An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim FlasksAuthor(s): William AndersonSource: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 54 (2004), pp. 79-93Published by: British Institute at AnkaraStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3643040Accessed: 24/09/2008 11:38

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Anatolian Studies 54 (2004): 79-93

An archaeology of late antique pilgrim flasks

William Anderson

University of Melbourne

Abstract Pilgrimage happens when a place becomes the focus of veneration because of its association with a person or event. Pilgrim cults from the past can sometimes be identified by grouping certain types of material evidence, although inter- pretation of a cult's historical meaning is only possible once the material has been fully assessed. This study considers what sorts of information can be drawn from the archaeological context of a group of clay ampullae; miniature flasks originating from Asia Minor in late antiquity.

Ozet

Herhangi bir yer, bir kisi ya da olayla olan baglantisi nedeniyle saygi odagi oldugu zaman buraya hac ziyaretleri baMlar.

Geqmiten gelen hac ibadetleri bazen belirli tipteki maddi kanitlarin gruplandinrlmasiyla tanimlanabilir. Ancak bir ibadetin tarihsel anlaminin yorumlanabilmesi eldeki malzeme tamamen gozden ge,irilip degerlendirilmeden olasi

degildir. Bu calihmada Kuicuik Asya kaynakli ve gec antik doneme tarihlenen bir grup minyatuir matara ve ampullaeden arkeolojik baglamda ne cesit bir bilgi edinilecegi konusu ele alinmaktadir.

During the late 19th century, a French engineer called Paul Gaudin was directing the construction of a

railway between Izmir and Turgutlu in the west of

Turkey. He developed an interest in the region's archae-

ological remains, excavating a prehistoric necropolis at Yortan and, in the early 20th century, running a campaign at the ancient city of Aphrodisias, where important Classical statuary was unearthed, some of which was

illegally exported to museums in Belgium and Germany (Collignon 1904; 1906; Erim 1986: 37-45). Like many Europeans operating from Turkey at this time, Gaudin was a sedulous collector of antiquities. Artefacts could be purchased at Izmir, a city with a large foreign diplo- matic presence, a flourishing antiquities market and an indifferent, or ineffectual Ottoman government (Schiffer 1999: 101-10; Ozdogan 1998).

Between 1896 and 1920, Gaudin donated 44 small terracotta flasks to the Louvre, Paris (Metzger 1981: 41-

54). These were described as coming from Smyrna and its vicinity, although there is no specific information about how they were obtained: whether they were discovered during construction of the railway, excavated

at Aphrodisias or bought on the open market is uncertain. When examined by members of the Societe des Antiquaires de France, the flasks were identified as

ampoules a eulogie -pilgrim ampullae (Heron de Ville- fosse 1890; Michon 1899). Early Christian pilgrim souvenirs were known from examples in museums and church treasuries a number of museums had clay 'Menas flasks' from Egypt, named after the saint at whose shrine they were distributed (Kaufmann 1910). Having been established as pilgrim souvenirs, scholars interpreted the designs stamped into their surface to identify which saints were being shown and where the

ampullae originated from.

Ampullae are distinct from Menas flasks associated with the pilgrim centre of Abu Mina in northwest Egypt during the fifth and sixth centuries AD. Both were mould-made, in much the same way as clay lamps of the time, but the circular bodied Menas flasks have handles spanning the body and neck, while the smaller and oval

shaped Asia Minor type have two holes bored into the top so that they could be worn or suspended (fig. 1). Whereas most Menas flasks are stamped with an image

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of the saint standing in an orans pose, the decoration on Asia Minor ampullae includes a range of figures and animal motifs; others have patterns of crosses, circles and architectural features.

It is widely assumed that images on Christian pilgrim souvenirs relate to their site of production or distribution. Art-historical studies, particularly of metal flasks made in Palestine (called the 'Monza' or 'Bobbio' type because of the Italian churches which possess groups of them), have considered pilgrim related artefacts in this

way (Weitzmann 1974); the origins of other sixth century ephemera- Menas flasks from Egypt, objects made at the shrine of St Symeon at Qal'at Sim'an near Antioch and some types of eulogia tokens from Palestine- can also be determined from their iconography (Rahmani 1970; 1993; 1999; Piccirillo 1994).

An iconological approach has had limited success when assigning flasks to specific production or distri- bution centres in Asia Minor. The diversity of figures and emblems make classification problematic, and identified saints have even been called 'inappropriate' for shrines known in the region (Campbell 1988: 544). The frequently occurring 'Evangelist' type is often linked with the shrine of St John near Ephesus on the basis of historical references (Duncan-Flowers 1990), and these are indeed convincing, but without the

discovery of moulds, kilns or significant assemblages, locating production centres is impossible. It is therefore

necessary to consider this group of objects by first accounting for the range of designs, and then determine context through examination of their occurrence in

archaeological excavations.

'Pilgrimage art' An increasing amount of literature addresses the subject of pilgrimage, but as the approach and scope of this research has been so varied, 'pilgrimage studies' cannot be regarded as a discipline in its own right. Rather, investigating pilgrimage lends itself to the application of

multiple disciplinary approaches using sociological, archaeological, art-historical and theological methods.

Archaeological research into early Christian pilgrimage has the potential to enhance understanding of economic

activity, transport and infrastructure, and religious practices (Stopford 1994). However study of Byzantine 'pilgrimage art' has largely been concerned with the

appearance and conceptual meaning of artefacts such as

eulogia tokens, rather than exploring socio-political circumstances of their manufacture and use.

Early Christian pilgrimage to sites in the Holy Land was well documented, and written sources have been considered alongside mosaics and maps to investigate

pilgrim practices and reconstruct the 'sacred topography'

0 2cm I I

Fig. 1. Menas flask and Asia Minor ampulla in the

Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden

of important centres such as Jerusalem (Wilkinson 1976; Hunt 1994). Pilgrimage in Asia Minor is also covered by contemporary sources, and saints' lives often describe shrines where relics or living Holy Men were venerated

(Foss 2002). Although hagiographies and eyewitness accounts are the basis of our knowledge on early Christian pilgrimage, the information they convey is limited. Reportage is subjective, and offers only some idea of the broader political, economic and social circumstances which affected pilgrim cults.

In the early 20th century, images on metal pilgrim flasks were interpreted as showing murals painted at Christian shrines in late Roman Palestine (Vikan 1995). Art historian Andre Grabar's 1958 monograph on the Monza and Bobbio flasks suggested that their iconog- raphy was based on small-scale metalwork and that the

objects originated from Constantinople (Grabar 1958). Discussion of the metal flasks re-opened in the 1970s when the focus shifted towards demonstrating that their

iconography depicted the architecture of early Christian shrines in Palestine. Kurt Weitzmann discerned a 'Pales- tinian style' in their decoration, comparing the images with manuscripts from the region, and arguing that mould

designs were significant in the dissemination of Christian

iconography from the Holy Land (Weitzmann 1974). Theories about how pilgrimage 'devotionalia' were

regarded have been well explored in recent years. Rather than being simply mnemonic- tourist souvenirs they have been shown to contain different layers of meaning. Gary Vikan has described three 'function categories' for

Byzantine pilgrim souvenirs: votive, devotional and amuletic (Vikan 1995: 381). These derive largely from written sources, especially the hagiographies of the fifth

century Syrian monk Theodoret, and although useful for

appreciating the complexity of Byzantine exegesis, this

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approach offers only limited insight to the conditions under which sixth century pilgrim shrines produced 'souvenirs'. Emphasising the pilgrim's experience and how individuals regarded objects they acquired at sacred sites may have obscured understanding of the social place of pilgrim flasks. Whilst the owners of objects collected on pilgrimage indeed held them in high esteem, scholarship that rhapsodises over 'receptacles of divine energy' (Hahn 1990), is based entirely on literary sources with little attempt to actually identify consumers using archaeological data.

Art-historians have generally set the agenda for studying early Christian antiquities, and with the exception of eulogia tokens, Menas and Monza flasks, the material culture of Byzantine pilgrimage has not been subject to taxonomy, fabric analysis, surveys of finds and consideration of context. These techniques all help to determine where artefacts came from, which is essential for establishing a historical context. Better understanding of pilgrim flasks can also contribute to a range of trans- disciplinary and epistemological discourses: on one hand, closer analysis of this pottery form may offer evidence to distinguish people or groups of specific political and religious persuasions, but it may also help us to learn about religious customs, social conditions and economic activity. Moreover, study of pilgrim flasks can help us to question the way in which material culture is categorised and given meaning.

It is first important to outline the development and diversity of pilgrim flasks that were made in the eastern Mediterranean during late antiquity. Once the 'Asia Minor ampulla' has been sufficiently defined, pictorial differences can be considered. Iconography may inform us about the flasks' historical meaning, but archaeo- logical context tells us much more about their use, users and social significance. Rather than reaching a single conclusion about who made ampullae and who consumed them, interpretation of the flasks' context will consider some discourses and debates which the material might inform.

Late antique pilgrim flasks: Egypt, Palestine and Asia Minor

Clay flasks were made at several locations around the Mediterranean coast in the late Roman period. Extensive manufacture of pottery in western Asia Minor was linked to the region's production and export of commodities, and the importance of the Aegean coast continued as Constantinople grew in population and prominence (Kingsley, Decker 2001). Amphorae were made for transporting oil and wine, and there were also table wares and other decorated ceramics such as lamps produced for local and inter-regional markets.

Among the pottery from Pergamon in the Imperial period were drinking flasks; mould-made, interior-glazed vessels that were probably used as portable wine containers (Mandel 1988). Some are decorated with images showing gladiatorial combat, suggesting that they were associated with the amphitheatre. Mould-made flasks thought to be used for drinking wine were also manufactured in Egypt, where the discovery of kilns at Memphis and the Fayuum has established two production centres of the pre-Christian era (Seif el-Din 1993).

From the fifth century AD, flasks stamped with the image of St Menas were produced at Egypt's premier pilgrimage centre, Abu Mina, located 45km southwest of Alexandria. Menas flasks are probably the most prevalent form of surviving late antique pilgrim artefact. They supposedly contained water which was collected from the saint's shrine, and may have been available from the large colonnaded square north of the basilica, which was the site of almshouses and 'commercial' premises (Grossman 1998). Dozens were excavated at the residential district of Kom-el-Dikka in Alexandria between 1961 and 1981 (Kiss 1989) which helped to establish chronology and indicated that they were consumed not only by long-distance pilgrims, but also by a local market who embarked on domestic pilgrimage as an expression of religious identity (Davis 1998).

Menas flasks have been found at sites around the Mediterranean and beyond, which may be taken to reflect the extent of Egypt's maritime contacts during late antiquity (Lambert, Pedemonte Demeglio 1994). A cluster around the northern Adriatic coast suggest a link between Alexandria and the episcopal see of Aquileia (Lopreato 1977). Two Menas flasks have been found at Meols on the Wirrel peninsula in the west of England, over 3,500km from Abu Mina (Thompson 1956; Harris 2003).

Palestine, or the Holy Land, was where the most important Christian shrines were located, and a range of pilgrim ephemera was produced in this region. The metal Monza flasks were made here using a mould technique (Engemann 2002), but there were also ceramic, glass and organic souvenirs available for visitors to religious sites. A clay flask bought by the Israeli Department of Antiquities and Museums in 1966 is decorated with an image of the Annunciation. Around its edge is a Greek inscription with the words of the evangelist Luke (1:28), 'Hail, thou art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee', and it is interpreted as coming from the traditional site of the house of Mary and Joseph in Nazareth and dating from the sixth century (Rahmani 1966). A flask with an image of figures in a boat and which also has inscriptions referring to New Testament sites was discovered in the 1950s near Aquileia on the north Adriatic coast (Guarducci 1974).

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Another type of mould-made ceramic flask thought to come from Palestine has small proportions and is decorated with raised dots (fig. 2). This type has been

assigned to Jerusalem on the basis of its yellow-brown ware and decoration, which are similar to a form of oil

lamp made here in the seventh century (Magness 1993:

259). An intact example was discovered during excavation of the site of Ramat Rahel, or Bir al-Qadismu, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem (Aharoni 1964: 17, 38-41, fig. 10.11, pl. 4.6), and the top half of a 'raised dots' type was found in the Tyropoeon valley, Jerusalem in 1927 (Crowfoot, Fitzgerald 1929: 126, pi. 16.31). An

ampulla discovered in Sardis in western Anatolia has the same dimensions and similar raised dots design (Rautmann 1996: 62-63, no. 2.82, fig. 16).

A number of large, clay flasks with variant forms and decoration point to alternative regions, and dates of

production. These have handles added to the body like Menas flasks, and are decorated with detailed designs. An unusual and well-preserved flask held in the British Museum measures about 20cm in height, over three times larger than most Asia Minor ampullae; its form resembles the 'bag-shaped' or late Roman 5/6 amphora (Dalton 1901: 158, no. 903). A fragment with similar

iconography to the London flask was found in the southern baths complex at Perge (Atik 1995: 176-80, nos

391-99). There is a range of forms and images among these large, rounded flasks, and it is uncertain whether

they were produced contemporaneously or in the same

region, although vessels of this kind have usually been found in Turkey.

A large, intact flask unearthed during excavation of

shop buildings at Sardis has a rounded shape, and is decorated with curious animal motifs reminiscent of Palestinian mosaic panels (Hanfmann 1983: 165, fig. 244). Another example from Sardis, discovered in a late Roman residential complex, has a simple cross motif and contained 71 bronze coins dating from the late fifth

century (Greenewalt et al. 1994). Fragments of flask sherds with Greek inscriptions offering 'blessings of the Lord' were recently found at Pessinus in central Anatolia

(Devreker 1995: nos 19-29). In 1971, John Hayes drew attention to a wheel-made,

'fusiform' ampulla, which he dated to the fifth and sixth centuries and called the 'late Roman unguentarium' (Hayes 1971). These are far more prevalent than mould- made flasks, and they have been found in Greece, Italy, Palestine, North Africa and several sites in Turkey (Eisenmenger 2001). Many have monograms and motifs

stamped just above the base, and a fragment from Rhodes bears the inscription 'of Bishop Severianos',

leading to the theory that their issue was ecclesiastically controlled, and that their contents were valuable enough

0 2cm

Fig. 2. Drawing of a 'raised dots' flask found near Jerusalem (Aharoni 1964: fig. 10)

to require official authentication. The monograms and excavation circumstances have led to the unguentarium being dated from ca. 450 to ca. 550 AD, and their fabric

suggests that Palestine was one region of production (Hayes 1971: 244-47).

Flask forms were widely produced around the eastern Mediterranean before, during and after late

antiquity, but there has been little work done to identify groups and determine chronology. The variety of forms, fabrics and iconography indicate different regions and

phases of production. Moreover, pilgrim flasks were not the product of a single religious movement, although they may have had been associated with

particular sects and cults. A range of flasks was

produced in the eastern Mediterranean, intermittently, and over long periods of time.

Iconography: the limits of interpretation Despite ampoules a eulogie being classed as a distinct

pottery form in the late 19th century (Michon 1899), Catherine Metzger's (1981) catalogue of pilgrim flasks in the Louvre is the first and only systematic study of Asia Minor ampullae. Ampullae are characterised by their ovoid form and short spout there is some variation in size and shape, but generally the dimensions of those with figural designs are regular - most measure around 7cm in height and 5cm in width, while ampullae with crosses and other non-figural motifs can vary in

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height from 4-9cm. Their colour can range from dark red to buff and light yellow, and this use of different fabrics suggests a number of clay sources and therefore production centres which employed similarly shaped moulds (Anderson forthcoming).

The most obvious variation within this flask form is the decoration. More than a dozen different figures and a range of geometric motifs appear, with newly excavated examples featuring unprecedented designs. Identification of figures and motifs has been the focus of most studies of ampullae, and it is important to survey the flasks' decoration while considering the reliability and usefulness of current interpretation.

A number of ampulla-designs feature 'portraits', but determining the identity of figures is problematic, partly because the depiction of saints in the period before Iconoclasm was far from standardised. In some cases, it is even uncertain whether the figures are saints or contemporary pilgrims. An ampulla design showing three figures in a boat may depict a specific narrative or saint, but could alternatively show anonymous pilgrims travelling overseas (Metzger 1981: 45; Vikan 1991: 78). Another flask type is decorated with horse-riders a man on a galloping horse holding an axe, and on the other side, a woman riding side-saddle, and carrying a circular object (fig. 3). Some scholars have identified the figures as Mary and Joseph on the flight into Egypt (Wulff 1909: 264; Robert 1984: 464-67), but they have also been seen as pilgrims riding to their destination (Broneer 1932: 48; Vikan 1991: 84-85). The horse- riders were recently interpreted as representations of God as described by John the Evangelist (Zalesskaya 1999: 358-59).

Although pilgrims may have been imaged on some ampullae, it is assumed that saints were the subject of most designs, but the diversity of these figures- male and female, apostles and martyrs, priests and warriors -

make identification very difficult. One group of ampullae has a half length portrait of a bearded man holding a book with inscriptions identifying the figure as St Andrew (Dalton 1901: no. 913; Metzger 1981: nos 123-25; Buckton 1994: no. 127); an ampulla found at Sardis has incised letters identifying on one side John the Baptist, and on the other the Virgin and Child. (Greenewalt, Rautman 1998).

Clothing and attributes are often used to identify saints: a flask with an image of a bearded man holding keys is assumed to show St Peter (Wulff 1909: no. 1352; Metzger 1981: no. 116); another has a soldier spearing a dragon on one side and a man flanked by lions on the other (Campbell 1988: no. 4). The dragon-slayer could be either St George or St Theodore, and the figure with the lions could be Daniel, although he may be one of

many martyred saints. A flask excavated at Knidos on the southwest coast of Turkey shows a woman in an orans pose flanked by two animal heads (Love 1972: 75, fig. 32). This may depict the female saint Thecla imaged on some Menas flasks, and whose north Mediter- ranean cult centre operated near the coastal city of Seleucia in Cilicia (Davis 2001)-but the woman could just as well be a generic martyr ad bestias.

One of the more frequently occurring figural designs shows on one side a seated man writing, and on the other a standing man holding a codex and flanked by two palm trees. Examples of this so-called 'Evangelist' type have been excavated at Aphrodisias (Campbell 1988: 541, no. 3), Sardis (Hanfmann 1966: 16-17) and Phocaea (Sartiaux 1921), and several are held in museum collec- tions. Scholars have invariably identified the seated figure as John the Evangelist and suggested that the flasks were produced at his shrine on the Ayasuluk hill near Ephesus (Michon 1899; Griffing 1938; Duncan- Flowers 1990; Zalesskaya 1999).

Fig. 3. The male horse-rider on two slightly different

ampulla designs

Written sources that describe pilgrims collecting dust from the shrine of St John would seem to be sufficient evidence that Ephesus was an ampulla-making centre, but this designation does not account for the range of other figural designs. At least five ampulla types show men holding books, and it therefore seems that different apostles were being depicted. Whilst identifying Christian saints and narratives is sometimes possible, reliance on this approach can lead to cycles of interpre- tation and counter-interpretation which only highlight the limits of investigating pilgrimage art using pictorial evidence in isolation from its archaeological context. The diversity of characters appearing on ampullae should be taken to indicate that the flasks were associated with a

range of saints and shrines.

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Another enigmatic design has a small figure looking out from an elaborate doorway, and on the reverse side, a cross sits on a drum-shaped support, perhaps an altar or font, framed by spiral columns and a striated arch. Of seven known examples there are three variant designs (Wulff 1909: no. 1348; Metzger 1981: nos 120-21; Zalesskaya 1986; Campbell 1988: nos 6-7). Metzger thought the figure in the doorway could be Lazarus rising from his tomb; Zalesskaya argued it could be either St Demetrios or St Spyridon, and that the cross under the arch was a representation of St John's shrine at Ephesus, whilst Vikan thought that pilgrims would have had a more metaphorical interpretation of the doorway (Vikan 1982: 27).

As well as human figures, some ampullae have animal designs. One example shows a goat tethered to a tree (Metzger 1981: 50); another found at Sardis shows a donkey with a cross and orb on its back, inter- preted as a symbol of legitimate kingship (Hanfmann 1968; 1985). A fragmentary ampulla excavated at the Asklepieion in Pergamon seems to show a beast, perhaps a bear, in a 'rampant' posture (De Luca 1984: no. 301).

There is a range of non-figural ampulla designs, usually crosses or rosettes, sometimes decorated with concentric or dotted circles. Cross designs and non- figural types are numerous, they vary in size more than figural ampullae, and they were made from different clays (Anderson forthcoming). The concentric circles motif - which sometimes appears as a framing device

has been used to chart similarities between ampulla types, and it has been suggested that the motif originated from Egypt (Griffing 1938; Robert 1984). Variety in the colour and size of non-figural ampullae is further evidence for multiple sites of production.

Rather than offer a comprehensive taxonomy, this summary of ampulla decoration aims to express the range of designs that occur within this pottery form. Although investigating the iconography of pilgrim flasks may be useful for considering historical and pictorial traditions, it is very hard to identify saints beyond doubt, and iconological interpretation may detract from more immediate sources of evidence. The variety of moulds and fabrics used to make ampullae seem to show that the flasks were produced at a number of locations, although their uniform shape and recurrent motifs suggest that manufacture took place within a relatively confined geographic area.

A major obstruction to archaeological study of pilgrim flasks is that few have documented contextual information. Without the discovery of a significant assemblage such as the hoard of Menas flasks from Alexandria (Kiss 1989), production centres and precise

dating are hard to establish. Despite almost every example in museums being said to have come from western Turkey, only a small number have been documented archaeologically.

Unrecorded purchases of ampullae have hindered investigation of this type of artefact, and it is impossible to know how many might be held in collections, or were bought in private transactions. Even the distinguished epigrapher Louis Robert seemed to show scant regard for context by acquiring flasks from Turkish villagers in the 1980s (Robert 1984). It is depressing to note that pilgrim flasks feature among the Roman material for sale at online antiquities auctions (for example, Edgar L. Owen Ltd 2005). Despite most ampullae having sketchy prove- nance, those that have been excavated offer a wealth of contextual clues: their occurrence in tombs, shrines and domestic buildings give indications about how the flasks were used, and by whom.

Excavated ampullae: locations and context Pilgrim flasks are by their nature portable objects, and the sites where they are found range over a large area. The distribution of excavated ampullae shows that some were transported great distances, but that they were primarily consumed by a local market. Most have come from the west of Turkey, and the cluster in this region indicates that ampullae were made here (fig. 4).

No serious attempt has so far been made to group reliably recorded discoveries of Asia Minor ampullae. Although the number of excavated flasks is small, I have

Fig. 4. Map showing sites in western Anatolia where ampullae have been excavated (after D.H. French in Hammond 1981: map 26a)

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identified around 50 examples published in reports. Their distribution does need to be qualified though because find-spots are likely to reflect the interests of archaeologists and the type of locations they excavate. As archaeological fieldwork at late antique sites in Turkey has focused on urban centres, it is not surprising that these are the places where most material has been located: distribution patterns in rural areas cannot be fully accounted for.

By 1988, fieldwork at the city of Aphrodisias in Caria had unearthed 12 Asia Minor ampullae (Campbell 1988). Many more complete and

fragmentary examples have surfaced in recent years, making this city the principal location where ampullae have been excavated (Christopher Ratte, personal correspondence). Although the exact type of flask found here recently requires verification, over 40 are now said to come from Aphrodisias.

Another inland city where significant numbers of ampullae have been discovered is Sardis, where American excavations commenced in the 1950s under the direction of George Hanfmann. Just before his death in 1986, Hanfmann reported that 'several' ampullae were found in 1980 during work at the so-called House of Bronzes (Hanfmann 1985: 422), although these appear to be unpublished. Before this discovery, Hanfmann said that eight examples were known from Sardis. Others have since come to light, and my research has located reports for 12 pilgrim flasks from here, nine of which are the Asia Minor type.

The cities of Ephesus and Pergamon also have

reliably published finds, although the majority reported to be from Ephesus, and all from Smyrna come without details of their discovery. Louis Robert suggested that most of the Louvre's holdings were from the Hermus

valley where the collector Gaudin was operating, but

they might just as well have been bought in Izmir (Robert 1984). Other find-spots in western Asia Minor are

Didyma, Knidos, Phocaea and Samos. Ampullae said to have come from the islands of Naxos and Chios lack excavation reports.

A handful of ampullae were found at sites in the Balkans peninsula. One flask was unearthed at Caricin Grad in the Roman province of Dardania, currently Serbia and Montenegro (Metzger 1984). Caricin Grad was a fortified settlement founded by Justinian in around AD 530, but abandoned in ca. 615 following military invasion. Other evidence for early Christian pilgrim devotionalia from Asia Minor and Palestine being trans-

ported to the Balkans has since come to light (Markov 2003). The contextual circumstances in which two

ampullae were found in Bulgaria in the 1990s have

helped with dating (Shtereva 1999).

Some ampullae are reportedly from locations elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean: one was found in a Classical shrine on the Acropolis at Athens (Broneer 1932), another during excavation of Byzantine- Ummayid shop buildings in Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss 1995). There have also been finds reported at Antioch and Alexandria, but lack of excavation reports means that the contexts of these cannot be investigated.

The distribution of such a small sample does not prove a great deal, although there is a concentration in the cities of Asia Minor. As mentioned, this might only serve to reflect the kinds of locations that archaeologists favour, but the high proportion from Aphrodisias and Sardis, cities that were equally distant from the Aegean coast, is noteworthy. It can only be assumed that many ampullae bought in Izmir and now in the Louvre were taken from sites in or around ancient cities in the region.

Categorising context: funerary, religious, residential and commercial find-spots The circumstances in which ampullae have been found vary greatly, and there are also differences in the quality of information available. Some are from reliably preserved strata or undisturbed tombs along with numis- matic material; others were found in less clear circum- stances or at disturbed levels. The extent and detail of accompanying information in excavation reports is also variable, but despite this inconsistent quality of data, find-spots indicate where ampullae were deposited, and therefore give clues about their use and users. Ampullae have been discovered in funerary contexts - graves and tombs; they also occur as apparently votive deposits at religious locations such as shrines. Most are from residential and public buildings.

It is important to qualify what is meant by the 'context categories' of funerary, religious, residential and commercial. Firstly, these sites may simply reflect the kinds of places archaeologists choose to dig, and the techniques they employ. More importantly, designating locations as 'religious' or 'domestic' can be confusing because these terms rely largely on modem concepts, developed to describe the customary divisions we make between public and private, inhabited and sacred spaces. Differentiating between religions must also be considered critically, as it is equally dependent on modem-day constructs and heavily influenced by events that have occurred since late antiquity (Elsner 2003). It is important to bear in mind that when a site is described as 'Christian' or 'pagan', this does not make it homoge- neous, or the exclusive domain of a particular faith. Religious movements and the sites they frequented were

heterogeneous and sometimes syncretistic, deriving their meaning from multiple influences and traditions.

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a) Funerary Four ampullae from Aphrodisias were discovered in graves, and so can be said to come from a funerary context. Two are from the necropolis west of the city walls, found in the central chamber of tomb 1 (Campbell 1988: nos 2, 11). The other two were from tombs

adjacent to the east end of the cathedral (formerly the Temple of Aphrodite), in the region of the north temenos complex, found with clay lamps dating from the fifth

century (Campbell 1988: nos 1, 7). These locations may be seen to reflect changing burial practices in the late Roman period. As pagan concepts of the afterlife were replaced by Christian desire for communion with God, the site of burials shifted from extra-mural family tombs to individual graves in close proximity to sacred sites. Stephen Mitchell has described how 'the traditional distinction between a city for the living and a separate cemetery for the dead, which had helped to define the ancient concept of a city, was broken down by the new ideas about the meaning of burial, and the urge to find a place for a grave as close as possible to a sanctified site' (Mitchell 1993: 120). The deposition of flasks in Aphro- disian burials in the west necropolis and tombs in the city's religious centre seems to epitomise this transition.

The other two ampullae from funerary contexts both come from burials outside city walls. A 'St Andrew' flask was discovered in a tomb near Phocaea by French excavators in the early 20th century (Sartiaux 1921), and a unique ampulla decorated with a donkey was unearthed at a cemetery outside Sardis which contained fourth to fifth century burials, although it was found 'in an isolated Byzantine intrusion and not well stratified' (Hanfmann 1968: 11; 1985).

b) Religious At least 14 ampullae have been excavated at sites of religious importance. Three have come from the Cave of the Seven Sleepers at Ephesus, a necropolis outside the city walls which became a major devotional site in late

antiquity. The legend of the Seven Sleepers was

popularised in the fifth century, although the cemetery was already significant for Christians as it contained the tombs of various saints (Foss 1979: 33). Austrian excavators identified two ampullae among the hundreds of lamps found here in the 1930s (Miltner 1937: nos 357, 358), and another ampulla that appears in the excavation report can also be included (Miltner 1937: no. 114). Lamps from these caves are decorated with a range of 'Christian' symbols, Old Testament iconography, as well as 'Jewish' and 'pagan' motifs, showing that this was not an exclusively Christian site. The caves' dual function as a shrine and burial complex could mean that the ampullae were grave goods rather than votive deposits.

In 1970, excavations at the Hellenistic sanctuary in Knidos unearthed three Asia Minor ampullae (Love 1972). This monopteros, or circular temple was identified as the ancient Sanctuary of Aphrodite Euploia on the basis of literary and pictorial evidence. The flasks were discovered in an area around the south

podium of the temple, where ceramic deposits dated from the fifth century BC to the Byzantine period. Knidos had a number of Christian buildings by late

antiquity; the Temple of Dionysos was converted into a church in the late fifth or early sixth century, and there were also other churches dating from this period (Love 1973). Whether the Classical sanctuary was fully 'Christianised' or still frequented by pagans is uncertain.

Knidos lies at the end of a thin isthmus on the Aegean coast, where in Classical antiquity, several prestigious sanctuaries were situated. An ampulla was found near Didyma, the oracular Temple of Apollo, one of the principal religious sites of the ancient world (Wintermeyer 1980: no. 247), discovered during excavation of the 'sacred road' that linked Didyma with the city of Miletus. The flask from Samos was found at the Heraion, and so can also be said to come from a religious, and ostensibly pagan setting (Schneider 1929: 97-141, no. 32). The ampulla found at Athens in the 1930s was also discovered in a

formerly pagan shrine- a sanctuary dedicated to Eros and Aphrodite on the east slope of the Acropolis (Broneer 1932).

Two complete ampullae and two fragmentary examples have been found in the Asklepieion at Pergamon (De Luca 1984: nos 300-03). This vast complex was the city's main sanctuary, a centre of religious and cultural activities. The Asklepieion had a number of amenities including a library and theatre, although its primary function was as a sanctuary for healing. Sleep was an important part of the sanctuary's lex sacra and the incubation building was frequently enlarged to accommodate growing numbers of pilgrims (Hoffmann 1998). It is not certain how late the complex remained in use as a sacred site- by the 13th century dwellings had been built inside the temenos (Rheidt 1998)- but the presence of pilgrim flasks may show that the Asklepieion continued to have a religious function in late antiquity.

c) Residential Perhaps most useful for discerning the identity of ampulla consumers are examples that have come from residential buildings. At least 16 were found in 'domestic' settings, although these are not typical dwellings, but rather high status residences such as the

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House of Bronzes at Sardis, where three published finds and a number of unpublished finds have been made, the North Temenos House at Aphrodisias and a castle near the town of Sliven in southern Bulgaria.

The House of Bronzes at Sardis was a large, two- storey complex dating from the late Roman period. Material in the basement rooms included bronze vessels and liturgical objects, leading to the theory that the building housed a senior cleric (Hanfmann 1959: 22- 27; 1983: 192). The complex had more than a residential purpose though, and some sections may have been publicly accessible. The long, vaulted under-

ground cistern would have provided water to more than

just the building's inhabitants, and an 'economic' function is suggested by the presence of olive presses and wool-dyeing facilities in the basement (Hanfmann 1983: 147).

Another ampulla from Sardis was found in an extensive and well-preserved late Roman residential

complex southeast of the synagogue (Greenewalt, Rautman 1998). The building had an upper floor

judging from the height of its walls, and it was richly decorated with marble panels and frescoes. Coins from the reign of Phocas (AD 602-610) reflect a late date of

occupation here. A different flask found in a domestic

setting at Sardis was the 'large type' containing fifth

century coins, from residence E5 (Hanfmann 1983:

165), another prestigious late antique house. At Aphrodisias, an 'Evangelist' ampulla was

discovered during excavation of the North Temenos House, so-called because of its proximity to the

Temple of Aphrodite (Campbell 1988: no. 3). This was an elaborately furnished building which had an atrium with floor mosaics leading to a large, apsed hall decorated with marble revetment (Campbell 1996:

188). The complex was probably an official residence, either for the Governor of the province of Caria, or for the Bishop of Aphrodisias. The ampulla was found at the east end of the building, at the level of a floor which has been dated to the late fourth century. Since 1988, a further four ampullae have reportedly been found in the North Temenos House, and six other

fragments have come from domestic contexts elsewhere in the city (Christopher Ratte, personal correspondence).

The residences at Sardis and Aphrodisias are not

typical houses; they were inhabited by prominent digni- taries, perhaps ecclesiastical. Castles and fortified

positions are also not conventional domestic spaces, although they were certainly 'inhabited', and so are distinct from votive and funerary settings. Three flasks have been found at castles in Bulgaria, two of which are from a late antique fortification near the town of Sliven

in the south of the country (Shtereva 1999: 85). The context for these objects is reliable as the castle is known to have been destroyed and abandoned in the late sixth or early seventh century, with coins in the burned layer giving a terminus post quem of AD 599 (Shtereva 1999: 85).

Other ampullae from fortified settings include the flask from Caricin Grad, discovered near to the west tower of the upper town's south gate (Metzger 1984: 158-60, figs 169-72). At Sardis, excavation of the city walls focussed on two defensive features - the Pactolus bridge and the southwest gate, where an ampulla was found along with a Justinianic coin in an area described by its excavators as a guard house (Hanfmann, Waldbaum 1975: 45-47).

d) Commercial Some pilgrim flasks have been excavated in 'commercial' places shops and market areas, including three from the terraced shop buildings in Sardis. This row of two-storey units was adjoined to the south of the synagogue and bath-gymnasium complex in the centre of the late Roman city, situated just behind a portico running along the city's main east-west road, the later levels of which are dated to around 400 AD (Hanfmann 1968; 1983: 163). The shops are thought to have been destroyed during a Sassanian raid in the early seventh century - the latest coins found here were an issue of Emperor Heraclius (AD 610-641).

The contents of the shops were found to be remarkably intact, with excavated material suggesting a range of trades that operated there including fullonicae, caterers, hardware merchants and other retailers (Hanfmann 1983: 164-66). One ampulla was found in a unit identified as a 'restaurant' from the large quantities of animal bones and charcoal as well as coarse black ware and cookery pots (Hanfmann 1959:

58). A large flask decorated with animal motifs was in a unit called 'residence and / or wineshop E4', that also contained a lion-shaped brass lamp, an iron sword and dagger (Hanfmann 1983: 165).

Another ampulla from shop buildings was discovered during excavations outside the Jaffa gate in Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss 1995), a late Byzantine /

early Ummayid area described as being 'industrial and mercantile in nature'. The exploration of a row of

shops yielded coins, pottery and one 'horse-riders'

ampulla. At Aphrodisias, ampullae have been found at the Sebasteion, which was initially a temple complex for the Imperial cult, but by the late antique period was

probably the site of shops and 'market' activity (Erim 1986: 106-23).

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At Pergamon, three ampullae were found in the gymnasium and another on the west side of the agora. These were discovered in the early years of the 20th

century, and precise details about their find-spots are lacking (Hepding 1907: 411). Another ampulla was discovered at the agora in Ephesus along with late antique lamps (Gassner 1997: no. 712). At Aphrodisias, six ampullae were found in or near the stadium, although the two published examples both came from unspecified contexts (Campbell 1988: nos 4, 8).

The excavation of two late Roman wells in Sardis yielded deposits of amphorae, plain wares and fine wares from the fifth to early seventh centuries (Rautman 1996), and among this pottery were two flasks- one the 'raised dots' type, the other an ampulla decorated with a cross and circles. It is unclear whether the well was a rubbish hole, or the ceramics were discarded as a ritual or votive. As with other pottery from Sardis, the assemblage is used to date the city's invasion to AD 616.

Dating The invasion of Sardis is a useful reference for the period at which ampullae are present in the archaeological record; those found in houses and the row of demolished shop buildings seem to indicate ampullae as a feature of the early seventh century. For how long the flasks had been produced is less certain. The ampulla from Sliven in Bulgaria was found alongside coins, the latest of which are 'dated from 598-599 and were minted in

Cyzicos during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Mauricius Tiberius (AD 582-602)' (Shtereva 1999: 85). The latest coins found in the vicinity of the ampulla from Caricin Grad were from the reign of Justinian (AD 527- 565) (Metzger 1984), although further excavation of the site yielded coins dating up to the emperor Phocas (AD 602-610) (Ivanisevic 1990). Perhaps the earliest context for an ampulla was the flask recovered alongside a Justinianic coin at the southwest gate along the city walls of Sardis (Hanfmann, Waldbaum 1975: 45-47), but this does not give a certain start-date for ampulla production as the gate would have been used throughout the sixth century. From the evidence available it would appear that ampullae were present in the cities of western Asia Minor from the middle to late sixth century and continued to be used in the first decades of the seventh.

Conclusion: the interpretation and implications of context This study has considered the background, typology and archaeological context of a group of late antique artefacts found in the west of Turkey. From their presence in

funerary, religious, domestic and commercial settings, a number of conclusions can be made about pilgrim flasks,

but reaching a single interpretation is hazardous, firstly because of the paucity of material, and more signifi- cantly, because the material has relevance to a range of

disciplinary and theoretical standpoints. It is possible to identify the 'consumers' of ampullae with some certainty, but this information can then be used for various lines of research concerned with saint cults, the use of Christian imagery in the age before Iconoclasm and broader demographic conditions in Asia Minor during late antiquity. The context of ampullae may be interpreted differently by historians of politics, religion, economy and society, and so it is important to survey a range of debates and discourses which they might inform.

Variations in fabric and design suggest that ampullae were produced at more than one site; locations where they have been found show that production centres were spread over a fairly limited geographic area in western

Anatolia, and their archaeological context proves that they were made in the late sixth / early seventh centuries. From their occurrence in residential buildings, flasks can be associated with a fairly specific socio-economic group of 'consumers' -urban professionals in the provinces of

Asia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria. Other than adding to information about distinct historical groups, ampulla contexts may also be used to further our knowledge of other patterns of religious and economic behaviour.

Flasks recovered from residential buildings probably give the best indication of who collected the objects and how they were regarded, although this small sample of finds may simply reflect the kinds of locations that archaeologists tend to excavate. The 'domestic' find- spots are not typical dwellings but rather prestigious residences, operated by a ruling class and perhaps semi- public in nature. The House of Bronzes in Sardis, where several ampullae were recovered, seems to have had an

economic, ceremonial and funerary function, as well as being a residential building. The North Temenos House at Aphrodisias is another high-status setting occupied by members of a late antique civic or ecclesiastical elite, whose prominence in this city is known from honorary inscriptions, statues and lavishly furnished residences (Roueche 1989; Campbell 1996; Smith 1999; 2002).

Ampullae found in commercial premises and fortified positions point towards other groups of mercantile and military consumers. The amuletic and apotropaic function of icons displayed in shops and castles is mentioned in a number of historical sources (Kitzinger 1954; Cameron 1979) and the presence of flasks at gatehouses in Sardis, Caricin Grad and Sliven, all of which suffered military invasion in the early seventh century, seems to be material evidence of displaying icons at city walls to avert or protect against attack. Linking find-spots with historical anecdotes is a convenient, but

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unsatisfactory way to interpret ampulla contexts however, as it may lead to distortions of structural properties of the

archaeological record. As a theoretical archaeologist might say, 'it's not a case of data underdetermining inter- pretations, but one of interpretations underdetermining data' (Van Rossenberg 2003).

Material excavated from shrines and religious buildings offers different sorts of information about the use of ampullae. The most notable feature of these religious contexts is that they are places with pagan and 'antique' associations such as the sanctuary at Knidos, the Heraion at Samos, the shrine at Athens and the Asklepieion at Pergamon. Although officially 'Chris- tianised' by the sixth century, Classical temples may still have been associated with the pagan past. These deposits indicate that owners of ampullae frequented ancient religious sites and may be material evidence of syncretism between pagan and Christian beliefs in late antiquity, or

possibly the deliberate inauguration of converted sites. Theological, factional and political circumstances

may all have contributed to the promotion of saints' shrines in the sixth century, but pin-pointing the exact reason why certain cults were popularised through production of flasks is not possible without more infor- mation about their precise origins. Saint cults of the later medieval period were often most active at times of juris- dictional dispute, and this could inform us about early Christian cults. However cross-cultural comparison runs the risk of overlooking major differences in society.

Production and use of pilgrim flasks can also be considered in economic terms by testing ideas about their manufacture against theoretical arguments concerned with the nature of the late antique economy and the value of commodities. It is worth considering what is meant by the

ampulla as a 'sacred commodity' and asking whether their

production was 'popular' or 'institutional'. The ampulla contexts described in the previous section suggest that these objects were highly valued- they occur in presti- gious residences, burials, and as deposits in shrines. This is supported by contemporary sources that emphasise the esteem with which relics were regarded.

As a commodity, the ampulla would appear to have had low use value but high exchange value, suggesting that a great amount of 'labour' was expended to make them. Clearly these were not labour intensive products, so the labour must have been because they were difficult to procure. This may be taken to mean that the act of

obtaining pilgrim flasks was labour intensive (their value derived from the effort of pilgrimage) and / or that their production and issue was somehow restricted. This assessment uses traditional concepts of value, but it is debateable whether late antiquity can be considered to have had a market economy at all (Finley 1973).

Determining the character of ampulla production in the sixth century is difficult, and it is uncertain if ampulla makers were 'regulated' unionised or somehow licensed to produce moulds - or whether they were 'free agents', able to make and distribute whatever designs they wanted. Was ampulla production 'institutional' or 'popular'? Sheila Campbell (1988) suggested that the flasks were sold by travelling tinkers and were not obtained from pilgrim sites at all, but assuming that ampullae contained anything (they might, like eulogia tokens have derived importance from the material they were made of), it would seem appropriate that objects with such explicitly religious imagery would hold substances that were deemed to be sacred. Ampullae could have been fraudulently 'sold' as coming from sacred sites when they were actually produced at random locations but this seems unlikely judging from the contexts in which they have been found.

Once pilgrim flasks have been identified as prestige items, their distribution can be studied as an indicator of trade and exchange. This approach is usually applied to Carolingian Europe because the development of a 'rational' economy has been explained as the conse- quence of a 'seventh century transformation' whereby northwest Europe became a centre of political and economic power following the advance of Islam (Pirenne 1957; Hodges 1982). It should be possible though to study the distribution of any prestige item using trade and exchange models. The context and locations in which flasks have been found show that they were obtained and exchanged among ecclesiastical, civic, mercantile and military classes in the cities of western Asia Minor. Their dissemination further from centres of production reflects the rate of 'distance decay' in the commodity's exchange.

What sets ampullae apart from other forms of pottery made in Asia Minor during late antiquity is that these were sacred rather than utilitarian objects. Under- standing how sixth century Anatolians perceived 'contact relics' is difficult as it relies on historical sources which are often dogmatic and rhetorical. The flasks are mostly decorated with Christian iconography although it is hard to say whether this was orthodox (Chalcedonian) or the pictorial expression of a heretical sect or movement.

Although broadly consistent in size and form, the diversity (but duplication) of designs makes it likely that there were officially sanctioned ampulla producers. Pictorial, contextual and circumstantial evidence suggests that specific saints were being shown and this can be taken to mean that their image was distributed at shrines with which they were associated. It would therefore be logical to assume that production of the flasks was organised and regulated by some form of ecclesiastical authority. Manufacture of pilgrim

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souvenirs shows that by the sixth century, a landscape of Christian sites in western Asia Minor had developed, become institutionalised and was being exploited by increasingly localised centres of power.

Acknowledgments I am grateful to my supervisors at Leiden University John Bintliff, Miguel John Versluys, Bouke van der Meer and Karel Innem6e - for their comments and assistance, and to Maarten Raven and Ruurd Halbertsma, curators at the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, for allowing me to access and photograph material in the collection's store. Many thanks to Christopher Ratt6 (New York

University) for providing information about recent finds at Aphrodisias and to archaeologist Luciana Mandruzzato for assisting me at the library of the Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Aquileia. Thanks to Alice Samson for her enthusiasm and language skills, and to my wife, Cathy Coote, for putting up with pilgrim flasks.

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