, tunc erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti, crines tonsi, barbas rasa, armillis au rein brachia onerati, picturatis stigmatibus cutem insigniti. 4
The short tunic, shaven face and cropped hair correspond
to late Saxon illustrations of male costume. Some costume
historians have claimed that bracelets are visible at the
wrists in these illustrations (Part Three, B, ý, p.
above) though this is subjective opinion. The quantity
of bracelets suggested by William is nowhere apparent.
William's reliability is questionable. He was
concerned to stress the laxity of the Anglo-Saxons in
contrast to the Normans. Stevenson has suggested that
he drew upon accounts of the Ancient Britons for this
530" description, noting particularly an account by Herodian
which mentioned the Britons' practice of tattooing their
bodies with animals, a custom not otherwise associated
with the Anglo-Saxons. 15
3. Fabrics and colour
Garments might be made of linen, wool or imported
silk, or of fur. Paulus Diaconus, describing the garments
of the Langobards as depicted in seventh-century pictures
ornamenting the palace of Queen Theudelinde at Monza,
mentioned, in comparison, the clothing of the Anglo-Saxons:
vestimenta vero eis erant laxa et maxime linea, gualia Anglisaxones habere solent, ornata institis latioribus vario coloue contextis. 6
The preference for linen garments over wool mentioned
by Paulus, is confirmed by Bede's assumption that linen
was the more luxurious material. The pious abbess £pelpryö
was commended for wearing woollen garments in preference
to linen, one of several mortifications of the flesh
welcomed by her, which contrasted with her luxurious
upbringing as a woman of royal birth: nunguam lineis
sed solum laneis vestimenti uti volaverit. 17
The penitential associations of wool are further
suggested by the exhortation to wear wool at times of
national disaster, in a piece attributed to Wulfstan:
'nime man Li gran o6öon] wyllen to lice and froste swy6e 18
georne'. A woollen garment was sufficiently prized,
however, to be bequeathed in the will of an eleventh-
century woman: 'ic yan Seynte EE eldrithe ane wellene 19
kertel', though the fact that the garment was apparently
5 31.
being willed to a religious establishment confuses the
issue. (It may have been a precious gift, or a utili-
tarian item. )
The evidence of textiles from the pagan period
(Part Two, D, 4, p. 428, above), though very much earlier,
corresponds in some respects with these references. Wool
remains are more common than linen, which may reflect the
fact that most people wore wool. Nevertheless, this could
be woven with skill into fine and luxurious textiles.
Valuable garments, often described as silk, were
exchanged as gifts between ecclesiastical and secular
dignitaries in England, and between England and the
Continent, throughout the Christian Saxon period. The
king and queen of Northumbria sent twelve cloaks to Lul,
Bishop of the continental Saxons, in A. D. 773,20 and the
Bishop himself sent fine textiles to the monastic foundation 21 22
at Monkwearmouth and to York for personal use and
-to honour holy relics.
Despite the anxiety of early Anglo-Saxon churchmen
about those in holy orders wearing over-elaborate clothing
(subsection 5, pp. 535-7, below), luxury textiles were
enthusiastically collected to enhance holy relics, like
Lulls gift to Monkwearmouth, or to add to the magnificence
of the celebrant. The tenth-century will-of Bishop
Theodred included bequests of several chasubles, two
of which were specifically described as having been
purchased abroad: '... ic an Peodred min wite massehakele
pe is on Pauie bouhte... And is an Odgar Pere gewele
.4
532"
massehakele pe is on Pauie bouhte. 23
No doubt equally elaborate fabrics were worn by
wealthy seculars, although there is less evidence about
this. Silk was given to Kenneth, King of the Scots,
by the English King Edgar, in A. D. 975, according to
the thirteenth-century record of Roger of Wendover (cum
multis sericis ornamentis), 24
and William of Malmesbury
recorded the gift of a silk robe and expensive garments
to Cnut from the Emperor Conrad II during Cnut's visit
to Rome in A. D. 1027.25
Silk cloth and silken garments were not only imported
as personal gifts. Llfric' s Mercator in the Collociuy
testifies to the regular import of: Purpurum et sericum,
pretiosas cfemmas et aurum, uarias uestes et pictmenta... 26
. This implies organized commercial trade. The luxurious
imports were no doubt available to wealthy seculars as
well as ecclesiastics. The textiles preserved among the
relics of St. Cuthbert, some as ancient as the seventh
century, testify the magnificence of imported silk cloth. 27
The preacher might urge the wearing of hair garments
for penitential reasons, and St. Guthlac eschewed both
linen and wool for garments of skin, 28
probably with
penitential motive, but it seems that the Anglo-Saxons
also wore fur for reasons of comfort, as Charlemagne
did, and as a luxury. Fur garments, like silk, were
exchanged as gifts, ' and commercially. Goat-hair bed
clothes and a cloak of silk and goats' hair were among
gifts sent to England by Boniface, 29 eighth-century
missionary to the continental Saxons, and an otter-skin
533.
'robe was among presents sent to Lul from the Northumbrians
in the same century. 30 This robe was called in Latin
qunna, the term used by Cuthbert of Wearmouth31 and
Boniface. 32 Garments, probably fur (duas cottas de
variominuto), were given by Cnut to a customs officer
during his trade negotiations in Rome. 33 Jellema has
suggested that English furs were regularly traded to the
Continent in the eighth and ninth centuries, through Frisian
merchants. 34 Domesday Book recorded that marten skins
were the chief imports into Chester. 35 They apparently
came from Ireland. 36 The wearing of marten skins in the
west of the British Isles is attested earlier in the Welsh
poem. God`. An interpolated lullaby mentions that the
father of the baby wore a marten-skin'coat. 37
Aldhelm mentioned fur-trimmed gowns in the late seventh
or early eighth century. 38 One of the bequests in the
tenth-century will of a woman, Wynflmd, concerned a garment
which may have been fur. The item was identified-as ' hyre
twilibrocenan cyrtel', 39 tentatively translated by Whitelock
as "her double badger-skin gown". 40 (Discussed in C, III,
5, pp. 576-7, below. ),
The bright colours mentioned by Paulus Diaconus
appear to have been a feature of Anglo-Saxon costume
throughout the era. Coloured. garments were probably worn
by all except the poorest and most pious. Bede thought
it worthy of record that the brethren of Lindisfarne,
in his time, wore garments of undyed wool as their
predecessor St. Cuthbert had done. 41
There is some evidence of the colours worn. Bede
mentioned a scarlet dye made from shellfish, which he
.. 534.
called coccineum, 42
and Aldhelm described garments of
scarlet or violet"(coccinea sive iacintina). 43 There
is no reason to suppose that the medieval conception
of these particular colours was very different from the
modern; textiles of scarlet and violet have been found
in a sixth-century Frankish woman's grave. 44
Even late in the Saxon period, bright colours seem
to have been a feature of English cloth. The Old Icelandic
EQilssaga mentioned that a suit of'English cloth given
to Egil as a Yule gift, was of many colours: Arinbi orn
qaf Agil alkia nag, nyskorinn, at iolum; varu bar skorin
i ensk kll6i meg morgum litum. 45 Egil was a contemporary
of the English King Athelstan (who died in 939). Although
the saga may have been composed up to three centuries later,
it may preserve genuine traditions about English clothing
from Anglo-Saxon times: that English cloth was prized
and the colouring noticeable. This may have been because
artificial colouring was less necessary in Iceland because
of the variety of natural wool colour s. 46
4. Ecclesiastical and secular clothing
Tho clothing of parsons in religious orders in England
probably differed little from that of seculars, at least
until the abandonment of the lay habit in A. D. 873, as
recorded in a letter from the Pope to
of Canterbury and York. 47 William of
Alcuin's warning to English churchmen
that they should refrain from wearing
garments, since continental churchmen
habits. 48
the Archbishops
Maimesbury recorded
visiting Charlemagne,
brightly-coloured
wore only ecclesiastical
535"
Apart from outer garments of ritual or traditional
importance, the English religious may therefore have worn
similar clothes to seculars, particularly undergarments
and practical clothes. Thus, when Bede mentioned that
St. Cuthbert was accustomed to wear tibracis of hide, he
probably referred to leg coverings of- a type also worn by
seculars in Cuthbert's time and his own, the seventh and
early eighth centuries. (The anecdote reveals Cuthbert's
extreme piety not through his choice of garment, but by
his self-neglect. He removed the tibracis only once a year,
at Easter, when constant friction was, found to have caused
calluses on his feet. ) 49
Aldhelm's description of the clothing worn by worldly
nuns in the late seventh century (discussed subsection 5,
pý 5364, below) probably- reflects the fashions of secular
women. The manuscript illustrations, of several centuries
later make little or no distinction between the costume
of English nuns and women in secular life.
5. Extravagant and unsuitable clothing
It is clear that though the extremely pious, such as
Saints Cuthbert and 4pe1pri6, were as unworldly in their
" choice of costume as in other physical desires, more worldly
members of early English religious foundations wore more
elaborate clothes. St. Boniface wrote to Cuthbert,
Archbishop of Canterbury, at about the time of the Council
of Cloveshoe, describing reforms which had been made in
the continental Church, and recommending that similar
measures be taken regarding the English Church; Interdiximus
servis Dei, ut pompato habitu vel sago vel armis utantur. 50
536"
The English Church did include measures concerning
clothing among the decisions taken at the Council of Cloveshoe
in A. D. 747:
nec pompaticis, et cTuae ad inanem gloriarn more saecularium pertineant, utantur indumentis, red simplici pro-posito e con ruenti eorum vestiantur habitu. b. L
it was also declared that nuns should undertake more
suitable occupations than making fine garments, a practice
equated with fleshly indulgence: ,
Unde Lnon] sint sanctimonialium domicilia, turoium confabulationum, commessationum, ebrietatum, luxuriantiumcue cubilia1 sed continentium sobriegue viventium, ac legentium, psallentiumcue habitacula, mag scue legendis lib ris, vel canondis psalmis, Guam texendis et plectendisvariocolore inanis gloriae vestibus studeant operam Zlare. 52
A criticism of a specific group of nuns for this fault
was made by Adamnan. His observations on the nuns of Coldingham,
who made and wore elaborate garments, were recorded by Bede:
uercxines... texendi s subtiloribus indumentis oneram dant, cXuibus aut se ip sas ad uicem sponsarum in periculum sui status adornent. 53
These two criticisms of nuns testify to an interest
in elaborate clothing, and an ability to make it, unconfined
to professionals. The interest and ability of seculars,
outside the restrictions of religious life, though undocumented,
are likely to have been of at least equal proportions.
The Church's desire to stamp out sinful extravagance
provoked the only description of women' s costume to survive
from the Anglo-Saxon period. Aldhelm criticised the
elaborate appearance of some women vowed to the religious
life:
subucula bissina, tonica coccinea sive iacintina, capitium et manicae sericis clavatae; galliculae
5 37.
rubricatis pellibus ambiuuntur; antß. ae frontis et tcmporumcincinni calamistro crispantur; pulls capitis velamina candidis et colorati3 mafortibus cedunt, ae vittarum nexibus assutae talotenus p rolixius dependunt. 4
The striped, silken sleeves, furs and curling hair are not
to be found in any later Saxon illustrations of women. The
headdress described by Aidhelm is not found in the illustra-
tions, but it is apparent that elaborate headdresses were worn
at various times in the Anglo-. Saxon period. Examples include
the gold ribbons found in seventh-century graves (Part Two,
D, 16, pp. 452-4, above), the decorated headband worn by Cnut's
queen in a manuscript illumination and the scarf-like drapes
of Luxuria in Prudentius illuminations (Plates XXVI, XIX,
discussed in Part Three, B, 1, pp. 469,470). The headdresses
described by Aldhelm might have been similar to any of these,
or to none of them. The women whose costume is described were
nuns., but there is no reason to suppose that the specific
details mentioned by Aldhelm were not to be found in the cos-
turne of contemporary seculars.
Men, as well as women, in religious houses, were warned
against excess in dress. Alcuin wrote to Ethelhedrd,
Archbishop of Canterbury, in A. D. 798, urging simplicity of
costume among the clergy:
Vanissimum vero vestimentorum cultum... expellere a to tuiscxue consacerdotibus, vel magis omni clero et ecclesiasticae dignitatis gradibus diligentissime studeas.
55
The details of men's extravagances have not been recorded
with the attention Aldhelm gave to women's.
In the same decade as his letter to Ethelheard Alcuin
wrote to the Northumbrian king and court, criticising the
ý
538"
clothing and hairstyles of the Northumbrians. (Alcuin
considered that the Viking raid on Lindisfarne had-been
provoked by excessive worldliness. )
Considerate habitum, tonsu ram, et mores principum et ponuli luxuriosos. Ecce tonsura guam in barbis et in capillis paganis adsimilari voluistis. 56
Since literary evidence is generally too rare and
lacking in detail to reveal variations in fashion during
the Anglo-Saxon period, this accusation of paganism in the
appearance of the early Christian Northumbrians is particularly
interesting. The resemblance had been noted previously,
by the papal legate who visited Northumbria in A. D. 787.
A section of the legate's report entitled Ut relicruias
pactanorum rituum auisgue abiiciat included the statement:
Vestimenta etiam vestra, more gentilium, duos, Deo opitulante
patres vestri de orbe armis expulerunt, induitis. 57
The pagan people whom the Northumbrians were accused,
of imitating cannot have been the Vikings, since their first
raid, that on Lindisfarne, occurred four years after the
visit of the papal legate, and was considered by Alcuin
to have been the result of such faults as this.
The people expelled by force from Northumbria, would,
presumably, have been British. It is quite likely that
the Anglian people of the remote kingdom of Northumbria
would have dressed in a similar manner to their neighbours
the. Britons. There is other evidence that Celtic and
Anglo-Saxon culture blended in Northumbria apart from
the artistic fusion which produced Hiberno-Saxon art;
for example the earliest of the royal residences of
Northumbrian kings at Yeavering (an early-seventh-century
539"
structure), incorporated Celtic techniques, 58
and Northumbria
preserved into later medieval times characteristics of
social organization which suggest the persistence of
Celtic culture. 59 The Britons, however, would not have
been pagans.
The legate's accusation continued, however, by mention-
ing other pagan practices adopted by the Northumb rians,
including the casting of lots. This practice was mentioned
by Tacitus as a custom of the Germanic peoples. 60 it is
possible that the pagan dress and practices condemned by
the papal legate were not adoptions from enemy peoples,
but relics of the pagan past of the Anglian settlers,
preserved in the Northumbrian community further from
continental influence than some other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. e
Possibly the legate had experience of continental Germanic
peoples, and based the comparisons upon this.
Changes in women's costume about the time of the
conversion, have already been noted (Part Two, B, 16)
pp. S$o-9h. , above). The Church's criticism
of dress in Northumbria suggests that such changes were
not spontaneous, but strongly encouraged by the Roman
Church. Northumbria, influenced by the Celtic Church,
may have been conservative in such matters.
There is another accusation about the adoption of
pagan dress in a letter written in OE from one brother
to another. The text belongs to the later part of the
Anglo-Saýcon period -- Kluge compared the style and
sentiments to 6 1ulf stan' s writings -- and in this case,
the heathen people imitated were the Danes:
540.
Ic secge eac 6e, bro6or Eadweard, nu $u me ppyses bmde, D, --t ge do6 unrihtlice, pmt ge $a engliscan peawas forlmta6 be eowre fmderas heoldon and hmgenra manna peawas lufia6 De eow pms lifes ne-unnon and mid 6am geswutelia$ pmt ge forseo6 eower cynn and eowre yldran mid 6am unp eawum Donne ge him on teonan tylsia6 eow on denisc ableredum hneccan and ablendum eagum. 61
The details of the fault are obscure. Possibly the
Danes bared their necks by shaving the backs of their
heads as the Normans did according to the Bayeux Tapestry,
and as the continental Saxons may have done according
to Sidonius.
6. Summary
Literary evidence reveals that the Anglo-Saxons wore
colourful clothes woven of wool, linen or silk, and garments
of fur. Linen was considered more luxurious than wool;
silk and fur garments were precious enough to be given
as gifts. England imported both silk and furs, but textiles,
and probably furs too, were also exported commercially.
The Germanic women's clothing described by Tacitus
may possibly correspond to the costume of Anglo-Saxon pagans.
Aldhelm's description provides evidence of women's costume
in a period otherwise obscure, and offers the details of furs,
sleeves and curled hair which could not be inferred from other
sources.
The cloak appears to have been the oldest-established
male garment, but the short, girdled tunic was an early
addition to men's costume, and one which persisted through-
out the Anglo-Saxon period. The descriptions of Frankish
costume by Charlemagne's biographers add to the limited
541.
information available from English art and literature
evidence about undergarments, -leg coverings and the uses
of fur; any of these Frankish features could also have
been known in England. The information that St. Cuthbert
wore tibracis of hide gives a detail of costume which
could not be deduced from art or archaeology. The infor-
mation is especially valuable since linguistic evidence
implies the existence of several types of shoe and legging
(C, IV-V, pp. 5$o-9 (o , below) .
The attitude that clothing reflected moral values is
frequently to be found, in the Church's urging of simplicity
in dress, and the condemnation of appearance resembling
the pagan's. Through these strictures it is possible to
perceive an enthusiasm for brightly-coloured and finely-
textured fabrics; a taste shared by some churchmen who
acquired precious textiles to enhance their holy relics
and their religious services.
542.
C. LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE'
I
Materials
Linguistic evidence confirms that garments were made of
fur, wool, linen and silk' Garments made of fur appear to
have been individually named, and in the present work are
categorised according to function, below. The following words
describe the other stuffs:
Wool: Linen: Silk: . f laep fleax seoluc flis, flys lin side wull linen
twin
1. Wool
'WULL', BTD "wool" (the modern word derives from the OE),
is well-documented, together with the related adjective 'wyllen'.
The word has cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages. 2
'Wall' appears as gloss to lana [wool] in lists among items
concerned with textile production: under the heading Incipit
de Textrinalibus in Cleopatra; 3 under De Arte Textoria in
Brussels MS Bib. Roy. 1829; 4": and among weaving terms in the
Julius MS vocabulary. 5 'Wyllen' is applied to weaving thread
in Junius/BM: linostema [normally meaning a garment of linen
and wool, mixed], 'linen wearp' uel 'wyllen ab', 6
and occurs
several times in conjunction with general garment terms to
signify articles of clothing made of wool, for example 'wyllenes
hraegles', 7 'willenum reafe'. 8
'PLIS', BTD "a fleece" or ' flys' , BTD "a fleece, wool",
is a name applied to unwoven wool. Glossing uellus and uellurn Lfleecel ' flis' appears in lists of textile terms in the
Brussels and Tiberius vocabularies9 and the compound 'uulan
543"
fliusum' or 'wulle flysum' renders lanugo Lwoolly substance]
in the Northumbrian and West Saxon versions of Aldhelm's
riddle De Lorica. 10 This occurrence is also associated with
weaving, since in the riddle the lorica Lmail-coati, through
the device of prosopopoeia, denies first that it was made
of textile and continues by denying that it was woven on a
loom.
'FLIES' is a more doubtful inclusion. BTS tentatively
interprets the term "a fleece, wool". The term would appear
to be related to the first element of the compound ' fl. z4 ecomb,
flee ecamb', which occurs twice in lists of textile equipment
glossing pectica. 11 The meaning of the lemma is uncertain,
but it is likely to be related to pecten Lcomb]. The compound
might mean "woolcomb" and 'flip' "uncombed wool". The word
also appears against nimbus Lheadband] in a glossed Aldhelm
Aenigmata MS12 but its relevance there has been disputed.
Napier suggested that the term was intended to translate
vellera the preceding word in the Latin text (dum ningit
vellera nimbus), and Meritt that ' f]. aep' was a scribal error
for ' fmlp' , glossing ningit, 13
2. Linen
'LIN', BTD "flax, linen, something made of linen" is a
well-documented term with cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic
languages. 14 The term is used of articles made of linen, such
as grave clothes15 and the cloth with which Christ girded
himself before washing the feet of the disciples, 16 but there
is no documented evidence of the word meaning a garment (as
modern "linen" is used of underwear, for example), except in
the compound 'heafod-tin'. 17
544" 'LINEN', BTD "made of flax, linen" occurs as a substan-
tive glossing lineum Ilineus, of linen, lineum, a linen
garment] in a group of words relating to weaving in Junius/
BM, 18 but an attributive use is documented more commonly.
'Linen wearp' is among the list of weaving articles in.
Junius/BM19 and the adjective is associated with garments
in glossaries and texts. For example, 'linen heafodes
wrigels' glosses anaboladium uel sindo Llinen mantle, fine
cotton or muslin, respectively] in 'Junius/BM. 20 In 1Elfric's
Old Testament translation 'linenum reaf' renders subucula
linea21 Lsubucula, a man's undergarment or shirt] and, proof
that linen garments were worn by women in England in early
Christian times, Bede's reference to 4p elpry6's penitential
choice of woollen garments rather than linen, rendered in
the A]fredian Bede by: ' heo nmfre linenum hrwglum brucan
wolde, ac wyllenum'. 22
'TWIN', BTD "linen", which has Germanic cognates, and
from which modern English "twine" is derived23 is used of
garments of a specific material in the West Saxon Gospels,
where a rich man is said to be: 'gescrydd mid... twine'. 24
The term here translates b sso, Iflax, linen], and since the
Northumbrian version of the Gospels translates bysso with
'linnenom' at this point, 25 'linen' (adjective, here) and
'twin' would seem to be synonymous. An adjective 'twinen',
BTD "made of f lax, linen" is applied to clothing, for example
in a glossed manuscript of Aldhelm's De Laude Virginitatis
where 'bam (for 'ham') twinen' glosses subucula bissina. 26
'FLEAX', BTD "flax", which has cognates in Germanic
and non-Germanic languages,. and from which the modern English
545.
word is'derived, 27 was evidently the name given to the raw
material to be spun and woven into linen fabric. It glosses
linum in a group of terms relating to spinning in the Julius
DIS 28 and in a group relating to textile manufacture in Junius/
BM: 'swi6e hwit fleax' glossing bissum, ct., papagen. 29
3. Silk
'SEOLUC', BTD "silk" and 'SIDE', BTD "silk" were evidently
synonymous. 30 'Side'1a term with cognates in Germanic languages,
but deriving from Vulgar Latin, 31 is applied to the merchandise
of the Mercator in elfric's Colloquy 32 (Part B, 3, p. 5w,
above). Literary and archaeological evidence that silk was
a luxury in Anglo-Saxon times is confirmed by the equation
of a silken garment with ' godweb' :' Gyf man mute pmt he seoluc
oÖÖ a godweb ha bbe... ' 33 and by the choice of 'gegyrla' as
part of the gloss to bombicinum Isilk] in the Harley MS:
bombicinum, 'seolcen gegerla' 34 (c. f. Section VIII, tj* 6%h--5,
below)... 'Sidan' renders sericum L silk] , 35 the adjectives
'siden' (in the form 'sinden') and 'seolcen' appear glossing
homhicinum, 36 'cal-seolcen' glosses olosoricum37 Lailk
mantle, ninth century and the term is used of a weaving
thread when 'scolcan ab' glosses tramasericum38 Ltrama,
weft]. It is possible that silk was normally used in its
undyed state since. yellow was considered its typical colour:
a medical treatise states '... prat him se lichama... swo god
seoluc'. 39
546. II
basing bratt casul crusene fel frence godweb-cynn hacele hed-claÖ heden
outer garments
hop-pada hre6 a hrycg-hrmgel hwitel lo6a mentel of er-hacele of er-]zg ofer-slop of er-slyp e
pad pilece reowe rift rocc sciccels sciccing stole ufre scrud wmfels
1. Terns of doubtful validity
The form and meaning of two of the words listed above
has recently been questioned by Meritt. 'FRENCE', BTS "rough
cloak", is found in the Harley MS glossary, glossing coculusl
Lcucullus cap, hood, cowl, (Isidor) small cloak]. Meritt
suggested that ' frence' was in fact a metathesized form of
' frecne' , "perilous", and that an older glossary in which
coculus was followed on the same line by a re, difficile may
have caused the confusion. 2
'HREDA', BTD "garment made of goat's skin", BTS "mantle",
. is found three times ('hregan') glossing melote3 Lanimal skin,
especially sheepskin, (Isidor) man's garment made of goatskin].
. Meritt surmised that the "mantle" interpretation was unnecessary.
He suggested that ' hreöan' was a metathesized form of ' her6an' , 4 "goat skin".
While Meritt's suggestions are plausible, there is no
reason to suppose that Anglo-Saxon glossators were unfamiliar
with the range of meanings of melote, (since apart from the
Aldhelm text from which these glosses derive, the word is
defined by Isidor, also a much glossed author, among De Pallis
Vi roum5) and of coculus.
547.
2. Ecclesiastical or secular garments
Some of the garment names listed above appear to refer to
clothes which may have been worn by ecclesiastics. This need
not exclude the possibility that garments of the same names,
and indeed, of the same type, may also have been worn by seculars.
'CASUL', BTD "a cassock, short cloak", renders byrrum
Lbirrus a cloak (to keep off the rain)] in the Harley glossary. 6
The word derives from Latin casula La cloak, chasuble] and
its form suggests that it was borrowed from medieval Latin, 7
and was introduced into English through*scholarship. 8 Since
there is no evidence that the term was employed in secular OE
'texts, and since the modern English derivatives "casule" and
"chasuble" have only been used of vestments, it is possible
that the OE word applied only to ecclesiastical garments. The
specialized development'of the Latin word's meaning from "cloak"
to "a type of vestment", however, is believed to have occurred
in the eighth or ninth centur. yý "9 It is therefore possible
that the word was borrowed into English before this development
and that it may have been used in English in a non-specialized,
and secular, sense.
'FEL', TCS "garment of skin", must be mentioned here
10 since it occurs in 4 monastic text, but it will be considered
further among fur garments (subsection 4, pp. 657.8, below).
' GODti7BB-CYNN' , BTD "a kind of cloak or pall", occurs only
in the Dialogue of Salomon and Saturn, where it refers to the
garment of St. Michael. 11 There is no evidence about the
form of the garment, or that the word was in general use. It
may have been a nonce-word compounded from the familiar 'god-web'
(Section VIII, 2, p. 646 , below), which was used of fine or
purple material, but which was not confined to ecclesiastical
use.
548"
'HACELE', BTD "a cloak, mantle, upper garment, cassock",
could be used of ecclesiastical vestments, but occurs more
often without this speciali2ed application. The Icelandic
cognate hökull signifies "a priest's cope", 12 but the Gothic
hakuls does not appear to have had an ecclesiastical significance.
The application of the OE and Icelandic terms to vestments
may therefore have been an adaptation of words already existing
in Germanic languages. There exist in Old English the compounds
'massehakele'14 and 'preostes"hakele', 15 but the necessity
for the prefixes suggests that 'hacele' did not always have
ecclesiastical significance. (Cf. 'halig-rift, Section VI,
3b, p. 4o2, below. )
'Hacele' glosses lacerna [a cloak worn by Romans over the
toga in cold or wet weathers in association with 'loöa' ('ho3cile')
in the Corpus glossary16 and in the related A-order glossary
in Cleopatra. 17 In the Corpus glossary it also renders
paludamentum: genus vestimenti bellici18 [paludamentum military
cloak], in Cleopatra it glosses ependiten19 L? for ependytes
an outer garment] and, with 'lachen, o66 e loöan' it glosses
clamidem20 Lchlamvs cloak]. 'Hacele geflenod', uel 'gecorded'
glosses lacerna in the Junius/BM MS glossary 21
and 'hacel',
uel ' fotsig (fotsid) sciccel' glosses the same lemma in a
group listed under the heading Vestium Nomina in the same
glossary. 22 The entry suggests that the 'hacele' resembled
the 'sciccels' when the latter was worn reaching to the feet.
In the Lindisfarne Gospels 'hwcla' renders gallium LGreek cloak,
thus upper garment; vestment, archbishop's insignia], the
13
entry suggesting that it was equivalent to the rare word
' bratt' . 23 The word 'hacele' is also used to translate dal lium
549.
in an OE version of the Benedictine Rule where the context
distinguishes between the functions of 'hacele' and 'tunece':
'He ]mot pa hacelan to pmm, De hine tunecan benmmbe' . 24 In
the interlinear version of this text, 'hacele' is replaced
by 'wmfmis'25 which suggests that the two words were synonymous.
Literary texts confirm that the 'hacele' was worn by
seculars, and by both sexes. In the OE version of Orosius
'ane blace hacelan' ('hacelan' rendering sa m) is sent to
Caesar. 26 Lsaqum coarse wollen blanket or mantle. ] The term
is used of the garment of those who stoned the martyr Stephen27
and of the 'gerefa' in the story of St. Margaret. 28 In the
account of the martyrdom of St. Pelagia, it appears to be a
penitential garment and is worn by a woman. 29
It is possible that the 'hacele' was hooded, since there
is an Icelandic cognate*heckla "a hooded garment", 30
and since
'hakel' appears in the Middle English poem Sir Gawain and the
Green Knight in a context which suggests that the word might
signify a head covering: 'Vch hille hade a hatte, a myst-hakel
huge .. 31 The passage is ambiguous, however. 'Hakel' is not
necessarily an extension of 'hatte' and could mean "a cloak
of mist", or, with a different interpretation of ' hakel' , 32
"a conical cover".
Since 'hacele' twice glosses subucula33 [a man's under-
garment, shirt] it is also considered among body garments
(Section III, 3, p. 56S, below).
The compound 'OFER-HACELE' is listed individually in
BTD and defined "a cope, hood". It occurs in an ecclesiastical
text, 34
where it seems synonymous with 'cppa' a word which
may sometimes have been used of vestments (c. f. Section VI,
550"
3, pp. 5994oo, below). The Icelandic cognate yfir-hökull signifies
"surplice"35 and it is possible that the OE compound of the
same form had specialized, ecclesiastical significance.
'HED-CL1i ', BTD "a thick upper garment of coarse material",
(CHM ' hedeclap' ,) is only documented once (' hed clape' ), in .a
medical treatise which gives no information about the nature
of the garment. 36 BTD's definition derives from Cockayne's
footnote which cites an unpublished (and unidentified) gloss
and claims the OE word translated uentren for ventrale (. normally
meaning belly-band] in the medical treatise. There appears to
be no evidence that the word signified an ecclesiastical
vestment, though the coarseness of the material is suggested
by the relationship of the word to 'heden' (below). 'Hed-clap'
is one of many compounds based upon the general garment term
' clap' (Section VIII, 1, p. 62o , below).
'HEDEN', BTD "hood, chasuble", BTS "an overcoat, a mantle,
cloak", glosses cäsla (casula) in the A-order Cleopatra
glossary. 37 It translates cucullum
38 and in the Harley
glossary renders cocula (cucullus) in two entries, once with
' crusne' , once with ' aalfatu' . 39 Each of these lemmata may
have signified an ecclesiastical vestment, but the Latin words
had a range of meanings, some apparently secular. An instruction
in the Confessionale of Ecgbert confirms that the 'heden' could
be worn by men in holy orders, since the garment was to be
removed for singing mass and for gospel readings, 40 but the
rule suggests that the 'heden' was not an ecclesiastical
, vestment. Since the chief characteristic of the garment appears
to have been that it was made of fur or sheepskin, 'heden'
will be discussed further below (subsection 4, p.. 56$ ).
551"
'HOP-PADA' is defined in BTD "an upper tunic, cope",
in BTS "an upper garment" and in TCS (with alteration of the
editorial length marks over the vowels) "a circular cope".
The ecclesiastical associations of the earliest and latest
definitions are justified by the occurrence of the word in
Junius/BM, preceding a group of terms relating to the episcopate,
and almost certainly associated with them: ependeton 'cop',
uel 'hoppada', uel 'ufrescrud'. 41 'Pad' is a well-documented
OE word meaning "outer garment" (subsection 6, p. 56ý, below)
and 'hop', related to modern English "hoop", 42 may have been
used elsewhere in OE as a compound element relating to clothing. 43
The combination of the outer garment 'pad' and the circular
shape implicit in 'hop' justify the TCS definition in suggesting
an outer garment of wide cut. a
'OFER-SLOP' and 'OPER-SLYPE' may conveniently be discussed
together. BTD defines both "an overgarment, surplice". BTS
adding "an alb" to ' ofer-slype' . The words appear to have
been compounded according to the pattern of adding the prefix
'ofer-' to a garment name (c. f. 'ofer-hacele', above) though
'slop' and 'slype' alone are not documented from the OE period
(Section III, 5, pp. 573-¢, below).
'Ofer-slipas' is applied to ecclesiastical'garments in
the Rule of Chrodegang, where it translates camsiles44 [similar
to camisia shirt, undergarment, vestment (from the twelfth
century)]. In Middle English, Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman refers
to the Canon's 'overslope'45 which confirms that a garment
of this name was worn by churchmen. The Icelandic cognate
yfir-sloppy signifies "an outer gown" which could be worn by
a priest. 46 Icelandic sloppr can, but need not, have ecclesiastical
552"
connotation. Other uses of OE ' oferslop' and ' ofer-slype'
are unlikely to refer specifically to vestments. In homiletic
context St. Bartholemew is said to be 'ymbescryd mid hwitum
oferslype', 47
and an interpretation of dreams includes the
information: ' oferslop hwit habban blisse getacnaa. Oferslop
bleofah habban mrende fullic getacnap'. 48 In the Lindisfarne
Gospels 'in stolum 11' on oferslopum' glosses in stolis Lstola
a long upper garment; in late Latin a woman's garment; eccle-
siastical vestment, stole]. The West Saxon versions have
I gegyrlum' at this point and the Mercian only 'rtollum'. 49
'OFER-BREDELS', B'ID, "a covering, veil, garment", is used
of an ecclesiastical vestment in the OE Pastoral Care, where
it renders superhumerale50 [vestment, pall] and is synonymous
with 'masse-hacele'. 51 With 'cyrtel' the word glosses palla
in Junius/BM52 Lwide upper garment of Roman ladies; an under-
garment, man's garment; vestment, archbishop's pall] and with
'wmfels' it glosses opertorium53 Lcover]. The word apparently
had various uses (it is also applied to a veil, for instance 54
but was sometimes used of an outer garment, including that
worn by a cleric.
'ROCC', BTD "an upper garment", is defined by HEW "Rock,
Tunika des Subdiacons"55 The word is used of vestments in
compound, for example 'biscop-roc', 56 and is never found in
context proving it to have been used of secular garments,
though 'rocc' alone is not documented with an obvious meaning
of "vestment". Since the word may have signified a fur garment, it will be considered further below (subsection 4, pp. 559.6ý .
'STOLE', BTD "a stole, long outer garment", is a loan
from late Latin borrowed through the written medium. 57 The
553"
term was evidently used of the ecclesiastical stole, since
the entry stola 'stole' appears among a list of vestments in
a glossary in BM MS Julius Aii. 58 The use of the word in
biblical translations suggests that its meaning, and that of
stola, were not considered limited to clerical garments. There
is no indication, however, that the term was in general, secular
use. It is only documented translating the Latin word from
which it derives. 'Stoll and 'stole' occur in the Lindisfarne
and Rushworth texts of the Gospels, where the west Saxon versions
have ' gegyrla' , and with the addition of ' oferslop' in Lindisfarne
at Luke 20,46.59 This latter case might represent the coup-
ling of a familiar, vernacular compound with a Latin loan word
which was not yet so familiar.
'UFRE SCRUD' is not listed individually in BTD, but appears
under 'ufer' with the definition "an upper garment". The word
is included here as a possible vestment name because it
('ufrescrud') appears in association with 'cop'. Together
with 'hop-pada' the words gloss pendeten. 60
3. Cloaks or blankets/curtains
Several words appear to have semantic range including
"blanket" or "curtain" as well as "cloak". The words may
appear in glossary lists of bedding as well as of clothing,
they may gloss a range of Latin terms or words such as sa m
which themselves have a range of meanings. The clearest example
of this breadth of function is 'HWITEL', BTD "whittle, cloak,
mantle, 61 blanket". Several glossary entries suggest the
meaning "cloak". In an Aldhelm MS 'ruhne hwitel' glosses
amphiballum62 Lgarment, cloak]. In Junius/BM under the heading
554"
Vestium Nomina 'hynsce hwitel' glosses linna63 1? for laena
a lined upper garment, 'cloak or lena mantle]. in a group
of clothing terms in the same glossary the word glosses sa 64
crum.
'Hwitel o66e ryft' glosses sacrum in a group of clothing terms
in Cleopatra, 65 though the group occurs under the heading
Incinit de Lectulo Llectulus bed, couch] so sacrum could have
been included as bedding rather than'a cloak.
'Hwitel' was certainly used with the meaning "bed-cover"
in other glosses. In the Digby Aldhelm MS 'strmla, hwitla,
wxstlinga' glosses stragularum66 Lstragula a pall; stragulum
a covering, rug, carpet]. The entry sa m 'hwytel' occurs
among items of bedding in MS Julius Aii. 67 Literary texts
appear to confirm that the word was used of bedding. It
probably signifies a rug or blanket in "the OD account of Jael's
reception of Sisera in her tent: 'seo wimman mid hire hwitle
bewreah hive'. 68 In Genesis, 'Sem 7 Jafeth dydon anne hwitel
on heora sculdrum' in an attempt to cover their father's 69
nakedness. The covering they used could have been a cloak,
but was more likely to be a blanket, though in both these
quotations the OE word translates Pallium. 'Hwitel' refers
to bedding in the OE version of an anecdote related by Bede.
The incident involves a monk as he washes 'his reowan 7 his
hwitlas' which had been in use in the monastery guest house,
presumably as bedding. 70 The Latin Bede has lenas siue saga.
71
In an OE homily the word is used of a blanket on which an
injured child is carried. 72
The word seems to have signified both cloak and blanket
in Middle and modern English. It is used of bedding in the description of Gluttony in Piers Plowman:
555"
For when he streynep hym to streche De straw is hus whitel. 73
The term survived until the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries in English dialects, mostly southern, 74
where it
signified a woman's shawl, fringed, and coloured scarlet or
white.
In Anglo-Saxon times the 'hwitel' may have been of fixed
size or weight, since it could be used as legal tender. Ine' s
Laws include the definition of ' gafolhwitel' as the rent of
a hide of land. 75
It is probable that the 'hwitel' was originally made of
white, undyed fabric, and that this appearance gave rise to
, the name WE 'hwit', "white"). This view is supported by
the existence of an Icelandic cognate, _hvitill,
"a white
bedcover", 76
and by the fact that the shawl called "whittle"
was traditionally often white.
It is possible that 'hwitel' and the other words discussed
below could have been the names of garments, and, independently,
of domestic soft furnishings, but it seems more likely that
the words' ranges of function stemmed from the fact that the
strong, sometimes voluminous piece of material worn as a cloak
out of doors was put to use as a blanket or curtain indoors.
There is evidence that the cloak was used as a bed covering
in the ninth century, in the Monk of St. Gall's account of
Charlemagne's impatience with short cloaks. Their inadequacy
as bed coverings was one of his reasons. 77 A cloak used in
such a way would probably be a' simple rectangle.
'LODA', BTD "a cloak, upper garment" may be mentioned
briefly in this connection, since it glosses lodix78 [a coverlet,
he gop to a cold beddynge...
556"
blanket]. Several other citations, however, confirm that
the word referred-to a garment, though the exact nature of
the article is unclear. The word is discussed below (subsec-
tions 4,5, pp.
'REOWE', BTD "rug, mantle", presents similar semantic
problems to 'hwitel' though there is less evidence that 'reowe'
was used of a garment. In the Cleopatra A-order glossary the
word glosses lens, and 'linen reowe' glosses lena linea. 79
The lemma is ambiguous and the context unhelpful. In an
alphabetically-arranged group of words in the same glossary,
'reowe' glosses tapeta80 Lcarpet, coverlet], and the use of
the word in OE prose writing confirms that the word could be
used of bedding. It occurs with 'hwitel' in the anecdote told
by Bede81 and is clearly a bedcover in the Laws of Alfred:
permitted grounds for a man to feud include ' gif he gemeteo
o6 erne mt his swum wife. " . under anre reon' 82
'Reowe' is related to OE 'ruwa',, "rug, covering, tapestry",
and to ' ryhe' , "rug, rough covering, blanket". It is possible
that the word was also related to the adjective 'ruh', "rough,
shaggy, hairy", and that the object was named from its shaggy
or rough texture.
'RIFT', 13T1) "a veil, curtain, cloak", may have signified
a hanging as well as a garment. The uses of the word as gloss
to cicla83 and biuligo, niger uelamen84 and translating uelum
('wahrift') 85 support BTD' s definition of "veil" and are dis-
cussed below (Section VI, 3b, p. 6Qa ). In association with
'hwitel' the word glosses saqum among clothing terms in
Cleopatra86 87 and in the Corpus glossary renders laena and
palla. 88 In biblical translations the word renders pallium89
557"
9° and chlamyde The Icelandic cognate riet also signifies a
garment. 91
The evidence for 'rift' signifying "a curtain" is a
gloss in the Digby MS, where 'rif' glosses conope92 igauze
net, especially used on a bed; canopy]. Although ''rift'
could obviously be used of a cloak, the word may have applied
to lengths of material which could be used in other ways, as
veiling or curtaining.
The term appears to have been favoured by Anglian scholars,
although it also occurs in West Saxon texts. The Mercian
translator of St. Matthew's Gospel uses 'hryft'93 where the
West Saxon versions have 'wwf els' and the Northumbrian 'hragl'
'hmcla' (for 'hacele') ± 'bratt'. 94 The Northumbrian and
Mercian versions use 'ryfte' where the West Saxon have 'scyccelse95 6
It appears, therefore, that ' bratt' ,' hacele' ,' hraegel' , 'rift'
'sciccels' and 'wfels' had some semantic overlap.
4. Fur garments
The 'CRUSENE', BTD "a robe made of skins", may have had
some similarity to the garment called 'heden' since the words
are found together ('crusne') glossing cocula96 The term
clearly signif iea a fur or skin garment since it glosses
mastruga L garment made of skins, a sheepskin] in the Julius
MS, in conjunction with 'deorfellen roc'. 97 The word has
cognates in Germanic languages and in Latin crusina. 98
It seems that the word 'k'EL', normally signifying the
hide or fell of an animal (sometimes of a human) could also
be used of a skin garment. TCS adds to other uses of the
term the definition "garment of skin", on the evidence of an
558.
occurrence in the Rule of Chrodegang, where the word translates
pelle Lpellis skin, leather garment] and applies to a garment
reaching to the feet: 'Sume preostas syn be eallinga gymaö...
pmt heora fell swa side hangion pat se fot ne mtywe, ' 99 This
shows that monks were accustomed to wear garments of skin and
that these were referredto by their material; but it does not
prove that the word ' fel' came to be used of a particular garment.
There is no evidence that seculars wore a 'fell, though, as
the monks did not wear it as a mass vestment, it is possible
that the garment was worn by laymen, too.
' HEDEN' , considered briefly above (subsection 2, p. Sdo) ,
is cognate with Icelandic he inn, "fur coat". 100 In the Corpus
glossary the word renders nna101 [in late Latin a leather
garment; Anglo-Saxon writers used the word of a fur garment
worn by monks (B, 2, p. '533, above)]. 'Hedene' also renders
me lote in the Digby MS with 'basincge' and 'scicelsei102 which
suggests semantic overlap with these two words, which are
discussed below (subsection 6, pp. 563-. ). Taking into account
the meanings of cucullus, which 'heden' glosses elsewhere, 103
it seems possible that the OE word signified an outer garment
of fur which may have been hooded.
'HREDA', the validity of which has already been discussed
(subsection 1, p. 546 ), in glossing melote104 might also have
signified garment of skin.
'LOBA', considered above and below (subsections 3,5,
pp - 555-61-1 7%0- 1 ), is only
included in the present group because among the cognates of
the word in Germanic languages is Icelandic to i, which is
used in the Elder Edda of the shaggy, pile-woven mantles (more
559.
commonly called feldur) which were produced in and exported
from Iceland until c. 1200.105
'PILECE', BTD "a robe of skin, a pelisse", also has
Icelandic cognates piliza and pilla, "fur coat". 106 The word
is also related to modern English "Pilch", which is documented
up to the beginning, of the present century with the meaning
"a skin, leather or coarse woollen outer garment"* The
word is derived from medieval Latin pellicia108 (documented
from ninth to fifteenth centuries and defined "pelisse",
"Pilch", "leather garment"] which it glosses in Julius
(pellicie 'pylece'). 109 Adam and Eve are said to have worn
fur garments of this name: 'Hwi worhte. God pylcan Adame 7,
Euan after gam gylte? Bmt he geswutelode "mid gam deadum fellum.
603t hi wsron Öa deadlice for pare forgagednysse'. 110 An article
of this name was in use in the eleventh century: 'se cyngc
Malcolm 7 his sweoster Margareta geafon him myccla geofa 7
manega gmrsama 7 eallon his mannan on scynnan mid pmlle betogen
7 on merö erne pyleceon'. 111
'ROCC', which has already been mentioned as a possible
clerical garment (subsection 2, p. 552, above), has cognates
in Old Irish as well as in Germanic languages. 112 Since 'rocce'
renders Latin clamide in the of version of a text on the
interpretation of dreams113 the 'rocc' was probably a cloak.
Among a group of clothing terms in Junius/BM the word glosses
callicula114 Lpossibly for gallicula a garment, rather than
caliqula a boot, oran error for 'socc'; c. f. IV, 3, p. 586,
below]. That the ' rocc' could be made of skin or fur is
suggested by the gloss ' gmten' , uel 'broccen rooc'
among the Vestium Nomina group in Junius/BM, where tho phrase
560.
glosses melotes, uel perall5 [Isidor gives pera as an alter-
native to melote].. 'Crusene, ogge deortellen roc' glosses
mastruga among clothing terms in Cleopatra. 116 This gloss
follows toral 'roc', 117 an entry which is also to be found
in Junius/BM ('rooc') again among clothing terms. 118 [Toral
normally means the valance of a couch, but the contexts suggest
that the glossators understood something else by the lemma. ]
Stroebe mentioned 'deorfellen roc' in conjunction with fur
outer garments119 but categorized ''rocc' with body garments
such as 'scyrte' and 'smocc'. 120 She claimed, however, that
the ' rocc' was worn " fiber dem Hemd" . 121 The only evidence
that ' rocc' could signify a body garment is the compound
'breost-rocc' which occurs as part of the gloss to renones
in the Junius/BM Vertiurn Nomina group: ' 'stiöe and ruge breost- 6
rocces', 122
and this does not, in view of the meaning of reno
L reindeer skin, fur pelisse worn by ancient Germans], prove
that the garment was not outermost. 'Rocc' was evidently a
loose term which was often used of a fur or skin garment, but
which had to be qualified in such cases, thus ' broccen rooc' ,
' deorfellen roc'.
5. Outer or inner garments
'LODA', BTD "a cloak, upper garment", has already been
discussed as a possible blanket and as a fur garment (subsec-
tions 3,4 # pp. 55 5-655g-9, above). It is
possible that the word could be applied to a body garment,
since more than once it glosses colobium123 La word which
often signifies "shirt", although it has other meanings,
including "cloak"]. The implications of this use are discussed
561.
below (Section III, 3, pp. 662 -9). The maj ority of documented
occurrences of 'log a', however, show that the word could
signify "cloak". In the Corpus glossary the word glosses
lacerna (with 'haecile')124` and a similar entry (with 'hacele')
appears in the A-order glossary in Cleopatra. 125 With 'hacelan,
ogge lachen' the word glosses clamidem in the same manuscript. 126
The gloss 'scete, loga' to sandalium in the Corpus glossary127
is obviously an error [sandalium slipper, sandal], perhaps
associated with the subsequent entry: sagulum 'lo6a'128
[sagulum a small military cloak]. The word is used in the OE
version of the Pastoral Care where it translates liniamento
[garment] and refers to the apparel of. King Saul, from which
David cuts 'mnne ]. mppan'. 129
130 'MENTEL' is also found glossing the ambiguous colobiu "
and is therefore discussed below (Section III, 3, pp. 568 -`f) .
The word translates chlamys in the Pastoral Care131 fulfilling
the same function as 'looa' in the Saul episode. 'Mid
twifealdum mantel' renders diploide in the Stowe Psalter132
[diplois double garment to be wrapped round the body, cloak]..
The word is borrowed from Latin mantellum [a cloak] but its
form testifies that it was an early loan133 and its use in
OE texts suggests that it became integrated into the vernacular
at an. early stage and remained in use. The. word is antecedent
to modern English "mantle". 134 The use of the word in the
Pastoral Care shows that a garment of this name might be worn
by a man, while a bequest in a tenth-century will shows that
in late Anglo-Saxon England the word was used of a woman's
garment. The bequest suggests that a*'mentel' might be of
some value, though since the testatrix makes reference to
562.
' byre beteran mentel' 135
she obviously owned more than one.
The bequest of a 'mentel-preon' in the same will136 suggests
that the garment was fastened by means of a clasp, pin or
brooch. ('Mentel-preon' is discussed below, Section IX, p.
(. 30).
'PAD', although defined by BTD "an outer garment, coat,
cloak", was considered by Wülcker to signify "a smock-frock
or shirt"137 and was grouped-by Stroebe, with some doubt,
among body garments ('scyrte', 'smocc'). 138 The Old High
German cognate pfeit signifies "shirt". 139 As IpaadI the
term glosses praetersorium in the Corpus glossary. 140
Lpraetersorium means "a stray animal"; 7 an error for
praetextorium, 141 the name of a garment which may take the
form of a tunic. ] MI read ' waad' against pretersorim in the
(related) Cleopatra glossary; 9ut Stryker read 'paad'. 143
Whatever the shape of the garment suggested by' the glosses
(if the glossator really intended the word to gloss praetexta),
the occurrence of 'pad' in several compounds shows that it
signified an outer garment. Examples include 'herepad', "a
coat of mail", 144
and 'hasu pada', "one having a grey garment;
thus "eagle" . 145 'Hop pads' (subsection 2, p. 55'1 , above)
is another compound of 'pad'.
'ROCCO was considered a body garment by Stroebe146 but
as suggested above (subsection 4, ep . SS9"bo) there is little
justification for this.
6. Other terns
'BRATT', BTD "a cloak", probably derives from Old British,
ultimately from Old Irish. 147 A post-settlement loan into OE
563.
from Celtic, it is the only garment term among the known words
of this origin. The word only occurs in OE in a Northumbrian
text, having perhaps been adopted from the Northern native
population. It is even possible that the term refers to a
distinctive garment borrowed from the Celts. If so, this
may partially explain why, earlier, the Christian Northumbrians
were considered unusual in matters of dress (B, 5, pp. 537-9,
above). The word glosses pallium in the Lindisfarne Gospels
together with ' hrmgil' and ' bmcla' , where the Mercian text
has ' hryft' and the West Saxon ' wmf els' . 148 The word survived
into'later English, a garment of this name being mentioned in
contemptuous terms in The Canterbury Tales:
... for nadde they but a sheete, Which that they myghte wrappe hem inne a-nyte, And a brat to walken inne by. daylyght, They wolde hem selle... 149
The word also survived in Welsh, where it came to mean "a rag" 150
and in Gaelic, where the meaning "mantle" persisted. The
later evidence suggests that the 'bratt' was, or came to be,
a humble garment.
'BASING', BTD "a short cloak, a cloak", BTS "a mantle",
is t'º, ice linked with 'wmfels' , glossing chlamide (i. sacrum)
('umfelLse], basincge'), 151 and clamidem i. vestem ('basincge,
waefel'). 152 In biblical context 'basingc' renders pallium153
and 'mid twifealdum basinge' renders diploide in one version
of the Psalms. 154 This suggests some semantic similarity to
' mentel' . The term is used by Lifric of the cloak which St.
Martin shared with a beggar. 155 This suggests that the garment
was rectangular, rather than tailored. The word might be
used of a fur garment, since, linked with ' hedene' and ' scicelse'
'basincge' glosses melote. 15 6
564.
'F-: RYCG-HRRGEL', BTD "a dorsal, mantle", occurs in two
wills. Wulfwara bequeaths an object of this name to a church157
and Bishop Alfwold bequeaths to his sister ' i. hrigchxmgl and
i. sethr gl', 158
a combination which suggests that the 'hricghrmgl'
might have been designed to cover the back of a piece of
furniture rather than the human back. 'Hrycg' is not documented
in relation to furniture, however, though it can mean the
human, or animal back*. 159 Since 'hrmgel' is a common garment
term (Section VIII, 1, pp. 6i4.2a below) the compound may signify
a garment.
'OFER-LAG', BTD "a cloak", (CHM 'oferlagu', )'is deduced
from an entry in the Leiden glossary, where 'oberlagu' renders
anfibula Lamphibalum].
'SCICCELS', BTD "a cloak, mantle", is a word'of unknown
origin, though it has cognates in Germanic languages which
suggests that the OE term may have been well-established.
'Scyccelse' renders clamyde in the West Saxon Gospels where
'ryfte' is found in the Anglian versions. 161 'Fots16 (fotsid)
sciccel', with 'hacele', glosses clamis among clothing terms
in Junius/BM. 162 With 'basincge' and 'hedene' it glosses
melotel63 which suggests that a 'sciccels' of fur or skin
was not unknown. The word ('sicilse')'. is also associated
with mantile Lmantie, overall] and veste164 [as vestimentum
clothing, garment, vestment, bedclothes]. The word is used
more than once (including the form 'scyccel') of the cloak
which St. Martin divided with a poor man165 which suggests
that it was similar to the 'basing'. The word ('scicilse')
is also used of the cloak of a poor man, divided the same
way, in f\, vpolonius of Tyre. 166 The word translates tribunario
(small cloak]. Elsewhere in the text the garment is called
'wmfels'. The evidence shows that the 'sciccels' was worn by
565.
Related to 'sciccels' is 'SCICCING', BTD "a cloak, cape".
The word has cognates in Scandinavian languages, but is only
known in OE from glosses. It renders cappa [cap, hood, cloak]
in the Corpus ('scicging'), 167 Cleopatra A-order168 and
Cleopatra subject-order 169
glossaries.
'WIFELS', BTD "covering, wrap, cloak, veil", glosses
chlamide (i. saqum) ('umfel') with 'basincge'170 and clamidem
i, vestem ('wmfel') with the same word. 171 Several times the
word renders pallium: in Kentish glosses ('wefels')172 in
the interlinear version of the Benedictine Rule ('w fm ls')173
and in the West Saxon version of St. Matthew's Gospel. 174 The
other version of the Rule has 'hacelan' in this context175 and
the 'Anglian versions of the Gospel also use other terms: ' hrmgl' , 176 ' hwcla' and 'bratt' in Lindisfarne, ' hryft' in Rushworth.
The context differentiates between 'wmfels' and 'tunece': 17 Dam
6e wylle... niman pine tunecan. lmt, him to D inne wmfels'. In
an Aldhelm MS 'linnenne wmuels' glosses anaboladia, (amictorium
lineum)177 [anaboladium linen mantle or wrap; amictus cloak].
in another, 'mulse' glosses theristro. 178 The word does appear
to have been used with the loose meaning "covering", since it
translates opertorium. (with 'overbraedels')179 and tegmen18O
i. covering]. It glosses armenum (uelum)181 [covering, curtain,
veil] and is used of the cloth with which Christ was blindfolded 182
' Waefels' then, might signify various types of covering, but the
word could certainly be used of a cloak.
566. III
Body garments
The following group of terms refers to garments which
covered all or part of the trunk. They'might in some instances
extend to cover the legs, but if. so, in the form of a skirt
rather than trousers which are considered elsewhere (Section
IV, below). The body garment:: might in practice be the outer-
most garment, for example in summer, but it might be covered
by the cloak or other outer garments discussed above (Section
II). Similarly a body garment might be worn next to the skin,
or might be worn with an undergan-nent.
Beane-clap Eaxl-clap Slop Beane-rwgl Ham Slype Breost-lie Hemepe Smoc Breost-rocc Sculdor-htmgl Tunece Cemes Scyrte Underserc. Cyrtel Serc Wealca
'Hacele', 'lops' and 'mentel', considered above as Outer
garments are also discussed as Body garments.
1. Terms probably confined to ecclesiastical use
'EAR(L)-CLAP' and 'SCULDOR-HREGL' may be dismissed from
the discussion as both appear to refer to ecclesiastical vest-
ments, although the definitions in B'i'D do not make this clear.
Both are hapax legomena, formed after a common pattern of
compounding: part-of-the-body plus general garment term.
'Eax(l)-clap', BTD "shoulder-cloth, scapular", is used in
biblical context of a garment of religious significance (an
ephod). 1 The compound renders humerale humerale, covering
for the shoulder's, cape]. ' Sculdor-hrae. gl' , BTD "a garment
to cover the shoulders", occurs in a list of vestments in the
Julius M3, glossing superhumorale This near-translation
567"
may be contrasted with-the adoption of the Latin loan 'superumerale'
in another OE text, a catalogue of sign language for monks. 3
2. Breast cloths, aprons
'BREOST-LIIQ', BTD "a breast linen or bandage, breast cloth",
occurs in the Cleopatra A-order glossary, where 'breostlines'
glosses fasciae4 Lfascia, band]. In the absence of further
evidence the function of the article named is impossible to
determine. It could have been a garment, but might equally
plausibly have been, for example, a wrapping for a corpse.
'BREOST-ROCC', BTD "a breast-cloth", occurs in Junius/BM
under the heading Vestium Nomina: renones ' sti6 a and ruge
breostrocces' .5 The compound is formed after a common pattern,
but despite its single documented occurrence in OE, it may
have been a well-established term since there exists an Old
High German cognate brust-roch, noted by BTD and said to gloss
thorax (. breast armour, doublet].
' BEARM-CLA' occurs in Junius/BM as gloss to rnappula6
[c. f. mappa, napkin or ecclesiastical mantle] following mantile
'hand hrmgl' and a group of words relating to cookery. LMantile
normally means mantle, overall; possibly there is some confusion
with manuy, hand]. The context suggests that the glossator
intended 'bearm-clap' and 'hand hraegl' to mean "apron" and
"napkin", respectively. In Middle English a 'barmcloth' sig-
nified an apron (thus NED) as indicated in the Pro: natorium
Parvulorum where 'Baryn cloth or napryn' glosses limas? Llinus
a girdle or apron trimmed with purple] and in one of Chaucer's
Canterbury Tales where the young wife of a carpenter wears
what appears to be an elaborate apron:
568"
... she werede A barmclooth eek as whit as morne milk Upon hir lender, ful of many a gore. 8
OE 'bearm', often translated "bosom", may mean "lap"
rather than "breast".
' BEARM-RTGL' , BTD "a bosom garment", is a compound-deduced
from the glossary entry against mappula cited above. The
lemma is glossed 'bearmclapl' uel 'rmgl'. The term is not
documented elsewhere and 'it is perhaps an unnecessary suggestion
since the use of 'hregl' is extensive. (Section VIII, l, jp. bl9-y: o1
below) .
3. Shirts or cloaks
'HACELE', 'LODA' and 'MENTEL' primarily gloss and translate
Latin words meaning "cloak", but they also gloss words meaning
"shirt" and are associated with OE words which clearly belong
to the category "Shirt". I/ 'Hacele' glosses subucula La man's undergarment, shirt]
in the Cleopatra MS9 and, - in association with 'ham', in the
Digby Aldhelm 14S. 10 The two occurrences may not be independent
of each other, since this section of the Cleopatra MS is mostly
devoted to Aldhelm glosses.
' LoÖa' and 'mantel' both occur as parts of glosses to
col bium La short-sleeved undergarment; from the eighth
century a shirt, sleeveless tunic or cloak]. The OE-words
occur together in the Harley MS glossary in explanation of
Isidor's definition of colobiu_m: 11
colobium, dictum cruia
longum est, et sine manicis 'lopa, ham', uel 'smoc, mentel'. 12
'Loöa' also renders colobium in the Digby 146 Aldhelm MS in
association with 'sere', 'smoc' and 'hemepe', 13 and in the
569"
Royal 6 Bvii Aldhelm MS. 14 While the ultimate sources of these
glosses are different, two being from Aldhelrn, the other from
Isidor, it is not unlikely that they are connected. Surviving
OE glosses demonstrate interdependence in so many cases that
one cannot deny the possibility that the collocation may have
been perpetuated by the copying of glosses from another source
in an attempt to render fully the possible meanings of colobium.
As already demonstrated (Section II, 5, pp. 5GOb9) ,' lo6a' and ' mentel'
are normally the names of outer garments. It is possible that
the terms had other meanings, or the garments alternative func-
tions, but the most that can be deduced from the colobium glosses
is that the 'lo6a' and ' mentel' shared with the ' hom' and ' smoc'
(and probably 'hemepe') the characteristics of length and
sleevelessness. 6
4. Shirts
'UNDER-SERC', BTD "an undergarment", would appear to be
the strongest linguistic evidence for the existence of a garment
which functioned solely as underwear. Its only occurrence is as
gloss to colophium Lprobably for colohium in the A-order
vocabulary in the Cleopatra MS. is The compound might have.
W. rry
meant "a shirttunder another garment" or "something worn under-
neath a shirt". This appears to be one of the earliest'such
uses of 'under-'. (C. f. 'underwrmdel.. Section IV, 1, p. 58o. ) i
' CEMES' , BTD "a linen night-gown, chemise", replaced in
BTS by "a shirt", occurs with 'ham' in the Cleopatra A-order
glossary, rendering camisa16 Icamisia a linen shirt or night
gown; in late Latin a long undergarment for men worn next to
the skin]. The OE word derived from Latin camisia. Its form
570"
suggests that it was an early borrowing into English, and its
use in an OE text translating a Latin word other than camisia
suggests that the word was well established in OE by King
Alfred's time. It renders linea in the OE version of Gregory's
Dialogues, in context which establishes that a garment of this
name might be worn by a child, and also demonstrates that the
' cemes' and ' tunece' were different garments which could be
worn simultaneously: she Lthe child Boniface] wms utgangende
of hire huse, 7 full oft butan his kemese 7 eac gelomlice butan
his tunecan he eft on hire huse cyrde'. 17 There is no textual
evidence from OE of the use of 'cemes' as a night-gown, but
BTS's deletion of this interpretation seem unnecessary in view
of the semantic range of camisia. Isidor, source of many entries
in OE word-lists, attributes this function, among others, to 6
camisia. 18
'SCYRTE', BTD "short garment, skirt, kirtle", is found in
the Boulogne Prudentius MS glossing pretexta19 Lp raetexta,
outer garment of Roman magistrates and free-born children;
as worn by'children, a short tunic]. The word has cognates 20 in Germanic languages, and is possibly related to, the OE
verb 'scyrtan', "to make short". It is antecedent to modern
English "shirt". (Tho cognate "skirt" was probably a loan
into Middle English from Scandinavian. 21) The use of the
word in an of homily in a twelfth-century manuscript suggests
that the 'sherte' was distinct from the 'curtle', and that the
former was worn next to the skin, while'the latter was an over-
garment: ' (John the Baptist] turnde ut of De burh into wilderne
... and ches Pere... Stiue here to shurte and gret sac to 22
curtle'.
571.
' SERC' , BrfD "a shirt, shift, smock, tunic, sark", glosses
colobium in the Digby MS in association with 'loöa', 'smocc'
and ' hemep e' 23
and again with ' smoe' in a group of clothing
terms in Junius/BM (' syrc') . 24 ' Syric' appears in a group of
clothing terms in the Julius MS as gloss to colobium, uel
interula25 Lan undergarment, shirt] and in Junius/BM the word
renders supoar, interula26 Lsunoarum a linen garment worn by
women]. 'Serce' glosses arrnilausia larmilausa a militaru ppCº
y gar-
ment] in the corpus glossary27 and three times in related word-
lists in Cleopatra: twice in the A-order glossary28 and once
as the first of a' group of clothing terms in the subject-order
glossary. 29 The term appears twice in the continuous text
version of the Benedictine Rule, rendering tonica Itunica
Roman undergarment; documented from the twelfth century as
tunic, coat, but used earlier by Elfric of the biblical Joseph's
coat]. Despite the limited value of evidence drawn from a text
concerning the monastic life, the Benedictine Rule offers the
interesting information that the Ssyric', as well as being worn
during the day30 was worn for sleeping: a monk needed 'twegen
syricas for pa3re nihtware'. 31 The interlinear version employs
the-loan-word 'tonican', 'tunican' in each case, implying 32
some degree of synonymy between'serc' and 'tunece'.
The use of the word in the Benedictine Rule shows that the
'serc' was worn by men, and this is confirmed in Elfric's sermon
on the Passion of St. Thomas, which also demonstrates that the
'syric' and cloak ('gallium') were different garments: 'Des
pallium De is werige wyle me gelmstan . and min syric ne toslio...
mr an De min sawl siöaö of Dam lichaman'. 33 The garments
mentioned are obviously not ostentatious, since it has just
been stated that the Christian does not wear 'flm sclice f=tewunga'.
572" The word 'serc' was obviously well-established in the
English language from early times since it occurs as an ele-
ment in several compound words meaning "armour, corselet",
which contribute towards the heroic vocabulary of the Anglo-
Saxon poet, for example, from Beowulf ' beadu-, 'here-; 'hioro-,
'leopo' and'lic-serc' . 34
'HAM', BTD "a covering, garment, shirt", also appears in
military context as a compound element,; for example ' fyrd-hom' ,
"war-dress", 'scir-ham', "in bright armour" . 35 The word is
related to OE 'hama', "a covering", and also has cognates in
the Germanic languages, for example Icelandic hamr, "a skin". 36
The term is obviously long-established in the Germanic languages.
The word glosses colobium in the Corpus37 and Cleopatra glos-
saries ('hom'). 38 It also occurs with 'looa', 'smoc'. and
'mentel' as gloss to the Isidor quotation in the Harley MS. 39
The word ('haam') glosses camis(i)a, in Corpus, 40 and, with
'cemes', in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 41 With 'hacele'
it glosses subucula in the Digby 15.42
'HEMEPE', BTS "an undergarment with short sleeves, a shirt",
probably derives ultimately from camisia. It must have been
an early borrowing into Germanic, /c/ becoming /h/ according
to Grimm' s -Law. There are cognates in several Germanic languages.
Like 'ham' (above) the word may be related to OE 'hama', "a
covering". 43 The word glosses colobium with 'loga', 'serc'
and 'smoc' in the Digby Aldhelm MS44 and interula in the
glossed version of the Regularis Concordia. 45 It is mentioned
in the Indicia Monasterialia, in a part of the document which
does not relate to vestments, but to clothing of a kind which
may have been also worn by seculars: ' Gyf Du hemepe habban
I
573"
wille, ponne nim pu slyfan pe on hand and wege hi' . 46 The
implication of the gesture would seem to be that the garment
was sleeved, consistent with the usual interpretation of colobium
which 'hemepe' glosses elsewhere, though not with Isidor's
definition of colobium.
'SrJOC', BTD "a smock, shift", occurs in the multiple glosses
to colobium in MSS Digby 14647 and Harley 337648 and thus is
linked to ' hemepe' , 'horn', ' looa' ,' mentel' and ' serc' . Cognates
include Icelandic smokkr, "a blouse", and Middle High German
smacken, "to adorn". 49 The term is documented in later English
including the Promptorium Parvulorum entry: 'smoke, schyrte'
camisia, interula instita50 Lthe last-mentioned normally means
the border or flounce of a Roman lady's tunic, or a bandage].
'Smoc' is antecedent to modern English "smock".
6
5. Tunics
In some cases, the function of garments named in this group
may have overlapped with the function of those in the previous
group.
As noted above (Section II, 2, p. 551 ) neither 'SLOP' nor
'SLYPE' is documented from the OE period except in compounds,
though both are listed in BTD. 'Slop', BTD "a-loose upper
garment, slop, smock-frock, any kind of outer garment made of
linen", has, as cognate, Icelandic sloop r, "a gown, loose garment,
especially a priest's gown". 51 Later evidence attests the
existence of a garment of this name, and gives some indication
of its form. In the Promptorium Parvulorum 'sloppe' is ren-
dered by mutatorium52 lwhich may mean a cape, a wimple or a
change of clothing]. More usefully, a garment of this name
574.
is mentioned in The Canterbury Tales in context which suggests
it might have taken the form of a cloak or loose tunic: 'Rutted
. sloppes... that thurgh hire shortnesse ne covere nat the shame-
ful membres of man'. 5 3 The ' sloppes' under discussion were
short, but the condemnation suggests that this was a temporary
fashion. (Robinson glossed 'sloppe' "loose over-garment". )
'Slype', BTD "a garment, slip", is also documented from
later English, where it appears to signify the edge, perhaps
the skirt, of a tunic. In the Promptorium Parvulorum 'slyp
or scyrte' is glossed by lacinia54 Llappet, edge or corner of
a garment].
" 'TUNECE', BTD "a tunic, coat", derives from Latin tunica,
which it glosses among a group of clothing terms in the Cleopatra
MS55 and also in Junius/BM. 56 It renders the same Latin word
(tonicas) in the Liber Seintillarum57 and in tlfric's Old
Testament translation, where it refers to Joseph's coat58
(Plato XXII). It translates tunica in the West Saxon versions
of the Gospels, whore the Northumbrian version uses ' cyrtel' S9
and in the interlinear version of the Benedictine Rule (tonicam
'tonican'; tonicas 'tunican'), where the other version has
'syrc'. 60 The 'tunece' is distinguished from the 'wmfels' in
the West Saxon version of St. Matthew's Gospel: ''Dam Do wylle...
niman pine tunecan. last him to pinne wmfels'. 61 In the OB
Orosius osius 'tunecan' renders to ae62 Ltoga long Roman garment,
made of a single piece of material; the garment normally worn
in Roman times] and-the verb 'getunecude' (BTS 'getunecod',
"provided with a tunic, dressed in a tunic') glosses togatos. 63
Despite the fact that 'tunece' is mostly documented gloss-
ing the Latin word from which it derives, the term's use was
575.
not confined to scholarly transliteration, since a garment
of this name is mentioned in the late-tenth-century will of
Wynf]. ed, a woman apparently of secular life: 'hio an Ceoldrype
hyre blacena tuneca swa per hyre leofre beo 7 hyre betso
haliryft'. The association with a holy veil, and the fact 64
that the tunic mentioned is black, suggest some connection with
religion. The necessity for women to wear a dark garment
('brunum h=gle') when taking the sacrament is mentioned in
the Confessionale of Archbishop Ecgbert. 65 It is possible
that the dark tunic and holy veil were Wynflmd's costume when
she attended church. She owned more than one 'tunece', since
she also bequeaths 'hyre betstan dunnan tunecan'. 66
The biblical and Orosius citations show that the 'tunece'
could be worn by men; the will that a woman living in the
tenth century owned more than one garment of this name, in
different colours. The 'tunece' was-evidently unlike the
' wmfels' and similar in some respects to the ' cyrtel' and ' syrc' , like the latter functioning as a nightshirt in monastic commu-
nities. Wynflmd's bequests suggest, however, that the term
might be used of a more valuable garment than a nightshirt.
'CYRTEL', BTD "kirtle, vest, garment, frock, coat", is
cognate with Icelandic kyrtill and modern English "kirtle". 67
Medieval Latin curtella and-kurtella [kirtle] are documented
only from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries respectively,
, so the OE term is not derived from. this source, though it is
likely to be related to curtus [short]. Serjeantson related
'cyrtel' to the OE verb 'cyrtan', "to shorten", 68 itself a'
loan from Latin =. 69
The word is found in Junius/BM, in
conjunction with 'oferb=dels', glossing palla. 70
The entry
576"
follows a group of terms relating to ecclesiastical affairs,
and precedes names of personal ornaments and headgear. 'Cyrtel'
or ' cyrtil' is employed in the Lindisfarne Gospels where the
West Saxon versions use 'tunece'71 and, similarly, is distin-
guished from 'wa fels' . This use of 'cyrtel' as alternative to
West Saxon 'tunece' might suggest that the words were synonymous,
but since Vlynflmd's will bequeaths the 'cyrtel' as well as the
. 'tunece', there must have been some distinction between. the
two garments. If, as suggested above, Wynf]. eed wore the 'tunece'
for church, it may have been a plainer, more formal garment
than the 'cyrtel', but of similar cut. The will indicates that
there was something unusual or elaborate about the texture or
colour of each ' cyrtel' mentioned but lexicographers and trans-
lators have failed to agree about the meaning of the descriptions
and about the correct reading of one of them. Wynf ]. tad bequeaths
'hyre twilibrocenan cyrtel' and 'hyre cincdag enan cyrtel'. 72
'Twili' clearly means "two" or "double". 1hitelock translated
the former phrase "her double badger-skin (? ) kirtle", 73
incorporating the suggestion that the 'broc-' element was a
substantive, meaning "badger". Thorpe, for no obvious reason,
considered that the former kirtle was "double lambswool". 74
If 'brocen' were not a substantive it might be the past participle
of a strong verb, either 'brucan' , Class II, or ' brecan' ,
formally Class V. but sometimes having past participle 'brocen'
by analogy with Class IV. 75 'Brucan', often meaning "to enjoy"
may mean' "to wear La garment]". 76 CiM cites (under 'brucan' )
'brocen cyrtel', "a coat which has been worn" deriving the
citation from Llfric, but without giving any specific reference.
It is possible that Wynflmd was bequeathing a garment which
she had only worn twice.
577.
A more interesting possibility, but one which is harder
to justify linguistically, is that 'twilibrocen' is a descrip-
tion of the garment's weave. CHM defines 'twilit' as "double,
woven of double thread", and 'twilibrocen' (tentatively) as
"woven of threads of two colours". There are many documented
weaving terms in OE, but 'brocen' is not one of them. 'Twili'
may, however, describe the weaving thread. The word is similar
to modern English "twill", the term which describes the most
popular weaving technique:: of Anglo-Saxon England (Part Two, D,
8-10, pp. 433-8, above). The earliest citations including
"twill" in OED are from the fourteenth century, but it is
possible that the word was in use earlier. Twill weaving is
"double" weaving in the sense that it involves taking the weft
over and under two warp threads simultaneously. The most
luxurious weave known from Anglo-Saxon England is a diamond-
or lozenge-patterned twill (Fig. 7)/in which the diamond shape
is deliberately made asymmetrical. The English examples are
early, but the weave is known in Scandinavia from a time con-
temporary with Wynflmd's will. The modern description of the
asymmetry is "broken", the name of this weave "broken diamond
twill". If OE 'twili' wore the equivalent of "twill", and
'brocen' wore the past participle of 'brocan', "to break",
the compound might mean "broken twill". It might seem too
great a coincidence that the OE and modern names should be so
similar, but if both were describing a twill weave in which a
symmetrical pattern was deliberately broken, the coincidence
is surely not outside the bounds of possibility.
The other ' cyrtel' bequeathed by Wynflmd was considered
"white striped" by Thorpe, who read: 1(7 E6 elf] lmde pisse
578"
hwitan hyre cinewa_6 enan cyrtel'. 77 rhitelock considered
'hwitan' to be part of the name of the legatee and evaded
translating the adjective. 78
BTS suggests the'word may mean
"purple" (BTS 'cyne-waden (? )'), presumably by association,
through 'cyning', "king", with royal purple. 79
The 'cyrtel' figures in the will of another Anglo-Saxon
woman, 4lulfgy6, who bequeaths ' ane wellene kertel', 80 the only
garment mentioned in the text.
The wills demonstrate that the garment of this name could
take a number of forms, and might be made of wool, or, possibly,
if S"rhitelock' s reading of ' brocen' is correct, of fur. It is
likely in any case that the Anglo-Saxons were accustomed to the
'cyrtel' of skin or fur, as made by the Scandinavians. The
traveller Ohthere, describing in the OE Orosius the tribute
paid by the Finns, mentions that among the offering of men of
high rank there should be 'berenne kyrtel ooge yterenne', 81
The word is well-documented in Middle English, in contexts.
which show that a garment of this name was worn by both sexes,
although it seems to have lost status since Anglo-Saxon times
when it was important enough to be bequeathed. In Piers Plowman,
for example, the (male) Sin Envy, is described as wearing such
a garment in a context which suggests rough cloths
clothed in a caurymaury... In kirtel and kourteby. 82
in Chaucer's Parliament of Fowles and The Romaunt of the Rose
the garment is worn by females and seems to be a petticoat. 83
6. A wrapper
'WEALCA' is included here as a "Body garment" since it was
worn on the trunk, though not a shirt or tunic, and it does
579"
not appear to have been a cloak. , The term is found in )Elf ric's
version of Genesis, where it translates theristrum La summer
garment] and refers to a garment worn by a woman: 'Da dyde
heo of hyre wydewan reaf 7 nam hyre walcan'. 84
This is the
garb of a harlot, adopted by Tamar for the seduction of her
father-in-law, and contrasting with the formal widow's weeds
which are thrown off. BTD defines 'wealca' "a garment that may
be rolled round a person, a muffler, wrap, veil", relating it
to the verb 'wealcan'. Another substantive 'wealca' is defined
"a roller, wave, billow", and it is likely that the formation
of the garment name reflects the billowing nature of the costume.
I
/
5aO" - IV
Loin and leg coverings
1.
B=cce Braccas Brec-hLä3gl Broc, brec Cbles Gyrdels Hosa Hose-bend Leperhose
Meo Nostle Sceanc-bend Sceanc-gegirela Socc Strapul Underwrzedel irJx d-b rmc Wining
S
Loin cloths
'GYRDELS', BTD "a girdle", in addition to signifying a
belt, as indicated by use as gloss to cingulum and zona (Section
VII, 2, p. 4014 , below), may also have signified "loin sloth".
The term is found glossing lumbare Lapron for the loins, loin
cloth) in the (related) Corpus and Cleopatra A-order glossaries,
in association with 'brec'. In Corpus the entry reads 'gyrdils
broec' 1 and in Cleopatra ' gyrdel oöö a brec' 2 In later medieval.
times girdles had multiple functions, including the support of
the 'breche'. 3 Possibly the functions of the Anglo-Saxon
'gyrdels' and 'breche' overlapped in some way, as indicated by
the glosses. The glossator may, however, only have been attempt-
ing to give alternative explanations of lunbare.
'UNDERLr1MDEL' , listed but not defined in BTD, was considered
an undergarment by Stroebe (Schurz, Lendenschurz, Gdrtel). 4
The word appears in the Junius/BM glossary ('underhwxmdell)
rendering subfibulum, uel subliaaculum La white, four-cornered
veil; and a waist band, or breech-cloth, respectively].
'WILD-13flA C' , IITD "breeches, a covering for the loins
appears in Junius/BM ('wxdbrec'), glossing perizomata, uel
campestria, uel succinetoria6 Lgirdle; (campestre) leather
apron worn round loins; apron, respectively] and in MS"Cotton
. 581.
Julius Aii glosses perizomata, uel campestria7 The use of the
term in the OE version of Genesis clarifies the function of
the garment: ' hi... sywodon him f icleaf, 7 worhton him wxdbrec'. 8
The term is again rendering perizomata.
Loin cloths may have been worn as alternatives to tunics,
but it is possible that garments of this kind were worn under
the tunics and so concealed in illustrations. The linguistic
evidence may therefore attest a garment which is not evidenced
from other sources. 0
2, Trousers
'BRECCE', BTS "trousers", appears in the Corpus glossary
('bra(e)ccae') as gloss to sarabar(a)e9 Lwide trousers].
'BRAOCAS', BTD "breeches", is documented only in the interpre-
tation of a dream, in a'context which gives no information
about the garment. 10 The OE word translates Latin braccus
Ltrousers] and could be a direct loan, although the existence
of cognates in Danish and Swedish (bracken, brackor, respec-
tively)lýuggest an independent existence in the Germanic
languages from earlier times.
The related term 'BREC' is more common. This word,
translated "the breech, breeches" by BTD, also has cognates
in Germanic languages. The word is related to modern English
"breeches" and Scottish "breek, breeks". 12 Originally the
plural of OE ' BROC' , 'brec' was usually singular in Middle
English Oa breech'). The OE term appears to have principally
signified a pair of short trousers, covering the loins or
extending down the thighs. Apart from rendering lumbare in
association with 'gyrdilsI and Igyrdel' in the Corpus and
Cleopatra glossaries13 (subsection 1, p. 580 , above) 'brec'
532.
renders f einoral is La covering for the thigh; eleventh and
fifteenth centuries: breeches] in the Indicia Monasterialia:
'Brecena tancen is pa3t pu strice mid pinum twan handum up on
pin peah. ' 14 The occurrence in this text shows that the
garment of this name was worn by men, but the use of the word
in the thirteenth-century Ancrene Wisse shows that, at least
after the Norman Conquest, a garment of this name was worn by
women, if only as penitential clothing ('pe brech of here'). 15
The Middle English teen is defined in MED: 'brech' l (a) "the
undergarment covering the lower part of the body; underpants,
drawers or tights".
. The compound ' BREC-HRGL' should perhaps be included, here.
BTD' s definition is non-committal: "a sort of garment". CHM,
however, gives "breeches". The word translates diploide in
the Paris Psalter: 'him si abrogden, swa of brechrmgle hiora
sylfra sceamu' . 16 Other OE Psalters/translate this with phrases
apparently meaning "double cloak", such as 'mid twyf ealdum
mentel' (Section II, 5, p. 5(! , 'above). It seems that different
translators made independent attempts to render something for
which no equivalent existed, and that the translators understood
different things by it. The Paris Psalter translator perhaps
coined 'brec-hrwgl', but it seems probable that he intended
the word to mean a type of breeches.
'STRAPUL', BTD "a covering for the leg, kind of trousers",
appears (as 'strapulas') with other garment terms in Junius/BM
glossing tubroces, uel brace17 Ltubroces for tubragus, tubrucus,
a legging, similar to tibiale]. HEW related the term to Greek
. and Latin words, but gave no Germanic cognates. 18
The word
perhaps derived from Latin strebula Lthe flesh about the haunch],
the voiceless stop /b/ becoming a voiceless stop /p/ in Germanic
583"
according to Grimm's Law. 'Strapylle' glosses femorale19 and
Oa strapul') tiý20 L leg wrapping for shins, stocking] in
fifteenth-century glossaries, and 'the strapuls of a pare brek'
glosses tribrica in another text of similar date. 21 Way sugges-
ted that the word meant "a kind of braces for nether garments"
on the evidence of the Promotorium Parvulorum entry: 'straple,
of a breche (strappyl), Femorale, feminale ('strapyl of brechl
ffemorale) 22 Ifeminalia thigh bandages], but this interpretation
does not correspond to the OE glosses. The Anglo-Saxons evidently
used the word tibracis of a humble type of boot. St. Cuthbert
wore a pair made of hide which covered leg and foot. 23 The
apparent meanings of the word in the Ancrene Wisse and Trevisa's
English-translation of Higden's Polychronicon also fail to
support Way's interpretation. The former states that 'Sum
wummon inohreage wereö be brech of here ful wel icnottet be
streapeles dun to be vet ilacet ful f easte' 24
and, the Polychroni-
con confirms the suggestion that 'strapeles' covered the whole
leg and were fastened by laces: '... bey were liche to mares
wip white legges up to be biges for pat tyme be Longobardes
used strapeles wip brode laces doun to be sparlyver' . 25 The
frequent association of 'strapul' with 'breche' -or 'a pare
brok' In poet-aonquent toxtn nuggontn that the two were worn
together, perhaps constituting parts of the same garment. The
'strapul' covered the whole leg, and was fastened with laces,
but it perhaps formed the legging part of a pair of long-legged
breeches. The later texts suggest that the garment called
'strapul' was worn by both sexes, at least after the Norman
Conquest.
584"
3. Stockings and socks
The following terms appear to be the names of garments
which covered foot as well as leg. 'HOSA', BTD "a covering
for the leg, hose", appears to have had the semantic range of
modern English "hose", possibly with the additional meaning
"leg guards, greaves". 26 'Hosa' glosses caliga, uel ocrea27
Lleather shoe; metal greave, and in the eleventh century thigh
boot or legging, respectively]. " The entry occurs in the Julius
MS and is followed by three entries relating to footwear. This
group does, however, follow a list of vestments, and as the
word occurs in monastic texts it is possible that the garment
of this name was part of the costume of those in the religious
life. The existence of cognate words ih other Germanic languages
suggests, though, that the word was in use, before the conversion,
and may have been the name of a secular garment first. The
Icelandic and German hose appear to mean "legging, gaiter" and
"breeches", respectively, and Old High German hose is found
glossing caliga. 28 'Holum' renders calicos in the glossed
Regularis Concordia29 and 'hosa', 'hosan', glosses calige in
both versions of the Benedictine Rule. 30 In the continuous
text version the phrase 'hosa and meon' renders pedules et
call as. 31 The gesture associated with this garment in the
Indicia Monasterialia shows that it covered the lower leg, but
does not indicate whether or not the foot was also covered:
'Gyf Du hosa habban Wille, Donne stric Du uppweard on p inum
sceancum mid p inum twain handum'. 32
The compound 'LEER-HOSE', BTD "a leather covering for the
leg, gaiter", glosses ocreae uel tibiales in Junius/BM. 33
Cognates in Icelandic and Old High German correspond in meaning,
585"
to the BTD definition of the OE word. 34 The Ang1o-Saxon
garment of this name may have covered the foot, however,
since 'leperhosa' glosses caligas in Alfrie's Collocruy. 35
The article was included in this text as one of the products
of the 'sceowyrhta'.
'MEO', 36 BTD "a shoe or sock covering the foot", overlaps
semantically with OE 'socc'. In the Harley glossary 'meon'
glosses calsus37 If or calceus, a half boot or shoe covering
the whole foot) and in the Leiden glossary genitive 'mihes'
renders odonis38 ludo, a felt or fur sock]. The word renders
pedula Lfootwearl in Junius/BM39 and in the Benedictine Rule
('meon' for pedules)4Ö where context suggests that 'meon', were
different from 'hosa' and that both were considered essential
garments for the brethren; 'synd gesealde fram Dam abbode
ealle neadbehege ping, pmt is cugele, syric, meon, hosa... '.
This, the continuous text version of the Rule, renders pedules
et caligas 'hosa and meon' where the interlinear version has
'soccas and hosan'. This suggests that both 'hosa' and 'soccas'
could translate pedules and both 'moon' and 'hosan' caligas,
'hosa' having dual function, but a simpler explanation seems
more likely. 'Rosa' is found elsewhere interpreting caligas
and the quotation from the Rule shows that, in that context at
least, 'hosa' and 'meon' were not considered synonymous. It
is likely that the interlinear glossator rendered the Latin
word for word, but the continuous text translator used a freer
approach and inverted the phrase in translation, nevertheless
rendering caligas with 'hosan' as was usual and translating
nedules with 'meon' as elsewhere in the text. 'Meo' and 'socc'
may therefore be synonymLs, ' hosa' something different.
586.
'SOCC', BAD "a sock, kind of shoe", apart from translating
pedules ('soccus') as discussed, glosses callicula [caliqula,
a small military boot] in the BM/Plantin-Moretus glossary4l
and soccus in the Corpus glossary, in association with 'slebescoh'9
Lsoccus light shoe, slipper. Isidor's definition of soccus is:
Socci, cuius diminutivum socelli, apoellati inde guod saccum .
habeant, in quo pars plantae inicitur. 43] OE 'socc' was probably
a Latin loan into continental Germanic (ultimately Greek), 44
having cognates in other Germanic languages including Icelandic
sokkr, "a sock", and Old High German soc which glosses soccus,
caliga and calicula. 45 The cognates and the meaning of modern
English "sock" should not obscure the evidence of the lemmata
glossed by OL 'socc', which suggest a bag-like foot covering
which was put on easily, but do not prove that the garment
continued far up the leg.
' CIELES' , TCS "a footcovering", should perhaps be grouped
with the preceding words since it also translates Pedules
(pediles, ' cmlise') . 46 The term derives from Vulgar Latin
calsius, perhaps ultimately from calla, and is related to
calceus. It was probably a loan into continental Gezmanic. 47
There are cognates in Greek and in Germanic languages which
appear to signify leg-coverings. Schlutter suggested that
the glossary entry derived from the Vulgate circumpedes et
femoralia et humeraleposuit ei (Ecclesiasticus, 45,10),
pediles functioning as equivalent or explanation of circumpedes.
Citing the glossary-entries for 'meo', Schlutter argued that
the 'rmles' resembled the 'meo' but expressed uncertainty
whether the garments were more like shoes or stockings; an
uncertainty which arises in discussing each of the words in
the above group, so indicating that these garments may have
covered both leg and foot.
587.
4. Garters
'HOSE-BEND', BTD "a hose-band, garter", is a readily-
comprehensible compound since both elements are much documented
and ' hosa' well-established as the name of a garment for the
legs. 'Hosebendas' occurs as gloss to periscelides Lieg bands, '
anklets] in MS Digby 146.48 Though rare, the OE word was
probably not a nonce-formation, since a similar compound in
49 Old Norse, hosna-reim, suggests a common Germanic origin for
such compounds of 'hose'.
' SCEANC"BEND' , BTD "a band for the leg, a garter", also
glosses periscelides ('scangbendas') in a group of glosses
mostly associated with garments and ornaments in Junius/BM. so
This, again, is a self-explanatory compound, again the second
element being a substantive related to the function 'bindan',
"to bind", but whereas the first element of 'hose-bend' is the
name of-a garment, 'sceanc-bend', literally "a band for the
shin"51 is compounded according to the more usual pattern of
part-of-the-body plus garment term.
A third hapax legomenon, 'SCEANC-GEGIRELA', is compounded
according to a similar pattern. Defined "clothing for the
leg, a garter", by BTD, like its synonyms 'scancgegirelan'
is found glossing periscelides. It occurs in the A-order
Cleopatra glossary. 52
'WINING', BTD "a band for the leg", was apparently in
more general use. 'Weoning' glosses fascellas Las fascia,
a band] in the Harley MS53 and in Junius/BM renders fascia
(' wyningc') and uallecgias (' wyncgas') among a group of clothing
terms. 54 LThis is the only recorded use of vallectias as a
garment. Elsewhere the word means "saddlebags". ] An instruc-
tion in the Indicia Monasterialia, in that part of the text
"(
588"
which seems to refer to everyday clothing rather than vestments,
confirms that the 'winingas' were worn on the lower leg: 'Ronne
Du wynyngas habban wille, Donne do Du mid p inum twam handum
onbutan pine sceancan'. 55 The term has cognates in non-Germanic
and Germanic languages, 56 including Icelandic vindingr "a strip
wound round the leg instead of hose". 5 7
'NOSTLE', BTD "a fillet, band", was-evidently used of a
bandage and, possibly, of a head band (Section ITI, +t ,p. boy,
below), but could evidently be applied to a leg binding, since
in the Leiden glossary 'mihes nostlun' glosses odonis vitam58
Ivitta, a band]. In a list headed Vestium Nomina in Junius/13M.. '
'nosle', vel 'sarclag', glosses fasciolä9Lbandage, including
leg bandage]. Leg bands may have been worn round the leggings
to keep them in place ('hose-bend' 'nostle') or may have func-
tioned alone as leg coverings, being wrapped directly round
the shin ('sceanc-bend', 'wining'). , Some of these leg bands
may have been ornamental (' sceanc-gegirela' . C. f. Section VIII,
l, pp. (6: 3-5, below).
589"
V
Shoes
Calc Rifeling Crinc Scoh, gesceo, gescy Fotgemde Slife-scoh, slipe-scoh Hemming Stmppe- scoh Lces-hosum Swiftlere lost
1. Terms of doubtful validity
Two of the terms listed may be immediately discounted as
the result of studies of glossaries more recent than those
used in the dictionaries. Some omissions from the list must
also be explained.
'LIES-HOSUM' occurs in the Junius/BM glossary in the phrase
' fotleaste lmshosum' glossing cernuil 1 cernuus, a shoe]. BTD
derives from this, ' lmst-hosan' , "some species of covering for
the foot, socks without soles", quoting in evidence Du Cange's
citation from Isidor: Cernui socci sunt sine solo. 2 TCS
suggests the reading 'fotlmstlease hosan', following Meritt3
and LY, ibke, who had showed, however, that the OE gloss was
simply a rendering of Isidor's definition. 4 It is unlikely
that it was the English name of an article of footwear.
This entry occurs among a group of lemmata and glosses
referring to footwear. '' It seems that several of the ON terms,
often compounds of 'scoh' and not mentioned individually in
BTD are, similarly, not the names of known types of shoes, but
explanations derived from Isidor. Thus Kindschi demonstrated6
that 'triwen scoh', glossing coturnus Lhigh shoe., boot]
('trywensceo' in Junius) derived from the sentence immediately
following Isidor's second mention of coturni. 7
Similarly, .
the gloss 'wifes sceos' is not indicative of a distinctive type
590"
of shoe for women in England. The phrase glosses baxeae Ibaxea,
normally a woven shoe] and the gloss is derived from Isidor's
second definition of this word: Baxoa cnlcinmenta rrn: linnim
sunt. 8 The entry 'unhege sceos' is not a translation of the
Isidor definition of talares, but could be a description derived
from it: Talares calcei socci sunt, aui inde nominati videntur
guod ea fiqura sint ut contingant talum. 9
'I $T' occurs among the group of footwear terms in Junius/
BM already discussed. It is defined in BTD "a covering for the
foot, a boot" on the basis of Wright's'reading ocreae uel
musticula "3mste' . 10 This,. however, was the result of an error
in transcription corrected in WWWtilcker' s revised edition of
Wright's Vocabularies: ocreae, uel tibiales ' leperhosa' ,
calopodium, uel mustricola ' ]. ste' . 11 LThe use of calonodium
as an item of footwear '(a clog, patter) is not documented
earlier than the fifteenth century. Calo signifies timber for
joinery; mustricola, a shoemaker's last. ] Kindschi supported
Wtilcker's reading with one from the BM glossary. 12 11,03 ste'
therefore, probably meant "a shoemaker's last" and was not
the name of a type of shoe.
2. General erms
'FOTGEMED', BTD "footclothing", is no more than a generaliza-
tion for footwear, formed after a common pattern of compounding,
part-of-the-body plus general garment term. A hapax legomenon,
the word occurs in the Benedictine Rule as a generalization
followed by specific terms: 'habbon hig to fotgewmdum hosa
and moon'* 13
591"
'SCORBTD "a shoe", is the commonest of OE footwear terms,
in this or other spellings. It is a recurrent compound element,
both in the names of individual types of footwear (discussed
subsection 3, pp. 59l-2, below) and in probable nonce-words
(discussed subsection 1, pp . 589-9o, above). There also exists a
collective form ' gesceo' ,' gescy' . Cognates of both forms may
be found in other Germanic languages. The term is the source
of modern English "shoe". The occurrences of the OE term are
so numerous that it would be unnecessary to mention every one,
therefore samples only are given. In its various forms, the
word occurs in several glossaries, in biblical translations and
in non-religious writings, indicating that the term was not
confined to scholarly use. 14 It is most often found glossing
cam entur L shoe] in glossaries (for * example 'gescy' in the
Julius glossary); 15 Bible translations (calciamentorum, 'sceoea',
Lindisfarne, 'giscoes', Rushworth)16, and non-biblical texts
(calciamenta, 'gescy', Colloquy). 17 In glossaries the term
renders calcarium ('scoh'), 18 calceos ('gescy'), 19
call a
('scoh'), 20 fico Lshoe, clog] ('sco')21 and qal_ liculae Igalicula,
a garment; perhaps confused with caligula? ] ('scos'). 22
3. Slippers
'STjEPPE-SCOH', BTD "a slipper", occurs in the Corpus
glossary ('steppescoh'), rendering subtalaris23 (. literally,
"under the heel"; c. f. talaris, a sandal fastened to the ankle].
'Stmppescos' glosses the same lemma in a group of terms arranged
alphabetically in Cleopatra. 24 (Talares is glossed 'unhege
sceos' in the Junius/BM glossary, subsection ' 1, p. 59 0, above) . 25
592"
BTD lists 'SLIFE-3OOH', "a loose shoe easily drawn on,
a slipper", on the basis of the Corpus entry soccus 'socc,
slebescoh', 26
relating the substantive to the OE verb 'slifan',
"to slip or put a garment on a person". The spelling variation
between the glossary citation and the dictionary entry was
presumably incorporated on the basis that <b) was an early
spelling for the sound /v/, and that this sound was commonly
represented in OE by (f>. between vowels. BTD also lists, indi-
vidually, 'SLIPS-SCOH', "a shoe easily slipped on, a slipper",
from the entry in the Cleopatra A-order glossary: soccus
'slypescos'. 27 BTD's deduction of the existence of 'slife-scoh'
seems unnecessary. Corpus and Cleopatra have a-number of entries
in common, and it is more probable that the Corpus ' slebescoh'
was an earlier or idiosyncratic version of 'slipe-scoh' (the
voiced plosive /b/ becoming the voiceless plosive /p/ in the
later text), than that it was a different word, unique in OE,
based on 'slifan'. The currency of 'slipe-scoh' is confirmed
by its survival into modern English. It is documented up to
, the nineteenth century, meaning, in the dialect of Somerset, an
old, loose pair of shoes worn in the evening. 28 It is now
obsolete except for the derivative "slip-shod", "having shoes
on the feet but no stockings". 29 It is likely that there was
some semantic overlap, at least in the eighth century, with
'socc'. Although categorized for convenience here among
slippers, the lemma suggests that 'slipe-scoh' (like 'socc',
and perhaps with some resemblance to ' cmles' hos5t' and ' meo' , discussed above, IV, 3,13p. 584"O, was in shape a bag-like article,
rather than the low shoe represented by 'stoappe-scoh' and
' swiftlere' . 'SWIFTLERE', BTD "a slipper, shoe", is a more common term.
It is a corruption of (early) Latin subtalaris. 30 It glosses
593"
subtalares ('swyfteleares') in Junius/BM 31 and renders the
same word in the gloss to Elfric's colloquy ('swyftleras' ),
where it is distinguished from 'sceos' (f icones). 32 Although
the pupils studying the Colloquy were students in a monastic
school, the subject matter of the text concerned secular life
and it is probable that the words used to gloss it were familiar
to vernacular speakers. The subtalares are included as the
products of the shoemaker, who was, presumably, like other
characters mentioned in the work, a secular. 'Swyftleras' were,
however, worn in the monastery. The sign to be made when they
were required suggests that they were worn low on the foot and
did not cover the leg: 'Gyf pu swyftleras habban wylle, Donne
sete Du pinne scytefinger uppon D inne fot and stric on twa
healfa pines fet Dam gemete De hi gesceapene beo5' X33
4. Raw hide shoes or sandals
'HEMMING', BTD "a kind of shoe", BTS "a boot made of raw
hide", is attested in the OE period only from glosses, which
are not independent of each other. In Corpus, 'himmin9 glosses
pero34 La boot made of raw hide] and in the Cleopatra A-order
glossary there is the entry: Pero 'hemming' i. 'ruh sco'. 35
The additional note in the later glossary might suggest that
a word current when the eighth-century Corpus glossary was made,
might have been rare and in need of clarificatioR6when Cleopatra
was written in the eleventh century. The word was not obsolete,
however, since it occurs in a fifteenth-century Scottish poem
in a context associating it with 'rewelynys' (discussed below
as ' rifeling' )s
And led hym in-til cwylk Dystros Pat at sa gret myschof he wes,
at hys Knychtis weryd Rewelynys Of Hydis, or of Hart Hemmynys. 37
594"
Since 'hemming', like its Old Icelandic cognate hemingr38
may be used of the skin of the hindlegs of a deer, it is possible
that in the quotation 'hart hemmynys' is in apposition to 'hydis';
but the survival of the OE footwear name, and apposition to
'rewelynys' seems equally possible. 39
The Anglo-Saxon shoe was no doubt named from the hide of
which it was made, a practice which can be traced in the names
of some primitive Norwegian shoes. 40
'RIFELING', BTD "a kind of shoe or sandal", occurs in
Junius/BM ('rifelingas') glossing obstrigelli41 Lobstrigillus,
a shoe sole, sandal fastened to the feet by straps]. The lemma
gives some indication of the shape of the 'rifeling'. The name
also signified, or came to signify, a shoe of untanned hide,
since a fifteenth-century gloss: 'A revel ' 42' ry g ynge , gero establishes
a semantic link with 'hemming' and a later definition shows that
like the 'hemming' it was a 'ruh sco',: "a kind of shoe of the
untanned skins of the ox and seal, which are called. 'rivilins'". 43
The word survived in-the dialects of Scotland, persisting to
the present day in the Shetland Isles. *as a name for "cowskin
moccasins". 44 The word is related to Old Norse hriflingr, "an
ancient general term for a hide shoe", 45
and possibly to the
Middle English verb 'rivelen', "to wrinkle". 46
It is possible that the 'hemming' and 'rifeling' were
shoes of a type which is well attested from Northern Europe,
similar to the Irish "pampootie", of which an early-twentieth- 47
century example survives. This footwear was normally made from a single piece of hide cut from the lower part of the
hindleg of an animal. 48 This utilized the natural shape of
the hide, the baggy heel area of the animal skin becoming the
595"
toe of the shoe. The shoes were normally sewn together at the
sides and the back, there being no separate sole. 49 The hairy
side faced outward when worn, and according to practice recently
observed in Norway, although the fur would be stripped off for
summer wear, it would be retained in winter. 50
A more primitive
version could be made by wrapping a piece of hide round the
foot and securing it with thongs round the ankle. 51
A shoe
of this type "gains its shape by contraction" corresponding to
0 the verb ' rivelen' .
In Scandinavia this type of footwear was worn by peasants,
so that hriflingr and its near-synonym* fitiungr, originally
shoe-names, eventually came to signify persons of this class. 52
Although there is no direct evidence about the Anglo-Saxon shoes
of this type, since the names do not appear in literary context,
it is likely that the Anglo-Saxon raw hide shoes were also worn
by country people. Lindsay cites no,: source for the lemma pero
which is glossed by 'himming' in the Corpus glossary, but the
glossator may have known Isidor's definition: Perones et
(s)culponeae rustica calciamenta sunt. 5 3
5. Other sandals
' CRINC' , tentatively defined "a kind of shoe" by BTD, and
by BTS given a queried comparison to OE 'crencestre', "a
female weaver", occurs ('crince') as gloss to cuternö 4 (cothu rnus).
OED suggests a relationship with OE 'crincan' said to be*rare
form of the verb 'cringan', "to fall in battle", but having
"the primitive meaning to draw oneself together in a bent form,
to contort oneself stiffly, curl up". 55 If the substantive
'critic' were related to this verb, the shoe name may have
originally applied to footwear which was not stitched or fitted
596"
to the foot, but drawn together, perhaps with thongs (as
' rivelen' suggests the similar shape of ' rif elingas' , above).
Finally 'CALC', BTD "a shoe, little shoe, sandal", may
have been used of a humble type of footwear. 'Calcum' trans-
lated sandaliis Lsandalium, a slipper, sandal] in the tiest
Saxon versions of the Gospels ('calken' in the latest version). 56
The word occurs in a passage where Christ orders the disciples
to journey without possessions or money. They are to be
'gesceode mid calcum'. The word wäs borrowed from Latin calceus
after the conversion57 and is only documented in the Bible
translation cited, therefore there is no proof that the word
came to be applied to shoes worn by the Anglo-Saxons.
�
597" ýý
VI
Headgear
Included in this section are words which may describe
garments worn on the head, and pins for securing the hair or
headdress. Possible names of headcoverings are:
Bande Healsed Bende Hod Binde Hufe Cppe Orel Cappa Scyf el Cuff ie Snod F eax-clap Dwm le Feax-net Wimpel Hit Wand Heafod-clap Wrigels Heafod-gewmde
In addition, 'nostle', 'rift' and 'wealca', already listed in
Sections IV1 II and III, respectively,, may have signified head
coverings.
Names of pins for the head are:
Cb3f Feax-preon Ha i r-nom dl
.° Drawing-spinel Up-legen
/
1. ti drapper
BTD's definition of 'WEALCA', "a garment that may be
wrapped round a person, a muffler, wrap, veil", necessitates
the consideration of the term in this section, but the context
in which the word appears in 0E biblical translation1 suggests
that the term signifies something more enveloping than a head-
veil or muffler for the neck.
2. Headdress or grave-clothes
'HEAFOD-CLAD' is defined "head-cloth, head-dress" by BTD,
and "the cloth used for wrapping the head of a dead person" by
BTS. (C. f. BTS ' heafod-hrmgl' .) The word is certainly used
598" ý
in OE of a cloth wrapped around the head of a corpse. 2 In the
Harley glossary 'heafodclap', uel 'wangere' glosses capitale3
which may have signified something on which the head was laid
rather than a wrapping for the head. Lcapitale is only documen-
ted with the meaning "headdress" from the fifteenth century. ]
The word appears under the heading Vestium Nomina, however, in
Junius/BM, (with 'cappa') where it glosses capitulum, uel
capitularium4 La covering for the head of a female], The word
persisted into the Middle English period. Its use in the
Ancrene Wisse demonstrates that in the thirteenth century the
term was used of a head garment, and that this was considered
unsuitable for women leading the religious life. The context
shows that it differed in some way from 'wrihels' WE 'wrigels')
and possibly that it differed from the ' wimpel' : 'Nai
wimpel ne heaued claÖ now6er ne nempneö hali writ . ah wrihels
ane'. '
/
'HEALSED', BTD "a cloth for the head", appears to be
derived from OE 'heals', "the neck". (A possible alternative
meaning may be "the neck opening of a tunic", c. f. BTD 'healseta'
and 'heafod-smal'. ), In the Anglian versions of the Gospels,
this word translates sudarium Ldocumented in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries meaning a sheet for wrapping round relics],
once (in sudario 'in halsado') clearly not referring to a
garment, 6
and in other cases ('haiscode', 'hascoda') used of
the wrapping Of corpses. 7 The term glosses capitium, however,
among a group of entries derived from Aldhelm in the Cleopatra
MS. 8c
'WRIGELS' also appears to have been used in two ways, .
meaning a grave-cloth or a veil. BTD separates the meanings.
of the word: I "a covering" II "a garment, veil". The word
}
599"
is related to the OE verb Iwreon*, "to cover", 9 the substan-
tive perhaps deriving from the function. 'Wrigels' occurs in
context showing that it could signify the cloth used to cover
the face of a corpse10 but it also clearly means "veil" in
several citations and therefore will be considered below
(subsection 3b, pp. 6o2-3) .
3. Ecclesiastical or secular headgear
a. Hoods 0
Both 'CfEPPE' and 'CAPPA' appear to have signified the
"cope" which was an ecclesiastical vestment, and also to have
been used with the meaning "cap". ' It is not clear whether or
not this second use was limited to ecclesiastical function.
The wide semantic range of the lemmata glossed by these words
complicates the problem of. defining their function.
CIEPPEI , BTD "a cap, cape, cope, / hood", occurs in a list
of vestments in the Julius MS glossing planetall Lecclesiasti-
cal vestment, chasuble]. It glosses the same lemma in Junius/
BM,, 12 but this time among a list of terms relating to children's
clothing or bedding. The entry is followed by 'gerenod cmppe'
glossing eý nula13 Lc. f. paenula a poncho-like garment worn for
travelling, military cloak; occlosiastical vontment; nenic: ula
woollen outer garment for journeys and wet weather, documented
from the thirteenth century with the meaning "hood"]. The word
also occurs in a list of clothing in the Julius MS, glossing
cappa14 Lcap, hood; - documented from the seventh century mean-
-'ing a cloak with a hood].
OE 'CAPPA', BTD "cap, cope, priest's garment", appears
with 'heafod-clap' glossing capitulum, uel capitularium15 and
600.
1
in the Harley glossary it renders caracalla16 LGallic cloak
without a hood, vestment, cope].
' Cboppe' and 'cappa', which have. cognates in several Germanic
languages, both derive ultimately from Latin cappa. HEW relates
the terms to modern English "cap" as well as to "cope" derived
from Vulgar Latin capa, ultimately from cappa. 17 Possibly
the two OE terms, near-homonyms, were originally semantically
distinct. Since both the words are only documented from glosses,
there is no evidence that they were in general spoken use in OE.
'HOD', BTD "a hood" has several Germanic cognates, and is
probably a development of a West Germanic term meaning "hat",
and is antecedent to modern English "hood". 18 The word derived
from Latin cassis La helmet]. 19 It glosses capitium in the
Corpus ('hood')20 and Harley glossaries21 and in the A-order
glossary in the Cleopatra MS. 22 The garment of this name was
worn by monks, since the Indicia Monasterialia contains the
instruction: 'Gyf Du hwwt be 'wylcum munece tmcan walle, De Iu
his tacen necunne, Donne nim Du pe be pinum hode' .A reference 23
to the garment in the Confessionale of Archbishop Ecgbert
suggests that it covered the shoulders: 'Gif he godspel zmde
lecge him Dmne hod ofer pa sculdra'. 24 Both citations suggest
that the 'hod' might be the equivalent of the monk's cowl, but
another instruction in the Indicia demonstrates that the 'hod'
and cowl were not identical: 'Donne Du cuglan habban wylle,
Donne wege Du D inne earmellan and foh to p inum hode'. 25 If
a 'hod' could be worn by a monk who was not wearing a cowl,
the 'hod' may also have been a garment worn by seculars. The
early adoption of the word into the Germanic languages suggests
that it was used of a secular garment before the conversion of
the Anglo-Saxons.
601.
b. Veils
it is possible that veils were worn by seculars, although
this form of headgear appears especially associated with the
religious life.
'HEAFOD-GEt7PME1, BTD "a head-dress, veil", does not occur
in secular literature, only in religious works, although it
is never used with specific reference to the convent. It occurs
in a Iulfstan homily26 in reference to Isaiah 3, v here worldly
ornaments of women are condemned. As a compound formed of part-
of-the-body plus general garment term, the word may have func-
tioned as a general term. for "headcovering", but it appears to
have been used more specifically in t lfric' s OE version of
Genesis where it translates (figurative) velamen (. covering,
garment, robe, veil]. The purpose is the covering of the eyes:
'pmt beo Öe to heafodgemdon at öe huru ne sceamige w16 öa De
6e geseoö' . 27
'OR: L' -, BTD "a garment,, veil, mantle", deriving from Latin
orarium [napkin, handkerchief], has cognates in Germanic
languages. 28 It appears in association with 'winpel' among a
group of words signifying head garments in Junius/BM, rendering
ricinum29 Iheadveil, especially worn by women mourners]. In
the same glossary under the heading Vestium Nomina 'orl' glosses
stola, uel ricinum. 30 'Orelu' glosses or aria in the Cleopatra
A-order glossary31 and in Junius/BM 'orl' glosses orarium, uel
ciclas32 Lcicla'a state robe with a border, worn by women;
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a rich robe]. 'O rl' again
renders ciýcla_s in a glossary in Bodleian Library MS Auct. 33 F. 2.14 and 'orel' with 'ryft' renders cicla in the Harley
glossary. 34 The tern is again associated with 'wimpel' in the
602.
Brussels BibliothLcTue Royale 1650 (1520) Aldhelm MS: 'vimplum'
35 'orlum' cvcladibus. In the same MS there is the entry:
mafortibus 'vimplum' i. velaminibus, with the marginal note
'hvimplum' vel 'orlum'. 36 LMafors woman's veil, sometimes
priest's; maforte headdress; mafora twelfth-century, veil. ]-
These associations with 'wimpel', a head garment which appears
to have been worn by secular women,. and which was considered
unsuitable for women in the religious life later in the medieval
period (subsection 6, pp. bo9-io, below) , suggests that the garment
named 'orel' might also have been worn by secular women. The
term does, however, occur in a homily of Elfric, with reference
to St. Agnes, where it is used figuratively, possibly with
allusion to the holy veil of the religious life: 'He [Christ]-
geglmngde me mid one . of golde awefen' . 37
'RIFT', BTD "a veil, curtain, cloak", though discussed
above among Outer garments must-be included here since (with
'orel') 'ryft' glosses cicla38 and 'rift' glosses biuligo,
niger velamen39 in the Harley glossary. In biblical context,
'wahrift' translates uelum40 Lthe veil of the temple]. The
compound 'haligrift' referred to nun's clothing, and came to
mean the religious life, 41 but it is possible that secular
women might also have worn a veil named 'rift'.
' WRIGLL3' as mentioned abovo (subsection 2, pp 598-9) , could
be used of the wrapping of a corpse, but it seems to have been
used of a garment also. A Middle High German cognate rigel
signifies "headcovering". 42 The word is'used of the holy veil
in the Durham Ritual, 'halgv wriilcse' rendering sacro velamine, 43
and in homiletic context, 44 There is no evidence from OE
that the garment of this name was worn by seculars, but the use
603.
of the word in the Ancrene Wisse demonstrates that the 'wriheles'
as opposed to the 'wimpel' and/or 'heaued clag' was considered
suitable wear for anchoresses. 45 Since such recluses were not
nuns, but secular ladies devoted to the contemplative life, it
is possible that the' wrihels' was a head covering worn by
seculars, but, at least in its thirteenth-century form, was a
sober, conservative garment.
c. 'Hufe'
'HUFE' may have been used of the hat of a churchman, but
was very probably applied to the headgear of seculars, and is.
therefore considered fully below (subsection 6, pp. 607-8).
/
4. Fillets
All the terms grouped below refer to bands of some kind.
They may have been used of bands for the head, but some, at
least, had other functions also. /
'BINDE', BTD "a band, wreath, headband, fillet", has a
number of cognates in other Germanic' languages and is related
to the OE verb 'bindan', "to bind". This term occurs in the
Indicia Monasterialia in a context which not only demonstrates
the position in which the article was worn, but also shows that
it was considered as typical a feature of the appearance of
the secular (married) woman as-the beard was of the layman 46z
' Gewylces ungehadodes wifes tacen is pact Du [strice] mid
foreweardum fingrum in forweardo heafod fram Dam anum earan to
on oprum on bindan tacee' . 47 Though no such headband is visible
on the majority of illustrations of women, Cnut's queen, who
might be depicted in typical clothing of the early eleventh
century does wear such a band (Plate 3OCVI). 'The bequests of
604.
'hyre betspan bindan' and another 'bindan' occur, with gifts
of clothing, in the will of'Wynflaad, a document from the last
quarter of the tenth century, 48
'BiENDE', BTD "a band", occurs in the mid-tenth-century
will of Byrhtric and £lfswith, in the bequest of 'healfne
bbnde gyldene'. 49 There is no contextual evidence that the
object was a head ornament, but if it were, it might have been
a metal or gold-embroidered band.
'BEND', BTD "a band, bond, ribbon, chaplet, crown, orna-
ment", occurs in several glossary entries and in biblical con-
text with the meaning "restricting bond", 5O but other glosses
show that the word might be used of a head ornament. In Junius/
BM, among a group of terms signifying coverings and ornaments
for the head, there occur the entries: diadema 'bend agimmed
and gesmiöed' and nimbus . 'mid goldegesiwud bend' .
51 LDiadema
royal headdress, diadem; nimbus headband (Isidor) worn by
females. ] 'Bend' also glosses lunula52 L"little coon", ornament
worn by women] in the same glossary. Although there is no
evidence that 'bend' was used of a headband worn by the Anglo-
Saxons, its occurrence as gloss to these lemmata perhaps streng-
thens the possibility that the very similar 'bmnde', mentioned
in an Anglo-Saxon will, may have signified a headband.
'SNOD', BTD "snood, fillet, headdress", glosses cappa in
the Corpus53 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries54 and capsa
Lnormally box; 7 for cappaJ in Harley. 55" It twice glosses
uitta La band, a cap for the head] in Junius/BM, once among
other clothing terms 56 and once among terms relating to head-
gear. 57 'Snoda' also glosses vittarum in an Aldhelm MS. 58
in the Harley glossary the word is found rendering cin thium,
605. ý
mitra59 Lcintum a belt; mitra headband or turban worn by Greek
and Roman women; from the twelfth century, an ecclesiastical
mitre; a nightcap]. In an Aldhelm MS the word glosses redimiculä O
Iredimiculum a fillet, necklace or girdle]. The word has cog-
nates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages, including Swedish
snod(d), "cord" and Old Irish'snathe, "thread" . 61 The word
is also related to modern English "snood", but the OE term seems
to have signified a band or cord rather than the ornamental
hair net designated by modern "snood". The 'snod' functions
like a piece of string in an OE homily: 'heo... becnytte [anne
wmrnmgl] to anum hringe mid hire snode'. 62
'NOSTLE', BTD "a fillet, band", has already been considered
among leg coverings (Section IV, 4, p. 588). Possibly the term
could also be used of a head band. 'Nostlena' glosses uittarum
in Cleopatra63 and ' nostl1' glosses uicta (. probably for vitta]
in Bodleian MS Additional C 114.64 The word glosses fascia
La band, including a headband] in * Junius/1BM65 in a group of
clothing terms which includes ' snod' and ' wyning'
'FEAR-CLA', BTD "a head cloth, hair band, fillet", is a
hapax legomenon formed on the familiar pattern of part-of-the-
body plus general garment term. The word glosses fascia in
the Cleopatra A-order glossary (BTD fascia crinalis, correctedtn
BTS) with alternative ' wzmdwri6 els' . 66
'HWLE', BTD "a band, fillet", has cognates in Old and
Middle High German meaning "towel". 67 The OE term is found'
in the Corpus glossary rendering vittas ('thuelan')68 and
taeni i) s La band, fillet] ('guml'um'). 69 In a Bodleian Library
MS 'thumle' glosses infula70 (a band, bandage, especially the
fillet signifying consecration].
606.
'tiaRSD', BTD="a bandage, band, fillet", is related to the
OE verb 'wr16an', "to bind", and to modern English "wreath".
It glosses fascia in the Cleopatra A-order glossary7l and in
the same MS 'wraeda' glosses fasciarum in conjunction with
' swepelum' . 72 In the Brussels Aldhelm MS l xmda' glosses
fasciarum (vinculorum). 73 In the same MS 'vrmdas' glosses
redimicula. 74 In the Benedictine Rule the word is possibly
used of the ornament to a garment: 'sume heora fnada and
wrmdas gemiccliap. 7S Elsewhere the word is not used of a
garment, but of a bandage for a wound. 76
S. General term
'H9T1, BTD "a hat, covering for the head", is not documen-
ted in OE texts apart from glosses, bit appears as gloss to
several different lemmata. In the Corpus glossary it renders
calomachus77 La skull cap] and in Junius/BM calamanca78
(calarnachus). It glosses capitium in the Julius MS 79 Lfor
capitulum or caputium, hood on vestment] and mitra in the
Corpus 80 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries (mitras ' haettas') .
81
in the Digby MS 'lttes' renders mitre in association with
'hufan'. 82 It glosses tiara Loriental headdress, turban; from
the thirteenth century, ecclesiastical mitre] in'the Cleopatra
MS. 83 In Junius/BM, If ellen hat' 'renders cgalerus, uel pilleus84 Laalerus helmet-like head covering of undressed skin, cap, hat;
pileus egg-shaped hat or cap made of felt]. 'Hat' is related
to Latin cassis. 85
6. Distinctive types of headgear
'FEAX-NET', BTD "a hair net, network cap for confining
the hair", is found in Junius/BM.. It glosses reticulum 86 La
607.
little net, network cap] and rigula87 Lricula a small veil].
'CUFFIE', BTP "a cap, coif, hood, headdress", appears as
a bequest in the will of wynflmd ('cuffian'). 88 Thorpe trans-
lated the word as "cuffs"89 but there appears to be no support
for this interpretation other than the similarity to the modern
word. The term could, perhaps, be related to OE 'cufle', 'cugele',
"a monk's cowl". 'Cagle' was a loan into continental Germanic
from Latin cucullus90 Lcap, hood fastened to a garment, monk's
cowl]. An alternative (personal) opinion is that 'cuffie'
might be a borrowing from Latin cuphia, documented in BM MS
Additional 32,, ",
246, where it is glossed 'hufe' vel 'mitra' . 91
Cuphia is not documented in Latin dictionaries, but is probably
related to coifa, cited from the thirteenth century, and signi-
fying "headdress". OED relates modern English "coif" to cufia
or cuphia, supposing the Latin word to be an adoption from
Germanic, deriving from Old High German chuppha. It is possible,
therefore, that 'cuff ie' was the English form of a well-established'
Germanic term, or that it was re-introduced from the medieval
Latin cuphia, or that it was a variant of 'cufle'.
'HUFF', BTD "a covering for the head", appears in Junius/
BM under the heading Vestium Nomina, among articles of headgear,
It glosses cidaris, uel mitra92 Lcidaris turban of Jewish high
priests, diadem of Persian kings]. The preceding entry is
infula 'biscopheafodlin'93 but the juxtaposition does not prove
that 'hufe' was also an ecclesiastical item. The term could
be applied to episcopal headgear, however, since 'biscopes huf' 94
appears in the Junius glossary glossing flamrneolum, uel flammetim.
LFlammeolum normally means a flame-coloured bridal veil, flammeurn
a bandage. ]
608.
'Hufe' also glosses cuphia vel mitra in the BM Additional
MS glossary, 95
mitre i. tigera (7 for tiara) in BM MS Royal 6
Bvii ('hufan')96 and mitre in the Digby Aldhelm MS ('Yttes,
hufan'). 97 A related verb ' huf ian' may be deduced from the
biblical 'he scridde his suna midd 7 gyrde hi 7 hufode'98 but
since the context relates to the consecration of Aaron's sons
as priests, the verb possibly has a religious significance.
The substantive has cognates in other languages, including
Icelandic hufa, "a hood, cap, bonnet", and German haube, "a
bonnet, 'cap", 99 and including Greek and Indian terms signifying
"hump-backed". 100 It is possible that the OE 'hufe. 1 took its
name from a humped shape. The name cannot have derived from
the characteristic dome-shape of the episcopal mitre, since 101 this did not develop until after the Norman Conquest. The
Latin mitra, mitre which is glossed by this word is not recorded.
in the ecclesiastical sense until the twelfth century.
The word survived into Middle and modern English (though
now obsolete) and into modern Scottish ("how") where it does
not appear to have had religious significance. 102 'Houues of
selk' are said to be worn by Sergeants of Law in Piers Plowman103
and garments of this name (lhowve') are worn. by men in Chaucer's
Troilus and C i3eydß104 and the Prologue to The Reeve's Tale*105
Yet in Coverdale's sixteenth-century version of the Bible,
headgear of this name is worn by a woman (Judith): 'sett an
hoove upon hir heade' 'bounde up hir hayre in a hoove to begyle
him' . 106
'SCYFEL', BTD "a covering for a woman's head", occurs in
the Corpus 107 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries ('scyfla')108
glossing maforte. 'Scyfele' glosses ma fors in another glossary
609.
in the Cleopatra MS. 109 it occurs among garment terms, pre-
ceded by ependiten 'cop' and followed by sanctimonialis 'nunne', 110
a juxtaposition which suggests, but does not prove, that the
'scyfel' may have been associated with the religious life.
The word has cognates in Germanic languages, including Icelandic
skupla, skypill, "a woman's hood hiding or shading her face"*"'
BTD tentatively suggests an association with the element "shovel",
as in "shovel-hat". The OE verb 'scufan' "to push" and the
related substantive 'scufa', "precipitation Ccaused by a push)"
may also be relevant. Taking the Icelandic cognate into account,
it seems possible that the OE 'scyfel' was named from some
projection which shaded the face and that- the garment of this
name may have been worn by women only.
' WIMPEL' , BTD "an article of women's dress, a. wimple",
occurs with 'orl' in Junius/BM as gloss to ricinum112 among a
group of words signifying garments and ornaments for the head.
In another group of garment terms in the same glossary, 'winpel'
glosses anabola113 Lanaboladium linen mantle or wrap]. Wimple'
glosses cyclade(veste) in the Brussels Aldhelm MS114 and the
same MS also contains the entry mafortibus 'vimplum' i. velaminibus 115
with the marginal entry ' hvimplum' -1- ' orlum' . An Aldhelm
MS from Salisbury Cathedral has 'wymplum' glossing an entry
which was probably mafortibus though no longer legible. 116
'Wimpel' has cognates in Germanic languages including Icelandic
vimpill "a hood or veil", 117
and is antecedent to modern English
"wimple". The characteristic headdress of women in Anglo-Saxon
illustrations approximates so closely to the article. which was
known as a wimple in later medieval and modern times118 that
it seems, likely that 'wimpel' was the name given in the Anglo-
Saxon period to the characteristic headgear of women. The
610.
glosses alone, however, fail to establish the appearance of
the 'wimpel' or even to prove that the word was applied exclu-
sively to headgear.. The glosses to mafors suggest that the
word may have been applied to headgear worn by women, a use
consistent with the meaning of the term in later contexts.
Chaucer's Prioress wore a 'wympul' which was 'pynched'
("pleated"), 119 and a garment of this name is worn by some
orders of nuns up to the present day, but it was almost cer-
tainly originally worn by seculars. Indeed, it was sometimes
considered an extravagant garment, indicative of worldly vanity,
the author of the Ancrene Wisse warning his readers: 'wrihen
... nawt wimplin'. 120
,
7. Pins
Hair 'pins or hat pins must have been necessary to keep some
veils and hats in position. 'CIEFING', BTD "an ornament for the
head", appears in MS Royal Bvii ('cm f inga') glossing discri-
minalia121 La woman's hair clasp] which it also glosses in the
Digby MS, together with ' earpreonas' 122
probably an alternative
explanation of the lemma, rather than a synonym. In the Harley
MS discriminale is glossed 'uplegen', uel ' cmfing' . 123 The
word may have been used of a different kind of ornament also,
since 'kmuinge' glosses redimicula among garment and jewellery
terms in Junius/BM. 124
'UP-LEGEN', BTD "a hair pin", TCS "a headdress", occurs
in association with 'cefing'125 and also glosses discriminalia
in Junius/BM ('uplegene') in association with ' feaxpreonas' . 126
'FEAR-PREON', BTD "a hair pin", is not documented elsewhere. 'He R-N1EDL' , BTD "a hair pin", and 'DRAWING-SPINEL', BTD
"a curling iron, crisping pin", are found together in two
I
611.
Aldhelm MSS glossing calamistro ('pravincspinl' -1 'haernzdla' )127
Lcalamistrum a pin for curling the hair]. 'Drawing-spinel'
(once as 'pravincspilnleO also occurs as gloss to the same
lemma in the Brussels MS. 128
k
/
612.
VII
Accessories
Collars and neck cloths: Belts: Hand coverings: Sal Belt Glof Sweor-clap Fetel, fetels Hand-scio Sweor-sal Gyrdel, gyrdels Sweor-teah
1, Collars and neck cloths
Included in this group are those words which the dictionary
definitions suggest might have signified collars or neck cloths
worn as part of the clothing. The metal neck-rings ('hringas',
'beagas') which were traditional status-symbols of the heroic
age have not been included.
'SWEOR-CLAW , BTD "a cloth for the neck, a collar", is
only documented once and, particularly since it is an easily
comprehensible compound, it may have been a nonce-word. It
occurs in the Harley glossary, in an entry from which BTD deduces
two other compounds: collarium 'sweor-clap' uel 'teg' uel 'sal' 1
L collarium band or chain for neck; collar].
'SWEOR-TEAH', BTD "a collar", and the second of the group
of OE words in the Harley gloss (above) is more likely to have
signified a dog's collar than a garment for humans since it
appears in Junius/BM in a chapter concerned with animals, par-
ticularly with hounds, 2 as gloss to millus, uel collarium3
Lmillus a dog's collar]. In the Brussels Aidhelm MS ' sviortegum'
glosses vinculis, collaribus4 Lvinculum something which binds].
'SWEOR-SAL', BTD "a collar; is never, as such, documented,
except possibly in the Harley entry (above). 'SAL', BTD V "a
necklace, collar", is documented as gloss to collario in
Cleopatra. 5 The suggestion of the compound seems unnecessary.
It is possible that a human's garment was
613.
m understood by 'sal', but an entry in the Promptorium Parvuloru
('Soole, bestys tyying') 6 lessens the probability by showing that
in later English the term signified a tether.
2. Belts
'BELT', BTD "a belt, girdle", has cognates in Germanic
languages and is the antecedent of modern English "belt". In
the Cleopatra A-order glossary 'gyrdel, o66 e belt' renders
balteum7 Ibalteus a belt] and 'belt' glosses balteus i. cingulum
in the Digby MS8 Lcingulum a girdle encircling the hips]. There
is a similar entry in the Harley glossary: baltheum, cinqulum,
uel 'belt' .9
The meanings of some terms appear to include "purse" as
well as "belt", reflecting the practice of suspending the purse
from the girdle. Thus 'FETELS', BTD "a little vessel, bag",
BTS "a belt", clearly signifies a bag in an OE. Bible translation,
'fEatelsas' rendering saccosl° Isaccus a bag, especially for
money].. yet a bequest in the will of £lfgar, of ' tueye suerde
fetelsade'il appears to indicate that the 'fetels' was something
associated with a sword, a belt or perhaps a sheath.
'FETEL', BTD "a girdle, belt", is also found in association
with a weapons 'sweordum and fetelum'12 and may signify a
sword belt. The Germanic cognates of this word mean, "band" or
"ribbon".
'GYRDEL', BTD "a girdle, belt, zone, purse" has a range
of uses, but its function as an article of clothing is demon-
strated by its inclusion in groups of clothing terms in Junius/
13 BM: antrax, uel clauus, uel strophium ' angseta', uel ' gyrdel' ,
uel ' agimmed gerdel' t zona, uel zonarium, uel brachile, uel
i
p
614.
redimiculum ' gyrdel' ; zona ' gyrdel' 14 L clauus purple stripe on
Roman tunic; strophium headband or bandage; zona belt, money
belt; brachile girdle]. This function is demonstrated by an
instruction in the Indicia Monasterialia: 'Bonne Du gyrder
habban wylle, Donne sete Du pine handa forewearde wigneopan
D inne nafolan and stric to p inum twam hypum'. 15 The instruction
is among paragraphs referring to mass vestments, however, so
does not offer evidence that a garment of this name could be
worn by seculars.
'GYRDELS', BTD "a girdle", also glosses cincrulum16 and
bra(c)hiale. 17 This word was included among names of loin and
leg coverings-(Section IV, 1, p. N' ), on the evidence of its
association with 'brec' as gloss to lumbare. 18 This apparent
semantic range may be accounted for by evidence that the girdle
was worn round the hips and loins, rather than the waist. A
homiletic passage rendering Bede's account of a holy man stand-
ing in the river usuu. e ad lumbos19 by 'to his gyrdle' 20
suggests
this. The word occurs in the Benedictine Rule, where it trans-
lates brachile. 21 The evidence that an article of this name
was worn by monks suggests a utilitarian strap or cord, but the
gloss 'swyrdes gyrdel' to baltheus22 shows that the term might
be used of the more substantial sword belt, and that it was not
confined to ecclesiastical use.
3. Hand coverincts
'GLOFI, BTD "a glove", appears to have been in common use.
The origin of the term is obscure. Stroebe suggested that the
prefix 'ge-' had been added to an element cognate with Gothic
lof a and Old Norse lof e, "palm of the hand" . The term is 23
615.
documented from the eighth century, occurring in the Corpus
glossary rendering manica24 Lthe long sleeve of a tunic which
covered the hand]. It glosses manica and manicula in correspond=
ing entries in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 25 In Junius/BM
the word appears opposite mantum26 -possibly a glossator's
error influenced by the preceding entry manualis 'handlim'
(for 'handlin'); there are documented terms mantum, mantellum
but these mean "cloak", mantile""towel" or "napkin"]. In the
Rectitudines Singularum Personarum ""glofa' renders cirothecas
Lehirotheca glove] in a passage which suggests that the supply-
ing of clothing was sometimes the responsibility of a man's
social superior in the hierarchical Anglo-Saxon society, but
that financial provision might be made for the man to take on
this responsibility himself: 'Oxanhyrde mot lmswian II oxan
o66e ma mid hlafordes heorde on gem nre lmsse be his ealdormannes
gewitnesse; earnian mid cam scos 7 glofa him sylfum'. 27 The
citation demonstrates that gloves (and shoes) were not regarded
as luxuries, but were considered necessary equipment for a
layman in humble position. Gloves were certainly worn by monks,
who should not have dressed ostentatiously. The Indicia
Monasterialia mentions them with the description of a gesture
which demonstrates that the English 'glof' was a separate
covering for the hand, not a sleeve which could be extended to
cover the hand (c. f. manica): 'Donne pu glofan abban wille,
p onne stric pu Da op re hand mid pm re op re bralinga' . 28 An
anecdote concerning the loss of a pair of gloves belonging to
a brother, Wilfred, in the prose Life of St. Guthlac, 29 which
derives from Felix's Latin Life confirms both that gloves were
worn by men in holy orders and that they existed as early as the eighth century. The name 'glof' was given to the protective
616.
hand covering used in hawking30 and is used of the pouch, or
gauntlet carried by the monster Grendel, probably in the tradi-
tion of such Northern creatures, in Beowulf. 31
'HAND-SCIO', BTD "a glove", occurs only as a proper name,
'Hondscio' (one of Beowulf's retainers), 32
and in the place-
name Andscohesham. 33 It bears an obvious resemblance to German
Handschuh, "glove", and to cognates in other Germanic languages,
but there is no evidence that the term was in popular use in
Christian Anglo-Saxon times. It may have been archaic by the
time it was recorded in written form, preserved only by the
traditional element in OE poetry and by the practice among a
certain tribe of naming warriors after commonplace objects. 34
The place-name probably derived from a personal name.
it is possible that the form of the word may be indicative
of the structure of the garment it originally represented. Hald
has suggested that the Handschuh group of terms implies a common
development of shoe and mitten. 35 Bronze Age mittens of woven
material36 and of needlework37 survive from Scandinavia and
Viking Age examples are also known. 38 They were made from two
pieces of material, one larger than the other, stitched together
with a semi-circular seam, as are modern mittens. The name
'hand-scio' and its Germanic cognates were probably originally
applied to this type of mitten, but it cannot be proved that
this article was known in England..
Gloves appear to have been more popular with Germanic peoples
than with other Europeans. Leather gloves, lined with soft cloth
and laced at the back of the hand were found in Alamannic graves 39
at Oberflach, and a doeskin glove with a decorated cuff of
cowhide was found in the "Minstrel's Grave" at St. Severin,
Cologne, 40 an interment
617.
probably of the late seventh or. early eighth centuries. It
is possible that gloves were imported into England from the
Continent in the late Anglo-Saxon period since a duty of five
pairs of gloves (cirothecas) was among the twice-yearly dues
to be paid by the Carolingian Emperor for the right to trade
with Billingsgate. 41
Although the glove or mitten was therefore evidently
popular among the Germanic peoples, there was an alternative
method of protecting the hand, the overlapping sleeve. This
method appears to have been used by the Romans, and as attested
by a single Anglo-Saxon illustration (Plate XXItp, by women in
late Anglo-Saxon England. The use of 'glof' in the Corpus
glossary (glossing manica) suggests that this word might have
signified such a sleeve, but the contexts in which ' glof' appears
in later texts do not confirm this. There are several. OE terms
which appear to signify "sleeve": ', earmella', 'earm-slife'
'earm-stoc' 'hand-stoc' and 'slif'. The last-mentioned glosses
manica (' slyf') 42 but its use in the Laws of-Alfred in defining
compensation for wounds received on the visible areas of the
body suggests that the 'slif' did not cover the hand: 'Eghwelcere
wunde beforan feaxe 7 beforan sliefan 7 beneogan cneowe sio bot
big twysceatte mare' . 43 The form of the compound 'hand-stoc'
suggests, that it might have been used to cover hand as well as
arm. 'Stoc' is cognate with OE stuka "a sleeve" and with Old
High German stucha which glosses manica. 44 The OE term glosses
45 manica in several Aldhelm MSS and occurs in. the Indicia
Monasterialia, 46 but in association with the "scapular" which
was probably an ecclesiastical garment. There is no evidence from secular texts.
618.
Linguistic evidence therefore does not confirm that there
was an Anglo-Saxon sleeve which covered the hand. Indeed, the
fact that 'glof' was used to gloss manica"suggests'that the
glossator did not ]-. now of an English equivalent for this sleeve,
only alternative forms of hand covering.
f
/
619. VIII
. General terms
Clap, clap es Reaf ( Ge) gerela Sceorp Gerif Scrud Ge-scirplä Swmpels Godweb (Ge), vrxd i-imtera -waru Hmgel, hrmglung
1. Words which are also 'compound elements
'HRiGEL' is defined in BTD: "a garment, dress, robe, rail,
clothing". BTS adds I "a garment, vestment"; II "(collective)
dress, garments, clothes, clothing, raiment". The word has
cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages, and is antece-
dent to modern English "rail" (as in "night-rail"). It is the
commonest of OE garment terms, and there are so many documented
occurrences that only selected examples are considered below.
The word translates vestimentum Lclothing, a garment] in several
texts including the Northumbrian version of St. John's Gospel,
where ' uoede' is given as alternative. 1 The form ' HREGLUNG'
glosses vestitus (clothing] in Juniuc/BM. 2 'Hz gel' translates
several Latin garment names: amiculo Lamiculum cloak] in the
Cleopatra A-order glossary, 3
clamiden in the Lindisfarne Gospels, 4
peplum Lbroad upper garment] in an Aldholm M. ß, 5 Pallium in the
Lindic1 arno Gospels, 6 nuporhumeraln (ecclesiastical) in the
Pastoral Care? and tunica in the Lindisfarne Gospels. 8 More
than once the Lindisfarne glossator uses the word in conjunction
with more specific OE garment terms: tunicam is glossed 'cyrtel'
' hrmgl' and pallium is glossed ' hr gl' 4' li cla' -' bratt' .
'Hraagel' frequently functions as head in noun phrases
glossing Latin phrases, for example in Junius/'BM in a group of
620.
Isidor glosses beginning segmentata uestis 'germwen hra3gel'. 9
The compound ' hroegl-gew zede' , unusual in that it consists of
two general terms, appears in the Cleopatra A-order glossary
rendering liniamentis ('hrmglge-vr dum') . 10 'H=gel' appears
to have been used of rich or poor garments. In the Blickling
Homilies alone the word is used of angelic garments, 11
old
clothes begged by a pauper12 and costly raiment. 13
It might
be used of the clothing of either sex, for example in the
Confessionale of Ecgbert it is stated that a woman ought to
attend eucharist in 'brunum hregle' whereas in the poem Judith 14
the word is used of the clothing of a male retainer of Holofernes. 15
CLAD ', BTD 11 "a garment" and ' CL1ES' , BTD "clothes",
have cognates in Germanic languages and are related to modern
English "cloth". The singular form renders vestimentum16 and
the plural vestes, 17 though in the singular the word more often
functions as modern English "cloth" 'except in compounds. It
appears that the terms could be used of the garments of either
sex, since ' clapes' is specifically used of the garments of a
man, 18
and 'clap' of the 'tunecan' of a woman. 19
In compound,
'clap' is often combined with parts of the body, for example
' bearm-clap' (Section III, 2, pp. 567. S, above), and may combine
with a term signifying the wearer, for example in ' cildclaoes'
which occurs in Junius/BM as gloss to cune, uel crebundie. 20
' RBP. F' , BTD II "raiment, a garment, robe, vestment", is
another common term. Selected citations only are given. The
word glosses uestis, uestimentum and indumentum Lgarment] in
the Julius glossary21 and in the group under the heading Vestium
Nomina in Junius/BM it renders cultus22 [appearance, clothing,
especially splendid dress].. As 'linenum reafe', translating
621.
stoles byssina in Genesis, 23 the term is applied to a luxurious
garment. It could be used of the garments of either sex, as
is apparent from a passage in Deuteronomy where the word trans-
lates ueste: 'Ne scryde nan wif hi mid wmpmannes reafe ne
wmpman mid wifmannes reafe'. 24 The term is used in-compounds,
often of ecclesiastical vestments, such as ' preostreaf' . 25 ' Reaf'
meaning "garment" survived into Middle English. 26
'SCRUD', ETD I "dress, clothing, attire", II "an article
of dress, a garment", is related to the OE verb 'scrydan', "to
dress" and has cognates in Icelandic, and in modern English "shroud!
It is well documented as a garment term from the Middle English
period. 27 The OL word translates several Latin general terms
for clothing. ' Scruud' glosses habitus Lappearance, dress] in
the Vestium Nomina group of glosses in Junius/BM28 and is used
in homilies where the biblical source has vestes29 and vestimenta. 3C
It translates the latter term in a version of the Psalms where
'gegyrlu' appears synonymous. 31 The word also glosses vestitum,
once in the gloss to £lf ric' s . Colloctuy32 which suggests that
'scrud' was a well-established term. The word is also used to
translate more specific Latin garment terms, such as stolas
in the OE version of Genesis33 uestis, clamis in Junius/BM34
and melote, veste among the Aldhelm glosses in the Brussels 35 Codex.
Several agreements concerning the financial provision to
be made for the clothing of religious bodies utilize the general
garment term "'scrud' . Thus, in an inventory from Thorney Abbey,
various gifts are recorded, their purpose being 'to scrude'. 36
This use of the term is particularly frequent in compounds, for
example _'scrud-feo',
37 or 'scrod-fultum' , financial assistance
622.
given by King Edgar to clothe the monks of Ely38 and 'scrod-
land', land given by Eadsige to Christchurch, Canterbury, for
the same purpose. 39 The term was not confined to monastic cloth-
ing, for apart from ecclesiastical uses like 'nunscrude'40 it
appears in compounds relating to armour, such as 'beadu-scrud'. 41
In glossaries the term appears as the head in noun phrases,
functioning similarly to 'hregel'. With various modifiers the
term is used to explain Latin lemmata which, in at least one
case, probably lacked exact equivalents in OE. Thus Icildes
scrud' glosses praetexta42 and ' slefleas scrod' colobium43 in
different groups of clothing terms in Junius/BM.
Outside its'use as a compound element, the word is several
times used of the clothing of men, for example the garments given
by the biblical Joseph to his brothers. 44 The term is only
applied to the clothing of women in compounds, such as 'nunscrude'
and 'wif-scrud'. The latter compound is used in the will of
Wulfwaru where context shows that, like 'scrod' alone, it could
be used specifically as well as generally. The will includes
the following bequests: 'ic geann Godan minre yldran dehter...
anes wifscrudes ealles. And Alfware minre gyngran dehter is
geann ealles pws wifscrudes De per to lafe bi$'. 45 It appears
that Goda is to receive one woman's outfit, complete, while
Alfwaru is to be given all the female clothing which remains.
The bequest to the elder daughter suggests that garments were
not always considered individually, but could be conceived as
a costume, the individual pieces perhaps matching in colour or
trimming.
'W2D' and 'GEMED' may conveniently be discussed together,
though they are listed separately by BTD: 'wmd', BTD I "(1) a
weed (as in palmer's, widow's weeds), an article of dress, a
623.
garment (2) in a collective sense, clothing, dress"; 'geed',
BTD, "a garment, clothing", BTS I "what is worn by a person (1)
in a collective sense, clothing, raiment, clothes (2) a garment". ' 46 The terms have cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages.
Various forms (' wede' ,' woede' ,' uoedo'') appear in the Northum-
brian versions of the Gospels47 where, in each case, the West
Saxon versions use ' reaf' . 't"bda' glosses indumentorum in BM
MS Royal 5E XI of Aldhelm48 and 'gewwde' renders amictus Lcloth-
ing, a cloak] in a version of the Psalms. 49 The occurrence of
the term in a legal text, involving the determination of the
extent of damages received for injuries, testifies to its use
in the general sense of "clothing": 'Gyf dynt sweart sie buton
wmdum... Gyf hit sie binnan wmdum... 0 50 The word appears to
be used of a specific garment less often than some of the terms
discussed above. Among a number of occurrences in poetry, the
word is found in the Maxims of the Exeter Book, where 'wmd' is
juxtaposed to 'hrmgl' in a context which suggests they were
synonymous: 'heo... wmscep his warig hrmgl and him sylep wide
niwe'. 51 The use of the tern in the alliterating phrase 'wmpen
and gewmdu'S2 suggests that it could be applied to military
equipment. It could be used of elaborate clothing, for example 53 ' cynegewmdum' in the OE Bede, but elsewhere is used of the
minimum clothing necessary for subsistence: ' for]. a3t Bonne eal
6t 6u age, buton wiste and wmda' . 54 Clearly the terms were
well-established in OE and their. range of uses wide.
'GE-GERELA' and 'GERELA' may also be grouped together for
convenience. BTD defines ' ge-gerela' : "clothing, apparel,
habit, garment, robe", BTS adding: "(1) in a collective sense
apparel, clothing, raiment (2) a garment, an article of clothing".
624.
BTD defines 'gerela': "apparel". BTS ('girela') adds: I "in
a collective sense, attire, apparel, clothing, garments"; II
"a garment, robe". These OE words translate various general
Latin terms. . 'Gyrle' glosses habitum (appearance, dress] in
the Digby MS 55 and 'gegyrla' (with 'scrod') translates vestimentum
in a version of the Psalms. 56 The terms also translate more
specific Latin garment names, such as amiculis ('gegerelan'), 57
ciclades ('gegirelan')5S and liniamento ('hlo6an, gegirelan') 59
in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. ' 'Gyrlan' glosses stola in
the Boulogne Prudentius MS. 60 The gloss of 'gegirelan' to
discriminalia in the Cleopatra glossary 61
shows that the word
might be used of a personal ornament which was not a garment.
'Gerela' appears to have been the clothing term chosen
most frequently when context suggests finery or ostentation.
In the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle the word is applied to
finery which is contrasted with a coarser garment: 'alede is
minne kynegyrylan and me mid uncup a hrzegle... me gegerede'"62
The Guthlac poem in the Exeter Book mentions 'gierelum gielplicum'
among the excesses of young people and worldly monks. In both 63
the West Saxon and Northumbrian versions of the Gospel of St.
Matthew, the luxury garments called mollibus vestitum in the
Latin text are rendered: 'hnescum gyrlum'('gerelum'). 64 In
the early West Saxon version of the Gospels the clothing given
to the returned Prodigal Son is called 'selestan gegyrelan'65
and Christ warns the people to beware of the scribes 'pa wyllaö
on ge-gyrlum gan'. 66 In a sermon, Wulf star warns: 'God reafian
Irate eowere dohtra heora gyrla and to oferrancra heafodgewnda'. 67
I The terms are not only confined to elaborate garments,
however. In the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle the phrase
I
625"
'lyp orlico gerelan', a reference to coarse clothing60 occurs
close to the reference to finery already cited. There is at
least one other recorded use of the term with reference to a
poor garment. In the OE Appolonius of are the fisherman uses
the word with reference to the humble cloak which he shares
with the shipwrecked prince: 'mine p earfendlican gegirlan' �69"
rendering pauperitatem tribunarii mei. ' This same 'gegirla'
(habitus) 70 betrays the prince's situation and he is provided
instead with suitable clothing: 'wurgfullan scrude'. 71
These terms, then, were used of textiles which were elaborate
(not only clothing, ' gegyrele' glosses labar7a2Lbanner] ) and
could signify the regalia of royalty or other persons of social
standing; but the words could also be applied to poor and humble
garments. The terms could apparently be used of the clothing
of either sex. - They are used of the costumes of the scribes,
the Prodigal Son, the fisherman in Appolonius and of Christ. 73
Wulf Stan applies the word ' gyrla' to women's clothing and the
Cleopatra glossary also used the term in relation to women,
glossing theristodetes 'wudewan gierela'. 74 The terms might
be applied to the clothing of persons in holy orders, -for example
'biscopes gierelan'75 but were not the names of vestments and
were often used of secular clothing.
'-WARU' is not listed as a garment in BTD but has been
included here because it occurs in compounds, functioning as a
general garment term with the meaning "-wear" (as in "nightwear").
Both documented occurrences of the term are in monastic texts,
but the Benedictine Rule employs the term in a way which suggests
that it need not be applied only to the clothing of monks: each
monk is to have ' twa cugelan and twegen " syricas for padre nihtware''
The other occurrence is a reference to 'munuclice scrudware' in
626.
the La is of JJthelred. 77 The combination with ' scrud' produces
a garment term from two general terms.
2. Other terms
'GODWEB' is defined by BTD: "a divine or very precious
web, purple cloth, excellently woven material". BTS adds I
"fine woven material, material woven from silk or cotton, fine
linen"; Ii "something made with such material". The word has
cognates in Germanic languages and in Greek, the latter meaning
"divinely-woven fabric", which supports the lexicographers' inter-
pretation of the 'god' in 'godweb' as signifying "God" rather
than "good". 78 Clearly the word, signifies a fine material which
could form part of a regalia. Thus, in the Harley glossary there
is the entry: fasces, i. honorer, dignitates, plagas, triumnhos
'cynedomas', uel 'aldor', uel 'gegerla', uel 'godweb'. 79 Since
in the OE version of Bede 'mid golde; 7 mid godwebbe' renders
auro et purnura80 and since ' godvebbenum' glosses bombicinis81
it may be deduced that the fine material called 'godweb' was
frequently purple, and normally of silk. In a few instances
' godweb' refers to a specific garment.,. For example, in the
Corpus glossary, 'goduuebbe' glosses tocTa82 and in the Cleopatra
A-order glossary 'godweb' renders calamidis83 (for chlamidis).
The word was used, however, of other articles which were not
garments, which were made of fine textile, such as a cloth asso-
ciated with a banner. 84
' SCEORP' , 13TD "dress, apparel", is another term employed
of splendid costume. Translating habitum in the OE Orosius,
the word is used of the purple robes of a bishop which are com- pared with those of a king, 85
and of battle equipments 'mgper
ge heora sceorp, ge eall heora wapn ofersylefredan'. 86 The
627. .;
term also occurs among the list `of duties of a man of the rank
of thane in the Rectitudines Singularum Personarum; he is to
provide ' scorp to frig scipe' . 87 BTD tentatively renders ' scorp'
in this context as "apparel for those on board". 88 'Sceorp'
does occur in compound, but the compound words relate to battle
equipment, for example 'hilde=sceorp'., 89 not to clothing.
'a TERA', BTD "garments", in contrast to 'gerela', 'godweb'
and 'sceorp', appears to have been used of the garments of the
poor, and often of clothing which was in ragged condition. The
cognates of the word include old Indian terms signifying "roof,,
cover", 90
which, taken in conjunction with the contexts in which
'hntera' appears, suggest the 01ý word derived from the completely
functional nature of the article it named. In homiletic context
a poor man is said to have ' no hmlpe ne ha3tera' 91 which suggests
that tho term could be used of the most rudimentary of garments.
The word is also associated with the: destitute when Elfric tells
of Jews dying of hunger: 'cuwon... heora ha3tera'. 92 In the
OE version of the Book of Exodus the term is applied to the
garments of male slaves, translating vestitu: 'Ga he ut mid
his ho3teron swilcon he in com'. 93 The word is used of torn
clothing in a homiletic anecdote concerning the wicked magician
Simon, who was attacked by a dog which 'totmr his hmteru... of
his ixace'. 94 In Middle English the term continued to be used
of ragged garments: 'alle his hateren weoren to-toren'9' and
of. the minimum clothing necessary for subsistence: 'I have but
one hatere'. 96 In the Promntoriu locum 'Hatyr, rente cloth'
i3 translated scrutum, pannicia97 [scrota trash; panniculus
a rag; light, short garment]. Though. now obsolete, the word
survived in modern English until the nineteenth century. 98
!I
628.
ISUEPELS', BTD "a wrap, garment", is related to the OE
verb 'swapan ', "to" wrap", as well as to Icelandic sveipa, "to
wrap, swaddle". BTD notes a related Danish phrase meaning "a
child in swaddling clothes" which, added to the other cognates,
suggests that the 'sw pels' was originally a garment which was
wrapped around (c. f. 'wealca' Sections III, 6, VI, 1, pp.
5 -7 1 -- 9,6q `7 , above) .
Another Icelandic cognate, sveipg, signifies "kerchief, hood", AQ
but there is no evidence that the OE tern was applied to head,
coverings. The word glosses amicula in the A-order Cleopatra
glossary100 and is used figuratively in a Mercian version of
the Psalms, where it translates amictus. 101
'GE-SCIRPLA', BTD "clothing, clothes", is related to the
OE verb 'gescyrpan', "to clothe", and to the substantive 'sceorp' 4
(above, pp. 646-7 ýý102 The word is applied to men's clothing,
in a homily condemning worldliness: ;, IHwzsr beo6 ponne his idlan
gescyrplan? ', 103 and with reference to seafarers' apparel in.
the poem Andreas. 104
'GERIF', BTS "a garment", is documented only from Junius/
BM, where 'fotsidgerif' glosses limus (Junius limes)105 a
gloss which renders Isidor's definition: limus, vestis guae...
nd nncloa nKocluci. ruK. 10ä
629.
IX
ClaMs
Objects which may have clasped the hair or headdress have
been considered above (Section VI, 7, pp. 6to -
(oll ). Other probable names of fasteners are listed
below:
Bul Mentel-preon CnMp Of er-f eng Dalc Preon Fifele Sigle Gyrdel-hring, gyrdels-hringe Spennels
Several of the items are linked in glossaries. 'DAL C',
BTD "a clasp, buckle, brooch, bracelet", glosses fibula Lbuckle,
clasp, pin] in Junius/BM, together with 'preon' and 'of erf eng' .1
'Dolc, o66e preon' appears in a list of- jewellery in the Julius
MS glossing spinther2 Lbracelet], and 'dalc' renders the same
Latin word in Elfric's Grammar. 3 In two Aldhelm MSS ' oferfengc,
dale' glosses ligulam i. fibulam4 Lligula for legula a flap, or
lingua a tongue, especially of shoe, strap or latchet of shoe].
Cognates of 'dalc' include Icelandic dalkr, "a pin for a cloak",
and Old Irish delg, "a thorn, needle". 5 Tacitus mentioned that
the Germanic peoples used thorns to pin their cloaks6 and it
is possible that the term 'dale' derived from such a simple
fastener, though it may have been used of more sophisticated
metal clasps in Anglo-Saxon times.
'OFER-FENG', BTD "a clasp, buckle, latchet of a shoe", is
associated with 'dale' as gloss to fibula and li ila. 7 Glossing
fibula it appears in a list of jewellery in Julius ('oferfengc')8
following spinther 'dole, o66e preon'. The word also glosses
lequlam i. fibulam in an Aldhelm MS. 9
'PREON'., BTD "a pin, brooch, fastening", linked with ' dale"
630.
and 'of erf eng' as gloss to sninther and fibula 10 also occurs
in association with 'mere' (BTD "a necklace, ornament"). 'Menum'
+ 'preonum' glosses monilibus11 Lmonile, necklace, collar] and
'mynas, preanas' glosses lunulas. 12 The word must have been the
name of an object in use in the tenth century since it is men-
tioned in wills of this period. Wulfwaru bequeathed 'twegea
preonas' to her elder daughter. l3 Wynflmd left to her daughter
a 'MENTEL-PREON'14 the only documented occurrence of this compound;
'hyre ealdan gewiredan preon' was bequeathed in the same wi11.15
'Preon' has cognates in medieval languages and in modern English
"preen" and Scottish "preyne" ("a pin made of wire"). 16
'BUL', BTS "an ornament, brooch", also occurs as a bequest
which indicates that it signified a woman's ornament. Wulf ric
left to his goddaughter 'pone bule 6e wms hire ealdermoder' . 17
'Bula' occurs in the A-order Cleopatra glossary rendering bulla18
from which the word derived. LBulla signifies anything rounded,
but especially an amulet worn on, the neck. ] 'Bulan' glosses
lequlam in an Aldhelm MS19 and 'bvlas' renders murenulas
Lmurenula a small necklace, from muraena a dark stripe] in the
20 Durham Ritual.
'PIFFLE', BTS "a buckle", replacing BTD's 'figel(? ) f ifele(? )',
"a buckle, button", is derived from Latin fibula, and there is
no evidence that it was in general use in English. Its only
documented occurrence is as gloss to fibula in association with
'sigel' and 'hringe' in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 21
'SIGEL', BTD "a clasp, brooch, jewel" (a tentative defini-
tion), apart from its association with 'fifele' and 'hringe'
also glosses fibula ('sigl') in the Corpus glossary22 and occurs
with 'camp' and 'spennels' in the Harley MS glossing fibula, s.
631.
dicta rniod licgat. 23 The word also glosses bulla, for example
in the Corpus glossary ('sigl' f''and the A-order Cleopatra ('sigel' T-
and in the Harley MS glossing bulla, emma ('sigl')26 Lgemma
jewel]. It also glosses sibba27 l"? for fibula"]. The word
is related to 'silo', DTD "a necklaco, collar, band for the
neck", and to 'sigele', "a necklace". The term perhaps primarily
signified a personal ornament, and hence could be used of a
brooch or clasp.
The Harley gloss is the only recorded occurrence of 'CRP',
BTD II, "a button, brooch", and of 'SPENNELS', BTD "a clasp".
The existence of Germanic cognates including the Icelandic
spennill, "a clasp", suggests that the term may have been more
common in OE than the single instance implies. It is related
to the verb ' spannan' , "to clasp, ", 28
'GYRDEL-HRING' and*'GYRDELS-HRINGE' are listed separately
in B7'D with the same definition: "a, girdle-buckle, clasp for
a girdle". The latter is probably an earlier form of the same
term, since 'gyrdilshringe' is found in the Corpus glossary
glossing le la29 and lingula3O while 'gyrdelhringe' glosses
the same lemmata in the related A-order glossary in Cleopatra. 31
632. Y.
" is cus3ion
1. The naming of garments
The names of some Anglo-Saxon garments evidently derived
from their nature. Thus, association with documented OE verbs
suggests: that 'wealca'1 was a garment which wrapped around
the body; that ' crinc' and ' rifeling' were shoes which were
drawn together, and wrinkled, respQctively; and that 'binde'
and 'wrxd' were articles used for binding. Less specific examples
are 'ham' and 'hwtera', both of which, as cognates indicate, may
originally have signified "a covering". Thus, ' hTtera' came to
be applied to the most basic of clothing, and, by extension,
to rags, and 'ham' to the shirt worn close to the skin.
Some garments probably took their names from their shape:
the relationship of 'scyrte' to an OE adjective meaning "short"
and 'cyrtel' to curtus suggests that shortness was an essential
quality of the 'scyrte' and 'cyrtel'; cognates in other languages
and later English terms suggest that the head coverings 'hufe'
and 'scyfel' were named from their shape, the former humped,
the latter projecting.
There is some evidence that items might be named according
to#heir fabric, hence a blanket/cloak of white or undyed material
was named ' hwitel' and leg or footwear made from a particular
area of an animal's skin took'its name from the name given to
that hide, thus 'hemming', 'strapul'.
Many OE garment names are compounds. Most correspond to
the pattern: part-of-the-body plus general clothing term, for
example :' bearm-clap' . These, and compounds of 'of er-' or 'under-'
with specific or general clothing terms, such as 'under-serc',
633"
'ufre scrud', take their names from the positions in which they
were worn. Some Qther compounds, for example 'leöer-hose',
'siipe-scoh', describe characteristics of garments.
Word-formation is only to be taken as evidence of costume
with reservation. Deductions from names about the nature of
garments may of course only be relevant with regard to the
earliest form of those garments. Change of fashion need not
necessitate change of vocabulary; it would be misleading to
deduce from the form of some modern' clothing terms (for example
"petticoat") the nature of the present-day garments bearing
those names. Conversely, however, garment names based on
function (like modern "muffler" and "wrapper") are probably
likely to remain associated with their original function, or
to become obsolete if fashions change. 6
2. The origin and date of garment terms
Most of the terms listed have cognates in other Germanic
languages, which would suggest that they were established in
OE before the conversion. 2
. Words which were of native origin,
and therefore originally applicable to secular clothing before
the introduction of Christianity, might eventually be applied
to ecclesiastical vestments. It seems that 'hacele', 'ofer-
slop' and 'rocc' were utilized in this way.
'ßraccas' ,' cxales' ,' cmppa' ,' cappa' ,' cemes' , that',
. 'hod', 'mentel', 'orel' and 'socc' were ultimately derived
from Latin, but appear to have been early, pre-conversion:: loans.
Terms borrowed into OE from Latin after, and probably as a
direct result of, the conversion, include 'bul', 'casul', 'calc',
perhaps ' cuffie' ,' fifele' , 'pilece', 'Stole' #' strapul' and
'tunece'. 'Tunece' certainly passed into secular use and the
634.
others may have done so. The majority of vestment names were
imports and remained specialized, but it is apparent that the
Church both borrowed garment terms from the native language
and provided a source of new vocabulary.
It is evident therefore, that primitive OE was rich in
terms relating to costume, some of which had'been borrowed
from Latin into continental Germanic; but that the vocabulary
was augmented by further Latin loans, which in some cases came
to be applied to secular clothing. 0
Many of the documented clothing terms are to be found in
the Corpus glossary, the earliest of the sources cited. Examples
are: 'braccas', 'brec', 'glof', 'gyrdel-hring', 'gyrdels'
'hacele', 'hat', 'ham', 'heden', ''hemming', 'hod', 'loÖa', 'pad',
'rift', 'sciccing', 'scyfel', 'sigel', 'slife-' or 'slipe-scoh',
'snod', 'soce', 'stwppe-scoh', 'öwmle', and 'wimpel'. In other
cases the limitation of evidence makes chronology hard to esta-
blish. Words documented in OE only from Corpus and the related, -
tenth-century Cleopatra glossary were not necessarily archaic
by the time Cleopatra was made, as proved by the survival into,
modern English of "hemming" and "slipshod". - Terms documented
only from late texts were not necessarily late innovations.
3. Frectuencv of occurrence
A number of the documented terms appear to have been very
common. Examples include the names of fabrics: 'lin', 'linen', I W1111 I, and several general and specific clothing terms: 'clap' F
'gegerela', 'glof', 'hacele', 'hrragl', 'reaf', 'sciccels', 'scoh',
'scrud' and 'wtafels'. Others, with fewer documented occurrences,
may, have been more obscure. Many of the listed terns are hapax
635.
lecromena: ' bearm-rz gl' ,' bratt' ,' brec-hrmgl' , 'breost-lin',
'breost-rocc', 'casul', 'crine', 'feax-clap', 'feax-preon',
' fi£ele' ,' fotgewmde' ,' gerif' ,' hmr-nmdl' ,' hed-clap' ,' hop-
pada' , 'hose-bend', ' mentel-preon' ,' ofer-hacele' ,' ofer-leg' ,
'sceanc-bend', 'sceanc-gegirela', 'spennels', Ssweorclap',
'sweor-sal', 'ufre scrud', 'under-serc', 'underwrmdel' and
'wealca'. Most of these occur only as glosses, and may never
have belonged to the popular vocabulary. Some, particularly
those which are self-explanatory compounds, may have been nonce-
words. This assumption should not be made too readily, however:
the survival of 'bratt' in later English would suggest that it
was not so rare as its single documented occurrence from Anglo-
Saxon times would suggest; 'breost-rocc' and 'hose-bend',
both readily-comprehensible compounds, have cognates in Germanic
languages, so may not have been nonce-words in English.
4. Dialect
Comparison between the Northumbrian and Mercian glosses to
the Gospels with the West Saxon versions suggests a preference
for certain terms which may have been regional, but might have
been merely idiosyncratic. The evidence suggests Anglian
preference for ' cyrtel' , 'rift', 'stole' and ' wmd' over other
uynonyms, though these words are'also documented in West Saxon
texts. 'Wtsfels', avoided by the Anglian glossators, appears
to have been preferred by the West Saxons, and also appears in
a Kentish glossary: 'Twin' is used by the West Saxon glossators
of the Gospels, though 'linen', the Northumbrian choice, appears
elsewhere in West Saxon texts. The Celtic loan 'bratt' is the
only example of a word which is attested only in a non-West
I
636.
Sa;; on text. ' Gyrdels broec' and ' slebe_zcoh' occur in these
forms only in tho"14ercian Corpus, but Cleopatra contains the
very similar ' gyrdol o86 c brec' and ' slypeccoc' , thorotoro
these terms did not remain exclusively Anglian.
Some variations in spelling may be regional. Northumbrian
glosses include 'hacla' for 'hacele' and 'uoede', 'woede' and
'wede' for lad'. These provide insufficient evidence to suggest
different pronunciation. It is also unlikely that the back-
spelling 'hzyft' in a Mercian text'(West Saxon 'rift') repre-
sents phonological variation.
5. Semantic range '
The divisions indicated by Sections II to IX above are no
more than convenient groupings according to the apparent functions
of the garments named. The subdivisions reflect problems of
interpretation and establish the existence of various types of
apparel within the wider groups. Categorization of terms has
been dependent on meaning as illustrated by context and by"the
Latin lemmata glossed. Finer distinctions have been indicated
by the relationship of terms to each other. Some degree of
synonymy has been established when words . appear together as
glosses to the same Latin term, or when words appear in similar
context in different texts. More rarely, context has established
that terms are not synonymous.
Thus, in Section II, some degree of semantic overlap is
apparent between 'ofer-clop' and 'stole' and between 'basing';
'bratt', 'hacele', 'heden', 'hxmgl', 'hwitel', 'loöa', 'mental'',
'rift , 1' reowa' ,' rocc' ,' sciccel3' ,. and ' hwf els' , The terms ..
were not exact synonyWs. Examination of the individual words
63?.
establishes that the garment called 'heden' was made of skin
or fur (and that possibly the 'basing', 'loöa', 'sciccels' and
' rocc' could be, also), the 'h , itel' of undyed thread; that
'hrm gl' was a general term, the others specific garment names;
that 'rift' shared some function with 'oral', "a veil", though
the common element may have been no more than that women wore
both garments; and that 'hacele', 'mental' and 'lo6a' may have
shared characteristics with terms grouped under Section III,
Body garments.
In Section III it has been possible to establish some degree
of relationship between 'cemes', 'ham', 'hemepe', 'serc' and
'smoc', and, through the glosses to colobium to link 'hacele',
'toga' and 'mental' to this group. The various possible meanings
of colobium, rather than a similarity between the OE 'hacele'
group and ' cemes' group may have been the reason for this collo-
cation, however. A similarity between 'cyrtel' and 'tunece'
is implied by their use in the Gospels, but Wynflmd's will
suggests some distinction between these terms. It is apparent
that the 'tunece' was similar to the 'syrce' but distinct from
the 'comes', though 'tunece' and 'comes' could be worn together.
The 'tunece' fulfilled a different function from the 'hacele'
and 'wwfels' which have been categorized in Section II. Soma
distinction between the 'scyrte' and 'cyrtel' is apparent, and
these garments could be worn simultaneously, the 'cyrtel' over
the 'scyrto'. These inter-relationships indicate that garments
of similar cut could function differently, as underwear or as
over-tunics, corresponding to Einhard's evidence of Frankish
costume (B, 1, p. 6A$, above) that the camisia was worn
under the tunica. The 'cemes', 'serc' and 'tunece' might be
worn for sleeping.
638.
The various modifiers associated with 'cyrtel' suggest
that this garment might be made of various materials and there-
fore that the same garment name might be applied to clothes of
different textures.
Among the Leg coverings listed in Section IV, 'hose-bend',
'sceanc-bend' and 'sceanc-gegirela', glossing the same Latin
word, are apparent synonyms. ' Qi les' , 'hoses', 'moo' and 'socc',
apparently of similar meaning and grouped together as "Stockings
and soc]d' may bear some relationship to the "Slippers" group.
in Section V, since 'slipe-scoh' and 'socc' overlap semantically.
Though similar, 'hosa' and 'meo' were not identical, nor were
'hosa' and 'socc'. 'Hemming' and 'riveling' are apparently
synonymous names for raw hide shoes.
Words which signified "band, bandage", could be applied
to headgear, though they might have other functions, 'nostle',
for. example boing used of a garter or a fillet. In Section VI,
'Orel' and ' wimpel' appear to have some relationship, and 'rift'
is linked to this group as well as to the Outer garments grouped
under Section -11. 'C fing' , "feax-preon' and 'up-legen' appear
to have had the same meaning. 'Fimr-nmdl' and 'präwing-spinel' ,
probably synonyms, similarly were names for hairpins.
Of the words in Section VII 'sweor-clap', 'sweor-sal' and
'sweor-teg' are apparent synonyms, though it is uncertain that
they represent garments. Also synonymous are 'gyrdel', 'gyrdels'
and 'belt'. 'Gyrdels' has some degree of semantic overlap with
'brec', grouped, 'on other evidence,, 'with Loin and leg coverings.
The fact that words meaning "girdle" may also mean "purse",
suggests that purses were attached to belts. The formation of
'hand-scoh' suggests that the mitten, as well as the glove, may
have existed.
639.
Among General terms, in Section VIII, 'wmd' and 'gewwd'
appear similar in meaning to ' reaf' , and ' scrud' to 'gegerela' ,
though the latter pair also occur in opposed sense. General
terms sometimes appear as equivalent to specific garment names,
hence: 'gegerela' equals ' loöa' ;' hrtegl' equals ' cyrtel' ,
' bratt' and ' hoecla' , 'clap' includes -' tunece' .
Some degree of semantic overlap between the names of Clasps
in Section IX links 'preon' to 'dale' and ' ofer-feng' as well
, as to ' mene' ; and 'sigle' to ' cna3p', 'f if ele'-, ' hringe' and
,' spennels' . The relationship between some of these groups may have been
minimal. The link between some of the terms in the final section,
for example, may have been no more than that as various types
of ornament they offered possible explanations for the lemmata
lunulas and monilibus. Others, however, are likely to have been
synonyms or near-synonyms. One of the characteristics of OE,
exploited in its literature, is the quantity of synonyms appli-
cable to many subjects. The large quantity of documented terms
for clothing is not therefore surprising. The demands of alli-
teration, a structural feature of Anglo-Saxon poetry and a
device often found ornamenting prose, may have perpetuated
synonyms. Terms might be incorporated in rhythmic, alliterating
formulas of which there are examples in 'ne hmlpe ne hmtera'
and ' wwpen and gew du'
Freedom in the creation of compound words was also charac-
teristic of OE. The formation of compounds may have produced
synonyms for existing garment names, but, as suggested above,
though many creations may have been nonce-words, others may
have been in general use.
640.
6. Deductions about costume from linguistic evidence
The linguistic evidence implies that the Anglo-Saxons had
a far greater variety of garments than testified by other sources.
Even allowing for some degree of synonymy, it is clear that to
assume a one-to-one relationship between the garments illustrated
in manuscripts, and selected garment names, as some costume
historians have. done, would be an over-simplification. The
quantity of terms representing outer garments, for example,
suggests that there was a greater variety than the simple rectangles
worn by men and the sleeved or draped garments worn by women in
most illustrations, though the linguistic evidence is insufficient
for the reconstruction of any alternatives. The semantic overlap
between "cloak" and "blanket" found on investigating some of
these terms, suggests the original versatility of'the Anglo-Saxon
cloak which may have persisted as it persisted in the Empire of
Charlemagne.
Synonyms make possible some deductions about garments.
The overlap - of terms in the "Socks" and "Slippers"' groups suggest
a bag-like foot covering. Both texture and shape are suggested
by the linking of 'hemming' and 'riveling'; thus it is possible
to deduce the existence of hide shoes of wrinkled appearance. *
The vocabulary study offers several English names for the
fur garments which are mentioned'in Latin letters, though not
shown in illustrations. The possible evidence that fur was used
for body garments as well as outer corresponds to the evidence
of the clothing worn by Charlemagne.
In addition to supplying potential names for the garments
which are visible in representations of costume in art -- tunics,
gowns, headgear, leg coverings band shoes -- the linguistic evidence
I
"1
641"
also suggests or confirms the existence of garments which are
not shown, or not . depicted clearly, in art. Thus, there is
evidence of underwear, nightwear, loin cloths, bosom cloths,
stockings,, gloves, and the clasps which have been preserved by
archaeology.
The fillets, hoods, veils and wrappers, as well as the
various types of hat, which comprise names of headgear augment
the limited varieties depicted in art. The variety of footwear,
including slippers, raw hide shoes and sandals, designated by
specific names existing in addition to general words for shoes,
may be related to the archaeological finds from York. The lin-
guistic evidence suggests an even greater'variety of shoe types
than so far revealed by archaeology.
The terms 'binde''bul', 'cyrtel', 'cuffie', 'orel',
'preon', 'snod' and 'wrigelsI were applied to articles worn by
women, and, on Middle English and modern English evidence, the
' wimpel' appears to have been a feminine garment. OE 'braccas'
represents a garment worn by men, though Middle English evidence
suggests that later, at least, a garment of , this name was worn
by women. The 'wmfels' was worn by men and 'gescirpla' is
used of men's clothing. Middle English texts show that the
'strapul' was worn by women and possibly by men, and that the
'hufe' could be worn by both sexes. The garment name 'tunece'
and the general terms ' gegerela' ,' hrmgl' and ' reaf' were
applied to the clothing of both sexes in the OE period. There
is no proof that any of the terms could not be applied to the
garments of either sex, though the citation's involving headveils
suggests that these were exclusively feminine wear.
i
642.
Finally, the citations offer occasional insights into
social history. F. or example, the provision of gloves to persons
of low rank shows that these accessories (popular elsewhere in
the Germanic world) were not considered luxuries in Anglo-Saxon
England. The insertion of such a clause as this into a law
code, and the existence of a term such as 'gafol-hwitel' evi-
dences the system of payment in kind prevalent in the Middle
Ages.
The provision of finance for the purpose of clothing
communities, and the designation of responsibility for handling
such matters, as illustrated by some of the quotations, shows
that providing apparel for the communal households and large
work forces of Anglo-Saxon times required considerable admini-
stration. 6
/
PART FIVE: OONCLUSIONS
643"
P? FIVE: CONCLUSIONS
The evidence presented has already been summarized or
discussed at the end of each Section (Part Two, B, XXXI, pp.
337-407; C, pp. 419-20; D, pp. 457-8; Part Three, B, 4, pp.
492- At. ; C, 3, -: p. 5o7 ; D, 3, pp. 5lß-I ; E, 2, -. p.
5ý6 Part Four, B, 6, pp. 64o-) ; C, `. t, pp. 632-4a ).
The different . sources (archaeology, art and written material)
largely reveal different facts, although some correspondences
occur. The combined evidence reveals something of costume in
each century of the Anglo-Saxon era, though some periods receive
more clarification than others.
Despite Tacitus's claim that there was some similarity
between the garments of the sexes in Germania, and the fact that
some old English garment names appear to have been appljed to
the clothing of both men and women, there are obvious differences
between the costumes of the two sexes at all stages of the Anglo-
Saxon period. After studying the evidence it is now possible.
to describe the costume of each sex, and its development:
English women of the fifth and sixth centuries evidently
dressed in a girdled gown which could be worn over a blouse and
under a cloak. The tubular gown was characteristically supported
, on the shoulders by a'"pair" of brooches, usually matching, *but
if not, almost always of similar shape. The position of the
"paired" brooches might vary, and the basic costume might be
augmented by additional jewellery or modified (and to the modern
investigator disguised) by the omission of one or both brooches;
but it is probable that this gown was worn by women in almost
all areas of the Anglo-Saxon settlement. The gown wac normally
644.
wool, usually twill (mostly 2x 2), woven of Z-spun thread,
though tabby weaves and rarer twills (possibly imported stuffs)
may have been used sometimes. Tablet-woven braids or string
may sometimes have been used to attach the gown to the brooches.
The gown could be attached to the under-blouse by a brooch. The
blouse may have opened down the front, where it could be clasped
by a brooch or pin. The blouse was probably the garment which
had long sleeves ending in leather or tablet-woven cuffs. In
Anglian areas the cuffs were often secured by metal clasps. The
blouse might be of linen or wool, tabby or twill. A cloak,
woven in a coarser weave than the gown, could be fastened by a
brooch or pin worn at one shoulder or centrally. The gown itself
was belted or girdled, belts being made of leather and girdles
often consisting of tablet-woven braids. Possibly a combination
of leather and textile might also be used. Some belts were
fastened by buckles. In other cases toggle beads, rings or
knots may have been used. Various articles hung from the belt
as tools, trinkets and probably as symbols of the woman's role
as housekeeper. Some kind of headdress was worn, but the evi-
dence does not indicate its nature or if it was worn by the
majority and in all areas. Possibly Anglo-Saxon women wore a
veil or a network cap as other Germanic women did. Some women
used a pin to secure headdress or hair. Evidence from one burial
(Greenwich Park, K) suggests that the hair could be worn in a
self-sustaining knot. Beads and pendants ornamented the costume,
most often worn as festoons near the neck, but also worn at
head, arms and girdle. Metal arm and finger rings were normally
, only worn by the rich.
During the sixth century there were some variations in the
costume of women: women in areas culturally related to Kent may
645" I
have worn a robe which fastened down the front, though at one
site (Chessell Down, IoVJ) this appeared in conjunction with the
"paired" brooch gown; and in Kent itself and at some associated'
sites, prosperous women briefly adopted gold-brocaded garments --
usually headdresses -- often worn in conjunction with other
unusual objects which may have belonged to a regalia indicative
of social or ceremonial status.
In the seventh century women appear to have abandoned the
tubular gown and the sleeved blouse. Possibly they adopted
instead a sleeved robe. One of the garments worn during the
seventh century, possibly a veil, or perhaps a cloak, could be
fastened across the throat by a pair of linked pins. A single
annular or polychrome disc brooch might be worn at shoulder or
chest, and probably clasped a rectangular cloak. Long brooches
had now permanently given way to circular. (The primitive-
looking safety-pin brooches which appeared at this time were
probably not worn in such a way as to be visible. ) The new
faith of Christianity was sometimes proclaimed by the costume:
by a pendant cross, hanging from the necklace, or (in Kent) by
a buckle plate decorated with cruciform perforations. Necklaces
were now more often composed of pendant bullae and beads of
amethyst, gold and silver, or of beads strung on or across rings,
than by the clumsier strings of amber, glass and paste beads
popular during the pagan period. Women's belts may have become
narrower in the seventh century, since many sites have produced
smaller buckles than are normally found in pagan burials. In
some areas women may have ceased to wear buckles. In Kent the
perforated buckle plate appeared, also perforated leather, though
this may have not been used for bolts, but for objects such as
knife sheaths. An isolated example (Cambridge) shows that tablet-
646.
woven belts continued to be worn in this century. Women continued
to suspend objects from their girdles, but the nature of those
adjuncts changed slightly. Innovations included chatelaine
chains, cylindrical threadboxes and pouches of textile and/or
leather. Annular brooches were sometimes re-used as suspension
rings. Footwear is clearly attested for the first time in the
seventh century. Laces or thongs, ending in metal tags, fastened
leather shoes. Linen slippers or stockings may have existed.
Women may occasionally have used simple brooches to secure
stockings, or garters.
Women's costume continued to change in the early Christian
period. Literary evidence testifies to the elaborateness of
feminine dress, Aldhelm describing a brightly-coloured costume
which included two body garments, decorated sleeves, a light,
be-ribboned headdress and furs. Archaeological evidence demon-
strates a brief Frankish fashion for. buckled shoes, and the
Franks Casket depicts women in hooded cloaks. At least some
of the "dress hooks" and strap ends which have been recovered in
greater quantities from sites of the Christian period than from
earlier ones were probably worn by women, and the suites of
flat-headed pins dating from the eighth century, if they belonged
to clothing, were probably worn by women rather than men.
Annular brooches and adjuncts to the costume, including small
bags, continued to be used in-the eighth century.
The Viking incursions probably reintroduced the Germanic
costume with "paired" brooches, but there is no evidence that
this fashion spread back to the Anglo-Saxons who had abandoned
it earlier. Anglo-Viking sculptures show women in the trailing
dress and with the plaited hair which characterize females in
Scandinavian art. The bared head for women was alien to Christian
647"
Anglo-Sa, on culture; evidence from literature and art associate
a head covering with (virtuous) woman from the eighth century
onwards.
Anglo-Saxonuom n of the ninth century wore single disc
brooches, and bequests of the tenth century suggest that women
continued to prize jewellery though it is rarely depicted in
art. Women of the tenth and eleventh centuries evidently wore
wimple-like headdresses which concealed the hair and neck. A
wide-sleeved gown or a robe of chasuble type was worn over other
layers of clothing. One inner garment had tight-fitting sleeves
which reached to the wrist, where they were pleated or wrinkled.
The robe was girdled, but by a soft sash rather than a rigid
belt. There is no evidence that buckles or girdle adjuncts were
worn at this time. The legs were normally covered by skirts,
but might be bound by garters. Flat-soled shoes with a decora-
tion or fastening at the front were worn on the feet.
Men's costume did not change so drastically during the Anglo-
Saxon period. The three main garments worn by Germanic men
before the Anglo-Saxon settlement of England -- short tunic,
trousers and cloak -- appear in Anglo-Saxon art when it develops
; pomp darjreo of naturalism In. the centuries after the conversion.
The archaeological evidence for the pagan and conversion periods
does not correspond on this point. Grave finds would suggest
that men did not normally wear brooches and that if and when
they did so they did not confine themselves to the circular
fasteners which, in art, normally clasp cloaks.
Tien of the fifth and sixth centuries probably wore clothes
of wool, ' which, like women's, were normally woven in 22 twill,
though men, also, might wear other weaves and linen. Tien wore
648.
belts or girdles, which, like women's, could be of. leather or
braided fabric, possibly both leather and textile. Men's belts
were often studded and/or decorated with ornamental plates.
They were sometimes buckled, though the buckle was not essential
even for an elaborate belt, and for one which had to carry the
weight of a sword. Alternative methods of fastening the girdle
were'employed by men as by women. Some men may have worn a
baldric, perhaps a semi-military fashion. A knife, often carried
in a sheath, was usually attached to one side of the belt, and
other articles such as tweezers and shears were also carried
this way, though the variety and number of such girdle adjuncts
were less than worn by women. Tools could occasionally be
carried at the leg. They were perhaps tied by garters which
secured the leg coverings. Possibly trousers worn at this period "
were loose-fitting, being bound to the leg at intervals. The
cloak which was worn over the other garments was probably a
coarser fabric than the tunic. The cloak may have taken the
form of the versatile, voluminous rectangle, but the poncho-
shaped. cloak which did not require a fastener is also a possi-
bility at this early date. Men's garments may sometimes have thtýr
been clasped by pins, but in the mainAonly jewellery was the
functional buckle. Clasps such as those found in the chieftains'
burials at Taplow, Bu and Sutton Hoo, Sf, are rare and perhaps
military.
Seventh-century male graves, like female, evidence the
wearing of leather footwear, the carrying of leather and fabric
pouches and the introduction of punched leather in Kent. A
possible innovation in men's costume is the "shaggy" cloak,
though the distribution of evidence suggests that the latter
was a luxury item, probably imported. Documents of the early
649"
Christian period testify the wearing of fur clothing by men
(ecclesiastics) and linguistic evidence confirms the wearing
of fur garments (not simply un-shaped skins) in Christian Saxon
times.
A slight development in the costume of men during the eighth
century may be marked by the Franks Casket. On this, men appear
both in the baggy trousers depicted in Roman art and the close-
fitting leg coverings of later Anglo-Saxon art, thus providing
a terminus ad quem for the former and a terminus a auo for the
latter. Footwear already existed in various forms in early
Christian times, including the tibracis worn by the simple monk
and the Frankish buckled shoes evidenced from Kent. This variety
in footwear (not confined to men) was to continue, as attested
-by finds of several different types of shoe in York, and. by
linguistic evidence. Shoes and gloves were worn from at least
the early Christian period, even by people of humble status. an& pttildy Jwcktts,
During the ninth century shorter cloakc, Awere introduced.
Men continued to wear short cloaks with tunics for the remainder
of the Anglo-Saxon period, but long cloaks, did not disappear.
The Viking invasion probably brought some different clothing
to the Danelaw area. Resulting variations in male costume may
have included the loin cloth, the wearing of belted trousers
without the covering tunic and the adoption of the (tailored)
Irish coat or cloak which was fastened to the garment'beneath
it by a penannular brooch.
By the tenth and eleventh centuries men wore close-fitting
leg coverings which were bound below the knee by parallel strips
of gartering. Over the trousers they wore one or more garments
of similar shape (perhaps interchangeable), functioning as
underwear, shirt and tunic as required, to-which names such as
'cemes', 'cyrtel'. and 'tunece' could be applied. The tunic or
650.
shirt had tight, pleated, wrist-length sleeves. The outermost
garment was a rectangular cloak which was clasped by a disc
brooch. Men performing physical labour, who were often barefoot'
and without cloaks, might wear the tunic tucked up, or could
wear a garment similar to the tunic which was slit up the sides
of the skirt. The tunic was girdled, but apparently not buckled.
There appears to have been an innovation in male costume towards
the end of the period, in the form of the ankle-length gown,
confined at the waist by a sash. it may have been confined to
those of high rank. Possibly its introduction was related to
the importation of luxurious fabrics, especially silk, which
was taking place on an organized scale at this time (though
individual travellers had been bringing or sending home fine
fabrics at least since the early Christian missions). The long
gown was accompanied by'the long cloak, often fastened at the
centre of the chest rather than at one shoulder. The gown may
have been worn over trousers, probably of the same type as worn
under the tunic. The long garment did not replace the short
tunic. A man of rank in late Anglo-Saxon times might own both
costumes.
A general comment which might be made about the development
of the clothing of both sexes is that it became more tailored
during the Anglo-Saxon era. In the earlier centuries people
tended to make a garment fit them by wrapping a piece of material
round the body then pinning or binding it in the required posi-
tion -- women clasped their gown with brooches, men (according
to the Roman sculptures of Germans) tied loose trousers to the
legs. This method of dressing gave way to the wearing of more
garments which had been shaped during manufacture -- sleeved
651.
robes and hooded cloaks for women and tighter trousers for men.
The tailoring of clothes was not a new skill -- the sleeved
blouse of women and the tunic of men had been in existence for
centuries when these other developments took place -- the tech-
nique was simply being applied more widely. In pre-shaping their
clothes, the people no doubt lost some of the versatility of their
costume; the fifth- and sixth-century gown of women, for example,
had been capable of many variations which a sleeved robe was not.
The developments which took place in costume, in particular
in women's costume, interestingly mirror some of the cultural
influences known to have affected Anglo-Saxon England. The
women settlers wore a type of gown popular among other Germanic
peoples, reflecting their Scandinavian and North German origin.
The fact that the same basic costume was worn by women settlers 4
in most areas of England attests the common cultural background
of the invaders. Slight regional variations in women's costume,
such as choice of brooches or use of wrist clasps, correspond
to the post-settlement variations of Angle and Saxon; while
other variations have the common denominator that they occur in
Kent or in areas influenced by Kent, a region culturally distinct
from the rest of England in other respects. Some of the varies
tiona in coatuma in sixth-century Kent reflect the fact that
Kent was looking across the channel (Fthelbert of Kent, to whose
court Augustine came in 597, married a Frank) and was to continue
absorbing Frankish influence. The Frankish shoe fashions in
eighth-century Polhill are a small example of this continued
intorcourso.
On a larger scale, the development in women's costume in
all areas in the conversion period, with its'emphasis upon single brooch and necklace of bullae, reflects the changed source of
652.
cultural influence -- from pagan, Northern Europe to the Christian
Mediterranean. The Church no doubt encouraged the change, deplor-
ing the unfamiliar costume of Northumbria, which, to the foreigner
at least, was associated with paganism. In addition to bringing
new garments, the cultural changes of the conversion brought,
through Latin, new garment names into the English language.
The new Viking settlers may have brought with them their
native dress, and garments adopted from elsewhere; but the rest
of England continued to be influenced from Christian Europe, so
that the costume of an Englishwoman in the tenth century was,
quite unlike that of her Viking contemporary in Scandinavia.
The evidence considered in the preceding chapters demonstrates
that the clothing of the Anglo-Saxons was not primitive or casual.
it was skilfully woven and worn in a deliberate way. The lin-
guistic evidence (even allowing for nonce-words and synonyms)
suggests the existence of many specific garments.
Clothing mattered. It mattered to the wearers, who conformed
to fashion; it concerned the Church, * which equated non-conformity
in matters of dress with Sin; and it exercised employers and
benefactors, for people had to be clothed.
This work began with the statement that costume study provides
a personal link with the past. It has offered a number of insights
into the life and thought of the Anglo-Saxon people. For example,
the colourful nature of their dress is constantly apparent: in
pagan times with, rare cases of dyed fabric and common examples
of gaudy beads and mass-produced brooches or the more tasteful
polychromo jewellery of Kent. Literature witnesses this colour-
ful nature and the bright shades of the Tapestry and paintings
653.
conf irm it. The worldly nuns described by Aldhelm have a vita-
lity in their enthusiasm for colourful, flamboyant clothes, an
exuberance which the Church endeavoured to suppress in its flock
('Wif moton under brunum hrmgle to husle gan') though appreciat-
ing the fine and colourful fabrics acquired for holier purposes.
Less directly, there are other slight but fascinating
glimpses into social history; the skill and patience of the
weaver who constructed elaborate braids and twills in the squalid
conditions of the Anglo-Saxon weaving shed; the practicality
of the seafarer who tucked up his tunic to wade, or the farmer
who carried seed in his skirts; the care with which the corpse
of a child was equipped with tiny beads, or a tool it had been
too young to use; the pagan beliefs and the discipline which
allowed valuable grave-goods to remain in the ground. Such hints
as these convey, albeit briefly and intermittently, the persona-
lity of our ancestors. ý
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d'ºiYi, ldllxY. 2
T, i ;t of o., merit terns and related -wmrd conr; idercd in Part Four, C, and the subüections under which the? are
býmde VI basing II beazm-claý III bearm-r,, III belt VII bende VI binde VI brocce IV braccas IV bratt II brec-hr, egl IV breoot-lin III brcost-rocc III broc, brec IV bul I .u c2fing VI aales IV c>; ýýpe VI calc V cappa VI casul II ceraes III clap, clapes VIII cnon IY. crinc V crusene II cuffie VI cyrtel III da lc I:: eaxl-clap III f ca}, clap VI feax-net VI feax-preon VI fel II fet"el, fetel3 VII fifele I:; f1. wp I fleax I flis, flys I fotgewxde V frence 11 (gei gerela VIII gerif VIII ge-scirpla VIII g1Qf VII godweb VIII godweb-cynn II gyrdel VII , fyrdel-hring, gyrdel3-hringe IX gyrdels IV, VII hacelc II, III hwr-nadl VI
r, Bt VI h-utcra VIII ham III hand- ncio VII hcafod-clap VI hcafod-gew,, ade VI healoed VI hed-clay II heden II hernepe III hemming V hod VI hop-pada II hosa IV hose-bend IV hrwgel, hrmglung VIII hre6a II hrycg-hrmgel II hufe VI hwitel II lms-hosum V ]. mst V leperhose IV l in I linen I lo$a II, III mentel II, III mental-preon IX moo IV nostle IV, VI ofer-feng IX ofer-haeele II ofer-lag II ofer-Clop II ofer-slype II orel VI pad II pilece II preon IX reaf VIII reowe II rifeling V rift II, VI rocc II sal VII sceanc-bond IV sceanc-gec! ir©la IV sceorp VIII sciccels II sciccing II scoh, gesceo, gescy V scrud VIII
.. ý.
IN
719. cculdor-1.1rxgl III ccyicl VI 3cyrtc III ccoluc I ccrc III side I sigle IY. slife-scoh, slipe-scoh V Glop III Slypc III smoc ill snod VI socc IV s-)ennelc IX steppe-scoh V stole II strapul IV swepels VIII sweor-clap VII swcor-sal VII swcor-tcah VII swiftlere V tunece III tw in I prawing-spinel VI c1-31e VI ufrc scrud II underserc III underwrrdel IV up-legen VI (ge)wed VIII wed-brec IV vafels II -ware VIII wealca III, VI wimpel VI wining IV wred VI wrigels VI wull I
720.
APPENDIX. 3
7losszryof Latin Ran-nont terns and other Latin wordo in Part
Four, C
amictus clothing, cloak
amiculum garment that is thrown on, cloak
arnohibalum garment, cloak
anaboladium linen mantle or wrap
anthrax carbuncle (medical)
armenum ? (cf. arena arms, amentum strap)
armilaium-i military upper gannent
1). it eu: s halt
ha; ea woven shoe, (Icidor) woman's shoe
birrus cloak (to keep off rain)
biulirxo ? bi two, uligo moisture
bombicinum silken
bombyx silk
bracae trousers
braccus as bracae
brachile girdle
bully amulet for the neck, anything rounded b" ssus flax and the linen made from it
calarnachus skull cap
calamanca as calamachus
calamistruni pin for curling the hair
calceamentum shoe
calcous half boot or shoe, covering the whole foot
call a leather shoe
caliqula small military boot
callicula as caligula or ; Jallicula I
..,, -.
721.
c. to timber for joinery
calonodium (fifteenth century) clog
calsun as caiccus
camisia linen shirt or nightgown; in late Latin long undergarment for men; (twelfth century) ecclesiastical vestment
camne, tre leather apron worn round loins
camoilc similar to ca. mi sia
r. tt: ý lc (fifteenth century) headdress
c; 'ni. tium wearing a hood; or for canitulum or canui: thm
canitulum head covering for women
canna cap, hood; (seventh to fourteenth centuries) cape, cloa;; with hood
cans a box
canutium hood fastened to back of vestment
caracalla Gallic cloak without hood; vestment, cope
ca ssis helmet
casula cloak, chasuble
cernuus shoe; (Isidor) sole-less so cus
chlamvs cloak
cicla (cvclas) state robe with border worn by women; (twelfth and thirteenth centuries) rich robe
cidaris turban (of Jewish high priests); diadem (of Persian kings)
cinqulum girdle encircling hips
cintum belt
ciroteca (chirotheca) glove
clavus purple stripe on Roman tunic, -, i
coif (thirteenth century) headdress
collarium band or chain for neck, collar
colobium short-sleeved undergarment; (eighth to fourteenth centuries) sleeveless tunic or cloak
cones um gauze net, especially on bed; canopy
cothurnus high shoe, boot
722,
crebundic 7 as clinic
crurina ? (c Z. crus leg, shank, shin)
cucullus cap; hood fastened to garment, monk's coal
cultus appearance, clothing, especially splendid dress
cunie 7 cradle clothes (c. f. cunabulum cradle)
cunhia probably as coifa
ciirtelli as ; kurtclla
cu r. Mus short
di dcroa royal headdress, diadem
rlioloic double garment to be wrapped round body, cloak; (fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries) doublet
discriminalia hair clasp worn by women
enendytec outer garment
faccelles as fascia
fascia band, including headband
fasciola bandage; small bandage for the legs
feminalia thigh bandages
femoralia covering for thigh, (eleventh and fifteenth centuries) breeches
fibula buckle, clasp, pin
ico shoe, clog
flammeolum flame coloured bridal veil
flammcum (fourteenth century) bandage
aleru ; helmet-like headcovering of undressed skin; cap, hat
gallicula garment
inns in late Latin a leather garment; according to foniface
and Cuthbert of 'acazraouth, a fur gaxent worn by monks
hzbitun appearance, dress
humorale as umorale
indumentum garment
723"
infula band, bandage, especially red and white fillet or woollen band which signified consecration
instita border or flounce of Roman lady's tunic; bandage
interu]. -i undergarment, shirt
ku rtel la (fifteenth century) kirtle
labarum banner
lacerna cloak worn by Romans over the toga in cold or wet weather
lacinia lappet, corner or edge of garment
]. aena lined upper garment, cloak
lnna wool
Innune woolly substance (e. g. of plants); (fourteenth century) blanket or woollen undergarment
lrr_tulu , bed, couch
1e- ila flap
lena mantle
liýr i1a for le la or line ula
limus girdle or apron trimmed with purple
lineum linen garment
linqula tongue, especially of shoe; strap or latchet of shoe
liniamento garment
linna as laena or lent
linostema garment of linen and wool, mixed
linteum a linen cloth
-lodix coverlet, blanket
lorica mailcoat
fur bare apron for the loins; loincloth
lunula ornament worn by women, "little moon" , _...
mafora (twelfth century) veil
rnafors woman's veil, sometimes priest's
maforte (seventh century) headdress
manica long sleeve of tunic, which covered the hand
724"
mantellum cloak
mantile mantle, overall
ma na napkin, ecclesiastical maniple
ma, nula as manna
mastruga garment made of skins; a sheepskin
melote a sheepskin; (Isidor) goatskin garment
nillus dog's collar
nitra headband or turban worn by Greek and Roman women; (twelfth century) ecclesiastical mitre; nightcap
monile necklace, collar
muraena dark stripe
mu renula small necklace
muntrir_oli shoemaker's last
wit t--. n tor. i. iirn cape; wirnplo; change of' clothing
nimbus headband (Isidor) worn by females
obstrigillus shoe sole; (Isidor) sandal, fastened to the foot by straps
ocrea metal greave (cf. ocre (eleventh century) thigh boots or leggings)
odo as udo
olosericum (ninth century) silk mantle
orer. ýtorium cover
orarium napkin, handkerchief
paenula poncho-like garment originally worn by slaves, which became popular as travelling and military garment; ecclesiastical vestment
zlla wide upper garment, held together by broocbc3, worn by Roman ladies; undergarment; men's garment; ecclesiastical vestment, archbishop's pall
nallium Greek cloak, thus, upper garment; ecclesiastical vestment, archbishop's insignia
paludamentum military cloak
panniculus rag; short, light garment
725. epcten comb
pectica as pecten
nedula footwear (cf.. ep dule sole)
pollicia (ninth to fifteenth centuries) pelisse, pilch, leather garment
ellis pelt; leather garment of skin
`enicula woollen outer garment covering whole body for journeys and wet weather; (thirteenth century) hood
pcnula for paenula or penicula
peplum robe of state; any broad, upper garment
pera as melote
periscelis leg band, anklet, worn by women
perizomata girdle
per boot made of raw hide
nileus egg-shaped hat or cap made of felt
nlaneta (twelfth to fourteenth centuries) ecclesiastical vestment, chasuble
fracter:, orium stray animal
nraCtr_:: t, ý outer garment of Roman magistrates and free-born children
retlimiculum fillet; necklace; girdle
reno reindeer skin; fur pelisse worn by ancient Germans
reticulum little net; network cap
ricnurn headveil, especially worn . by women mourners
ricula small veil
saccus sack, bag, especially money bag
uagulum small military cloak
01rnum coarse woollen blanket or
sandalium slipper or sandal
sarabara wide trousers
scrota trash
nindon fine cotton or muslin
mantle
0
^ ý--"
726.
soccus low-heeled light shoe; slipper; sock
sninther bracelet
in late Latin a woman' a garment; stoles long upper garnicnt; r.: cclc:; iantical vrotmcnt, stole
r' wjulr pall
str, alum covering, rug, carpet
ntrebula flash about the haunch
stro-ýheum band worn by women under the breasts; headband
subfibulum (suffibulum) white, four-cornered veil
subligaculum waist-band; breech-cloth
subtalaris "under the heel", cf. talaris
subucula man's undergarment, shirt
succinctorium apron
; udarium (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) sheet for wrapping round relics
sunerhumerale ecclesiastical vestment, pall
sunnarura linen garment worn by women
taenis band, fillet
t. laris sandal fastened to the ankle
tancta carpet, coverlet
tec, men covering
theristodctes as theristrum
thhcri strum summer garment
tiara oriental headdress, turban; (thirteenth century) occlesias- i-ca1 nitre
tibiale wrapping for the shins; stocking
o. qa long Roman garment made of a single piece of material
toral valance of couch
tramaserium ? cloth (tr ama weft or filling of a web)
Crib rica as tubrucus
t ribunarium small cloak
727.
tui>rucus (tubraý; ýura) legging, similar to I"ibi, --, Ir-,
tunica noman undergarment worn by both sexea; (twelfth century) tunic, coat, tabard; ecclesiastical vestment, tunicle
niibn -ocl: of felt or fur
itr rri 1. c covering] for the shoulders, cane
ynllegian the glossary citation is the only recorded use of the term as a garment; otherti'zise saddlebags
velamen covering, garment, robe, veil
vellu , fleece
velum covering, curtain, veil
ventrale belly-band
veste as vestimentum
vestimentum clothing; a garment, vestment; bedclothes
ves_itu clothing
vinculum something which binds
vitta band; cap for the head
zona belt, girdle; money belt