Analysis Report 31

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G3: Water Governance and Community Based Management

Ganges Basin Development Challenge

Situation Analysis

P ld 31 D U il Kh l
http://ganges-bdc.wikispaces.com/


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P ld 31 D U il Kh l

Contents1. INTRODUCTION ............................. ................................ ................................ ................................. .............. 4

1.2. Aim of the report ............................................................................................................................................. 41.2. Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................. ............................... ..................... 41.3. Overview of Polder 31 ............................... ................................. ................................ ................................ .. 10

1.3.1. Location and accessibility ..................................................................................................................... 101.3.2. Demographic features ............................. ................................. ................................. ............................ 101.3.3. Basic Facilities Access............................................................................................................................ 12

1.4. History of polder 31 ...................................................................................................................................... 131.4.1. Construction of Embankment in the 1960s .............................. ................................. ....................... 131.4.2. Shrimp in the 1980s: Leasing and outside landowners ............................. ............................... ........ 131.4.3. Third and Fourth Fisheries Projects in the 1990s-2000 ................................ ................................. .. 131.4.4. Post-Aila 2009: Saline Prevention Committee ........................................................... ....................... 14

1.5. Physical environment and intervention .............................. ................................. ................................. ...... 142. FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS ................................ ................................ ........................ 15

2.1 Cropping pattern ..................................................................................................................................... 15


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5.2. LCS livelihood ................................................................................................................................................ 325.3. Governance and water management ............................. ................................ ................................. ............ 33

6. MAINTENANCE OF EMBANKMENTS, CANALS AND SLUICE GATES ................... ............. 346.1 Maintenance by BWDB .............................. ................................. ................................ ................................ .. 346.2. Maintenance by Union Parishad ............................... ................................. ................................ .................. 356.3. Maintenance by Polder Committee and Block committee............................... ................................. ...... 366.4. Maintenance by local people (informal) ............................. ................................ ................................ .. 366.5. Maintenance by other.............................................................................................................................. 376.6. How does maintenance take place? .............................. ................................. ................................. ...... 37

7. OPERATION OF SLUICE GATES .............................. ................................ ................................. ............ 387.1. Operation through BWDB .......................................................................................................................... 387.2. Operation through Union Parishad and Gate committees .............................. ............................... ........ 38

7.2.1. Pankhali Union .............................. ................................. ................................. ................................ ....... 387.2.2. Tildanga Union .............................. ................................. ................................. ................................ ....... 39

7.3. How does operation take place? ............................... ................................. ................................ .................. 428. CONFLICTS ............................. ................................ ................................ ................................. ....................... 43

8.1. Conflicts regarding saline water intrusion and shrimp cultivation ............................. ............................ 438.2. Conflicts regarding canal ownership .............................. ................................ ................................. ............ 448.3. Participation, Exclusion and Gender ............................. ................................ ................................. ............ 45

9 CONCLUSION 47


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1. INTRODUCTION1.1. Aim of the report

Based on Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs), this report aims to

create a detailed situation analysis of polder 31 in Dacope Upazila. It will do so by providing:

(i) A historical narrative of the polder from the time it was constructed to present;(ii) Farming systems and livelihoods options;(iii) Current state of the polder infrastructure;(iv) Examining the results and process of the water management intervention through the Fourth

Fisheries project

(v) Reviewing how maintenance of water infrastructure takes place and how communities areinvolved in that;

(vi) Reviewing how operation of sluice gates takes place and(vii) Discussing main conflicts.

It will then conclude by discussing the main findings and implementable policy recommendations that

came from the respondents for improving water management in Polder 31.

1.2. Methodology

Seven Focus Group Discussions and 14 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) were conducted by the

Shushilan research team from 8th March to 12th March, 2012. Three FGDs out of seven were held in

Pankhali Union and the remaining four were conducted in Tildanga Union. The venue of the FGDs were

l t d b d IWM t t lk d lt ti ith th l l l b id i i


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number 12 to19. Silted and blocked canals, sluice gates closed. Paddy and white fish cultivation. Total

eleven participants were present in the FGD session including farmers, female UP member, businessman,

retired government officials, NGO activist and teacher. Only three participants were female. The age of

the respondents varied from 34 to 60.

Khatail village of Pankhali union. (BWDB SL#5 and 6)

The third FGD conducted with eight LCS members at Kataial village of Pankhali Union, near to Bhadra

and Dhaki River. Comparatively less concentration of canals, one sluice gate bearing number 19, was in

good condition. All of the participants were day labours, two of them were landless, others owned land

from .05 to .40 acres.

Moshamari village of Tildanga union (BWDB SL#5-6, Public#21)In the fourth FGD, eight male participants were present at Mashamari village of Tildanga Union, in the

middle part of the polder near to the Rivers Dhaki and Shibsha. High concentration of canals, some

canals are active and some are deposited of silt and closed by land grabbers. The sluice gates bearing

numbers 20 (Botbonia sluice), 22 (Arakhali sluice) and 64 (Badhra sluice) are existed. Comparatively the

sluice gates were in good condition except Botbonia sluice (no 20). Profession of the respondents was

agriculture, service, teaching, housewife and businessman. Age of the respondents varied from 37 to 70.

One of the respondents was female.

Ghatail village of Tildanga union (BWDB SL#20)

The fifth FGD was conducted with seven LCS women participants at Ghatail village of Tildanga Union,

near to the Rivers Dhaki and Bhadra and only one sluice gate bearing no 20 (Kalibari sluice gate), closed

and silted canals. All of the participants were Sanaton Hindu and age varied from 30 to 40 years.

Kaminibashia village of Tildanga union (BWDB SL#14-23)


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7

The list of FGD and KII is provided in Table 1 and 2.

TYPE OF FGD GENDER DATE UPAZILA UNION

PURISHAD

VILLAGE BWDB

SLUICE

GATES

INFORMALSTRUCTURES

WATER BODIES

General Group Male 10-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Moukhali SL#36 Pipes #3-5 Moukhali, Dublir, Doania, Takuronbari,

Baintola, Katakhal, Kadamtoli

General Group Male 10-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Khona SL#2-5, Public#2-3, 11-14 Bhadra River, Deluti khali, Boroi Khal

General Group Male 10-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Kaminibashia SL#14-23 Pipe#7, Public#15 Shibsa and Dhaki Rivers. Garkhal,

Kaminibashia khal Tatkhali Canal,

Nishankhali Canal, Rashkhola Canal,

Gonibari Canal, Sanabari Canal.

General Group Male 14-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Moshamari SL#5-6 Public#23 Dhaki, Shibsa, Badurgacha and Bhadra

Rivers. Chandibari, Moshamari (khas

khal), Kamumari, Choto Charah, BoroCharpora, Ghater khal, Konar khal,

Orabunia khal, Gorhibunia, Botbunia

gante khal, Guptakhali, Baintola,

Banshtala and Kalibari canals

LCS Women 10-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Khatail SL#5-6 Bhadra and Dhaki Rivers, Kolibari khal

LCS Women 10-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Tildanga SL#5-6 Public#23 Bhadra and Dhaki Rivers, Kolibari khal

WMG Male 10-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Botbunia SL#5-6 Public#23 Bhadra and Dhaki Rivers, Kolibari khal

TOTAL = 7 FGD

Table 1 - List of Focus Group Discussions conducted in polder 31


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8

TYPE OF KII GENDER DATE UPAZILA UNION

PURISHAD

VILLAGE BWDB SLUICE

GATES

INFORMAL

STRUCTURES

WATERBODIES

UP Chairman Male 14-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Khatail SL#5-6 Bhadra and Dhaki Rivers, Kolibari

khal

UP Member Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Tildanga Sl#5 Bhadra River

UP Member Woman 13-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Pankhali SL#1 Public#10, 22 Kholisha khal, Foiszer kata khal,

Pankhali khal

Woman shrimp farmer Woman 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Nishankhali Public #17-18 Shibsa and Dhaki Rivers. Garkhali

khal

WMA President Male 19-03-2012 Dacope Pankhali Chalna

Shrimp farmer (65 biggha) Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Kaminibashia SL#10-11, 24 Tetultola khal, Talkhali khal

Shrimp farmer (18 biggha) Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Kaminibashia Public#17-18 Shotobalia (no khal connected toPublic #17)

Shrimp farmer (3 biggha) Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Kaminibashia SL#25 Public#17-18 Garkhali khal, Shotobalia (no khalconnected to Public #17)Paddy farmer (30 biggha) Male 13-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Garkhali/Botbunia Public#23 Dhaki River, Baroikhali khali,

Kakrabunia khal

Paddy farmer (3 biggha) Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Botbunia SL#6 Public#23 Dhaki River, Baroikhali khali,

Kakrabunia khal

Paddy farmer (15 biggha) Male 12-03-2012 Dacope Tildanga Tildanga Public#23 Dhaki River, Baroikhali khali,

Kakrabunia khal

BWDB SO Male 13-03-2012 Dacope - -

LGED CO Male 14-03-2012 Dacope - -

Upazila Agriculture Officer Male 14-03-2012 Dacope - -

TOTAL = 14 KITable 2 - List of Key Informant Interviews conducted in polder 31


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1.3. Overview of Polder 31

1.3.1. Location and accessibility

Geographical characteristics

Polder 31 is located in Dacope Upazila in Khulna district. It is divided between Pankhali and Tildanga

Union Parishads. Dacope covers a total area of 90 sq km as per the Population Census of 2001, while the

BWDB embankment encircles approximately 73 sq km. The length of the embankment in is 46.9 km.

The remaining 17 sq km area is the land (0 to 500 m wide) between the river and the embankment. There

are 37 formal sluice gates made by the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB), 23 informal gatesmade by the public and 7 informal pipe regulators. The area is surrounded by the rivers Habrakhali,

Manga and Badurgacha in the northwest, Dhaki in the southeast and Shibsa in the southwest. The Bhadra

river crosses the polder from west to east, Jhopjhopia in the southwest, lower Bhodra in the south, Salta

in the Northwest and Kazibacha in the east. All of these rivers are navigable round the year except

Jhopjhopia which dry from late winter to early summer in the ebb-tide. The rivers have considerable

traffic for strategic location near the port of Mongla and the city of Khulna. Chalna, located within the

polder is an important river station. Botbunia is another river station located within the polder. In the

past, water transport was important for both passenger and cargo movement. Presently, passenger boat

service is decreasing due to improved road network. Goods transport is still continued but that too is

gradually declining.The land profile of the study polder is saucer shaped. The land along the riverbanks is

slightly higher elevated than the land in the centre of the polder and along the inner canals. Given this

general saucer shaped feature, the lands along the riverbanks are a bit higher elevated that the land in the

middle of the polder and the land along the inner canals. Due to this topographic feature, the settlement

area and the villages are located along the river banks and along major canals. Rural roads were also

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Pankhali TildangaUP

Polder 31Total

DacopeUpazila

Area (Sq km) 15.12 16.58 31.70 148.31Household 3735 4095 7830 36597

Population Total 15570 17006 32576 152316

Density 1030 1026 1028 1027

Household Size 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.2

Male 7637 8359 15996 76291

Female 7933 8647 16580 76025

Sex Ratio 96 97 96.5 100Religion Muslim % 66.7 37.0 51.2 41.6

Hindu % 33.3 62.5 48.6 56.5

Christian and others - 0.5 0.2 1.9

Literacy All 56.5 60.0 58.3 56.0

Literacy M 62.8 69.1 66.0 62.9

Literacy F 50.4 51.3 50.9 49.1

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna District Table 3 - Area and Population

Table 4 below shows employment status of male and female population of age 7 and above not attending

school. In the polder 31, 77.9% of the males (of age 7+ not attending school) are employed in various

income earning activities and 21.2 % are represented not working. Of the female of 7+ age group (not

attending school), 3.6 % are reported to be working in various economic activities, 74.25% reported to be

engaged in household chores only and about 22.0% non working. The data should however be read with


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employment of working population by broad sectors in the polder 31, Pankhali, Tildanga Union and

Dacope Upazila do not vary much. Interesting is that more than sixty percent of the female workers are

involved in service sectors and this percentage almost three times higher than male workers. Femaleworkers are mostly involved with shrimp gher, prawn fry collection

Pankhali TildangaUP

Polder 31Total

DacopeUpazila

Agriculture % of male worker 72.2 90.9 80.1 75.7

Agriculture % of female worker 19.8 55.9 33.9 28.5

Industry % of male worker 1.4 1.6 1.5 3.2Industry % of female worker 2.8 1.5 2.3 3.7

Services % of male worker 26.4 7.5 18.4 21.1

Services % of female worker 77.4 42.6 63.8 67.8

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna District Table 5 - Employment of Working Population by Broad Sectors

1.3.3. Basic Facilities AccessTable 6 below shows that nearly three fourth of the population of the polder 31 have access to safe

drinking water and the main source is deep tube well. The overall drinking water situation is not good in

the polder 31. But the situation of drinking water of the polder 31 is better than Dacope Upazila as a

whole. It seems that drinking water scarcity is acute in this polder. People have to collect water from far

away (about one and half to four km distance). After cyclone Aila, scarcity of drinking water has increased

due to salinity. In some areas of the polder31, deep tube-well is also not successful. Besides, many ponds

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1.4. History of polder 31

1.4.1. Construction of Embankment in the 1960sThe embankment of polder 31 was constructed in the 1960s under the regime of President Ayub Khan

when Bangladesh was still East Pakistan. Prior to the polder, water management in this area was based on

a system ofAustomashi bandhs. These were small mud embankments that were constructed in January

(magh) after the harvesting and removed in August/September (bhadro). These temporary mud

embankments avoided salinity intrusion during the dry season, whereas fresh water can flow-in during

monsoon. The river water during Bhadro would carry substantial amounts of silt that would then deposit

in the paddy fields, leading to high productivity. Some respondents emphasized that the system wascollective and that all villagers participated in the construction. It should be noted that this system was

prevalent during the Zamindari system, where large landholdings belonged to the Zamindar (land owner).

The Zamindar would coordinate the Austomashi system with the communities. This was a dynamic

system that adapted to the active flows of the delta. In the 1960s, the abolishment of the Zamindari

system had led to a void in the Austomashi bandhs. In polder 31, respondents in Moshamari, Tildanga

Union (BWDB SL#6 Kalibari and #34 Bhadra, Public SL#23) mentioned that 4-5 people from each

household would work together to make bandhs on the sides of the river for their own benefit.

The gap from this system was further exacerbated by the major floods of the late 1950s that led to the

Kruger report emphasizing flood protection in the coastal zones. Polder 31 was one out of over 100

polders that saw the construction of large scale embankments made to protect the lands from flood and

saline inundation, while simultaneously boosting agricultural production. In polder 31, the BWDB

constructed approximately 50 sluice gates at the time of the embankment construction that was

completed in 1968. Additional, but smaller, sluice gates were then constructed in the mid 1990s (under

h Thi d Fi h i P j ) d 2005 ( d h F h Fi h i P j ) I ddi i d h i


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location. This has been attributed to ineffective community consultation process. The Fourth Fisheries

Project (FFP) learned from this experience and focused on community based fisheries and sought to

promote sustainable growth in fish and shrimp production for domestic consumption and exports. Itstarted in 1999-2000 terminated in 2006. To date, the FFP was the largest fisheries project of the

Government of Bangladesh and carried out activities in 49 sites covering more than half of the districts in

Bangladesh. The Department of Fisheries, Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock implemented the project

with assistance from the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) and the Local Government

Engineering Department (LGED). The project received financial support from the Government of

Bangladesh, the World Bank and the Department for International Development (DFID) and the Global

Environmental Facility (GEF) (Fourth Fisheries, 2005). In brief, the activities were of four types -stocking of water bodies with fingerlings, setting up of fish sanctuaries, habitat restoration through re-

excavation of canals and beels, and construction of fish passes and fish-friendly regulators to ease river-

floodplain migration of fish (Aeron-Thomas, 2005)1. To achieve these ends, FFP went into operation and

restructuring of water regulators (sluice gates) and the maintenance and use of inner canals (khals) in a

way that increased salinity inside the polder. As the CBOs had not incorporated and addressed the

conflict between shrimp and paddy systems when deciding on the operation of the sluice gates this

further exacerbated the conflict and this element of the project had to be thwarted (Andreasson, 2012).

1.4.4. Post-Aila 2009: Saline Prevention Committee

The FFP was heavily resisted by the local rights based NGO Nijera Kori that significantly disturbed the

project. This was mainly due to the shrimp-promoting component of the FFP, where salt water shrimp

required a water management approach that was harmful to paddy cultivation. They were further

supported by the Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association (BELA) who litigated against shrimp

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embankment. The polder is crisscrossed by canals. The canals are closed by the embankment, but 82

sluice gates, regulators and culvarts were constructed to regulate water (45 in Tildanga) but all of them are

closed in dry season in Tildanga, Botbunia, mouzamnager and most of them were opened in both dry andmonsoon seasons in Kaminibasia and Gorkhali mouzas. All (22) sluices are closed during Jan-June and

open during Jul-Dec in Pankhali UP.

It is also observed that embankment height inadequate while river bed rising due to deposition of silt.

Gate structure is fine but wooden shutter are broken. The embankment is in risky situation due to river

bank erosion of Shibsha (Mosamari, general FGD). Many canals are silted for example Katakhali khal,

only 2 feet deep and the participants of Khona village. According to the comments of the local people of

Tildanga, abut 50 % sluice gates are now in good condition. UP member of Tildanga Union said thatKamumari, Charkhali, Kochabari amd Mosamari canals blocked as the gates are broken. Borachora,

Banstola canals silted. Chotachora, Orabunia and Goldar khal leased to influential people by land office.

As per comments of UP chairman- Pankhali, Khalisha khal, Dashbamoner Khal, Moukhali Duaniar Khal

and Dublir Khal Blocked. Thakuronbari Khal, Pankhali Khal, Dashmanober Khal, Halderkhali Khal and

Sharok kata khal has silted up. Local people commented that Gorkhali canal is leased to influential person

for 99 years. Have pipe inlets in Pankhali, Khona, Hoglabunia, Moukhali, Loxmikhola, Boraikhali. One

of the government officials said that many pipe inlets are controlled by politically influential people.

2. FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS2.1 Cropping pattern


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Before 1968, local Aman paddy varieties such as Kachra, Bojramuri and fine grained Basmati Balaam

were produced in large scale. IRRI paddy was not cultivated at that time. According to respondents,

though the embankments were supposed to increase yields and prevent salinity, productivity declined thefirst few years as the amount of silt had simultaneously been reduced (Moukhali FGD, Pankhali). After

the construction of the embankment, IRRI, or high yielding varieties of paddy was cultivated according to

the respondents. They mention that the government was providing free fertilizer to promote IRRI Aman

during the 1974-75, not naming the Green Revolution by name (Khona FGD, Pankhali). In the mid-

1980s, commercial shrimp cultivation was introduced in the polder. In Moshamari, Tildanga Union, this

was referred to as saline water cultivation, and it was emphasized that the salinity intrusion associated

with shrimp cultivation affected paddy cultivation negatively, where the paddy yields were reduced muchmore in comparison to the early stages of the BWDB embankment construction. One respondent stated

that a majority of the people did not want to start shrimp cultivation We were bound to start shrimp

farming otherwise our land would remain fallow around the year due to concentration of high level

salinity in sub-surface soil.

The perceptions of the 1980s shrimp cultivation differ among the different respondents. Many of the

KIIs with shrimp farmers were concentrated in Kaminibasha village in Tildanga Union Parishad. While

some mention that salinity was natural and shrimp cultivation was the only option, others quite freely

admit that they started saline intrusion so as to start shrimp cultivation. One of the large shrimp farmer

respondents (65 biggha, SL#43,45-46) mentioned that salinity intrusion started with the emergence of

shrimp cultivation in the 1980s. He himself made a gate for the sole purpose of entering saline water to

ghers in 1983-84. During this time, they would cultivate Bagda shrimp for five months, from Falgun to

Asharh in the Garkhali and Kaminibashia area along with Aman paddy and Parshe, Bhetkhi, Tengra and

other white fish. During that time, they would release the shrimp fry 3-4 times every 15 days, where there

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Table 7 - Cropping patterns

The larger shrimp farmers that cultivate from the harvesting of Aman paddy to the start of the rainy

season state that they have chosen to cultivate like this as bagda is more profitable than paddy and thatpaddy yields are less productive after the rainy season. In Moshamari village, the General FGD

participants voiced that for them shrimp cultivation is not profitable and that they as medium size

landowners have been made worse off for leasing out their lands to shrimp cultivation.

The rich became richer and poor became poorer due to shrimp farming. Overall situation hasbecome worst. Businessmen from outside invest 4/5 lac taka and make maximum profit, but welocal people get little compare to them. (Retired teacher, 74 years, Moshamari)

Boishak

(Apr/

May)

Joishtho

(May-

Jun)

Ashar

h

(Jun-Jul)

Srabon

(Jul-

Aug)

Bhadro

(Aug-

Sep)

Ashshin

(Sep-

Oct)

Kartik

(Oct-

Nov)

Agrohaeon

(Nov-Dec)

Poush

(Dec-

Jan)

Magh

(Jan-

Feb)

Falgun

(Feb-

Mar)

Choitro

(Mar-

Apr)

Aman

paddy

Tildanga

Union

Pankhali

Union

Bagda

Tildanga

Union

Pankhali

Union

Fresh-

water

fish

Tildanga

Union

Pankhali

Union


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In general it seems that salinity is high in the south of Tildanga, i.e. close to Kaminibashi village and it

decreases northwards. In Pankhali union paddy is cultivated from Bhadra to Poush and freshwater fish

and prawn (Ruhi, Katla, Parshe and Galda) are cultivated as saline water was stopped in 2009, a similarthing happened in north Tildanga in Moshamari and Botbunia villages. One problem with this cropping

system is that salinity during the dry season hampers fresh water availability. There was therefore interest

for dry season irrigation for Boro paddy as paddy cultivation is seen as beneficial (Paddy farmer,

Botbunia, BWDB#6 and Public#23). One key concern with Bagda shrimp cultivation mentioned is that

the shrimp dies in different illnesses that affect small scale farmers. In several of the paddy farmer KIIs it

was mentioned that Paddy production is well and profitable as a response to the risk of bagda dying of

virus. Arguably, the risk of bagda dying of virus helped the Saline Water Prevention movement of 2009after Aila, where Bagda cultivation and salinity intrusion was stopped in Pankhali union and the Tildanga,

Botbunia and Moshamari villages in Tildanga union. It has only remained in the south in Garkhali and

Kaminibashia villages where saline water is entered through the Mozamnagar and Garkhali gates. In the

LCS FGD it was mentioned that two thirds of the local people are against salinity intrusion and in favor

of freshwater fish. For this reason they were able to stop salinity intrusion and have seen increase in

livestock, fruit trees, fish diversity and vegetables.

In Moukhali General FGD, some respondents argued that since the stop of bagda cultivation, small

farmers and landless are now leasing land from wealthy people to cultivate crops. As the price of fertilizer

and insecticides has increased, they are now making a loss.

2.2 Irrigation sources

The table below summarizes main crops and irrigation sources. Aman paddy is cultivated through

i d i l d l d Th h d i d i d h l d d i


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Crop/ Fish Variety Season Duration Irrigation Remarks

Aman IRRI-23,

BRRI 10, 11

Kharif Start transplanting in

July-August and harvestduring November-

December.

No irrigation is required.

They use river water toinundate their paddy field.

If they use river water,

that is irrigation, I think.

Vegetables Sweet Pumpkin,

Melon, Bitter gourd,

Ladies finger

Dry season Throughout the year Limited irrigation. Domestic use and some parts

are sold in the local market

Bagda

shrimp

N/A During the dry

season whenwater starts

becoming

brackish

After two and half

month shrimp fries areready for harvesting

Shallow tube well is used

to provide brackish waterat a regular basis. For

example, boring to irrigate

Bagda ghers.

Incidence of Bagda

cultivation is higher in thesouth close to hte

Mozamnagar and Garkhali

gates and in the Kaminibashia

area. Elsewhere Bagda

cultivation was stopped since

2009.

Galda Apr-Dec 7 to 9 months Fresh water Pond Cultivation in ponds and

along with the Aman paddy.for limited selling.

Fresh

Water

Fish

Ruhi, Pungash,

Silver Carp, Talapia,

Grass Carp

Rainy season Asharh to Poush Fresh water Pond Pangash is very profitable. It

grows really fast within 4-5

months

Partly

Brackish

Fish

Tangra, Bhetki, etc Rainy season Asharh to Poush Canal/ Gher/ Pond Some villagers own pocket

gher in this polder which is

used to cultivate those

b ki h fi h d


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However, it was also added that they are unable to sustain this development as many of the canals have

silted up. As such, they have been forced to cultivate fish rather than catch fish that breed naturally.

2.4. LivestockPrior to the construction of the polder, it was stated that there were few numbers of livestock such as

cows and goats, as salinity prevented grass from growing. In the early years of the polder, it was

mentioned that cattle increased as grass became available. In Moshamari General FGD it was mentioned

that each household was able to produce 5-10 kg of milk to sell, others would rear cows that they would

sell. After the practice of leasing land for shrimp cultivation, grass availability was again reducedlimiting

the number of livestock. The Shushilan team observed that there was little grass in the area and only few

cattle of poor health. The KII with a paddy farmer in Botbunia village, Tildanga Union (BWDB#6,

Public #23), further emphasized how he used to have several cattle until the 1990s and the emergency of

shrimp cultivation and salinity intrusion. Even the large shrimp farmer in Kaminibasha, Tildanga Union

(65 biggha, BWDB#10-11, 24-25 and Public#16-18) argued that livelihoods and living standards have

increased since shrimp cultivation also noted that salinity from ghers is causing food crisis for cattle and

led to reduction in livestock rearing. In Pankhali Union, the number of poultry and livestock hasincreased after shrimp farming was stopped in 2009. This is seen as a positive effect and people can now

access milk and ghee (local type of butter) (Moukhali General FGD, Pankhali).

2.5. Fruit trees and vegetablesd d ff f b d


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2.7. Drinking waterHistory of drinking waterPrior to the construction of the embankment, reserved ponds were used for drinking water. These

include Bipin Dhalis pond, Kachari pond, Hari Charan Halders pond in Tildanga Union and a number

of ponds in Pankhali Union. Drinking water was collected from these ponds that have now either been

decomposed or contaminated. There is a scarcity of deep tubewells free from arsenic and salinity

contamination in the polder; this is particularly a problem in Pankhali Union.

Access to drinking waterInterestingly, though Kaminibashia is located in the saline and shrimp intensive area of southern

Tildanga, a large shrimp farmer (65 biggha, BWDB#10-11, 24-25 and Public#16-18) stated that they have

very good access to safe drinking water from deep tubewells We have no problem related to access of

water for irrigation and drinking purpose. In his opinion, there are deep tubewells in abundance, the

ones with arsenic contamination have been closed, there is no problem of iron contamination and they

supplement tubewell water with rainwater harvest tanks. Other shrimp farmer KIIs similarly depict a

situation where they themselves have access to deep tubewells for drinking water and store rainwater in

tanks during the monsoon (Shrimp farmer, BWDB#25, Public#17-18, Shrimp farmer 18 biggha, Public

#17-18). However, the pond is saline and used for bathing rather than drinking and most of the tubewells

are saline. It seems that water availability is strongly correlated with income and wealth. Most of the

shrimp farmers interviewed were well to do and had access both to their own deep tubewells, ponds and

rainwater collection tanks. A bit farther north in Botbunia village, a small farmer cultivating paddy

(Public#23) mentioned that they drink pond water that is purified through a mineral locally known as

Fitkiri. This they drink themselves and also give to their cattle. The pond water is used for bathing and


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The general suggestion was to increase the availability of fresh water. This includes excavation of large

size ponds and re-excavation of canals for various uses of water. In addition, for drinking water each

household should be provided a rainwater collection tank, while deep tubewells should be installed foreach twenty household. Some also suggested that a large reserve tank is constructed and that water is

supplied from this reservoir via pipelines.

3. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF POLDER 313.1. Condition of the embankment

The length of the embankment is said to be approximately 45-47 km. Even if the general condition can

be considered as relatively good, the embankment suffers from river erosion and pipes that weaken the

structure as a whole.

River Erosion

Several segments of theembankment have been

identified as damaged and

weak. In Moukhali in the north

there are three informal pipes

and one BWDB sluice gate.

Both the gate and the


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Pipes

There are several informal structures such as pipes and non-BWDB authorized sluice gates in Polder 31.

There are currently more than seven large pipes in Polder 31, where Pipe#4 is locally called Baintolasluice. Several cuts have been made by the public, or local people. In Khona village it was mentioned

that though BWDB does not give permission for them, they overlook the installation for these pipes if

bribed. In Pankhali Union pipes have been a after Aila and the Saline Prevention movement in 2009, the

majority of cuts are therefore concentrated in south Tildanga, particularly in Garkhali and Kaminibashia

villages. The overall perception throughout the polder was that these illegal pipes weaken the

embankment. Even a large shrimp farmer (65 biggha) stated that pipes are illegal and he cannot support

it, adding that such pipes are hurting his own ghers. Whether or not this is his actual conviction may bedebatable, nevertheless this position indicates that there is no formal acceptance of pipes due to their

effect on the embankment and increasing vulnerability during disasters.

Lack of regular maintenance

The lack of maintenance is argued to be the reason for the vulnerability of the embankment. In Khona

FGD it was mentioned that 12-15 years earlier (i.e. under the khalashi system and prior to the

restructuring of BWDB), the embankment was raised 1-1.5 feet with earth every year and made strong.

Due to this [regular maintenance] the risk of damage to the embankment would decrease. As BWDB

does not work now, the embankment is becoming weak. The mentioned problems of reoccurring and

frequent river erosion further adds to this and in all FGDs and KIIs there were complaints about the

embankment being weak and needing repair. This would include raising the embankment and maintaining

the height, approximately 5 to 7 feet of its existing height. The LCS group in Tildanga suggested that it is

made stronger with cement and that trees are planted at the side of the embankmentwith LCS working

on both repairs and tree plantation. Others suggested that the embankment is also widened and that


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3.2. Condition of Sluice gates

Condition BWDB Public Comment

Good Tildanga Union6-10, 12-14, 16-22, 24-31, 33-34

Pankhali Union21-5, 35-37

Tildanga Union1-3, 6-8, 15-17, 19-21

Pankhali Union9, 13, 14, 23

Overall condition ofboth public andBWDB gates seen asgood by IWM.

Broken/damaged Tildanga Union11 (Teltola),15 (Kaminibashia),23 (Kata khal),32 (Kakrabunia)

South Tildanga5, 10, 18, 22, 24

Pankhali Union12 (Gosher khali)

There are relativelymore damaged gateswith public (informal)gates than the BWDB

Inactive/closed N/A 4 (Bullar),Table 9 - List of Sluice gates

Three kinds of sluice gates can be found in the polder 31: old sluice gates constructed in the same time

as the polder in the 1960s and sluice gates constructed under the Third Fisheries project (1990s) and

Fourth Fisheries (2000s). These two gates are classified as BWDB gates in the IWM map. The third type

is listed as Public gates. These are often informal gates that may either be private (i.e. belonging to an

individual) or public (used by several people, often groups of shrimp farmers). In general, private gates

are more common as they were created to drain in saline water for ghers. Of the different types of gates,

BWDB gates were the most favored and seen to be in overall good conditionit was also mentioned that


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FGD it was mentioned that there is still a private gate belonging to Mr Abul Hossain, though it is listed as

BWDB#13 in the IWM map. Informal gates are seen as weak, risky and contributing to large scale

damages as happened in Aila. A frustration over the perceived corruption of BWDB in overlooking theseinformal structures was voiced in most FGDs and KIIs. Overall, there is little public support for informal

structures after Aila 2009.

In addition, public gates were seen to not follow BWDB design and therefore perform worse over time.

It was argued that due to the high cost of following BWDB designs (BDT 5 000 000 was mentioned, but

likely over exaggeration), the people constructing the informal gates would disregard the rules and the

approved design. Another version was that at the time these personal gates were constructed, thegher/landowners were not informed about these rules. In Tildanga union, the use of private gates is still

common. Fakirabad and Shotobalia sluices (Public #17-18) belongs to a shrimp farmer owning 100-150

biggha land in Kaminibashia and were installed with the permission of the BWDB (KII with large

shrimp farmer, Kaminibashia). More and more, informal gates are being closed, while at the same time,

the construction of BWDB gates is seen as too expensive. In general, participants want additional gates,

in a new design following BWDB rules and regulation as to avoid weakening the embankment. This

would include gates with steel/iron shutters, operation mechanisms that require minimal manpower

(wheel), while a suggestion in the Kaminibashia FGD was to construct 8-10 additional gates.

3.3. Condition of Canals: siltation and leasing issues

In this polder when people speak of canals this is to evoke one of these two main concerns: siltation or

leasing.


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Condition Name of Khal Comment

Good: Active less silt Tildanga UnionKalibari, Garhibunia, Charpora

Pankhali UnionKatakhali khal, Mou, Duania, Kadamtoli

There are an abundance of canals inPankhali. Those active tend to havebeen recently excavated or much largerand wider in the past.

Poor: Active and Silted Tildanga UnionBanshtola, Baintola, Orabuni, Konar khal,Chotochara

Pankhali UnionBaintola, Khona, Khatakali, Pankhali,Halderkhali, Sharok kata, Thakuronbari,Dashmanober

It has been noted that most of thecanals are about to be filled up withsilt.

Poor: Dried up Tildanga UnionChandibari, Bashtola, Baintola, Orabuni

Pankhali UnionDublir, Koilasher, Kadamtolar andBoilasher

In several instances it has beenmentioned that many of the canalshave either dried up or been filled with

mud and silt.

Table 10 - List of selected canals

The principal reason for filling-up of the canals is the natural process of siltation. However, as was

mentioned before, river erosion is a frequent phenomenon. The erosion leads to extra sedimentation that

has been seen to deposit in the canals and on canal beds, leasing to a gradual filling up of the canals. In


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This is only one of many examples of how private use of canals tends to hinder maintenance, increase

siltation of canals and hinder access to fisheries for landless.

Leased byprivateindividual

Tildanga UnionChoto Chara, Orabuni Goldher

Pankhali UnionDublir, Duaniar, Koilasher, Kadamtolar, Baintola,Morabhadra, Moukhali, Goraria, Dashrani, Maitraya

Many of the leased canals are also canalsthat have been described as silted or driedup. Several leased canals are being filled upby the leaseholders and they do not allowfor re-excavation

Reserved by

Union Parishad

Tildanga Union

Chandibari, Moshamari, Choto Charah, Boro Chara

Only in the Moshamari FGD was this

mentioned.Khas (public/government)

Moshamari Not clear what role the UP plays for thesekhas canals.

Table 11 - Leased and public canals

The leasing system and canal ownership structure is complicated as there are many overlapping canals,

regulators and mouzas involved. In Pankhali a majority of canals are in private control in one way or

another. According to the Union Parishad Chairman of Pankhali, a zamindar held the legal rights to all

the canals in Moukhali mouza. As he was the recorded owner he sold all the canals, despite it being saidthat these canals should be open for the movement of the inhabitants of the union. Those who bought

the canals have then slowly been filling up the canals (KII, UPC Pankhali). Though the Government of

Bangladesh has planned to allocate several canals as khas canals to poor people (including Duaniar,Brinal

Khal, Goriar Khal, Morabhadra khal, Moukhali etc), influential elites have been able to use political

contacts to obtain canals in their own names. As a result, less productive canals unsuitable for paddy

cultivation have been named khas khals while the canals intended for public use are gradually being filled


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3.3. Main water-related problemsFrom the previous descriptions of the infrastructure, several main concerns can be identified.

First, the embankment condition is weak in several segments and the maintenance work is not done on a

regular basis. River erosion has been identified as the key factor in weakening the embankment. This has

been exacerbated by the existence of pipes and informal gates that do not follow BWDB engineering

design.

Secondly, though BWDB sluice gates are seen to be in relatively good condition, the sluice gates with

wooden shutters are seen as too costly in terms of repairs and should be replaced with iron/steel shutters.

The informal gates are currently being closed, yet new gates following BWDB design are not being built

at the rate that may replace them. As such, drainage is impeded.

Third, siltation of the gates and of the canals is a major concern and is due both to natural deposits and

river erosion.

Fourth leasing, legal or illegal obstructs the access to the canals considered as public goods in the polder

and has led to the canals gradually being filled and thus dying.

4. FOURTH FISHERIES AND WATER MANAGEMENT GROUPS4.1. Formation of Community Based Organisations


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WMOs and ability to influence designWhen asked whether the FFP authorities consulted with them before the project, the Botbunia WMCA

also mentioned that they do know whether their ideas and opinions were incorporated in the final projectdesign. However, they felt that the entire area was benefitted by FFP through increased incomes and

improved livelihoods. We can send out children to Dhaka and Khulna. However, it had also been noted

that though iron shutters had been demanded for the sluice gates and a wish that the FFP gates are

similar to the stronger and older BWDB gates, wooden shutters and smaller gates had been constructed

during FFP (Moshamari FGD). The WMC chairman in Chalna further mentioned that though the

executive committee would meet and discuss activities such as Golpata tree plantation to counter salinity

and soil erosion, it was the FFP engineering team that would prepare all the physical infrastructure plans.

It seems that the participation in design was mostly limited to the executive committee of the Polder

committee. In the Moshamari FGD it was stated (in consensus) Nobody values our opinion at all. Even,

we are no more being informed about any development activities in our area. The process of project and

budget preparation, site selection etc was not discussed with local people. In Pankhali, such an approach

never took place due to the absence of a formal project like FFP. After the completion of FFP, the

coordination between local people and BWDB has disappeared. As there is no project presently, no

meeting is organized. Currently, the BWDB works directly with contractors without engaging with localpeople. It was further mentioned in several of FGDs that government official misuse their duties, mostly

in the sense of bribes related to pipes and construction contracts. As such, the Kaminibashia FGD

emphasized that neither BWDB/UNO or UP encourage community participation in water management.

Information on activities are rarely shared.

Membership


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mostly consist of shrimp farmers. It also seems that interest in the WMC is decreasing over time, where

the local UP member and influential elites control water management according to their own interests

(WMC Botbunia).

Elections and RepresentativenessThere have been different Chairmen over time that were elected through elections. Mr H B is currently

the Chairperson with Mr N B as the secretary. It was stated that 1800 members voted for Mr H B as

Chairperson four years ago, prior to him, Mr MB was the Chairperson (the WMC Chairperson

interviewed in Chalna). Mr H B is a large shrimp farmer who was said to own more than 1500 biggha of

gher in Tildanga Union. Mr MB is an advocate who works with legal issues. Arguably, both of these

Chairmen are people with influence and standing in the community, though it is not clear how the

Advocate is related to water management, or whether the interests of a large-scale shrimp farmer may

match those of smaller farmers or freshwater interests.

Training

The main source on training received during FFP was given by the WMC in Botbunia. It was stated that

the BWDB Section Officer provided information on rules and regulation on water management. They

also received training on rice and fish cultivation, savings, gender, role of agriculture for livelihoods,citizenship rights, maintenance of ghers, operation of gates and emergency response training. All the

members of block committees and the executive committee received training. The duration would be

between 1 to 7 days for each training sessions. The Kaminibashia FGD further mentioned that they

received training on shrimp cultivation by the Department of Fisheries and the Union Parishad whereby

they later received formal licenses to operate shrimp ghers. Despite all of these trainings, te BWDB SO

mentioned that the WMC does not how to manage the flushing sluice gates and the rubber seals that help


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Suggestions

Overall, a demand for more transparency and involvement of all types of people were requested by

different respondents this may reflect a perception that FFP included some groups while it excludedothers. This is a list of direct quotations that may illustrate this.

Projects should be implemented with public opinion, the implementing agencies should informmass people about the project activities/Moshamari General FGD

BWDB needs to discuss with the local people about the problem of khals & their protection.Need monitoring from month to month/WMC Botbunia FGD

Peoples participation should be ensured. Peoples from every strata of this society willparticipate./ Khona General FGD

Usefulness is that if local people participate, there is less scope of social conflict. As they are theinhabitants of this area, so they can understand well where and which types of activities shouldbe conducted. /WMC Chairman, Chalna (Mr M B)

The response from Khona, Pankhali Union also reflects the problem with the FFP being limited to

Tildanga union, when Khona village shares canals and gates with Botbunia and Tildanga villages in

Tildanga union. In Kaminibashia FGD in the south, it was further emphasized that that the Union

Parishad is accountable to the people and easy to communicate with, while it is also a stable and

continuous presence. We become tired by calling sir, sir to SO. NGOs may not continue all the time,

but UP will remain. If member does not pay proper attention to us, he will get the proper result in next

election. They suggested that they could form a citizen watch committee to pressurize the Union

Parishad for their demands that can ensure active involvement of the UP and early and transparent


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Payment

The LCS members get a wage of BDT 120 per day that is paid monthly in the third week of each month.

The total monthly salary is BDT 3600, and only BDT 2200 is paid out where the rest is taken as saving tobe paid out after the end of 3 years. Both LCS groups receive their wages through the LGED Community

organizers via check that they withdraw from the Krishi Bank with their signatures. The payments are

generally seen as timely, though there were some delays from 1-2 weeks occasionally.

Work Condition

The LCS do not receive any breaks on Fridays though they do have the right to enjoy religious holidays

(e.g. Eid, Kali Puja, Durga Puja etc.) and 4 weeks paid holiday per year. There were no problems related

to safety or sanitation reported. Both groups were happy with their current work conditions and did not

face any major problems. However, in the KII with the woman-headed household in Nishankhali, she

pointed out a wage difference between LCS males and females where men would be paid twice the

amount to women. She suggested equal pay rates independent of gender.

Inclusion in Water Management Committees

None of the women in the two LCS groups were members of any water management organization.

There are no landless people at the committee. We are poor, thats why they do not involve us (LCSKhatail). It was also mentioned that though khas land is formally being allocated to landless, they are not

getting any of this, stating that those with better linkages to influential elites are able to obtain the rights

to khas lands.

Training

Neither of the groups received any training related to earthworks or their work for LGED. Some of the


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Most important use of water

Drinking water was seen as the most important use of water for all respondents. In both Pankhali andTildanga this was seen as a great problem. The LCS in Khatail mentioned how they would by a 2.5 litre

water jar for 20 taka from Chalna 3 km away as there was no safe water near them. All of the women

mentioned how they would pay a machine van driver to fetch water for them (20 taka). For those that

cannot afford that they have to fetch water by foot after they have finished work at 4 pm. Another

alternative was to store rainwater from the roof in mud (earthen) jars, where they cover the roof in plastic

sheets. In Tildanga, the situation was worse and the women mentioned how they would bring water from

the river in pitchers. The available shallow tubewells are undrinkable due to salinity and good quality

water is located 3 miles away.

5.3. Governance and water management

Accessible institution for complaints and problems

Both LCS groups contact the Union Parishad Chairman and Member in their respective Unions for any

issues they may have. Their main concern is installation of deep tubewells for safe drinking water, as wellas employment through LCS. The UP is seen as not listening to their requests on deep tubewells or to

provide them relief aid and ignoring them because they are poor in both Pankhali and Tildanga groups.

Nobody listen to poor people. It is useless to go to the Chairman and member (LCS Tildanga FGD).

However, the Tildanga FGD further mentioned that though the UP did install a tubewell it was not able

to lift water. In Tildanga, the LCS women were more positively inclined towards NGOs who they saw as

more responsive in times of disaster and less corrupt than the government, with the Union Parishad


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mentioned that she would require agricultural training on paddy cultivation, as this knowledge has usually

been kept by men.

Both LCS groups were positive to the fact that salinity intrusion has stopped as they now can rear

livestock and their livelihoods had improved. They said in unison that they want the salinity intrusion to

be stopped indefinitely.

6. MAINTENANCE OF EMBANKMENTS, CANALS AND SLUICE GATES6.1 Maintenance by BWDB

Polder 31 is a BWDB polder where the main responsibility for maintenance lies with this implementing

agency. According to the Union Parishad Chairman of Pankhali Union, the BWDB Section Officer

regularly visits the embankment and the UP contacts him regarding any problem. For instance, when a

shutter was missing on a gate, the UP Chairman and Member informed the SO who responded

accordingly. Similarly, the UP member in Pankhali repaired BWDB SL#1 (Pankhali Sluice, Kholishakhal) that is now seen to be in good condition. However, in the General FGDs some negative

perceptions of BWDB arose, one is that the BWDB has become less active than in previous years, the

other is that it is tendering out maintenance activities to outside contractors leads to corruption.

Examples of how BWDB was more active in khal excavation was frequently mentioned by participants in

General FGDs both in Pankhali and Tildanga Unions, when criticizing the BWDB for not re-excavating


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6.2. Maintenance by Union Parishad

In Pankhali Union, the Union Parishad is actively involved in water management, both through drinkingwater and the maintenance of embankments, gates and canals. They contact BWDB for major repairs of

gates and use funds allocated through the Upazila Nirbahi Office to re-excavate canals and ponds and

strengthen/pave the roads and embankment. The fund sources include government rural employment

schemes such as the 40 day work order, KABHIKA (Food for Work) and KABITA (Cash for work). For

obtaining such funding the Union Parishad must follow a manual given by the UNO, where it is

stipulated that they must for a local committee and meet to discuss the planned activities with relevant

government officials (KII UPM Pankhali). Most of the instructions on how to use such funds come fromthe Upazila Development Coordination Committee. One problem is that maintenance can only be done

through such project funding, there is no particular maintenance fund allocated to the Union Parishad for

regular re-excavation or embankment strengthening. And we, the member and chairman are not so

wealthy that we will conduct this work by our own expenses. These gates belong to government and

public. So, we will do the work by the fund of public. (KII UPM Pankhali).

To date the Union Parishad Chairman and Members have been active in using these employment

schemes to re-excavate canals. In Moukhali and Khatail this was particularly the case, where the NGO

Shushilan re-excavated the canal with the UP in Moukhali. In Khona village, however, it was noted that

the UP is repairing the embankment but is not excavating the canals and the 40 day workorder funds are

seen as insufficient. Nevertheless, in the same FGD it was mentioned that the UP plays a strong role in

emergency repair and rainwater harvesting. In general, it was suggested that the role of UP should

increase as they contract people locally, usually through forming Labour Contracting Societies, and are

also accountable directly to the local people.


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discusses with the UP Chairman, who in turn discusses with the UNO that then allocates funds. For

urgent repairs, i.e. when the embankment breaks, the Chairman may use his own funds or borrow funds

until the government allocated money is returned. According to the UPM, the Union Parishad has spentBDT 20 00050 000 from its own budget on required maintenance, examples include reparations of 3

shutters at the cost of BDT 6000 each. Overall, the UP in Tildanga seems active in using funds allocated

from the Upazila for various maintenance activities, though they are unable to re-excavate leased canals.

6.3. Maintenance by Polder Committee and Block committee

During FFP, thirteen block committees and one polder committee were created in Tildanga union for the

implementation, monitoring and supervision of the project. In the Guidelines for Participatory Water

Management (Ministry of Water Resources), such block committees are referred to as Water Management

Groups and the polder committee as Water Management Associations. These WMGs are intended to take

over responsibilities for minor maintenance, greasing and repainting sluice gates, removing water

hyacinths from canals and share periodic maintenance such as re-excavation of canals and repairing the

embankment, while the implementing agency (in this case BWDB) is fully responsible for major

maintenance caused by disaster (such as Aila) or new infrastructure (new gates or culverts). In the FFP,the block committees were only active during the duration of the project, where villagers would discuss

required water management activities, e.g. which khals need to be re-excavated. After FFP ended, the

activities have stopped along with any meeting and all respondents stated that it is fully inactive.

Interestingly, the FFP ended around the same time as grassroots movement against salinity intrusion

spearheaded by the NGO Nijera Kori (we do it ourselves) and the Bangladesh Environmental Lawyer

Association (BELA). According to a shrimp farmer in Kaminibashia, people stopped being active in the


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and conflict among ourselves. Nobody wants to sacrifice a single penny for broader welfare. For example,

if a khas khal needs to enlarge in lengths or widths, nobody wants to provide a single amount of land.

Arguably then, there is a sporadic process of excavation taken by those that have the means to afford it.This tends to take place outside formal processes and is usually restricted to the individuals, or

committees of individuals to whom the land or canal belongs to. As such, it may not function to benefit

the water distribution system as a whole.

Another type of local initiative concerns indigenous technologies to protect against river erosion. Bamboo

cages can be constructed either through cement blocks or jute sacks filled with sand and broken bricks.

This will then divert the water away from the embankment and create chars.

6.5. Maintenance by otherAs mentioned previously, the Union Parishad may use NGOs to excavate canals. Across the polder,

respondents mentioned Shushilan specifically in re-excavating canals, if not entirely at least partially. This

has been seen as beneficial in terms of reducing water logging (KII Paddy farmer Botbunia). However, in

some instances, landowners have filled canals for their own benefit immediately after re-excavation, thusnullifying the potential benefits. NGOs have also taken initiative to excavate ponds that have become

decomposed as tubewell water is contaminated with salinity and iron in Tildanga village (Ponds of Dr

Pinak by BRAC and pond of Tushar Kanti were mentioned by the UPM Tildanga).

6.6. How does maintenance take place?


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people provide their own voluntary labor with eventual compensation afterwards by the Union

Parishad.

v. NGOs such as Shushilan have been active in re-excavating several canals. NGOs such as BRAC havein some instances re-excavated ponds as an alternative source of water from contaminated tubewells.

7. OPERATION OF SLUICE GATES7.1. Operation through BWDB

Prior to the BWDB restructuring of 1998, there were government-employed gatemen (khalashis) who

would operate the gates and communicate with the BWDB. This system has been abolished where

instead it is intended that Water Management Organizations, or communities, should take over this

responsibility. BWDB has no role in the operation of sluice gates, i.e. not in the actual decision-making on

operations or in the selection of committee/operator. However, throughout the FGDs and KIIs

references were made to BWDB khalashis and how they disappeared 10-12 years back. In some instances,

the role of employing a khalashi has been taken over by the Union Parishad or locally formed gatecommittees.

7.2. Operation through Union Parishad and Gate committees

7.2.1. Pankhali Union


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The Union Parishad of Pankhali was seen as active in the movement against saline intrusion and stopping

bagda cultivation. In Moukhali FGD, particular reference was made to the movement and its link to gatecommittees. Here the gate committee is called the Saline Water Prevention Committee and it has been

active since 2009 to promote paddy and freshwater fish cultivation. It was mentioned in the Moukhali

FGD that people from different occupations are involved in the committee, where the Upazila Chairman,

Member of Parliament and NGOs (AOSED and Shushilan) helped in the formation of the committee.

Operation of the gate: when and for how long?

Since the movement against saline water in 2009, the gates are opened during Asharh (June-July) and

closed in Poush (December), i.e. during the rainy season and when the river consists of freshwater. It is

then closed during the months where the river is saline. In Khona FGD it was particularly mentioned that

the gate may be closed during heavy rain and cause inundation in paddy fields, only when people are

upset and strongly request the gateman to open the gates does he do so. In general, however, local people

tend to contact the concerned UP ward member and gate committee for opening or closing the gate.

Whose interests are best represented?

It has been mentioned that the Union Parishad has the ability to change gate committees it sees as notfunctioning properly and that the Union Parishad ward member acts as the sluice gate committee. As

such, the UP has the strongest ability to operate the gates. It was further mentioned that consensus would

be reached with the remaining gate committee members and they would have to represent different

occupations and strata and ensure that they take decisions according to local needs. In terms of salinity

intrusion, this is not taking place for BWDB gates while most of the private gates have been closed.

Nevertheless, the gate committee does seem to consist mainly of influential elites. In the [gate]


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pay. Interestingly, in this union references were made to such government employed operators also for

public gates, as mentioned by the KII with the woman shrimp farmer in Nishankhali (Public #17 and 18).

According to the Shrimp farmer using the Public sluices (#17 and 18) and the BWDB Garkhali Sluicegate (BWDB #25), these gate committees were formed already during the Third Fisheries Project by

CARITAS NGO.

Decision-making process:

Though gate committees were stated to exist throughout Tildanga Union, the decision making process

tends to differ. The FGDs and KIIs reveal three main types of decision-making models i) Gate

committees and their members both decide on when to close and open the gate as well as operate it and

only contact the UP for resolving conflicts ii) Gher owners and land owners form their own committees

independent of formal institutions such as block committees of Union Parishad.

Decision-making via Gate committees (Moshamari, Botbunia, Tildanga and Kaminibashia villages)

The model for gate committees arose after the disappearance of BWDB Khalashis and also consolidated

with the TFP and FFP where NGOs helped form block committees. Currently, there are approximately6-11 people per gate committee, though KIIs seem to indicate that there is at least an active involvement

of three members. As in Pankhali, local people contact gate committee or UP member when they need to

open or close the gate. If there is any conflict, the UP Chairman is involved.

Around Botbunia sluice gate (Public #23), a paddy farmer from Garkhali/Botbunia mentioned that they

have a Saline Prevention Committee similar to that in Pankhali, where people formed the gate committee


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Tildanga in villages such as Kaminibashia and Nishankhali there is a larger concentration of gher owners

that tend to operate the gates in an informal basis as there are also many more public gates and pipes in

the area. The disappearance of the former gate committee seems to be correlated with the High courtruling against saline intrusion and the ensuing court cases against certain gher owners.

Operation of the gate: when and for how long?

In northern Tildanga, the BWDB gates are closed in Poush (December-January) when salinity increases

and opened during the rainy season, while particular water needs are decided through discussions in the

gate committee. Now we are using polder in a way that saline water cannot drain in the lands. Land

fertility is increasing. Crops and trees are growing. Now this area is almost free from negative impact

(Paddy farmer, Botbunia/Garkhali). However, there are instances with shrimp farmers using private gates

to continue the practice of salinity intrusion. A different paddy farmer in Botbunia (BWDB#6),

mentioned how the shrimp farmer Mr N K drains in saline water for his own interest through a private

gate and with disregard for other peoples opinions.

In southern Tildanga, the gates are open during the monsoon and at the end of Falgun when the outside

river has become saline (Woman shrimp farmer, Nishankhali SL#45-46 on Shushilan map). Since all

people in the area cultivate bagda, this is seen as unproblematic by the cultivators in southern Tildanga,

who are all shrimp farmers.

Whose interests are best represented?The role of the Union Parishad is ambiguous in Tildanga Union. Whereas in Pankhali union the UP was

part of the movement against saline water, in Tildanga the situation seems more complex. Though

Kaminibashia FGD mentioned that the UP controls the gate committees, informal committees were also

mentioned for the same area. The Chairperson of the WMC interviewed for this research, Mr M B, is

according to the UP member in Tildanga, a former UP in Tildanga union who tried to shift the union

towards fresh water cultivation instead of bagda. The current Tildanga UP chair, Mr J, is on the other


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7.3. How does operation take place?

i. In most cases gate committees formed by theUnion Parishad, usually via the ward member

operate the BWDB gates, while public gates are

often private gates belonging to individual

landowners. These are often shrimp farmers and

many of these are now more concentrated in the

south of the polder as the public gates have been

closed in Pankhali Union in the north. In theseBWDB gate committees operators provide

voluntary labour and obtain some limited fishing

rights for their work. Gate committees

throughout the polder are seen as responding to

general requests and solve any conflicting issues

between parties. In Pankhali union and the north

of Tildanga union, gates are open during the rainy

season and restrictedly closed during the dry

season, while the gates are open in the south

during the dry season. As such the operation

matches the concentration of shrimp farmers in

the south and the paddy farmers interviewed in

the north.

ii. Union Parishads are active in gate committees the UP ward member usually acts as the gate

able 1 - Figure 2 Operation in Polder 31


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8. CONFLICTSThis section outlines three major conflicts in polder 30 that concern water management. The first issalinity intrusion, the second is conflicts regarding canal ownership and the third is on conflicts regarding

to exclusion of poorer groups.

8.1. Conflicts regarding saline water intrusion and shrimp cultivation

Shrimp cultivation stopped 2009 in northern Tildanga and Pankhali reunion, but remains in Kaminibashiaand Garkhali villagers. As mentioned previously, bagda shrimp cultivation started in the polder already in

the 1980s and there have been two World Bank projects promoting shrimp cultivation and fisheries in the

polder. Shrimp cultivation requires regular supply of brackish (saline) water. For this purpose, several

gates and pipes have been informally installed in the embankment to draw in saline water to the shrimp

farms (ghers). In addition, tubewells and pump machine have also been used to supply the ghers with

water when groundwater has been found to be increasingly saline. Leases of canals (discusses below) have

further been used to ensure the supply of saline water. These means of salinity intrusion have been overall

contentious as it has negatively affected agricultural yields, in particular paddy and vegetables, as well as

the existence of fruit trees, freshwater fish, livestock and homestead gardens as salinity intrusion affects

soil quality and vegetation. In 2009, forceful salinity intrusion was stopped through a grassroots

movement spearheaded by a local rights based NGO (Nijera Kori) and the Bangladesh Environmental

Lawyers Association (BELA). BELA filed a writ petition to the High Court against forceful salinity

intrusion through unauthorized pipes, illegal (private) gates and opening of gates during the dry season.

This has created two parties, the farmers, small landowners and poor that can now obtain better food


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caused the victims freshwater fish to die in their ponds three years consecutively, while affecting a total

of 50 people in the area.

In this year I have lost 5-6 thousand taka because the fish of my ponds died for the impact of salinity.Last year the amount of loss was 8-9 thousand taka and before that year the amount was 8 thousand taka.

I requested him several times before raising the litigation. I told him, Babu, my fishes and crops are

damaging for salinity. But he did not listen to me. I heard, police came to search him. The people of

Nitto Babu drained out saline water just after the day of raising case/ Paddy farmer, Botbunia village,

TildangaPublic #23.

The Upazila officer for the Department of Agricultural Extension voiced similar frustrations with

ongoing salinity intrusion despite the ban, pointing at salinitys negative effect on agricultural production,

the seed bed has seen a 30% decline in the production due to salinity.

A reason for this continuation has been attributed to the actors being influential and well connected

shrimp farmers. In Section 8 Operation, the connection between Tildanga Union Parishad and shrimp

farmers had been mentioned. In addition, high ranking politicians (one name was mentioned in particular)

of the sitting government also own several ghers in the area. One respondent mentioned that Our

farmers are always neglected, their demand is neglected due to some [influential] people. Arguably then,the Department of Fisheries promotion of shrimp through these projects, along with BWDBs silence in

the construction of gates have made the DAE powerless, where their objectives are being undermined.

The shrimp farmers in Kaminibashia, however, were also frustrated due to several impeding court cases

filed against them and lost profits due to lack of saline water. One of them mentioned: I am accused in

4 cases, was in prison for 2 months, peoples are in my side, our sufferings should be stopped. Many of


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a khal can be under dispute. For instance, the Ministry of Land (Settlement Office) Deputy

Commissioner or Member of Parliament may lease out canals, though this process may be seen as legal,

it is dominated by influential elites and those with political connections to the ruling political party.Across respondents, both villagers, paddy farmers, shrimp farmers and government officials, leasing was

seen as a problem. This lies particularly in how leased canals often end up as forcefully controlled canals

used for private gain, impeding the entire canal system of water distribution and drainage. This was

discussed particularly in Section 5.3.2 with reference to list of leased canals. This seems to be due to

corrupt practices and bribes in obtaining the right of canals, where neither drainage or re-excavation can

take place properly. The blocking of canals for fishing by leaseholders and filling the canals with waste to

increase leaseholders land area for crop production all result in the disruption of the natural flow of water

and lead to problems of drainage. As such, there is a limited ability to retain water in the canal from the

monsoon to the dry season, impeding cultivation. The practice of leasing canals and using them for

personal use seems widespread. Interestingly, respondents mentioned that they could not access water

from the canals without the leaseholders permission. There seems to be an overlap between the operation

of the gate and leased canals, where the operation of the gate also falls to the leaseholder though this

was not directly stated in the FGDs. In that case, it would make sense that in Pankhali union where the

Upazila officials are involved in leasing, are also the ones to approve the gate committees.

Suggestions arising from the FGDs and KIIs to resolve the conflict:

- UP should be legally bound to supply water for all through the canals- Government should not lease khals.- DAE all the khals should be kept open (no blockages) and all the rules that obstruct khal

function should be stopped.

- BWDB needs to monitor against illegal khal occupation


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gates. In addition, the owners of private gates may harm the fields surrounding it. Nevertheless, all the

respondents in Kaminibashia and Nishankhali were shrimp farmers stating that there is no conflict to

water usage, though even here leasing was seen as a problem in some instances. It should be noted thatMr N S who was speaking most at the Kaminbashia General FGD, is also the local ward member and a

gher owner.

Landless and womens representation in Water Management Groups (Block committees)

The Water Management Committee in Botbunia mentioned that they were supposed to have a one third

woman membership in the block committee, where the Union Parishad promoted gender awareness

raising and activities to help incorporate womens opinnoin. However, the block committee had 6 elected

representatives, and none were women as they had not been elected. Similarly, there were not landless in

either the general or executive committees for the same stated reason. There was generally a perception

(or bias) against both women and landless, saying that they are unable to express their opinions in a

decision-making body like an executive committee. Decisions are only discussed with executive

committee members, and as such women and landless are automatically excluded, while opinions are

taken from general members.

One of the women respondents is a shrimp farmer in Nishankhali village in southern Tildanga and who isvery active in various local development activities. People of my area respect me very much. She had

previously expressed an interest in joining the gate committee when the UP ward member was forming it.

Though she thought the process was transparent and based on discussion, she was excluded from being a

member despite signing up for it. This was due to someone erasing her name from the list. One male

shrimp farmer opined that Women should not be involved in this work. Men should work. Women are

always busy with their household activities; they do not have time to do this work. During this KII, it


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9. CONCLUSIONPolder 31 was built in the early 1970s. The emergence of shrimp cultivation dramatically changedcropping and leasing patterns in the polder, with an abundance of commercial ghers. Local and small

landowners gradually felt forced to shift to shrimp farming. After Aila in 2009, the destruction of the

cyclone was seen to have been exacerbated due to several informal structures (pipes and private gates).

This in turn led to a grassroots movement against such salinity intrusion. The polder is currently divided

by freshwater preference in majority in the north and shrimp farming preference in the south.

The physical infrastructure of the polder is weakened by the existence of pipes and private sluice gates,constant river erosion and lack of maintenance. Similar problems have been applied to the sluice gates

that are subject to siltation and/or to technical problems. Gaps in the design of the gates in a changing

hydrological context have also been mentioned as the gates are seen as too small and too few to address

drainage congestion. In addition, a major problem is the siltation of canals. This problem is also related to

leasing (or canal grabbing), as influential elites controlling such canals may either filled them further or

hinder re-excavation. This in turn also contributes to drainage congestion and in many cases there have

reported problems of waterlogging inundating large areas of agricultural land.

In term of institutions, the BWDB is involved in the polder since the construction of the embankment

and was also active in construction and rehabilitation work during the Fourth Fisheries project. However,

since the end of the project BWDB states to have no regular maintenance funds, and can only initiate

work based on emergencies or projects. It was also voiced that BWDB is working more through external

contractors than through local people. The Union Parishad was seen as more active in using rural

employment schemes to maintain gates, re-excavate canals and repair roads, often through the help of the


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When the respondents were asked how they envisaged their village ten years from now (2022) if water

management continues as usual, the scenario was bleak with major concerns for climate change

If the present situation continues for next 10 years, the environment would be disastrous.This would no more be suitable for living. There would not be crops any more. Diseasewould be increased. Diarrhea has already been appeared. Gradually, severe diseases likeJaundice would be appeared when there would not be fresh water. Now worlds climate ischanging and we are living in low lying areas. River depth is gradually decreased, waterdischarge is also decreased but water levels are increased. In addition, embankmentsgradually lowering by erosion due to lack of proper repair and maintenance. If this situationcontinues, not ten years, we would be submerged within years./ General FGD,Moshamari village Tildanga

Overall, most concerns revolved around submergence under water, drinking water scarcity and river

erosion. In Moukhali, they believed that the ban on salinity intrusion would be revoked with a new

government and that shift to bagda would be inevitable as the price of paddy has gone down while the

price of bagda has increased substantially. The DAE, however, argued that little if any of the profit ever

reached the people of the area. For the LCS women, drinking water was the major concern and they

instead feared that the area would become a desert sooner rather than later. Similar concerns about safedrinking water were common, especially in relation to disease both for humans and livestock.

Re-excavation of rivers and strengthening and redesigning the embankment were seen as two major

priorities to address waterlogging and threat against livelihoods. Improved safe drinking water sources

was also a common suggestion through more deep tube well and pipes, dry season irrigation facilities

were also requested. Another problem identified was the private use of canals that would not allow water

to be distributed broadly. In Pankhali and northern Tildanga, it was suggested that the role of the Union


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A. ANNEX 1: INSTITUTIONS IN WATER GOVERNANCEi) Government Agencies

Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB)

The Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) is the main implementing agency of water

infrastructure projects in Bangladesh. As per the National Water Policy (Ministry of Water Resources,

1999) it is responsible for polders larger than 1000 ha. For this purpose, BWDB has special wing in the

district level headed by senior engineer called Executive Engineer (Operation and Maintenance). Prior to

the BWDB restructuring of 1998, there were government employed gatemen (khalashis) who would

operate the gates and communicate with the BWDB. This system has been abolished where instead it isintended that Water Management Organizations, or communities, should take over this responsibility. As

already mentioned, Third and Fourth Fisheries Projects were implemented in Polder 31. It was aimed at

promoting aquaculture and included the installation of newer gates, these were authorised by BWDB.

BWDB only has a budget for emergency repairs and maintenance when there is a project. There is

currently no regular maintenance budget according to the Section Officer. BWDB is seen as responsive in

repairing the gates and embankment when needed, but inactive in canal excavation. It has also been stated

that the agency prefers to use contractors rather than local people.

Local Government Engineering Department (LGED)

Polder 31 is above the size of 1000 ha and thus falls under BWDB responsibility. Consequently, LGEDs

role in the polders is limited to the Rural Roads Employment Scheme (REMS) and the creation of Labour

Contracting Societies. LGED is still active in supervising and paying the salaries for the LCS groups in

Polder 31.


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Role of Upazila Nirbahi Officer and District Committee/MP

The role of the upper level local government institutions of Upazilas and Districts is to coordinatebetween different government agencies and projects active in their areas. They are also to assist the Union

Parishad for issues they cannot handle alone, as for instance funding required for various development

activities (drinking water, emergency, roads maintenance) and coordination at the higher levels. The

Upazila is active in leasing out canals and to approve UP created gate committ

Analysis Report 31

Documents

Transcript of Analysis Report 31