An Introduction to the Nature and Functions of Language

Second Edition

Howard Jackson and Peter Stockwell

An Introduction toTHE NATURE AND FUNCTIONS OF LANGUAGE

A n In tro d u c t io n to the N ature a n d Func tio ns o f Language

Second E d it io n

'It’s difficult to imagine a more helpful introductory book in the field o f language study. The topics have been

well chosen and each one is broken down using graspable examples and clutter-free descriptions. Some of

the analysis is deceptively detailed, but the terminology never gels in the way o f the explanation. l:or a clear,

engaging and straightforward introduction to how people study language, look no further.'

Steven Jones, Director o f Undergraduate .Studies, School o f Education, The University o f Manchester,

UK

'This fully revised edition o f/In Introduction to the Nature and Functions o f Language is a highly accessible

and authoritative introduction to the analysis o f language While assuming no specialist knowledge, the

book systematically sets out the key issues in English language linguistics to ofler students a comprehensive

guide to the field. W ithin its chapters the reader will find clear and well-written accounts of the ways

language is studied, how it is acquired and learnt, and it changes over time and varies between different

social groups, and how it is used in a range o f contexts. There arc review exercises, case studies, copious

examples and a useful glossary, all of which make the book extremely useful to anyone beginning the study

o f language.’

Ken Hyland, Director, Centre for Applied English Studies and Chair o f Applied Linguistics, The

University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong

'[ackson and Stockwcll's An Introduction to the Sature and Functions o f Language is a thorough, comprehensive,

and accessibly written introduction to English language and linguistics. Λ particular strength o f the book is

the wide range of linguistic issues it discusses and the examples that are provided to illustrate them The

activities, projects and glossary make this book particularly useable.’

Brian Paltridge, Professor ofTF.SOL, University o f Sydney Australia

'Students and lecturers alike will welcome the second edition o f Jackson & Stockwcll's An Introduction

lo the Nature and Functions o f Language. All essential areas o f linguistics arc outlined with each chapter

offering ideas for activities, topics and further reading. Importantly, a new chapter devoted lo texts and

discourses introduces students to key notions such as register, function, conversation analysis, coherence &

cohesion. It is particularly laudable that the chapter also takes into account the new interest in linguistics into

multimodal texts.’

M o n i k a B c d n a r c k , L e c t u r e r i n L i n g u i s t ic s , U n iv e r s i t y o f S y d n e y , A u s t r a l ia

‘Few introductory linguistics textboiks are as comprehensive as this one. Accessible, informative and packed

full o f practical activities and ideas for projects, this book is a must-read for all students new to the study

o f language.'

D a n M c l n t y r c , R e a d e r i n E n g l i s h L a n g u a g e a n d L in g u is t ic s , U n iv e r s i t y o f H u d d e r s f i e l d , U K

'Aiming at the introductory level, An Introduction to the Nature and Functions o f Language (now in a fully

revised 2nd edition) provides a state-of-the-art survey o f the core concepts and key terms in language &

linguistics It helps students gain expertise and analytical skills in various branches o f the discipline, offering

numerous valuable didactic tools like study questions, chapter summaries, a comprehensive glossary as well

as a useful bibliography. This book is among the most accessible and entertaining introductions for students

o f language and linguistics currently available. I highly recommend it both as a courscbook and for self-

study purposes.'

Reinhard Heuberger, Associate Professor, Department o f English, University o f Innsbruck, Austria

T h is p a g e in te n t io n a lly le ft b la n k

An Introduction to the Nature and Functions

of Language

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A lso ava ilab le fro m C o n t in u u m

Discourse Analysis, Brian Paltridge

Linguistics: An Introductions W ill ia m B. McGregor

Understanding Language, E lizabeth Gracc W ink ler

An Introduction to the Nature

and Functions ofLanguage

Second Edition

Howard Jackson and Peter Stockwell

Acon tin uum

Continuum International Publishing Group

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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

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ISB N : 978-1 -4411 -4373-0 (hardcover)

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Ja ck so n , H o w a rd , 1945-

A n in tro d u c t io n to th e na tu re a n d fu n c t io n s o f lang uage / H o w ard

Fackson a n d Peter S tockw cll * 2 n d cd

p cm .

In c lu de s b ib lio g raph ic a l rcfcrcnccs a n d index .

ISB N : 978 1 4411 4373 0 (hardcover)

ISB N : 978-1-44I I -2151-6 (pbk .)

I E ng lish la ng ua g e- G ram m ar . 2 L ingu is tic s I S tockw e ll. Peter

I f T itle.

P E I I0 6 J2 9 5 2010

425-dc22

2010008977

T ypeset b y N c w g c n Im a g in g System s Pvt Ltd, C h e n n a i. Ind ia

P r in te d a n d b o u n d in G re a t B r ita in b y C P I A n to n y Row e.

C h ip p e n h a m . W iltsh ire

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Contents

L is t o f F ig u re s xi

A c k n o w le d g e m e n ts x iii

In tro d u c tio n 1

1 D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e 3

O v e rv ie w 3

1.1 W h a t is la n g u a g e ? 3

1 .2 la n g u a g e is c o n te x tu a lize d 5

1 .3 D e scr ib in g la n g u a g e : the lin g u is t ic d isc ip lin e s 7

1.4 Langu age data 11

Activities 13

Further reading 14

2 A T o o lk it fo r L a n g u a g e A n a ly s is 15

Overview 15

2.1 S o u n d s a n d le tte rs 15

2 .2 W ords 28

2 .3 Sentences 42

2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d c o rre c tn e ss 5 6

A c t iv it ie s 5 9

A n sw e rs to a c t iv it ie s 6 7

F u rth e r re a d in g 72

S u g g e s te d pro je cts 7 3

3 A n a ly s in g Te xts a n d D is c o u rs e s 75

3.1 D iscourse and text 75

3 .2 R e g is te r 7 6

3 .3 Function 83

3 .4 C o n v e rs a t io n 8 7

■ a ·

V I I I C o n te n ts

3 .5 M u ltim o d a l texts 91

3 .6 Textuality 9 5

A c tiv it ie s 9 9


L a n g u a g e C h a n g e 103

4 .1 P re -h isto ry o f E n g lish 103

4 .2 O ld E n g lish /A n g lo -S a x o n 109

4 .3 M id d le E n g lish 115

4 .4 M o d e rn E n g lish 119

4 .5 Type s o f la n g u a g e ch a n g e 124

A ctiv it ie s 130


S u g g e s te d p ro je cts 135

L a n g u a g e A c q u is it io n a n d D e v e lo p m e n t 137

5 .1 G ro w th o f la n g u a g e stru ctu re s 138

5 .2 D e ve lo p m e n t o f la n g u a g e fu n c t io n s 142

5 .3 la n g u a g e in th in k in g a n d co n c e p tu a lis in g 143

5 .4 la n g u a g e a n d th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f co m m u n ica tio n 144

5 .5 S c h o o l y e a rs : re a d in g a n d w rit in g 145

5 .6 F in d in g o u t a b o u t la n g u a g e a cq u is it io n 147

5 .7 A c q u ir in g a s e co n d la n g u a g e : b ilin g u a lism 148

A ctiv it ie s 150



L a n g u a g e V a ria tio n 1 5 5

6 .1 S o c io lin g u is t ic s 155

6 .2 A c c e n t a n d d ia le ct 156

6 3 E n g lish a s a w o r ld la n g u a g e 163

6 .4 M u ltilin gu a lism 167

6 .5 L a n g u a g e a n d d isa d v a n ta g e 169

6 .6 A ttitu d e s a n d co rre ctn ess 172

A ctiv it ie s 173

Furth er re a d in g 176


C o n te n ts

L a n g u a g e in U se 1 7 9

7 .1 P ra g m a t ic s 179

7 .2 The an alysis o f d iscourse 187

7 .3 La n g u a g e and ideo logy 195

7 .4 S ty lis tics 199

A c t iv it ie s 2 0 6

Fu rth er re a d in g 2 0 8

S u g g e s te d pro je cts 2 0 8

G lo ssa ry

R e fe re n c e s

In d e x

211

22 3

22 9

List of Figures

Figu re 2.1 O rgans o f speech. 16

Figu re 2.2 Vowel sounds o f English. 17

Figu re 2.3 Consonant sounds o f English 20

Figu re 4.1 The Indo-European family. 105

Figu re 6.1 The/n/Variable in Norwich (following Trudgill<1983: 94)). 160

Acknowledgements

The author and publisher w ish to th ank the fo llow ing tor perm ission to use copyright

material:

Blackwell Publishers lo r m ateria l from P. Fletcher, A Child's Learn ing o f English, 1985;

Everyman’s Library L td for an extract from 'S ir G aw ain and the G reen K n igh t’ from

A. C . Caw ley and J. J. Anderson, eds, Pearl, Cleanness, Patience, S ir G aw ain a m i the Green

Knight, Everym an edition; Fuji Photo F ilm (U K ) L td for text fro m advertising material; The

C ontro ller o f H e r Majesty’s Stationery O ffice and the N ationa l C u rr ic u lum C ounc il fo r an

extract fro m ‘Evo lu tion o f the Im p lem en ta tion o f English in the National C u rr ic u lum at Key

Stages 1. 2 , 3 (1991 1993)’; O x fo rd University Press for 'N o rthum brian C aedm on ’s H ym n

and ‘W est Saxon C aedm ons H ym n ' from I I . Sweet, A n Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and

Verse, 15th ed ition revised by D . W h ite lock , C la rendon Press, 1967; W . W . N o r to n &

C o m p any L td for E. E. C um m ings , ‘anyone lived in a pretty how town’ from Complete Poems

1904-1962 by E. E. C um m ings , ed. by George Firm age. Copyright © 1940, 1968, 1991 by the

Trustees for the E. E. C um m ings Trust; Penguin U K Ltd for adapted Table 10 from Peter

T rudgill, Sociolinguistics: A n Introduction to la n gu ag e a n d Society, Penguin Books, 1974,

revised 1983, p. 109. Copyright © Peter Trudgill. 1974, 1983. G uard ian News and M ed ia Ltd

for: T he extract in 3.2.2 from the article entitled 'Galileos telescope: Let's hear it for inventors

and toolm akers’, copyright G uard ian News & M edia Ltd 2009; the extract in 3.3.4 from

the article entitled 'Heed the call o f compassion' b y D esm ond Tutu and Karen Armstrong,

copyright G uard ian News & M ed ia Ltd 2009.

Every effort has been m ade to trace all the copyright holders but il any have been inadver

tently overlooked the publishers w ill be pleased to make the necessary arrangements at the

first opportunity .

Introduction

O n e ol ou r most strik ing attributes as h u m a n beings is o u r ab ility to use language. T he study

o f the nature o f language and how it is used is called linguistics. This book is intended as an

in troduction to the linguistics o f the English language. It covers a range o f subjects w ith in the

linguistic discip lines and applies them to the study o f the English language.

The first chapter introduces you to those disciplines» and the second provides an essential

too lk it for the analysis o t the language, inc lud ing the sound system, w ord structures and

sentence structures o f English. Chapter 3 extends the analysis to the consideration o f d is

courses and texts, w h ile Chapter 4 reviews how English has developed historically from

its beginnings. Chapter 5 reviews issues in the interaction o f language and society (soc io lin

guistics) and Chapter 6 considers language and the ind iv idua l (psycholinguistics), inc lud ing

language acquisition. The fina l chapter reflects on language in use (pragmatics).

You w ill find that n o prio r know ledge o f linguistics o r the study o f Eng lish language is

assumed, and all terms are explained where they are introduced , as well as in the glossary at

the end o f the book.

Each chapter is supplied w ith a num ber of'activ ities' w h ich come at the end o f the m ain

text and refer back to particu lar sections in the chapter. These are intended to extend your

understanding o f the chapter and to practise techniques o f analysis. I f appropriate, answers

are provided to activities. T he activities are followed by suggestions for more extensive

language projects and by pointers to further reading on the topics covered in the chapter.

The book is completed by a bibliography, a glossary and an index. There are also online

resources lor both students and lecturers, and these arc located at http://linguistics.jackson-

stockwell.continuum books.com

W e hope that th is book w ill act as a springboard for further study in linguistics, and that

you w ill be inspired to take your investigations in to the English language further, either as

part o f your course, or for your ow n interest and pleasure.

http://linguistics.jackson-

Describing Language

Chapter OutlineO verv ie w 3

1.1 W h a t is la n g u a g e ? 3

1.2 L a n g u a g e is co n te xtu a lize d 5

1.3 D e scr ib in g la n g u a g e : th e lin g u is t ic d isc ip lin e s 7

1 .4 L a n g u a g e data 11

A ctiv it ie s 13


Overview

The a im o f th is open ing chapter is to set the scene. It previews in general terms the topics that

wc w ant to explore in this book. The deta il is filled in by the fo llow ing chapters. It investigates

the nature o f language, o u tlin in g the discip line o f linguistics, w h ich provides the academic

fram ework for ta lk ing about language.

1.1 What is language?W e need to distinguish first o f all between language and a language . W e use the term

language to refer lo the general faculty w h ich enables h um an beings to engage in the

verbal exchange o f in fo rm ation to 'talk' to each other. The exchange m ay take place by

means o l speech, w riting, signing, o r braille. A n d it m ay be in any one o l the w orlds 6,900

or so identified languages (www.cthnologue.com ).

W e are now us ing language in ou r second sense: to refer to a language . A language is the

particu lar fo rm o f verbal com m un ica tio n used by a specific g roup o f speakers. Λ language is

defined in part by the particu lar characteristics o f its pronuncia tion , gram m atical structure

and vocabulary. It may be defined, too, by the fact that its speakers understand each other

but are no t understood by and do no t themselves understand speakers o f other languages.

http://www.cthnologue.com

C h a p te r 1 · D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e

However, a language is often also defined in political o r national terms: for example, Hungarian is

the language spoken by the people o f Hungary. Both o l these are oversimplications as we shall

see later. But for now , it serves to make the d is tinc tion between language and a language.

1.1.1 Speech and w riting

Speech and w riting are the expression side o flanguage, the m ed ia by w h ich we dissem inate

our verbal messages. O f these, speech is the p r im ary m ed ium o f expression: we acquire the

ab ility to speak first; wc arc no t taught to speak, as we arc taught to write; all languages have

a spoken form , bu t no t all are written, and no natural language has existed in a written form

before being a spoken language.

W h en we speak, we produce a succession o f speech sounds. W h en wc write, we produce a

succession o f written symbols: for English, by contrast w ith Chinese, these are letters, the

counterpart in w riting to the sounds o f speech. The sounds o f speech arc accom panied by the

rhythm and pitch features o f in tonation . The letters o f w riting are organized by the devices o f

spacing and punctuation . In tonation includes variation in pitch over a sequence o f sounds,

variation o f emphasis o r stress, as well as features o f con tinu ity and pausing. Punctuation

includes the use o f spaces to separate groups o f letters, as well as marks like the full stop,

question m ark , exclamation mark, com m a and co lon , single and double quota tion marks;

and perhaps even, w ith word-processed text, the use o f bo ld , underlin ing , italics. A ll this

suggests that language has structure.

1.1.2 Words and sentences

W h a t are the sounds o f speech and the letters o f w riting expressing? Speech is no t just a

sequence o f sounds, n o r w riting just a sequence o f letters. The spaces in w riting indicate that

letters form larger units: words. A n d the punctuation indicates that there are larger un its still:

full stops m ark sentences, com m as and sem icolons may m ark phrases and clauses. These

structural un its are m ore obvious in w riting th an in speech, because w riting reflects no t just

pronuncia tion , but aspects o f gram m atica l structure as w e ll Words and sentences, as un its o f

structure, are expressed, though , by speech as well as b y writing.

W e rarely communicate in single sentences, however. In the dialogue o f conversation, the

ultcranccs o f the participants bu ild up in to a discourse. In writing, whether it’s a newspaper

article or a 500-page novel, the sentences com bine to fo rm a t e x t {see Section 1.3.4). Discourses

and texts are also units oflanguage w ith their particular forms o f organization and structure.

1.1.3 Language is . . .

From w hat we have said so far, wc can say that language is the hum an faculty that enables

us to exchange m ean ing fu l messages w ith some o f ou r fellow hum an beings by means o f

discourses and texts, w h ich are structured according to the rules and conventions o f the

particu lar language that we share w ith those fellow hum an beings.

L a n g u a g e is C o n te x tu a liz e d

1.2 Language is contextualized

None o f us speaks and writes our language (or languages) in exactly the same way. W e are

a ll ind iv iduals w hen it conies to language, as we are in other aspects o f o u r behaviour, e.g. our

m annerism s, the w ay we dress or do our hair. A n ind iv id ua l’s language is called their id io lect:

the fo rm le d derives from a Greek word m ean ing ‘speak’, and id io derives from th e Greek

w ord for ‘private’

For any discourse o r text that we produce a num ber o f factors contribu te to ou r in d iv id u

a lity as language users. First, there are psychological factors: o u r ind iv id ua l history as

language users. T hen there are geographical factors: where we com e fro m or have lived

d u r in g ch ild h oo d and adolescence. T hen there are social factors: the social m ilieu in w h ich

we were brought up and the social groups to w h ich w e belong. A n d lastly, there arc factors

relating to the purpose o f a discourse o r text. W e w ill look at each o f these different types o f

context in turn.

1.2.1 Psychological factors

W e norm ally begin ou r acquisition o f language du r ing th e first year o f life w ith in the context

o f a family, where we are spoken to by other fam ily members - parents, sisters and brothers,

aunts and uncles, grandparents. From them we learn ou r early vocabulary. O n their speech

we m ode l o u r speech. Eventually we can participate in the ir conversations.

In due course we go to school. O u r language learn ing continues apace and now brings

in the w ritten m ed ium : we learn to read and write. N ot o n ly that, b u t we probab ly come

across d ilfe ren t styles o f speaking. T he teachers way o f speaking m ay diffe r lro m ou r own;

som e o f o u r peers m ay speak differently. New m odels m ay be presented to us to im ita te . We

m ay learn to speak in a d ifferent way at school from how we speak at hom e. It m ay even

be the case that the language o f school and the language o f hom e are tw o different

languages: Eng lish and Bengali, say. In th is case, we beg in to acquire a second language and

to become b ilingual.

As our schooling progresses a n d especially as we learn to read and write, we become aware

o f the operation o f language itself: the relation between sounds and letters, the no tio n o f a

sentence. I f we go on to learn a foreign language in school, we m ay have our attention drawn

to differences between that language and English. W e beg in to develop w hat is called

m e ta ling u is tic knowledge: know ledge about language.

Already, o n entering school, we fin d ourselves tak ing o n different roles: the role o f ch ild to

o u r parents, that o f sister o r brother to ou r siblings, that o f friend to ou r peers. In school, we

take o n the role o f pup il to ou r teachers. As we go o n in life, the roles that we assume may

become m ore num erous and varied. For each one, we m ay adjust ou r language, ou r style o f

speech o r w riting, even i f only by a sm all am oun t. It m ay be that some roles may require

a different language: consider the religious use o f Hebrew for lews, Arabic for M uslim s,


Punjab i for Sikhs. O u r language ab ility as adults spans a num ber o f varieties, w h ich we use

according to the context in w h ich we are speaking o r writing.

1.2.2 G eographical factorsO ne o f the ways in w h ich a language varies is regionally. W e refer to a regional variety o f

a language as a d ia lcc t. D ialect variation may affcct the words wc use (vocabulary), the

structures we use (gram m ar) and the sounds we use (pronunc ia tion ). I f the variation

concerns pronuncia tion alone, then we refer to accent rather th an dialect. Regional variation

m ay be a m atter o f the difference between na tiona l varieties, e.g. British English, Am erican

English. Australian English, Ind ian English. O r it may be a m atter o f variation w ith in a

national variety, w ith vary ing degrees o f specificity, e.g. West M id lands accent/dialect, Black

C oun try accent/dialect, D ud ley accent/dialect.

T he accent o r dialect that we use in any particu lar context w ill be determ ined by a num ber

o f factors. O u r dialect is fo rm ed in itia lly w hen we m odel o u r speech o n that o f our fam ily and

also o n that o f o u r peers, at school o r elsewhere. It conform s to the dialect o f the area in

which wc live. I I we m ove away trom that area, say tor university education o r for work, we

m ay m o d ify o u r accent/dialect to make ourselves m ore understandable to people from other

areas o f the country. W h en we go back hom e, we m ay well resume speaking in o u r local

dialect. Indeed, we may f in d that we have become bi-dialectal, speaking two dialects,

choosing the appropriate one for the people that we are ta lk ing w ith. W e may no t d o this

consciously, but it shows that wc can adapt ou r language to the context.

1.2.3 So cia l factors

W e have noted already that, as indiv idual speakers, we adopt a num ber o f social roles, which may

require us to vary the language that we use. The role that we have in a particular context is only

one ol the social factors that influences the language wc use. The other people involved in the

interaction, whether as partners in a conversation or as an audience for a spoken monologue or

a written text, m ay require us to adapt our language to the context. O u r relationship w ith these

people, both in terms o f fam iliarity and in terms o f relative social status, are obviously important

determ inants and affect the fo rm a lity o f o u r language. The more diverse and unknow n the

audience, the less we should be able to use features o l o u r local dialect, for example.

T he physical context m ay com bine w ith other social factors to influence our language.

T he same topic discussed in the com m on room or on the bus m ay be couched in different

language from the discussion o f it in the classroom or in a tu to rs study. T he presence o f the

tutor may be seen as in fluentia l here, w h ich brings us back to the people involved in an

interaction.

Both what we ta lk or write about - the topic o f our message - and the type o f interaction

in w h ich it takes place - serm on, interview, chat show, newspaper article, etc. - are also part

o f the context and have an influence o n the variety o f language that we employ.

D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e : T h e L in g u is t ic D isc ip lin e s

1.2.4 Purpose factors

The contcxt in w h ich a discourse or text is produced includes its purpose. Som e language,

especially in in form al conversation, has the sole purpose o f m a in ta in ing social relationships,

rather th an w ith conveying any new in form ation . M u ch o f o u r conversation about the

weather is o f th is kind .

O the r discourse/text has the purpose o f getting th ings done , g iv ing instructions, directing

o ther people. O the r discourse has a persuasive purpose, attem pting to convince other people

o f the rightness o f a belief o r idea. O r a discourse/text m ay have entertainm ent as its purpose,

by means o f te lling a story or cracking a jo ke o r play ing cleverly w ith language itself.

A d is tinc tion is som etim es m ade between language that is in te rac tiona l and language that

is transac tiona l. Interactional language has its m ain focus o n the social relationships between

participants w hen they speak to each other. Transactional language has its m a in focus o n the

message that the language conveys: it is language for do ing things.

W h a t becomes clear is that, as language users, wc have com m and over a w ide variety of

language, whether just in one language, or in tw o o r more. W e adjust o u r language to the

context in w h ich we are talking or w riting. The corollary o f this is that any language does not

have just one s tanda rd form , bu t a m u ltip lic ity o f form s. As users o f a language, w e have to

choose from th is m u ltip lic ity w hat is appropriate to any given context.

1.3 Describing language: the linguistic disciplines

From the previous two sections o f this chapter we have established that language has struc

ture a n d that language has enorm ous variety. W h a t a lingu ist tries to do is to investigate that

structure and that variety and propose ways o f describing them that w ill illum ina te them and

give insight in to their workings.

It is w orth em phasiz ing that a lingu ist is interested in what speakers and writers actually

do w ith language, not in w hat they ought to d o in order to produce ‘correct’ o r 'proper’

language. L inguistics is fundam enta lly descrip tive rather th an prescrip tive . Linguists take

the data o f speech and w riting (see Section 1.4) and m ake an analysis o f it, w ith the purpose

o f prov id ing descriptions o f a language in all its diverse manifestations and o f m ak ing sense

o f hum an beings’ language faculty.

To that end, a num ber o f linguistic discip lines have been developed, which deal w ith

various aspects o flanguage and its use. W e w ill now review som e o f these, to give you an idea

b o th o f the range o f linguistic phenom ena that there is to investigate and o f the scope o f the

academ ic discip line o f linguistics.

1.3.1 D escrib ing soundsThere are tw o related linguistic d iscip lines concerned w ith the description o f sounds:

phonetics and phonology. Phonetics deals w ith h um an speech sounds in general: what


constitutes a h um an speech sound , the w ay in w h ich speech sounds are produced (their

articu lation), the range o f speech sounds that h um an beings are capable of, the physical

(acoustic) qualities o f speech sounds.

Phono logy deals w ith speech sounds from the perspective o f a particu lar language. It

considers the selection that a language makes from the inventory ol h um an speech sounds,

and the contrasts that the language invokes for the purpose o f d is tingu ish ing words. It also

considers the ways in w h ich sounds com b ine in a language in to syllables and words, as well

as features o f in tonation , stress and so on , w h ich accom pany speech.

1.3.2 D escrib ing w ords

T he words o f a language arc investigated and described by means o f the discip lines of

lexicology and morphology’. Lexicology is concerned w ith establishing what a w ord is in a

language; is the word ear referring to the organ o f hearing the same w ord as the ear o f a cereal

plant (ear 0/ wheat)? It is also concerned w ith how the meanings o f words can be described,

and w ith the history o f words and the ir meanings. Lexicology considers, too, how words

relate to each other in the vocabulary as a whole (e.g. the meanings they share). T he insights

o f lexicology are app lied in lexicography to the m ak ing o f dictionaries, w h ich are attem pts to

make descriptions o f a languages w ord stock.

M orpho logy, w h ich is som etim es regarded as a part o f gram m ar, is concerned w ith the

analysis o f the structure o f words. 'H ie w ord morphology is m ade u p o f tw o elements that

derive from Greek: morph means ‘form ' and logos means ‘w ord , reason, study'. M orpho logy

is the study o f (word) form s. A word such as denationalized is com posed o f a num ber o f

elements (called morphemes):

the root nation,

the -al suffix to make national,

the -izc sutfix to make nationalize,

the de- prefix to make denationalize,

and finally the -(e)d suffix to make the past tense or past participle form o f the verb.

M orpho logy describes these word form ation and word s tructuring processes, and how words

vary in fo rm (by means o f inflections) for different gram m atical purposes.

1.3.3 D escrib ing sentencesT he linguistic d iscip line that deals w ith the structure o f sentences is syntax, w h ich, along

w ith morphology, constitutes grammar. The word syntax derives from a Greek term that means

'pu tting together': it investigates how words are put together in to sentences. This is no t just a

matter o f possible w ord orders; e.g. I have to write an essay on H am le t is a possible order in

English, while Have to I Hamlet on essay write is not. It also concerns the differences in m eaning

that result from alternative possible orders: com pare / im kissed M ary , M a ry kissed lim .

D e s c r ib in g L a n g u a g e : T h e L in g u is t ic D isc ip lin e s

Jim a n d M a ry kissed. A n d it considers a ll the various ways, s im p le and complex, in which

sentences are structured.

Syntax is som etim es lim ited to the study o f the structure o l sentences. IIowcver, sentences

themselves are ‘put together’ in to texts and discourses. These, though , are structured rather

d ifferently from sentences and they have spawned their ow n linguistic disciplines.

1.3.4 D escrib ing discourses and texts

For some linguists, the term discourse includes both spoken and written ‘discourses’. So,

discourse analysis w ould be concerned equally w ith the d ialogue o f conversation and the

w ritten articles found in scientific journals . O the r linguists use the term text lingu istics

to inc lude b o th written and spoken ‘texts'. It is perhaps m ore sensible, since bo th terms exist,

to restrict d iscourse to spoken language and text to written language.

Discourse analysis is, then, the linguistic d iscip line concerned w ith the description ol

spoken interaction, whether in the dialogues o f interviews and conversation o r in the

monologues o f serm ons and lectures. It investigates the ways in w h ich partic ipants in

d ia logue interact, how a conversation keeps going, as well as the m echanism s for controlling

more structured interactions, like interviews.

Text linguistics, or text gram m ar, is concerned w ith the study o f written com m unication ,

m a in ly in the fo rm o f m onologues, but also occasionally in the fo rm o f a dialogue, as in an

exchange o f letters. It investigates the features that m ake a text make sense as a whole, as well

as the means, e.g. paragraphs, by w h ich texts are structured and the various types o f text

that exist to fu lfil the diverse functions that texts have in com m un ica tion (e.g. te lling a story,

argu ing a po in t, describing a place, te lling som eone how to do som ething).

1.3.5 D escrib ing m eaning

M ean ing is all pervasive in language. T he other aspects o f language - the sounds/letters, the

m orphology, the syntax - a ll serve the purpose o f com m un ica ting m ean ing fu l messages

between hum an beings. The study o f m ean ing is the province o f the linguistic d iscip line o f

semantics. Semantics deals w ith the m ean ing o f words and o f parts o f words (m orphem es),

and so overlaps w ith the interests o f lexicology and morphology. It also deals w ith the m ean

ing o f sentences, and so overlaps w ith the interests o f syntax. Indeed, the term sem antics is

som etim es qua lified to reflect these different concerns, e.g. lexical semantics, gram m atical

semantics.

1.3.6 D escrib ing language and the individual

The ways in w h ich an in fan t acquires language and the investigation o f w hat goes o n inside a

person’s m in d when they use language are stud ied by psycholinguistics. As the term implies,

this is a discip line that spans the co m m o n interests o f psychology and linguistics. Its interest

is language as an aspect o f h um an behaviour, inc lud ing language in its norm a l functions: how


we store language, how we access it and the processes involved in understand ing and

produc ing language. It is also interested in how ind iv idua ls operate as bilinguals, w hen they

acquire and use tw o o r m ore languages.

As well as investigating how h u m a n beings acquire a language and learn second and

subsequent languages, psycholinguistics also studies language breakdown and loss in

ind iv iduals, as a result o f head in jury, stroke or other trauma. A n ind iv idua ls language may

provide evidence o f the nature o f the in ju ry suffered; equally, the language loss, o r aphasia,

m ay tell us som eth ing about how o u r brains process language.

1.3.7 D escrib ing language and social variation

T he ways in w h ich language varies socially is the concern o t sociolinguistics, w'hich, as the

te rm im plies, lies at the intersection o f linguistics and sociology. M any o f the categories

o f sociology, e.g. social group o r social network, are used by sociolinguists to investigate

the ways in w h ich language reflects, m a in ta ins or even constitutes social distinctions, social

identity and behaviour.

Sociolinguistics often investigates the correlation between a linguistic feature, e.g. o l p ronun

ciation or grammar, and a social d is tinction , e.g. gender or social class. It is also interested in

how m u ltilingua l com m unities work, how linguistic m inorities (e.g. W elsh or Bengali in the

U K ) manage, and how lingua francas like pidgins and creoles {e.g. in the Caribbean) develop.

1.3.8 D escrib ing language in use

M ore recently (in the last few decades) a linguistic discipline has developed called pragmatics,

w 'hich draws on a num ber o f the discip lines we have already m entioned in order to present

an account o l the ways in w'hich language is used. The em phasis is on the contexts and

purposes o flanguage use. It draws on sociolinguistics and discourse analysis especially It is

interested, for example, in how people use language to get things done, o r to influence others,

or to persuade.

1.3.9 Sum m arizing . . .

T he core linguistic disciplines, those w h ich study the system o l language, arc: phono logy

(draw ing o n phonetics), m orphology, lexicology, syntax and discourse analysis/text

linguistics. Pervading them all to a greater or lesser extent is semantics.

I.ooking outward from language to the w ider context o f its use in hum an com m un ica tion

are the discip lines o f psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics and pragmatics.

Language can be approached Irom a num ber o f perspectives. It is as this is done that a

picture o f the variety and com plexity o f language begins to emerge. It is an exploration

that seems to have barely begun. You can share in that exploration as you undertake wrork in

language study.

1.4 Language data

L a n g u a g e D a t a

W h a t arc linguists describing? W here d o they get their data from ? Linguists c la im to be

‘describing’ w hat people say and write, n o t 'prescribing' how they shou ld d o it. They are,

thcrclore, n o t try ing just to iden tity best practice. A ny th ing that is said o r written in a

language constitutes data that m ay be o f interest to a lingu ist for some descriptive purpose

or other.

1.4.1 Introspection

Som e linguists believe that, as native speakers o f a language, reflecting on their own know

ledge o f their language provides them w ith the data that they need. This is accessing

linguistic data by introspection. For some purposes, e.g. testing h o w a linguistic theory

works, th is m ay provide adequate data. But it has the danger o f p roduc ing on ly the data that

the lingu is t needs to prove a po in t. A n d it is very d ifficu lt som etim es to be sure what your

ow n practice is in linguistic matters: repeat som eth ing enough times to yourself and you

can persuade yourself that th is is w hat you regularly say. For example, do you say She's quite

different from her mother or She's qu ite different to her mother?

1.4.2 Elicitation

T he self-generated, subjective data fro m introspection is fo r m ost purposes qu ite in ade

quate. There are tw o other, more reliable, ways o f o b ta in ing data. I f a lingu ist is interested in

investigating som e particu lar aspect o f language, they m ay need to collect some very

specific data. To do that, they m ay construct a questionnaire to elicit the data that they are

interested in , from a particu lar set o f speakers o f a language. T h is is, therefore, called the

e lic itation techn ique o f ob ta in ing data. T h is is a com m on technique in sociolinguistics,

where a lingu ist is studying the correlation between linguistic features and social categories.

For exam ple, a lingu ist m ay be interested in fin d ing out w h ich preposition particular

social groups use after the adjective different (different from , different to or different than).

A n e lic itation technique, by means o f a questionnaire , w ou ld be an appropriate way in w h ich

to collect such data.

1.4.3 Corpora

M any linguists, w ho m ay be interested in rather broader areas o f linguistic investigation, rely

these days o n a corpus o f data. A corpus (from Latin fo r 'body ') is a co llection o f texts and/or

discourses w h ich a linguist uses to study aspects o l a language. For investigations o t the

language system, the corpus w ill need to be quite extensive, and to include a representative

sample o f the range o f discourses and texts that occur in a language com m un ity . I f the inter

est is in vocabulary, i.e. lexicological, then the corpus needs to be m ore extensive than i f the


interest is phonological o r gram m atical. These days the corpus is likely to be he ld o n a

computer.

O n e o f the earliest and m ost fam ous corpora (or corpuses) is the Survey o f English Usage,

w h ich is a corpus o f some 750,000 words, two-thirds o f w h ich is spoken data. It was collected

at University College London under the d irection o f Professor R ando lph Q u irk , and it has

been used by m any linguists to investigate various aspects o f English (see: www.ucl.ac.uk/

english-usage/index.htm). It was converted in to com puter fo rm at the University o f L und in

Sweden and became the London-Lund Corpus. A nother extensively used com puter corpus is

the 1 m illio n word Lancaster/Oslo-Bergen Corpus (know n as LO B ), w h ich contains some

500 text extracts o f around 2,000 words each from prin ted m ateria l published in the year

1961 (see: http://khnt.hit.uib .no/icam e/mam ials/lob/index.htm ). It was constructed under

the direction o f Professor G eoffrey Leech at the University o f Lancaster as a British English

counterpart to a corpus o f A m erican English that had been constructed at Brown University

in the U SA in the 1960s - the Brown Corpus. A num ber o f com parisons between British and

A m erican English have been m ade us ing these two corpora. Counterparts to these two

corpora, w ith material published in 1991/2, have been developed under the d irection o f

Professor Christian M a ir at the University o f Freiburg in G erm any; they arc kno w n as the

F R O W N (Freiburg Brown) and FLOB (Freiburg LO B) corpora. Studies using these corpora

have traced some o f the developments in British and A m erican English over the 30-year

period between 1961 and 1991.

W ith the greater power and storage capacity o f even desktop computers in recent years,

the development o f h igh ly accuratc scanners and optical character reading software, which

can translate text in to electronic fo rm w ithout the need for keying it in , as well as the ready

availability o f text in electronic fo rm , linguists have been able to develop very large corpora.

In the early 1990s, the British N ationa l Corpus (www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk) was developed,

conta in ing 100 m illio n words o f w ritten text (90%) and spoken discourse (10%). It continues

to be a well-used source o f language data, and it can be searched on line . A counterpart

American N ationa l Corpus is under construction (see: www.anc.org).

Even larger corpora have been developed for the purpose o f d ic tionary m aking. In the

1980s a jo in t project between C o llins publishers and B irm ingham University, under the

direction o f Professor John Sinclair, developed the C O B U IL D corpus, w h ich became the

Bank o f English, w h ich is continua lly being added to and now stands at over 500 m illio n

words ( http://www.mycobuild.com/about-collins-corpus.aspx). A corpus developed by Oxford

University Press (Oxford English Corpus) for its d ic tionary com pila tion work, and derived

largely from the internet, contains over 2 b illio n words (www.askoxford.com/oec).

M u ch useful work in language study can be undertaken w ith a more modest corpus. A ny

collection o f data, however lim ited , can reveal interesting things about language. However, it

is usually useful i f you have some idea o f what you are lo ok ing for. This is w hy you need to

have a general know ledge and understanding o f the linguistic system.

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/

http://khnt.hit.uib.no/icame/mamials/lob/index.htm

http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk

http://www.anc.org

http://www.mycobuild.com/about-collins-corpus.aspx

http://www.askoxford.com/oec

Activities

A c tiv it ie s

A ctiv ity 1.1

M ake a recording from the radio o f an interview or other live speech. Transcribe about

one m inu te o f it, no ting dow n as m any features o f what you hear as you can, inc lud ing

hesitations, m um b ling s and the like.

Take a brie f article from a newspaper or magazine.

Com pare your transcription o f the spoken data w ith the written text, and note dow n all the

differences that you can observe.

H ow are speech and w riting different from each other?

A ctiv ity 1.2For a typical day in your life, keep a d iary o f all the times du r ing that day w hen you use

language, either as a speaker o r writer, or as a listener o r reader.

M ake a note o f w h ich role you have (speaker, listener, etc.), w ho the o ther partic ipants were,

w hat the purpose o f the use oflanguage was and the physical context.

Note also whether you noticed yourself adap ting your language to the context - the people,

the situation or the purpose.

A t the end o f the day, review your use o f language du r ing that day, and prepare to be

surprised!

A ctiv ity 1.3

Take any sentence from the material that you collected for Activity 1.1. A ttem pt to describe

it from as m any linguistic perspectives as you can. Your description w ill inevitably be

incomplete, but it w ill begin to give you an im pression o f the great variety o f th ings that

there is to f in d out about language.

A ctiv ity 1.4

G o to th e British N ationa l Corpus website: www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk. Knter the phrase different

fron t in to the ‘Look u p box in the 'Search the Corpus' section, and click o n 'Go'. A fter some

m om ents , you w ill be presented w ith the results o f the search, inc lud ing the num ber o f times

different fro m occurs in the corpus and 50 sentences from the corpus illustrating the use o f

this phrase. Note the num ber o f occurrences.

http://www.natcorp.ox.ac.uk


N ow do the same w ith different to. H ow m any occurrences are Ihere o f different io? W h ich

preposition, f ro m o r to, is m ore co m m o n after different in late twentieth-century British

English? D id the result surprise you?

You m ay like to continue exploring the British N ationa l Corpus and do ing further searches o f

words and phrases that interest you.

Further readingΛ w ide- rang ing a n d readab le in tro d u c t io n to th e s tu d y o f th e E ng lish lang uage is C rysta l (201)2). A m o re deta iled .

system atic a n d te chn ic a l s u rvey o f th e f ie ld u G ra m le y a n d P h U o ld <2<XM). o r C u lp e p e r et a l. (2009).

The following are useful reference sources that can be mined for information on English and on language more widely

McArthur (1992), Crystal (1997) on language in general, and Crystal (2003) on the English language.

F o r advice o n te rm in o lo g y , y o u s h o u ld c o n su lt C o n t in u u m 's 'K ey T erm * series, in c lu d in g Jackson (2007)

A Toolkit for Language Analysis

Chapter OutlineO verv ie w 15

2.1 S o u n d s a n d le tters 15

2 .2 W ords 2 8

2 .3 S e n te n ce s 4 2

2 .4 V a ria b ility a n d co rre ctn ess 5 6

A ctiv it ie s 5 9

A n sw e rs t o activ it ie s 67

F u rth e r re ad in g 72


Overview

In th is chaptcr, wc arc go ing to explore how the English language works, from the po in t o f

v iew o f its in terna l system. W e begin w ith the smallest elements, sounds and letters. We then

move on to the .structure and m ean ing o t words; after that, to the structure and func tion o f

sentences.

2.1 Sounds and letters

T he Knglish alphabet - the w ord derives from the names o f the first two letters o f the Greek

alphabet: a lpha a and beta ß - contains 2 6 letters: abcdefghijklm nopqrstuvwxyz.

They arc used to write the words and sentences o f Eng lish. Five o f the letters are sa id to be

vowels: aeiou. T he rem ainder are consonants. The terms consonan t and vowel are more

appropriately used o f the sounds w h ich the letters arc supposed to represent.

C h a p te r 2 · A T o o lk it fo r L a n g u a g e A n a ly s is

N a sa l cavity

H ard palate

Velum (soft palate) Uvula

Blade Epiglottis

Voca l chords O esophagus

Larynx —

W indpipe

Figu re 2.1 O rg a n s o f speech .

W c have already established ( in Section 1.1.1) that speech is the p r im ary m ed ium of

language. Letters are therefore the attem pt to represent in w r it in g the sounds o f speech. There

are m ore speech sounds in English th an there are letters in the alphabet: some 40 distinct

sounds altogether. T he alphabet is, thus, inadequate for representing each sound w ith a

un ique sym bol. Phoneticians have devised a nota tion , based o n the R om an alphabet, with

the add itio n o f sym bols from the Greek alphabet and elsewhere, in w h ich each sound has

a un ique sym bol; it is called the International Phonetic A lphabet o r IPA. W e shall be

in troduc ing the symbols as we discuss the speech sounds o f English.

English speech sounds are produced as we breathe ou t. The co lum n o f a ir that w e exhale

is m o d ified as it passes from the lungs, o u t past the glottis in the throat, and through the

m o u th or nose: it is given v o ic e (noise) by the vocal cords in the glottis; ind iv id ua l sounds

are shaped by the m ou th , and especially the tongue (note the use o f the word tongue as an

o lder synonym o f language).

2.1.1 Vow els (see Figure 2.2)There is a greater m ism atch between vowel letters and vowel sounds (5 letters to represent

20 sounds) than between consonant letters and sounds. Vowel sounds in English are all

v o ic e d , that is, we make them w ith o u r vocal cords vibrating . I f you put your fingers o n your

S o u n d s a n d L e tte rs

Front Central BA-k

High i i: u u:

Mid c 3 a: 0:

Low■

Λ o a:

S im p le vo w e ls D ip h th o n g »

Figu re 2.2 Vowel sounds o( English.

throat, near your glottis (A dam ’s apple in m en), and say ‘aaahhh’, you can feel the vibration o f

your vocal cords.

W hat d istinguishes vowels from consonants is that vowel sounds arc m ade w ithout any

restriction in the m o u th to the airflow co m ing u p from the lungs. D ifferent vowel sounds are

m ade b y the com b ina tion of lo u r factors:

1. length: whether a vowel Is short or long (a long vowel is indicated with a following colon ': ’);

2 . height: how high or low the tongue and lower jaw arc (high, m id, low);

3. place: where in ihe mouth the sound is made (front, central, back);

4. lips: the shape o f the lips (spread, rounded).

For example, the ‘lo ng high front spread vowel’ is found in seed, represented by the letters er,

the 'lo ng h igh back rounded vowel’ is fo und in food , represented by oo.

N ow le t us exam ine the vow el sounds fo und in English, lo ok ing first at the ‘front’ vowels,

then the central’ vowels, and lastly the ‘back’ vowels.

F r o n t v o w e lsEnglish has four front vowels, those in seed, Sid, stiid, sad, fo r w h ich the 1PA sym bols are:

seed / i :/ long high front spread vowel

Sid HI short high front spread vowel (also symbolized by III)

m id I d short m id front spread vowel (also symbolized by /£/)

sad In i short low front spread vowel (also symbolized by /ar/).

I f you say these vowels in order, from h igh to low, you w ill perceive that your tongue is

progressively lowered and your m o u th becomes m ore open . Note thaï il is conventional to


pu l phonetic transcriptions between slash brackets / /. Square brackets | ] are also used, as we

shall see later (Section 2.1.4).

C e n tra l vo w e lsEnglish has three central vowels, the tw o in burden, and the one in bud . T he IPA symbols for

these vowels are:

burden - the first vowel (ur) la:/ is a long m id central spread vowel

burden the second vowel (e) /o/ is a short m id central spread vowel

bud /λ / short low central spread vowel.

T h is last vowel /λ / occurs typically in the speech o f southern British English speakers.

Speakers in the M id lands and N orth use a h igh back rounded vowel /u/ instead.

B a ck v o w e lsEnglish has five back vowels, from h igh to low those in food, good, ford, God, guard . T he IPA

symbols for these vowels are:

food /u :/ long high back rounded vowel

good /u/ short high back rounded vowel (also symbolized by lo i)

ford lo'.l long m id back rounded vowel (also symbolized by Ix l)

God lo i short low back rounded vowel (also symbolized by In i)

guard fa i l long low back spread vowel.

M a n y words that are pronounced in Southern British English w ith the lo ng low back spread

vowel /a :/ are pronounced in the M id lan d s and N orth w ith the short low front spread vowel

/a/, e.g. ask, grass, laugh, pa th . This is one o f the m a in differences between southern and

northern English accents, together w ith the / λ / (southern) versus / o l (northern) dillerence

in words like bud, come, fun .

You w ill notice that the labels for vowel sounds follow a regular sequence: length - height -

place - lips - vowel.

D ip h th o n g sAll the vowel sounds we have considered so far arc m ade w ith a single configuration o l the

m ou th . O nce hav ing m ade the configuration , in terms o f tongue height, place and lips, we

can m ake the vowel sound for as long as we have breath to sustain it. You m igh t notice that it

is o n the vowel sounds that singers are able to sustain notes. W e can ca ll these vowel sounds

'simple vowels’ or more technically ‘m onphthongs'. There are. however, some vowel sounds in

English where the configuration o( the m o u th changes in the course o l m ak ing the sound.

They are called ‘d iph thongs’. For example, the vowel in m ade is a d iph thong : it begins as a m id

front vowel and then tends towards a h igh fron t vowel; it is sym bolized as /ei/.

English has three sets o f d iphthongs, according to the second vowel o f the d iphthong : I)

those tend ing towards / if; 2) those tend ing towards /u /; 3) those tend ing towards /a/.


The /i/ d iph thongs are the vowel sounds in sail, stile, soil, w h ich are represented by the

fo llow ing IPA symbols:

sail leV m id front to high front diphthong

stile /ai/ low-front to high-front diphthong

soil lot! mid-hack to high-lront diphthong.

The /u/ d iph thongs are the vowel sounds in load, loud, represented by the fo llow ing IPA

symbols:

load /ou/ mid-back to high-back diphthong

loud /qu/ low-back to high-back diphthong.

The l o i d iph thongs are the vowel sounds in fierce, scared, tour, w h ich are represented by

the IPA symbols:

fierce Hol high-front to mid-central diphthong

scared /ccil mid-front to mid-ccnlral diphthong

tour /us/ high-back to mid-central diphthong.

There is som e variation in the pronuncia tion o l these d iphthongs, and in some accents,

e.g. Scottish, sim ple vowels m ay be used instead. In the case o f tour, for example, the vowel

may, for m any speakers, be /o:/ rather than lu o l.

W e have now described the 12 sim ple vowels and the 8 d iphthongs o f English. It is in the

vowels that there is the greatest disparity between num ber o f sounds ( 20) and num ber o f

letters (5 ), even taking in to account com binations o l letters (sec further Section 2.1.5). It is

also in the vowel sounds that we can detect m ost o f the differences o f accent am ong speakers

o f English (see lurther Section 2.1.8).

2.1.2 Consonants (see Figure 2.3)

U nlike vowels, the pronuncia tion o f consonants involves some interruption o f the airflow,

w h ich is caused b y articulators (tongue, lips, ro o f o f the m o u th ) co m ing together, o r into

close p rox im ity There are three factors that determ ine the qua lity o f a consonant sound:

1 . whether the vocal cords are vibrating, called voicing:

2 . the place where the articulation takes place;

3. the manner o f the articulation - complote interruption o f the airtlow, as against partial

interruption.

V o ic in gW hethe r the vocal cords are v ibra ting o r no t determ ines whether a consonant is vo iced (w ith

v ibra tion ) o r unvo iced (w ithout v ibra tion , also called ‘voiceless’) . M any consonants in

English are in unvoiced/voiced pairs, for example in the fina l sounds o f lace /s i and laze lzl\

P la ce o f articulation


=fCδ

I§5

Bilabial Labio-dental Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stop P b t d k 9 ?

Affricate U d 3

Fricative 1 v 6 Λ 5 7 f 5 h

N asal m n n

Lateral 1

Approximant V/ r i

Figure 2.3 C o n s o n a n t s o u n d s o f E ng lish .

Is/ is unvoiced, /z/ is voiced. To lest th is, put your fingers in your ears and say /s/ - /z/ in

succession: the buzz ing in your cars w hen you say I 'd indicates that your vocal cords arc-

vibrating.

P la ce o f a rt ic u la t io nM u ch o f the articu lation o f consonant sounds occurs w ith some part o f the tongue against

som e part of fh e roof o f the m o u th , but no t exclusively. Starting from the front o f the m outh ,

we can identify a num ber o f places o f articu lation relevant to the pronunc ia tion o f English

consonants. See Figure 2 .1 in Section 2.1.

Labial articu la tion - invo lv ing the lips - is used for the in it ia l sounds o f boast /b/, most

/m / and vast Iv l. T he first tw o /b m / have a b ila b ia l articu lation , us ing the upper and

lower lip. T he last one I v l has a lab io-denta l articu lation , using the lower lip and the upper

front teeth.

Denta l articu lation - w ith the tongue tip against the back o f the upper front teeth - is used

for the in itia l sounds o f th ird /Θ/ and those Id/.

Alveolar articulation w ith the blade o f the tongue against the bony, alveolar ridge just beh ind

the upper front teeth - is used for the in itia l sounds o f door /d/» zoo IvJ, near In / , le a f ZU.

Palatal articu lation - w ith the front o f the tongue against the hard palate - is used for the

in itia l sound o f jo b Id ^ f - represented here by the letter ‘ i ’ - and o f shop /J'/ - represented here

by the letter com b ina tion ‘sh’.


Velar articu la tion - w ith the back o f the longue against the velum (soft palate) - is used for

the in itia l sound o f g ir l I g / and for the fina l sound o f b a n g /ηΙ represented here by the letter

com b ina tion 'ng', cxccpt in some accents (for example in the W est M id lands) where ‘ng ’ is

pronounced /η g/.

G lo tta l articu lation - using the glottis - is used for one sound in English, the unvoiced /h/

at the beg inn ing o f horse, although another glottal sound is heard in m any accents, the ‘glottal

stop’ /? / , substituting for the /tI sound represented by the letters 'tt' in butter o r letter.

M a n n e r o f a rt icu la tio nThe m anner o f articu lation describes the way in w h ich the articulators com e together. It

provides a useful way in w h ich to categorize consonant sounds. W e can iden tify five classes

o f consonant according to their m anner o f articulation: stop (o r plosive), fricative, nasal,

lateral, approximant.

S to p co n so n a n tsThis class o f consonant includes /b/ at the beg inn ing o f bird, /d / at the beg inn ing o f dirt, /g/

at the beg inn ing o f girl. They are called stop consonants because the articulators come

together to completely stop the airflow. The subsequent release o f the stopped airflow is often

accom panied by plosion, w h ich gives them their other nam e o f plosive.

T he fo llow ing unvoiced/voiced pairs o f stop consonants occur in English:

bilabial /p b/, initially in pin, bin

alveolar / 1 d/ . initially in fin, dm

velar /k g/. initially in conic, gum.

W e m igh t also inc lude here the g lo tta l stop /? / , noted earlier, w h ich is m ade by bringing

the vocal cords together and completely s topp ing the airflow in the glottis. A lthough associ

ated w ith the speech o f East Lo nd on (Cockney), it is used by m any people as a substitute for

/t/, as noted in the m idd le o f words like butter, b u t also at the end o f words like sit.

English also has a pair o f stop consonants at the palatal place o f articulation, w h ich are a

little different Irom those just described. The release o f the stop involves friction (see fricatives

below ), and they are som etim es called affricates. They are found in itia lly in choke and joke:

palatal / t / d j/ (compare alveolar stops above and palatal fricatives below).

Frica tiv esIn the pronuncia tion o f fricatives the articulators com e close together, b u t w ithout c o m

pletely stopping the airflow. As air is forced th rough the sm all gap between articulators,

fr ic tion occurs. There are four unvoiced/voiced pairs o f fricatives in English:

labio-dental K v/, initially in fan, van

dental /Θ <V, initially in thin, then

alveolar /s ·/.!, initially in sup, zap


palatal / / 3 /, finally in ash and in the middle o f azure. The voiccd palatal fricative (5/ is usually found

only in the middle o l words in English, and rarely at the beginning or end.

There is one further sound in English that is counted as a fricative: it is the unvoiced glottal

fricative /h /, w h ich occurs on ly at the beg inn ing o f a syllable, for example in heat, inhum an.

N asalNasal consonants are like stops in that there is a com plete closure o f articulators in the

m ou th . However, the uvula, w h ich norm a lly blocks o ff the passage to the nose for other

speech sounds, is lowered, and the airflow escapes instead through the nose. So, nasals

are c o n t in u a n t sounds, like fricatives: they can be sustained o r con tinued ’. A ll nasals in

English arc voiced consonants, w ithout voiceless counterparts. There are three in all:

bilabial Im ), initially in mice

alveolar In i, initially in nice

velar /η/. finally in lung.

T he velar nasal It)/ is restricted in its d is tribution: it does no t occur at the beginnings o f

syllables/words. In som e accents it is always followed by the voiced velar stop /g/, so /long/

rather th an /lot)/. W h e n th is is the case, it cou ld be regarded as just a variant o f the alveolar

nasal I n i occurring before /g/ (sec Section 2.1.4 o n variants).

La te ra lLike stops and nasals, lateral consonants involve a complete closure in the m ou th , between

the tongue and some part o f the palate. I lowever, a ir is allowed to escape over the sides o f the

tongue, so ‘laterally’. There is one lateral consonant in English; it is voiced:

alveolar /!/, initially in lord.

A p p r o x im a n tThere are three further sounds in English, w h ich are counted as consonants. In their

articu la tion they arc more like vowels in that they do not im pede the a irflow ; however, they

are like consonants in the k inds o f articu la tion they 'approximate and in the ir fu nc tio n in

the structure o f syllables (see Section 3.1.3). These approx im ants arc all voiccd:

bilabial /w/, initially in wet

alveolar h i , initially in rat

palatal Ijl, initially 111 yet.

All three approximants are restricted in their d istributions in syllables and words:

bilabial /w/ generally occurs only initially, although it is used as a substitute for I II in the speech of

some Southern English and Scottish speakers, e.g. in film /fiwm/, kill /kiw/;

alveolar Ir l occurs readily initially and between vowels (e.g. in hurry), but variably, according to

accent, in other positions;


palatal 1)1 occurs initially and in initial consonant combinations with /p/ (e.g. pure /pjuo/), /b/

(beauty /bjuiti/), /f/ {fetv /fju:/), H I ( tune /tju:n/), I d / (duke /dju:k/), /kI (cure /kjua/), I n / (new /

nju:/), and I'or some speakers /l/ (lure /ljua/).

2.1.3 Syllables

Sounds do not occur in isolation, except as expressions o f surprise, pleasure, frustration or

annoyance (O h ! M m ! Eh ! Aargh!). Sounds com b ine together in to (spoken) words and

sentences. The ways in w h ich sounds com bine can best be described, however, i f we recog

nize the syllable as a un it o f phonological organization smaller than a word. Som e words are

com posed o t o n ly one syllabic (for exam ple p lum , pear): they arc m onosy llab ic . Others

are com posed o f m ore th an one syllable (for example lemon - tw o syllables, strawberry -

three syllables): they are polysyllabic.

Λ syllable has a vowel sound as its central element. In English the vowel m ay be preceded

by u p to three consonants and follow ed by u p to four consonants. There are restrictions on

w h ich consonants m ay occur in w h ich positions. For example, il three consonants precede

a vowel, the first one m ust be /s/, the second m ay be either /p / , I I I o r /k/, and the th ird m ay

be either / I/ ( if the second consonant is /p /) , /w / ( i f the second consonant is /k /) or /r/ (w ith

any o f the second consonants). T he possible syllable-initial three-consonant com binations

are then: /spl/ (splash), /spr/ (spray), /str/ (stray), / skr/ (screw), /skw / (square). C learly, there

is a m uch greater num ber o( possible tw o-consonanl com binations, and every consonant

may occur s ing ly in syllable-initial position w ith the exception o f !\)t.T he possible com binations o f consonants are those that occur natura lly in monosyllab ic

w ords. In polysyllabic w'ords it is not always easy to determ ine where the boundaries between

syllables fall, but the perm issible consonant com binations give some fair guidance. For

exam ple, in acute /ak ju :t/ there arc tw o syllables, w ith the vowels /a / and /u:/. The question

is, to w h ich syllable do the consonants /k/ and 1)1 belong? The I k l cou ld be long to the first

syllable, b u t the 1)1 cou ld no t, because /k j/ is no t a possible syllable-final com b ination . The

1)1 cou ld be long to the second syllable, so cou ld the Ik l , since /kj/ is a possible syllable-initial

com b ina tion (e.g. cure /k iuD/). So. the syllables in acute cou ld be d iv ided e ither a s /a k - ju :t/

o r as /a- kju:t/. The decision between these tw o rests on judgem ents about like lihood , based

o n h o w frequently occurring the alternative patterns are fo und to be in English words.

Flow m any syllables m ay a word conta in? Clearly, there arc m any m onosy llab ic words in

English (scratch /skratJ7. f lask /llu :sk/, squashed /skw nft/). Two- and three-syllable words

are also quite co m m o n (fla-grant, nui-sance; im-por-tant, af-ter-ncon). Then, as the num ber

o f syllables in words increases, the pattern occurs less frequently, and the words become

more obscure.

Four-syllabic: me-tan-cho-ly /me Ian ko li/, un-de-ci-dcd /λ ι\ di sui did/

Five-syllable: pri-vi-ti-sa-tion /prai va lai zei .fan/, ad-mi-nis-tra-tive /ad m i nis tra liv/

Six-syllabic: in-dis-tin-gui-sha-ble /in dis lin gwi Ja b a l/ . sen-ti-men-ta-Ii-ty /sen li men la li ti/

Seven-syllable: in-des-truc-ta-bi-li-ty /in dis irAk ta bi li ti/.


2.1.4 Variation

Λ particu lar sound m ay no t always have exactly the same pronuncia tion every tim e that it

occurs. Sounds vary according to the context, in particu lar the other sounds that surround

them . The variation can be o l several kinds. Som e sounds vary o n a regular basis according

to their pos ition in a syllable or word. Certa in sounds, w hen they com e at the end o f a word,

are liable to vary in the d irection o f a sound beg inn ing the fo llow ing w ord; and some sounds

at the beg inn ing o f words m ay be influenced by the sound at the end o f the preceding word.

Some sounds are liable to be om itted in certain contexts.

A llo p h o n e sThe technical term given to the speech sounds o f a language is phonem e . W e have been

discussing the phonem es o f English, how they are articulated, and how they com b ine into

syllables and words. Λ phonem e is a sound segment, w h ich enters in to the structure o f

syllables and words, and which, w hen replaced b y another phonem e, makes a different word.

For example, the substitution o l /t/ lor /d / in /d in / makes a different word in English /tin/;

so does the substitution o f /m l for In / - /d im / . Clearly, then , /if, /d /. Im / , /n / are different

phonem es in English.

Consider now th e pronunc ia tion o f IV in lip /lip / and in p il l /p il/. These tw o occurrences

o f /l/ are articulated slightly differently: in the case o f / lip /, the tongue blade contacts the

alveolar ridge, but the rest o f the tongue is fairly flat in the m o u th - the so-called clear I. In

the case o f /p il/ , however, while the tongue b lade contacts the alveolar ridge as before, the

back o f the tongue is raised towards the ve lum (soft palate) - the so-called velarized o r da rk I.

However, the substitution o f one type o f /l/ for the other w ou ld no t make a different word,

merely a slightly different pronuncia tion (speakers from South Wales often use a clear /l/ in

fina l pos ition in words like pill). This variation is no t ‘phonem ic ’, but a llo p ho n ic , and it is

entirely predictable: the clear (1) a llophone o f /l/ occurs before vowels, the velarized or

da rk ftl a llophone occurs belore consonants (help) and word-finally (fu ll). W h e n transcrip

tion is at the detailed level o f phonetic (a llophon ic ) variants it is p u t between square

brackets, so clear [1 | and dark (f|, to d is tingu ish phonetic transcrip tion from the more

general, phonem ic , transcription.

A no the r m a jo r case o f a llophon ic variation occurs w ith the unvoiced stops /p t k/. In

in itia l and lin a l positions, these unvoiced stops, w hen they arc released, arc accom panied by

a p u ff o f a ir called a sp ira tio n . H o ld your h and in front o f your m o u th and say p ie and

you w ill feel the asp iration . However, w hen these stops occur after /s/, e.g. in sport, stork,

score, they are unaspirated. So, the unvo iced stops have an aspirated a llophone (p1' th k 'l

and an unaspirated a llophone |p t k|, w hose occurrences are predictable from their

phono log ica l context.

W e also noted earlier ( in Section 2 . 1 .2 ) that in accents where nasal / 1)/ is always followed

by /g/, it cou ld be considered to be a variant o f /x\/: In) is an a llophone o f In / before /g/.


A ss im ila tio nW h a t is happen ing in ihe case o f [η], w hen regarded as a variant o f In / , is that the alveolar

nasal In / is assim ilating ' to the velar articu lation o f the fo llow ing /g /. A ss im ilation also

occurs at w ord boundaries, w hen a word-final alveolar consonant (such as /t/, /d/. In i) may

assim ilate to a fo llow ing word-initial bilabial or velar consonant.

Say the fo llow ing phrase out loud to yourself several times at a no rm a l speed, and notice

in particu lar the pronuncia tion o f the fina l consonant o f the first w ord: lo ud bangs. Two

th ings arc happen ing here: first, the /d/ o f lo ud assimilates to the in itia l /b / o f bangs and

becomes /b/; second, th is /b/ is not released, but the closure is he ld for the /b/ o f bangs, where

it is then released.

Here are some further examples where assim ilation is likely to occur at the end o f a word

in fluent speech: short course /t/ to /k/ - /J’o :k ko:s/; light bu lb /t/ to Ip / - /la ip bAlb/; good g irl

/d / to /g/ - / gug go:l/; lean meat In i to /m / - /li:m m i:t/; f in e car I n i to /η / - /fain ka:/.

Assim ilation is illustrated here w ith word-final alveolar stops a n d nasals, since they appear

to be m ore susceptible to change th an most. O the r types o f assim ilation do occur, e.g. /s/ to

/ / / in nice shop /n a if J n p /, and you w ill n o doubt notice m ore as you beg in to listen carefully

to the way people a ro und you speak.

E lis io nA no the r process that happens w hen words are connected in speech is elision, w h ich is the

term for w hen a sound that is present in the pronuncia tion o f a word in isolation is om itted.

W e are all fam ilia r w ith the dropped 'IV: orrible instead o f horrible. It is a feature, to a greater

o r lesser degree, o l the casual speech o f m ost English speakers.

E lis ion occurs, perhaps less perceptib ly bu t m ore com m only , in fluent speech, at word

boundaries. A word-final alveolar stop / t d/ m ay be e lided in fluent speech w hen it is pre

ceded by a consonant an il the fo llow ing w ord begins w ith a consonant. For example, in the

phrase last bus, the I t/ o f last is e lided - /lu :s bAs/; in round lop, the Id / o f round is e lided -

/ra u n tDp/.

After elision has taken place, the consonant preceding the elided / i l or /d / m ay then be

subject to assim ilation . For example, in lined paper, the Id / o f lined is elided, and then In i

assim ilates to b ilab ia l /p / o f paper and become Im /: / la im peipa/. In signed confession, the /d/

o f signed is elided, and the In / assimilates to the in itia l Ik l o f confession and becomes /i)/: /saip

konfej'on/.

2.1.5 Letter-sound correspondence

W e have noted already that there is a disparity between the num ber o f letters in the alphabet

(26) and the num ber o f phonem es in English (about 40). But there is another disparity: a

letter (or group o f letters) does not correspond every time w ith the sam e phonem e; and a

phonem e is not always represented by the same letter.


Let us consider an example o f each o f these. H ow is the letter ‘s’ pronounced in the

fo llow ing words: soon, rise, mansion, leisure? It corresponds to four d ilie ren t phonemes: /s/,

I tJ , I f I , / 3Λ H ow is the phonem e lo : l spelt in the fo llow ing words: cord, fa ll, four, sword,

caught, bought, f lo o r broad? I f we count ’w ’ in sword and 'gh' in caught and bought as silent

letters, we have the fo llow ing spellings lor lo :l: or, a, our, au, ou , 00 . You w ill notice that this

single vowel sound (no t a d iph thong ) corresponds in some o f these words to tw o letters

(called a digraph).

The reason for the extensive lack o f correspondence between spelling and pronunciation

in m odern English is historical (see Chapter 4). English spe lling represents the pronunciation

o f over 500 years ago: in the intervening tim e, pronuncia tion has changed considerably, but

the spe lling has changed but little.

2.1.6 Stress and intonation

Sounds (phonemes) com bine together into syllables and syllables in to words (see Section 2.1.3),

and words in to the utterances o f connected speech. In a word o f more than one syllable

(a polysyllabic word), one o l the syllables is uttered w ith m ore prom inence than any o f the

others. For example, in the two-syllable word carpet, the first syllable is more p rom inen t than

the second, whereas in secure the second is m ore prom inen t th an the first.

This is the pattern in the pronuncia tion o f English polysyllabic words, that one syllable

receives m a in stress, but no t the same syllable in every w ord . In a word w ith several syllables,

one o f the o ther syllables m ay also receive secondary stress; for example in calculation . m a in

stress is o n the th ird syllable 'la /lei/, while the first syllable ‘cal’ / kal/ receives secondary

stress. The rem ain ing syllables are said to be unstressed. M a in stress is conventionally marked

w ith a h igh vertical line before the syllable receiving it; and secondary stress is marked by a

low vertical line before the syllable receiving it; unstressed syllables are unm arked /,ka l kja

’ lei J a n /.

Syllables that are unstressed frequently conta in the m id central vowel lo i (also called

the ‘schwa vowel) o r the / i/ or /u / vowels; fo r example the second and fourth syllables o f

calculation have the schwa vowel: /,ka l kje 'le i /o n / . Som e words that d o not have a schwa

vowel w hen spoken in isolation have their usual vowel replaced w ith a schwa in connected

speech: com pare a n d /and / w ilh f ish a n d chips / I l/ s n t/ ip s / (note also elision o f /d/); o f lov l

w ith cup o f tea /k A p o v t i:/ .

Prom inence is, then , a feature o f the pronunc ia tion o f words in the form o f stress. It is

also a feature o f utterances in connected speech, as part o f in tona tion . In tona tion refers

to the variations in tone, the tunes, w h ich accom pany speech. For example, a question

such as W ou ld y o u like a drink? w ou ld probab ly be uttered w ith a ‘rising* in tonation ,

whereas a statem ent such as I d like some coffee, please w ou ld be uttered w ith a ‘fa lling ’

in tonation .


Also, one w ord (strictly speaking, the stressed syllable o f that w ord) is more prom inen t in

the in tona tion tunc than the others. It is called the nuc leus o t the tunc and it falls o n the most

newsworthy item in the utterance: drink in the first exam ple in the previous paragraph, and

coffee in the second.

In the m ost neutral uttering, the nucleus is likely to be o n the last or nearly last word in an

in tonation tune . However, it may be placed o n alm ost any item , usually w ith emphatic effect.

N otice the effect o f m ak ing , in tu rn , would, you , and like p rom inen t in W ould you like a

drink? Prom inence, and other resources o f in tonation , enable us to express a variety o f

attitudes to what we are saying: sincerity, irony, sarcasm, and so on.

2.1.7 Punctuation

In w riting , we d o no t have the resources o f stress and in tona tion in order to add colour

and nuance to w hat we arc com m un ica ting . Instead, we have punc tua tion : com m a , sem i

co lon; colon: fu ll stop, question mark? exclamation mark! and quo ta tion marks However,

in tonation and punctuation are no t equivalent. Punctuation does no t fu lfil in w riting the

sam e functions that in tona tion fu lfils in speech.

The exclamation m ark and question m ark cou ld perhaps be associated w ith features o f

stress and in tonation . For example, an exclamation m ark at the end o l She was a wonderful

w om an! w ou ld inc line y o u to read th is w ith a rising nucleus o n W O N derfd .

T he com m a , sem icolon and colon are used to m ark structural un its w ith in a sentence,

especially where there is likely to be am b igu ity in reading it. In that sense, they may

correspond w ith the boundaries o f in tona tion tunes, but not necessarily. For example, in the

previous sentence, the first co m m a m arks o f f the in itia l phrase In that sense from the rest

o f the sentence, but in speech it w ou ld no t need to have its own in tona tion tune and m ay well

be incorporated w ith what follows. Equally, in speech there cou ld be an in tonation boundary

between boundaries and of, w h ich is not m arked by a co m m a in writing.

It is better to regard punctuation as an independent system from in tonation , one that

has been fashioned especially for w riting. There are n o hard and fast rules for the use o f

punctua tion . Fashions in where to use com m as, sem icolons and colons have changed over

the years. A lthough we d o n t have tim e to go in to the details, a style guide w ill help w ith the

specifics and there is p len ty o f further reading.

2.1.8 A ccent and handw riting

O n e w ay in w h ich we show o u r ind iv idua lity as h um an beings is how we speak and write. You

can recognize a person just from their voice o n the telephone or w h o the sender o f a letter is

from the handw riting o n the envelope. The physical shape o f o u r m ouths , the distance

between our glottis and o u r lips, the size o f our nasal cavity, all contribute to m ak ing us


so u nd the ind iv id ua l that we are w hen we speak. H ow we ho ld a pen o r pencil, whether

w e are left or right handed, the angle o f the pen to the paper, all contribute to m ak ing our

handw riting ind iv idual.

W e also share features o f o u r accent (the way wc speak) w ith particu lar groups in society

(sec further Chapter 6 ). I f wc arc M id landers o r Northerners o f England, wc w ill probably say

/gras/ and /kup / rather th an Southern /gru:s/ and /lo\p/. Som e groups o f people regularly

substitute a glottal stop for /t/ in words like water, butter and f i t . W o m e n often have slightly

d ifferent in tona tion patterns from men.

S im ilar th ings are true o f handw riting . W e m ay have been taught a particu lar m e thod o f

handw riting , w hen wc first learnt to write, and we share the features inculcated by that

m e thod w ith others s im ilarly taught. W o m en and m e n often have different styles o f writing.

There arc those w ho believe that handw riting can give clues to personality and character, and

some personnel managers use handw riting analysis as part o f the selection procedure for

new staff.

Just as wc can change o ther aspects o f o u r appearance and behaviour, so wc can make

an effort to change o u r accent and handw riting . Indeed, we m ay unconsciously adapt

our accent w hen wc beg in m ix ing w ith new groups o l people, i f wc go away to university,

for example.

T he expression side o flanguage , how we speak and how we write, are fasc inating areas o f

study in themselves, not least because they reflect ou r ind iv idua lity . But we have to rem em

ber that they serve pr im arily to convey the m eanings that we w an t to com m unicate , which

arc encoded by the words and sentences o l gram m ar. It is to words that we tu rn next.

2.2 WordsAs experienced writers o f a language, we readily have a no tio n o f w hat a word is: a sequence

o f letters bounded by spaces. I f we relate that back to speech, a spoken w ord is presum ably a

sequence o f sounds: b u t there is no th ing in speech corresponding to the spaces o f writing.

W e do not pause between each word; though, when we do pause, it is usually at the end o f a

word, but by no means always.

Linguists w ho analyse languages that do no t have a w ritten form use a variety o l criteria

for de te rm in ing what the words o f the language are. such as: w hat constitutes the m in im a l

response to a question; what sequences o f sound reoccur w ith the sam e m ean ing in different

contexts; how word stress operates; how prefixes and suffixes are managed. W h a t a linguist

determ ines from these criteria becomes the basis o f words in the w ritten language. The words

that wc identify in w riting in English, then , arc no t arbitrary sequences o f letters but have

valid ity in the gram m ar o f the language.

This section is go ing to exam ine words in m odern English. W e w ill define w hat we mean

by the term w ord in gram m ar, and we will look at the structure and m ean ing o f words.

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2.2.1 Words and homonyms

Let us begin for the m om ent w ith the defin ition o f a word as a sequence o f letters bounded

by spaces. O n this defin ition , is the sequence tear in the fo llow ing sentences the sam e word?

A tear rolled down his check.

Your coat has a tear in it.

O n the defin ition as given the answer m ust be 'Yes’: the tw o instances have the same

sequence o f letters. But from o u r w ider know ledge o f Eng lish, we know that they are different

words: for a start, they have different pronuncia tions - /tia / and /tea /.

C onsider now the sequence fa n in the fo llow ing sentences:

The fan asked the footballer for his autograph.

Engines are fitted with a fan to keep them cool.

O n th is occasion, the spelling is the same, and so is the pronuncia tion - /fan/. So, a defin ition

o f words that takes account on ly o f spe lling and pronuncia tion is no t adequate.

The tw o instances o f tear and the tw o instances o f fa n differ in m ean ing . You w ill find

that tear and fa n both have tw o entries in a d ictionary, corresponding to their different

meanings.

W ords w h ich share the same spelling and pronuncia tion , like f a n , arc called ho m o nym s

(from tw o Greek words, hom o = ‘same’, nym = ‘nam e’). W ords w h ich share the same

spe lling b u t have a different pronuncia tion , like tear, are called ho m o g raph s (Greek graph =

‘w riting ’ ).

The o ther possibility, w h ich we have not m entioned yet, is where two words share

the same pronuncia tion but have a different spelling. They are called h o m o ph one s (Greek

phone = ‘sound ’). A n example o f a p a ir o f hom ophones w ou ld be cue and queue , bo th

pronounced /kiu:/.

Clearly, a de fin it io n o f w ord needs to take in to account the fact that different words may

happen to be pronounced or spelt the same, as a result o f historical changes. M ean ing must

be central to the defin ition o l words. In order to be able to ta lk about words as sequences ol

letters o r sounds, linguists som etim es use the terms o rth og rap h ic w ord (a word in w riting)

and ph ono log ic a l w ord (a word in sound). A n d they use the term lexem e to ta lk about

a word from a sem antic perspective, approx im ating to an entry in a d ictionary. So, tear

represents a single orthographic word but tw o phonological words and tw o lexemes: fa n

represents a single orthograph ic and a single phonological word but tw o lexemes.

2.2.2 Word classes and inflections

W e d o no t know how m any words there are in Eng lish. The current (second) 20-volume

ed ition o f the Oxford English D ictionary contains over ha lf a m illio n words. Som e o f those


have fallen out o f use and are obsolete; o n the o ther hand , the O E D does no t have m any

m odern words from areas like science, technology, com puting and po p culture , to nam e but

four. (See Crystal 2006a, Chapter 2 , for a discussion o f how d ifficu lt it is to estimate the size

o f the vocabulary o f English.)

W h en linguists w ant to describe the way in w h ich words operate in the structures ol

the language, it would be im possible to treat each word ind iv idually . I n any case, m any words

operate in the sam e o r a s im ilar way. So, linguists assign words to w ord classes, and the

description o f g ram m ar is then, in part, the description o f how word classes operate in the

structure o f sentences.

A n older term for w ord class is pa r t o f speech, w h ich m odern linguists reject as a rather

m islead ing o r at least un in form ative term . W ords are assigned to a class o n criteria of:

similar operation in syntax (see Section 1.3.3);

Similar variations in form (morphology - see Section 1.3.2);

similar type o f meaning.

For English, some eight m ajor word classes are established:

noun, verb, adjective, adverb;

pronoun, determiner, preposition, conjunction.

T he class w ith the largest m em bersh ip is lhat o f n o u n . The verb, adjcctivc and adverb classes

also have large memberships. The rem ain ing four classes have relatively sm all num bers o f

words, and the ir members arc used m a in ly to provide gram m atica l connections w ith in and

between sentences.

W e w ill lo ok at each word class in turn.

N o u n sHere is a list o f English nouns: mother, architect, factory, spoon, piece, triangle, humour,

in qu iry hour, bravery, theory suspense.

N ouns refer to the ‘things’ that we talk about. You w ill see from the sm all selection o f

nouns listed above that they refer to a w ide variety o f ‘things’: people, objects, abstractions,

ideas.

In the syntax o f sentences, nouns are the items lhat are involved in what is go ing on , the

Subjects and Objects (sec Section 2.3.1 ) o f sentences, e.g.

The architect (Subject) designed a factory (Object).

My mother (Subject) ate the cake (Object).

Characteristic o f m any th ings is that they can be counted: three m others, six architects,

m any lactories, all cakes. You can see that the nouns change their shape slightly: they add

an in f le c tio n to m ark the p lu ra l. They are called countable nouns and they have two

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forms: a s ingu la r form , w h ich is the un in flected base fo rm ; and a p lu ra l fo rm , w h ich is the

singular fo rm w ith the add ition o f an inflectional suffix, in w riting usually either -s or -es.

S in g u la r and p lu ra l are terms o f the gram m atical category o f num ber.

O the r nouns are uncountab le: they refer to a mass and they d o not have a p lura l in flection,

e.g. hum our, bravery, suspense, flo u r, furniture, oil. In order to refer to ind iv idua l quantities o l

the mass, you have to use expressions like: fo u r types o f hum our, 300 grammes o fflou r, three

pieces o f furn iture .

Som e nouns have another in flection , w h ich relates to possession. I.ook at these examples:

the violinist’s instrument, the violinists' instruments. You m ay have noticed that these

two examples have the same pronuncia tion , w h ich is also the saine as the p lura l inflection

instruments. In w riting , however, we distinguish possession by a singular noun ('s) from

possession by a p lura l n o u n (s').

T he 's/s’ represents the possessive (or genitive} case. Case is a gram m atica l category

associated w ith nouns (and pronouns), w h ich signals a no u n s relation to other elements in

the sentence. English n o u n s have on ly tw o cases: the possessive case (w ith ‘s/s’ inflection),

and the com m on case (no inflection). N ouns in the possessive case usually signal a relation

sh ip o f possession w ith another noun . C o m m o n case nouns arc used in all other functions.

V erb sHere is a list o f English verbs: throw, spread, decide, fa ll , lose, forget, stand, prefer, believe,

contain, seem, have, be.

Verbs refer to: what people d o (actions, e.g. throw, decide) . what happens (events, e.g. lose,

forget) , the way th ings are (states, e.g. contain, seem).

In the syntax o f a sentence the verb tells you about the ‘s ituation (action, event, state) that

the 'things’ (i.e. nouns) are involved in . For example,

The architcct threw the spoon to m y mother, (action)

That comedian has lost his humour, (event)

The factory contains a lot o f furniture, (state)

Verbs have a num ber o f inflections. I.ook at the fo llow ing form s o f the verb decide:

decide (to) decide

d é c i d é s d e c i d i n g

decided decided

The lorm s in the first co lum n , called the fin ite lorms, show distinctions ol the g ram m ati

cal category o f tense. The first two form s (decide, decides) are present tense, and the th ird

one (decided) is past tense. The base (un in flected) fo rm is the present decide. Decides, which

has a -(e)s in flection , is called the 3 rd person s in g u la r present tense inflection (see on

pronouns below ). The past tense in flec tion is norm ally (e)d.


T he form s in the second co lum n , called the n o n -fin ite forms, are: the in fin itive (to decide),

som etim es w ithou t to; and the tw o participles - present participle w ith the -ing inflection

(deciding), and past partic ip le w ith the -(e)d inflection (like the past tense). For a few

verbs the past tense and past participle have different inflections, e.g. show, shows, showed,

to show, showing, shown. T he past partic ip lc lo rm is the one that comes after have in

constructions like:

I have decided to stay.

I have stolen the crown jewels.

O ne , very co m m o n , verb - be - has eight different forms:

am ( 1 st person singular present tense)

is {3rd person singular present tense)

are (2 nd person & plural present tense)

was (1st & 3rd person singular past tense)

were (2 nd person & plural past tense)

lo be (infinitive)

being (present participle)

been (past participle).

A d je c t iv e sHere is a list o f Eng lish adjectives: ta ll, wide, little, clear, superb, necessary, round, stable,

yellow, brave, fierce, comic.

Adjectives refer to the ‘qualities’ o f ‘things’ They serve to classify and describe nouns, e.g.

I? wide road, a superb view, a stable relationship.

In the syntax o f English sentences, adjectives com e cither before a noun , o r after a verb

like be o r seem in relation to a n o u n as Subject, e.g.

You turn into the wide road.

The road is wide.

M any adjectives have inflections for com para tive and superlative degree, marked by the

suffixes -er and -est·, for exam ple wider, widest; smaller, smallest. Som e adjectives m ark the

com parative and superlative w ith the adverbs more and most; for example more stable, most

stable; more necessary, most necessary. W hether the inflections -er/-est o r the adverbs morel

most are used depends in large part on how m any syllables the adjective word has: single

syllable adjectives usually take -er/-est; adjectives w ith three o r more syllables take more/

most; and two-syllable adjectives vary.

Some adjectives are no t gradab le in th is w ay and so d o no t have com parative and

superlative form s, e.g. round, yellow. A 'th ing ' is norm ally either ‘round ’ or som e o ther shape

(square, triangular, conical, etc.); it is either 'yellow' or some o ther colour: there are n o degrees

o f ‘roundness' or 'yellowness'.

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A d v e rb sHere is a list o f adverbs in m odern English: slowly, superbly, carefully now , often, always; out,

off, up; however, therefore, thus.

The class o f adverbs contains a rather varied set o f words. The above list contains examples

o f four d istinct subclasses:

- ‘-ly’ adverbs, derived from adjectives (slow-ly, carefulAy, spontaneously), referring to the manner in

which something happens or is done (She walked slowly down the street)

- simple adverbs {now, often) referring mostly to time meanings, and so complementing the tense of

the verb in the sentence

- adverb particles (out, up), whose main use is to combine with verbs to form phrasal verbs, such as

speak out, give up

- conjunctive adverbs (however, therefore), which are used to join sentences together, for example

The standard o f the service was not very good. I cannot therefore recommend this restaurant.

.Some adverbs can be graded for degree, like adjectives, but only w ith the adverbs more and

most, n o t norm a lly w ith inflections: more slowly, most carefully, oftener (?).

P ro n o u n sPronouns have the general func tion o f s tand ing for or replacing nouns. T h is is the first o f the

small, gram m atical classes o f word that we m entioned in Section 2.2.2. It contains a diverse

set o f items, but what we most readily th in k o f as p ronouns are the Personal Pronouns:

I, me. mine wc, us, ours

you, yours

he, h im , his

she her hers they, them, theirs

it. its

They are an interesting group o f words, because they manifest some gram m atica l categories

that are no t evident anywhere else in English words.

First o f all, the category o f person applies, and there are three terms in this category. First

person pronouns refer to the speaker: /, we, etc. Second person pronouns reier to the person

addressed:you. Third person pronouns refer to the person/th ing be ing talked about: he, she,

it, they, etc.

Secondly, the category o f n u m b e r applies. S ingu lar pronouns, referring to one person,

include: /, he, she, it. P lural pronouns, referring to m ore th an one person, include: m.·, they.

The p ronoun y o u m ay be used w ith either singular o r p lura l reference, to a single addressee

or to an audience.

Thirdly, the category o f case applies. For the noun we saw that there was a co m m o n case

fo rm and a ‘possessive/genitive’ case form . For the pronoun , there are three terms in this

category: subjective, objective and genitive (or possessive). In the first person singular


pronouns , I is subjective case, me is objective case, a n d m ine is genitive case. W ith you and it

there is no d is tinc tion between subjective and objective case. Subjective case form s are used

w hen the p ronoun has Subject func tion in a sentence; objective case form s are used w hen the

p ronoun has Ob ject func tion in a sentence (see Section 2.3.1), o r after a preposition; and

genitive ease torm s arc used w hen the p ronoun refers to possession; lor example

I met her yesterday.

She can have a go alter me.

The responsibility is yours.

Fourthly, the category o f gender applies, but o n ly in the case o f the th ird person singular

pronouns. There are three terms: masculine , fem in ine and neuter. The masculine pronouns

are: lie, h im , his. The lem in ine pronouns arc: she, her, hers. The neuter pronouns arc: it, its.

C o m b in ing these categories, we have a system o f personal pronouns in English as follows:

First Second Third

sing plu sing plu sing plu

m f n

subj I we you you he she it they

obj me us you you him her it them

gen mine ours yours yours his hers its theirs

The rem ain ing subclasses o f pronoun are as follows:

R e f l e x i v e p r o n o u n : myself, ourselves, yourself, himself, herself, itself, themselves. These are used

either in reference to the person under discussion (She has hurt herself) or for purposes o f emphasis

(She congratulated me herself).

I n t e r r o g a t i v e p r o n o u n , used lor questioning: Who? Whom? Whose? (subjective, objective and

genitive case, respectively) What? Which?

Relative pronoun, used to introduce ‘relative clauses' (see below): who, whom , whose, which, that.

I n d e f i n i t e p r o n o u n s , used to refer to a non-specific person or thing. They arc formed with some, any,

every or no as a first part, and body, thing or one as a second part; for example someone, nothing,

everybody.

Demonstrative pronouns, which have a pointing function: this, these (for close to the speaker); that,

those (for distant from the speaker).

D e te rm in e rsThe words in th is second gram m atical class o f words have the general func tion o f accom pa

ny ing nouns and 'determ in ing' the ir status in an ongo ing discourse o r text. There are two

broad subclasses o f determ iner: identifiers and quantifiers.

The subclass o f iden tif ie rs includes:

Articles: a/an (indefinite), the (definite)

Possessives: my, our, your, his, her, its, their. Note the general difference in form between these

possessive determiners and the genitive pronouns (his and its are the same). Compare: M y book

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is the red one (possessive determiner) - The red one is m ine (genitive/possessive pronoun).

(Note: pronouns replace nouns, determiners accompany nouns.)

Demonstratives: this, these; that, those (the same forms as the demonstrative pronouns), Compare:

That pencil belongs to me (determiner) - That is my pencil (pronoun).

The subclass o f qu an tif ie rs includes:

Numerals: the cardinal numbers (one, two, three, etc.), and the ordinal numbers (first, second, third,

etc.), expressing specific quantities o f things.

Indefinite quantifiers: some, many, several, a lot of, few, etc., which express non-specific quantities o f

things.

P re p o s it io n sThe word class o f prepositions contains items such as the following:

about, alter, against, along, among, between, by. during, from, into,

near, on, opposite, over, since, through, towards, under, until, with.

Prepositions arc used lo c o n n e d ihe noun fo llow ing th e prcposilion c ilhe r to anolher

noun or to some other element in the sentence. For example: in the g ir l a t the cashdesk, the

preposition a t connects the n o u n cashdesk to the n o u n g irl explain ing w h ich g irl you are

talking about. In Please pu t the money into the box, the preposition into connects the n o u n box

lo the rest o f the sentence, especially the verb pu t, expressing 'where you pu t the money.

Prepositions often have a place or d irection m ean ing (as a t and into in the examples

above). Prepositions have o ther meanings also:

time: after, before, during

topic: about, concerning

instrument: with

agent: by

accompaniment: with, without

comparison: like

purpose: for

reason: because of

C o n ju n c t io n sThis fourth class o f gram m atical words has two subclasses: coord inating con junctions and

subord inating conjunctions.

Coordinating conjunctions include: and, but, or.

Subordinating conjunctions include: when, while, li. so that, because, although, where, as. etc.

The m a in func tion o f conjunctions is to connect tw o sentences, either as equal partners

(coord inating) or w ith one subord inate lo the other (subordinating).


C oord ina ting con junctions are also used to connect o ther k inds o f element (such as

words):

The m ilkman brought the m ilk at 6 and the postman delivered the letters at 6.30. (sentence

coordination with and)

I Ic delivers normal and skimmed milk, (word coordination with and)

Suboord inating conjunctions introduce adverbial clauses' (see below ), w ith a range of

m eanings (lim e , cond it io n , purpose, reason, etc.), e.g.

Wc can go when you are ready, (time subordinate clause with tvhen)

We’ve changcd the date so lhat you can comc too. (purpose subordinate clause with so that).

2.2.3 Prefixes and suffixes

W c noticed in the previous section that the p lura l in flec tion tor nouns and the past tense

inflection for verbs are usually suffixes added to the base fo rm o f the word: -s or -es for the

plural; -d o r -ed fo r the past tense. A word such as onions is, therefore, com posed o f tw o

elements: the base onion and the end ing -s. The fo rm onion is itself an independent word,

b u t the end ing -s o n ly ever occurs in com b ina tion w ith a base.

In the linguistic discipline o l morphology, which studies the forms o f words (see Section 1.3.2),

the base element o f a word is called the root, and the ending is called a suffix. A n element lhat

is added before a root is called a prefix, e.g. re-furbish, un-stable. Prefixes and suffixes are

collectively called affixes; and roots and affixes arc collectively called m orphem es.

T he structure o f a word is described in terms o f morphemes. The m in im a l structure o f

m ost words is a root m orphem e (wc w ill note one or two exceptions later). To the root may

be added affixes.

Affixes m ay have tw o functions in the structure o f English words. First, as we have

seen, they m ay have an in fle c tio na l func tion , expressing gram m atica l categories like plural

num ber, past tense, comparative degree. Inflections in English are, in fact, always suffixes;

and i f a w ord has more than one suffix, the in flection is always the last one.

T he second func tion that affixes m ay have, a n d this applies to both prefixes and suffixes,

is a de r iv a tio na l func tion . A new w ord is derived by the add ition o f an affix to a root. For

example, the add ition o f the suffix -al to the root nature enables us to derive the adjective

natura l; the further add itio n o f the prefix un enables us to derive the negative or opposite

adjective unnatural.

Derivational suffixes usually change the word class o f the item to w h ich they are added,

for example

Verb — Noun: -ant (disinfectant), -ation (organization), -rncnt (agreement),

-al (refusal), -cr/-or (baker, actor)

Adjective -» Noun: ness (sickness), ity (sterility)

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Noun/Adjective — Verb: -ifv (purify), -izc (terrorize), -cn (soften)

Noun -· Adjective: -ful (careful), -less (fearless), -ly (friendly), -ish (foolish)

Verb — Adjective: - able/ ible (stackable, digestible)

Adjective — Adverb: -ly (superbly, honestly)

Derivational prefixes d o not norm ally change the w ord class o f the item they are added to,

for example

Negative/opposite: un (unsure), dis (discolour), 111 (inexpert)

Degree/size: super- (supernatural), sub- (substandard), over- (overindulge), under- (underfed),

hyper- (hyperinflation)

Time: pre- (prewar), post- (postmodernist), ex- (ex-policeman), re- (reinvent)

The fo llow ing prefixes do , however, change the word class o f the item that they arc

added to:

be-: befriend, besiege (forming verbs)

cn-: encircle, endanger (forming verbs)

a-: afloat, awake (forming adjectives)

Because Eng lish has, in its history, taken so m any words (and parts o f words) from other

languages, especially the classical languages, La tin and Greek, the structure o f some words

today canno t be d iscerned, except w ith considerable d ifficu lty or a know ledge o f the classical

languages. For example, the word legible looks as i f it contains the suffix -ible, w h ich , as we

have seen, changes a verb in to an adjective (digest-ible). But il wc rem ove the suffix from

legible we are left w ith (presum ably the root) leg (w hich has no th ing to d o w ith leg th e lim b).

Legible means able to be read’: leg is a La tin root m ean ing ‘read’. W ith ou t that knowledge

o f Latin , legible is unanalysable, unless wc ca ll leg a b ound root (i.e. it canno t exist as an

independent word), w h ich occurs on ly in the structure leg- + -ible, b u t it is not a good idea to

recognize a m orphem e on the basis o t a single example.

Another case o f a possible b o u nd root is found in the word disgruntled, w h ich occurs

on ly in this negative form in m odern English: the root gruntle is not part o f current English

anym ore, it ’s obsolete.

2.2.4 Com pound w ords

Derivation, by means o f prefixes and sulfixes added to a root, is one way in w h ich new words

are form ed in a language. A nother way is com pound ing , w h ich involves the com b ina tion o f

two root m orphem es, such as

bookmark, deadlock, hamstring, popcorn, seaweed, textbook, touchstone.

M any com pounds, as these examples, are w ritten 'solid', as a single orthographic word

and w ithout a hyphen. O the r com pounds arc w ritten w ith a hyphen between the tw o root


m orphem es, and some are open’ com pounds w ith the tw o roots as separate orthographic

words, for instance

cable-car, day-dream, fan-belt, ring-finger, time-switch

cable television, day nursery, fan heater, ring road, time bomb.

W hether a co m po und is open , hyphenated o r solid m ay be a reflection o f the degree to which

it has been accepted as a lexeme by speakers o f the language. D ic tionaries m ay differ

o n whether they regard a com pound as so lid , hyphenated o r open; and there seems to be a

general tendency to reduce hyphenation.

M ost com pounds are nouns. A ll the examples given so far have been nouns, w ith the

exception o f day-dream, w h ich belongs to both the noun and the verb classes. C om pounds

are found in word classes other th an nou n , fo r example

Verbs: babysit, double-cross, dry-clean, gatecrash, proof-read

Adjectives: down hearted, long term, newsworthy, public-spirited, soft centred.

Some o f these adjectives illustrate an interesting word form ation process in English:

adjective -t n o u n + -ed (the past participle end ing on verbs, but here added to an adjective*

noun com b ina tion to form a co m po und adjective, like sofl-centred).

There is another k ind o f co m po und found in English, w h ich is no t strictly speaking a

com b ina tion o f root+root, since the parts o f the com pound d o no t exist as independent

words in English. This type o f com pound can be illustrated by the fo llow ing examples:

astronaut, bibliophile, biology, geography, misogyny, telephone, xénophobe.

T he two parts o f the co m po und are roots in Latin or Greek, w h ich have been borrowed and

then com bined to form a co m po und in English: e.g. astro 'star + n a u t sailor’, biblio ‘book ’ *■

ph ile ‘lover’, tele ‘d istant’ + phone ‘sound ’. The com pounds d id not exist in classical Latin or

Greek. In English, such com b inations are called neoclassical c o m po und s , and their parts

are callcd c o m b in in g form s. They are often form ed for the technical language o l science,

technology and medicine.

Finally, there are some com pounds that are a hybrid o f the classical and norm a l types,

where one element (norm ally the first) is a com b in ing form and the other is a norm a l English

root. e.g. biodegradable , Francophile, geophysics, retro rocket, telecommunication. N ote how

the word France has been m ade to look like a classical co m b in in g form in Francophile.

2.2.5 Word m eaning

The m ean ing o f a word is com posed o f a num ber o f elements:

1. what it relers to in the world o l our experience·,

2 . its place in the vocabulary o f the language and its relationship to other words;

3. the regular company that it keeps when it is used In speech and writing.

W ords

The th ird o f these we w ill deal w ith under the head ing o f co llocation in Section 2.2.7. The

second involves lexical relationships o f sameness (synonym y) and oppositeness (antonym y)

o f m eaning, w h ich we w ill consider in Section 2.2.6. In this section we w ill be concerned w ith

w hat we probably m ost readily th in k o f as the m ean ing o f a word: the relation o f reference.

The most obvious example o f the reference relation is w hen a word can be associated with

a set o f objects. A n example m igh t be apple o r chair. W h en we begin to th in k abou t the range

o f objects that we m igh t want to apply either o f these words to, we realize how d ifficu lt it is to

characterize the reference o f a word. The k inds o f features that we m ig h t include in our

description w ould include: size and shape, co lour, use or func tion , its parts or components,

what general class o f objects it belongs to.

D ic tionary defin itions are attempts to describe the reference o f words. The Concise Oxford

English D ictionary (2004) defines apple as: 'the rounded fru it o f a tree o f the rose family, w ith

green o r red skin and crisp flesh’. So, apple belongs to the class o f ‘fru it’, has a ro und shape, can

be red or green in colour, is com posed o f ‘flesh', and comes from a particu lar type o f tree.

W ords like apple and chair are fairly straightforward to define. They refer to objects

that can be seen, or at least easily pictured, and they have physical features that can be

observed and described. They belong to the set o f concrete n ouns , o f w h ich these th ings

are true. It is m uch m ore difficu lt to characterize words that have an abstract reference, such

as - rem ain ing w ith nouns - justice, conscience, space.

W ith no observable features to describe, words w ith abstract reference have to be defined

by means o f paraphrase. C onsider the de fin it io n o f conscience in the Concise Oxford: ‘a

person's m oral sense o f right and wrong ’. It is classified as a k ind o f ‘m oral sense’, w h ich itself

has abstract reference.

W ith verbs and adjectives, there are some that a llow defin ition in physical terms, such

as verbs referring to physical actions {climb, run, sw im ) o r adjectives referring to physical

qualities (opaque, triangular). But the great m ajority refer to abstract entities, where para

phrase is used for defin ing .

In the case o f the gram m atica l w ord classes, m any words d o no t have m ean ing in terms o f

the reference relation. Prepositions m ay refer to different k ind s o f spatial or tem poral relation

(into, on; after, during). C on junctions m ay refer to various circum stantial m eanings (when

tim e , if cond ition , because reason). Pronouns have a shifting reference: I refers to whoever the

speaker happens to be; you to the addressee o f the m om ent; and the th ird person pronouns

have reference to nouns previously m entioned in the discourse o r text. Determ iners also have

a func tion largely internal to language, though quantifiers have som e counterpart in the

w orld o f experience.

2.2.6 Synonym s and antonym s

The m ean ing o f a word is determ ined not o n ly by the reference relation that it enters into

b u t also by the relations that it contracts w ith o ther words in the vocabulary, called sense


re lations. Two o f those relations are syno ny m y (sameness o f m ean ing ) and an tonym y

(oppositeness o f m eaning).

Two or more words are said to be synonym s i f their m eanings overlap to a considerable

extern and they could be substituted for each other in appropriate contexts. Such synonym

pairs m igh t include:

quick - rapid, small - little, cry - weep, discover - find, conceal - hide,

buyer - purchaser, lavatory - toilet, story - talc.

English is particu larly rich in synonyms, because its vocabulary comes from two different

prim ary sources: Anglo-Saxon (or O ld English), the language o f the G erm an ic invaders in

the fifth and sixth centuries; and French/I,atin, th rough the N orm an conquest o f the eleventh

century and the in fluence o f classical Latin fo llow ing the fifteenth-century Renaissance.

M any pairs o f synonym s have one w ord o f G erm an ic orig in and one o f French/Latin origin ,

for example

quick/rapid, weep/cry, find/discover, hide/conceal, buy/purchase.

O ften the G erm an ic w ord is more co lloqu ia l and the French/Latin w ord more form al or

technical.

Som etimes the m embers o f a synonym pair have a different social cachet. This is the

case w ith toilet (from French) and lavatory (from Latin ). (W h ic h d o you say?) Synonym

pairs also arise from regional variation, for example between British and Am erican English:

b iscuit - cookie, lift - elevator, pavement - sidewalk. S im ila r cases occur also w ith in , say,

British English, for instance: p lim soll - sandshoe - p u m p - dap, butty - sandw ich.

A n to n y m y works rather differently from synonymy. O n ly som e words have antonyms.

You canno t ask, for example, ‘W h a t is the opposite o f yellow?', because yellow does not

have an an tonym . Yellow is de fined by its place in a series o f co lour words that are m utually

exclusive: yellow is yellow because it is no t green, red, blue. etc.

W c can distinguish three different k inds o f antonymy. O n e k ind is illustrated by gradablc

adjectives such as:

narrow - wide, short - long, cowardly - brave, cheap - expensive, dry - wet.

They are called g radab le antonym s. The ir reference is relative to the object be ing described:

a narrow road is still w ider th an a narrow p lank o f wood. A n d w hen the quality is being

questioned, o n ly one o f them is norm ally used, e.g. 'H o w w ide is the road?’ rather than

'Flow narrow is the road?’. T he latter im plies that you have already determ ined that the

road is narrow. In such questions, and in g iv ing measurements, it is always the ‘larger’ o f

the antonym s that is used, so 'H o w long is it?’, 'T he road is 3 metres w ide’.

A second k in d o f an tonym can be illustrated by the pairs:

true - false, alive - dead, open - shut, on - off, occupied - vacant.

W ords

Here the relationship is an either/or one. A door may be either open o r shut, it cannot he

more one th an the other. The assertion o f one qua lity is the denial o f the other: i f a statement

is true, that im plies that it is not false. Such antonym s are called com p lem en ta ry antonyms.

The th ird k ind o f an tonym can be illustrated by the pairs:

b o rro w - lend , b u y - sell, g iv e - receive, husband - w ife , above - below.

These antonym s arc called converses o r re la tiona l opposites. They represent two sides o i a

relation. For example, if Bill is H illary’s husband, then H illary is Bill’s w ife; i f N athan borrowed

£10 from Kirsten, then Kirsten lent £10 to Nathan.

Sense relations like synonym y and an tonym y contribute to defin ing the m ean ing o f words.

A th ird sense relation recognizes that words m ay be related to each other in the generality o f

the ir reference. For example, cutlery is a m ore general w ay o t referring to the m ore specific

knives, forks and spoons. This sense relation is called hyponym y : knife, fork, spoon are

hyponym s o f cutlery.

2.2.7 Collocations and idiom sW e suggested earlier (Section 2.2.5) that the m ean ing o f a w ord is in part determ ined by the

regular lexical com pany that the word keeps. For example, part o f the m ean ing o f muggy is its

association w ith weather.

The adjective false is associated o n the one hand w ith nouns like passport, banknote,

num ber plates (where it is a synonym o f counterfeit), o n the other hand w ith nouns such as

assumption , hope (where it is a synonym o f unwarranted ), and furtherm ore w ith nouns such

as teeth, leg, eyelashes (where it is a synonym o f artificial). T he collocations o i fa lse provide a

basis o n w h ich to identify the different 'm eanings’ or ‘senses’ o f the word.

From these tw o examples, muggy and false, it is clear that words differ in their range o i

co llocation . M uggy has a rather restricted range o f co llocation , fa lse a som ew hat broader

range, and an adjective like good has a very w ide range, so m uch so that co llocation does

not contribute to the characterization o f its meaning.

At the more restricted end o f collocational range, words m ay become so m utually

predictable in a particu lar context that they lo rm in to a fixed expression, such as break a

hab it, a bad habit. I f such expressions become overused, they becom e clichés o r stereotypical

phrases, like desirable residence ( in estate agents’ b lurb), once upon a time ( in fa iry stories),

golden opportunity ( in advertising).

W h en such fixed expressions no longer have the ir literal m ean ing , or where the m eaning

o t the expression is m ore than the sum o f its parts, then we talk o f an id io m , such as

keep ones nose clean

poke one’s nose into something

turn ones nose up at something.

Such id iom atic expressions operate in language as prefabricated wholes. There is a range

o f such expressions, from the completely id iom atic (non-literal) to the a lm ost literal. W e

have no space to look at them in detail here, b u t see the discussion in G ram ley and Pätzold

(2004), Chapter 3.

2.3 Sentences


W e are fam iliar w ith the notion o f a 'sentence from writing: it is a sequence o f words; the

first word begins w ith a capital letter; and the sequence term inates w ith an appropriate

punctuation m a rk - full stop (.). question m ark (?),or exclamation m ark (!).

In this section, wc are look ing at the no tio n o f ‘sentence' irom the po in t o i view o i its

syntactic structure: the ways in w h ich words com bine , the elements in sentences and their

possible orders. T he sentences o f w riting do no t always correspond to sentences defined in

structural terms.

W e begin by considering some o f the basic structural elements o f sentences.

2.3.1 Subject, O bject and Com plem ent

T he basic structure o f a sentence is m ade up o f a verb together w ith a num ber o f nouns.

Sentences such as the fo llow ing illustrate the basic structure:

Birds fly.

Cows cat grass.

Grass gives humans indigestion.

T he first sentence contains the verb fly , and the n o u n birds, lu n c tion ing as Subject. The

second contains the verb eat, the n o u n cows func tion ing as Subject, and the noun grass as

Object. The th ird contains the verb gives, the noun grass as Subject, the nouns hum ans and

indigestion as Objects. Indigestion is called a D irect Object, and hum ans an Indirect Object.

The Indirect Object, w h ich usually 'receives’ o r ‘benefits from ' the D irect Object, can often

also be expressed by means o f the preposition to o r fo r w ith the noun:

Grass gives indigestion to humans.

She saved a scat for me.

You w ill notice that the Subject occurs to the left o f the verb in each instance, and the Objects

to the right. T he Subject noun also interacts w ith the verb: if the no u n is singular in num ber

(for exam ple grass), the verb is in the ‘3rd person singular’ fo rm in the present tense (gives);

i f the no u n is p lura l (cows), the verb has the fo rm appropriate to 3rd person p lura l (eat). The

Subject n o u n is said to agree w ith the verb in num ber. In English the verb w ill change

its fo rm like th is on ly w hen the verb is in the present tense and the Subject is a th ird person

(3rd person p ronoun or noun).

S e n te n ce s

From these three examples, we can see that verbs com bine w ith different num bers o f

nouns: f ly w ith on ly one, eat w ith two, and give w ith three. I f o n ly one occurs, it has Subject

func tio n . I f tw o occur, one has Subject function and the o ther Object. A n d i f three occur,

one is Subject, one is Ind irect Object, and the th ird is D irect Object. A Subject a n d a Verb

are always present in a basic sentence. I low m any Objects occur depends o n the m ean ing o l

the verb.

Som e verbs require, in add ition to the Subject, an e lem ent called a C om p lem en t, for

example

Banks arc businesses.

Strawberries taste delicious.

In these examples, the Com p lem ents are the noun businesses and the adjective delicious.

Com p lem en ts differ from Objects in that they reflect back o n and describe the Subject. They

occur w ith a lim ited set o f verbs, typically be and become. A n d they m ay be adjectives as well

as nouns.

Som e verbs require an Ob ject and a C o m p lem en t in add itio n to a Subject, for example

Students think grammar difficult.

America elected Obama president.

I lore the Com p lem ents are the adjective difficult and the noun president. In these sentences,

the Com plem ents describe the Ob jects g ram m ar and O bam a respectively Again there is

a lim ited set o f verbs that require this structure: th ink, consider, f in d ( in one o f their

m eanings) - equivalent to be; elect, make - equivalent to become.

From what we have discussed so far. we can identify a num ber o f basic sentence structures

in English:

1. Subject + Verb (Birds fly)

2. Subjcct I Verb i Object (Cows cat grass)

3. Subject + Verb + Indirect Object + Direct Object (Grass gives humans indigestion)

4. Subject + Verb + Complement (Banks are businesses)

5. Subjcct + Verb + Object + Complement (Students think grammar difficult).

Verbs w h ich take an O b jec t are called transitive verbs. Those w h ich d o no t are called

in trans itive . Sim ilarly, sentence structures that contain an Ob jcct are called transitive, and

those w h ich do no t are called intransitive.

N ote that where nouns occur, as Subject, Object, C om p lem ent, pronouns can also occur.

2.3.2 Noun phrase

In a ll the examples in Section 2.3.1 we used single words (verbs, nouns/pronouns, adjectives)

fo r the sentence elements. As a result, some o f the sentences sound rather unnatura l, because


Subjects a n d Objects especially rarely consist o f a n o u n b y itself (pronouns, however, do

usually occur alone). A num ber o f item s m ay accom pany a no u n and serve as its m od ifiers .

T he term given to a noun and any accom panying modifiers is n o u n phrase.

As o u r examples have illustrated, a n o u n phrase m ay be com posed o f just a n o u n (or, more

likely, just a p ronoun ). A noun is usually m od ified by at least a determ iner, e.g. definite

or indefin ite article, possessive, quantifier (see Section 2.2.2):

A journalist is interviewing the president.

Our gain is your loss.

This train is two hours late.

Several people gave the beggar a few coins.

O n ly one identifier (article, possessive, dem onstrative) m ay occur in a n o u n phrase, but

some com binations o f quantifier arc possible, lor example

They sold us their last few stamps.

Notice that any quantifiers fo llow the identifier, except that a ll and quantifiers inc lud ing

the w ord o f precede an identifier, fo r example

all the five songs

plenty o f our friends.

A no the r co m m o n m od ifier o f nouns is an adjective, e ither w ith or w ithout a determiner,

for example

the Five green bottles

clear glass.

M ore th an one adjective m ay occur in a n o u n phrase, for example

the large, red, plastic bag.

W h en m u ltip le adjectives occur in a n o u n phrase, a princip le o l ordering operates. In this

example, the size adjective (large) precedes the colour adjective (red), w h ich in tu rn precedes

the material adjective (plastic).

Some nouns may also act like adjectives and m od ify o ther nouns: they arc kno w n as ‘noun

modifiers', for example

a nasty car infection

the famous history professor.

The n o u n m odifiers in these examples are ear and history. I f a noun m od ifier and noun

becom e regularly associated, there is a chance that the com b ina tion w ill develop in to a

com pound no u n (as earache).

S e n te n ce s

W e have identified a num ber o f elements that m ake u p a noun phrase. The m in im a l

structure contains the head n o u n (or p ronoun ). This m ay be preceded by modifiers in the

fo llow ing order:

identifier - quantificr(s) - adjcctivc(s) - noun modifier.

Besides these modifiers that m ay com e before a nou n , there are modifiers that m ay follow

a no u n in the structure o t a n o u n phrase. Most o f these arc longer than a single word. Here is

a list o f them , w ith an example; we shall com e back to most o f them later on.

adverb (the road back)

prepositional phrase (the road to the beach)

relative clause (the road which leads to the beach)

present participle clause (the road leading to the beach)

past participle clause (the road taken by most holidaymakers).

It is unusua l for m ore than one type o f m od ifie r after the noun to occur, so they are not

ordered in the sam e way as the modifiers before the nou n . C o m b in in g b o th types o f m odifier

can generate some quite complex n o u n phrases. H ow complex the nouns phrases are in a text

is often a measure o f the type o f text it is. as well as o f personal style: journa lis tic texts and

form al/techn ica l texts tend to have m ore complex noun phrases than , say, personal letters

and popu lar fiction.

N oun phrases func tion in sentence structure as Subjects, Objects and Com plem ents.

2.3.3 Verb phraseW e have no ted that the Verb element is central in a sentence (Section 2.3.1). The Verb

element is always a verb phrase. The m in im a l fo rm of a verb phrase is a lexical (or m a in )

verb, fo r example

says regret proposed took.

You w ill notice that these verbs show a d istinc tion between present and past tense: says and

regret are present tense, proposed and took arc past tense. A ll fin ite verb phrases show tense,

e ither present o r past, and it is the first word in the verb phrase that shows the tense.

S im p le past tense verbs (like proposed , took) usually refer to a s ituation that occurred in

past time. S im ple present tense form s (like regret, says, know ), however, usually refer either to

som eth ing that is always the case (first example below ) or to som eth ing that regularly occurs

(second example), or to a current stale o f m in d (th ird example):

We regret that refunds cannot be given.

She says grace before every meal.

He knows that he is a danger to other drivers.


S im p le present tense form s refer lo the present m om ent in tim e only in com m entary, for

example o n sporl:

Smith passes to Jones, and (ones shoots. Its a goal!

Further subtleties in relation to tim e are expressed by means o f aux ilia ry verbs, which

come before the m a in verb in a verb phrase. The progressive aspect is expressed by means

o f be as an auxiliary verb together w ith the present participle fo rm o f the m a in verb (see

Section 3.2.2 under ‘Verbs’) , for example

is cutting

are playing

was passing

were visiting.

You w ill notice that the tense is now shown by the aux iliary be, as the first item in the verb

phrase.

Progressive aspect focuses o n a s ituation as be ing in progress o r lasting over time. The

progressive is no t norm ally possible w ith m a in verbs referring to states, o n ly to those

referring to actions o r events. The present progressive is the m ost usual fo rm for referring

lo som eth ing go ing o n at the (present) m o m en t o f speaking, in response, lor example, to the

question W h a t are y o u doing?:

I am cutting the hedge.

T he past progressive is often used to set the scene for a story, lo r example

The sun was shining. The birds were singing. The trees were swaying

in the breeze. People were going about their daily business.

T he story itself w ill th en norm ally be to ld in the sim ple past tense:

Lydia opened the front door and stepped out onto the pavement

She walked purposefully to the baker's and entered the shop.

English has a second aspect: the perfect (or perfective) aspect. It is form ed w ith have as

an aux iliary verb, together w ith the pasl participle o l a m ain verb, for example

has stayed

have found

had moved.

Again the tense is show n in the auxiliary verb, as the first item in the verb phrase.

S e n te n ce s

Perfect aspect relates to the d is tr ibu tion o f a s ituation in past tim e. The present perfect

refers either to a situation that began in the past and is still current at the tim e o f speaking

(first example below ), o r to a s ituation that occurred at an unspecified tim e in the past

(second example):

11c h a s l i v e d i n B i r m i n g h a m s in c e t h e w a r .

They have found their lost cat.

The past perfect refers to a situation that preceded another past tim e situation: so it is a

past in the past', fo r example

They had moved to their new house before Lydia was born.

A th ird aux iliary verb relates to a quite different gram m atica l category: voice. Voice

distinguishes active and passive verb phrases (and sentences). T he norm a l sentence

structure is in the active voice. Passive voice is expressed by be as an aux iliary verb together

w ith the past participle o f a m ain verb, for example

is claimcd

are performed

was decided

were written.

Passive voice involves not o n ly an appropriate form o f the verb phrase but also a

rearrangement o f the elements o f the sentence. C om pare the first, active example below

w ith the second, passive example:

The pharmaccutical company claims a major breakthrough in pain relief.

A m a j o r b r e a k t h r o u g h i n p a i n r e l i e f i s c l a im e d b y t h e p h a r m a c e u t i c a l c o m p a n y .

T he Object {breakthrough) o f the active sentence becomes the Subject o f the passive

sentence: and the Subject o f the active sentence becomes a by-phrase.

W e have so far described three auxiliary verbs that m ay occur in a verb phrase:

have · past participlc (perfect aspect), as in has taken

be + present participle (progressive aspect), as in is taking

be + past participle (passive voice), as in is taken

They m ay occur in com b ination , in w h ich case they occur in the relative order as listed:

perfect aux - progressive aux - passive aux - main verb.


It is always the verb thaï im m ediate ly follows an aux iliary (whether another aux iliary or the

m a in verb) w h ich is in the participle fo rm appropriate to the aux iliary (so present participle

after progressive aux iliary be, etc.), as in

has been taking has (pcrfcct aux) - been (progressive aux in past participle form after pcrfcct have) -

taking (mam verb in present participle after progressive be),

is being taken: is (progressive aux) being (passive aux in present participle after progressive be) taken

(main verb in past participle after passive be)

has been being taken: has (pcrfcct aux) - been (progressive aux in past participle alter perfect have) -

being (passive aux in present participle alter progressive be) - taken (main verb in past participle

after passive be)

There is one further type o f auxiliary verb that m ay occur in a verb phrase: a m oda l auxiliary

verb. It precedes any other auxiliary. Here is a list o f the m a in m oda l aux iliary verbs:

can/could, may/might, shall/should, will/would, must.

M oda l auxiliaries arc followed by the base fo rm o f the verb (the in fin itive w ithout to), for

example

can swim

might sleep

should have been speaking

must be being interviewed.

As the first item in the verb phrase, w h ich they are whenever they occur, m o d a l auxiliaries

show present/past tense (the past o t m ust is h a d to). I lowcver, ind iv idua l present and past

form s o f m oda ls have different meanings: m ight, for exam ple, is not a direct past o f may.

Compare:

This story may amuse you./This story m ight amuse you.

You may now begin writing./You might now begin writing.

In the first pair o f examples, m ight expresses a less certain, more tentative statement than

may. In the second pair, may gives perm ission, wh ile m igh t offers a suggestion (again more

tentative th an may).

W e begin to see the k ind s o f m eanings that the m o d a l verbs express: o n the one hand, the

speaker’s assessment o f the possibility, probability or certainty o f the situation; o n the other

hand, the Subjects involvem ent in term s o f ability, perm ission and obligation. For example:

possibility/certainty

The trains might be running on time.

The trains could be running on time.

The trains must be running on time.

S e n te n ce s

a b i l i t y / p e r m i s s i o n / o b l i g a t i o n

She can drive a car.

You can/may drive her car.

You should drive her car.

You shall drive her car

You must drive her car.

I w ill leave you to puzzle over the subtle differences in m ean ing conveyed by the m oda l

aux iliary verbs in these examples.

You w ill have noticed that we have no t m entioned a ‘future tense, only a present and a

past tense. That is because English does not have a future tense as such: n o suffix added to

the verb to m ake the future, like the past tense suffix -ed. Appropriately, because o f the

uncertain ty o f the future, English uses the m oda l verb will (w h ich has a ‘prediction’ m eaning

in m any contexts) as one m ajor m eans o f referring to future tim e. O ther means include

the quasi-auxiliary be going to, as well as the sim ple present and present progressive tenses

(usually w ith adverbs w ith a future reference), for example

We will meet at six in the restaurant.

Wc'rc going to meet in the restaurant.

Wc meet at six.

We are meeting Hillary and Bill al six.

You m ay notice subtle differences o f m ean ing in these different ways o f ta lk ing about the

future.

There is one last item found in a verb phrase that needs to be m entioned, w h ich is no t an

aux iliary verb. II is the negative word not, w h ich we use to m ake a verb phrase, and ultim ately

the sentence, negative rather than positive. N ot comes after the first aux iliary verb in a verb

phrase, and in in form al styles it m ay be shortened to n't, and in w riting jo ined to the aux iliary

that it follows, for example

Can’t see

Mustn't be seen

Wasn’t being looked after

Haven’t protested.

I f there is n o aux iliary verb in a verb phrase, on ly a m a in verb, then a ‘d um m y ’ aux iliary is

used (do ) to provide an aux iliary for not to follow, e.g.

pays does not pay/doesn't pay

bought - did not buy/didn't buy.

You w ill notice that the do aux iliary carries the tense, as the first item in the verb phrase: and

the m a in verb is in the base form.

Sum m ariz ing , a verb phrase consists m in im a lly o f a m a in verb, w h ich m ay be preceded by

up to lo u r aux iliary verbs a n d negative not, as follows:

modal aux - perfect aux - progressive aux - passive aux - main verb

w ith no t after whichever is the first auxiliary, or after do i f no other aux iliary is present.

2.3.4 A dverbials

In Section 2.3.1, we looked at the m ajor roles played by elements in a sentence - Subject,

Ob ject and C om p lem en t - and at the basic structures that they compose. Subjects and Objects

represent the entities (persons/things) involved in the situation (action, event o r state), which

is represented by the (m a in ) verb; Com p lem ents represent attributes o f entities.

In th is section, we consider one further type o f sentence element, w h ich has the syntactic

role o f Adverbial. Adverbials are norm ally optiona l elements in sentence structure: they are

not required, by the verb, to m ake the sentence gram m atical. Adverbial elem ents represent

c ircum stantia l in fo rm a tion relating to a s ituation, such as place (where som eth ing happened),

tim e (w hen), m anner/m eans (how ), reason/purpose (w hy), for example

I was doing m y homework on the bus.

B rian te ll asleep after d inner.

The bell tolled monotonously

We are cancelling the concert because o f the lead singer’s illness.

O n the bus in the first exam ple is an Adverbial o f place; after d inner in the second an

Adverbial o t tim e; monotonously in the th ird an Adverbial o i m anner; because o j the lead

singer’s illness in the fourth an Adverbial o f reason.

Adverbials are o ften expressed, as in these examples, b y adverbs and prepositional phrases.

T he adverb here is monotonously, w h ich is derived by means o l the -ly suffix from the

adjective monotonous. M anner Adverbials are typically expressed by such -ly adverbs. O ther

adverbs express tim e, e.g. now, soon, then, tomorrow, shortly, often, annually.

A prepositional phrase consists o f a preposition (on, after, because of) followed by a noun

phrase (on + the bus, after + dinner). They are a com m on means o f expressing all k inds o f

Adverbial.

A sentence m ay contain more than one Adverbial, for example

Sally w o n the race yesterday ( t im e ) in I Ic ls in k i (p lace ) in record t im e (m a n n e r ) .

In this example, all three Adverbials com e at the end o f the sentence. A n Adverbia l may,

however, be placed at the beg inn ing o f a sentence, o r indeed in the m idd le (usually single

word adverbs), fo r example


On Friday evenings (time) wc go with our friends (manner) to the cinema (place).

D u r in g the su m m e r (tu n e ) wc have o lten (tim e - frequency) gone cam p ing in the Co tsw o lds (place).

S e n te n ce s

Adverbials are usually optiona l elements: we can choose whether to give in fo rm ation

about the time, place, m anner, and so o n o f a s ituation, o r no t. Subjects, Ob jects and

Com p lem en ts are no t norm a lly op tiona l elements o f sentence structure in th is way. H o w

ever. w ith some verbs, an Adverbial (usually o f place) m ay be more o r less obligatory: to

leave it out w ould crcatc a structural gap in the sentence. For example:

Lydia has gone to the library*.

I left my umbrella on the bus.

Som eone has to go somewhere, so the place Adverbial to the library is more or less obligatory.

Lydia has gone does make sense o n its ow n , a lthough i f the verb fo rm is changed from present

perfect to sim ple past (Lydia went), there is a greater sense o f incompleteness. A ga in , w ith the

second example, leave (like lose and f in d ) im plies somewhere; so on the bus is a m ore or less

obligatory Adverbial in th is sentence. It is arguably m ore obligatory th an to the library in the

first example, since even I have left m y um brella is incomplete.

2.3.5 Clauses

The un its o f syntactic structure that we have talked about so far have included: word, phrase

and sentence. W ords com bine together in to phrases, for instance noun phrase, verb phrase,

prepositional phrase. A (simple) sentence is m ade up o f a verb (phrase) together w ith the

Subject, Ob ject and C om p lem en t (n ou n or adjective) phrases that the verb requires, as well

as any Adverbial (adverb or prepositional) phrases. Thus each s im p le sentence, as we have

described it, contains a single m a in verb (p lus any auxiliaries).

S im p le sentences consist o f one clause. A clause is a syntactic un it consisting o f a verb

together w ith its associated Subject, Ob jects/Com plem ent and Adverbials. C om p lex

sentences consist o f m ore th an one clause. Clauses com bine in to complex sentences in two

ways: by coord ination and by subordination.

Two clauses are coordinated w hen they are jo ined by one o f the coord ina ting conjunctions

and , but, or, fo r example

The bus was late and she missed her connection.

You can take the train, but the tare is higher.

You can travel direct or you can go via London.

C o o rd in a t io n jo ins clauses that are essentially independent. Com pare The bus was late. She

missed her connection., where the first example has been separated in to tw o sim ple sentences.

T he other examples can be s im ilarly separated. W h a t the coord inating con junc tion does is to

m ake explicit the m ean ing connection between the tw o clauses: various k ind s o f add ition ’ for

and , opposition ’ for but, alternative’ for or.

S u b o rd in a t io n joins a subord ina te clause to a m a in clause. A subordinate clause functions

w ith in the m a in clause as Subject, Object, C o m p lem en t or Adverbial. It cannot be separated


from the m a in clause to leave the tw o clauses to stand alone as sim ple sentences. Here are

som e examples o f complex sentences conta in ing a subordinate clause:

What you ate telling me is an old story. (Subject clause: what you are telling me + Verb: is + Complement

noun phrase: an old story). The main clause is X is an old story·, the subordinate clause, what you are

telling me, fills X. ihc Subjcct slot, in ihc main clause.

I did not know that you could speak German. (Subject pronoun: I + Verb: did not know + Object clause:

that you could speak German). The main clause is I did not know X; the subordinate clause, that you

could speak German, fills X. the Objcct slot, in the main clause.

The hardest task is remembering the vocabulary. (Subjcct noun phrase: the hardest task * Verb: is +

Complement clause: remembering the vocabulary). The main clause is The hardest task is X; the

subordinate clause, remembering the vocabulary, fills X, the Complement slot, in the main clause.

You can come here after you have been to the bank. (Subjcct pronoun: you t Verb: can come * Adverbial

(place) adverb: here + Adverbial (time) clause: after. . .). The main clause is You can come here (X);

the subordinate clause, after you have been to the bank, fills X , the optional Adverbial slot in the

m am clause.

Subordinate clauses that func tion as Subject, Ob ject or C om p lem en t replace n o u n phrases,

and so they are called n o m in a l or n o u n clauses. Those that function as Adverbial replace

adverbs/prepositional phrases, a n d they are called adverb ia l clauses. There are also clauses

that func tion as m odifiers o f nouns, w ith in a n o u n phrase, w h ich d o the sam e jo b as an

adjective: they are called ad jectiva l clauses. Adjectival clauses inc lude relative clauses

(see Section 2.3.2 and below ), for example

an interesting proposal, which we will discuss at our next meeting.

N o m in a l clauses inc lude the fo llow ing types (all illustrated in the fo llow ing examples in

Ob ject position in the m a in clause, where nom ina l clauses are fo und most com m only):

- //iof-clausc. introduced by the conjunction that. which is sometimes, however, omitted, e.g. I think

(that) you know each other.

- »'/(-clause, introduced by a ivft-word (such as who, what, why, whether). Unlike the that o f that-

clauscs. the wh-vrord is an element (Subject, Objcct, and so on) o f the iWi-dausc. So, in You haven't

told me what you did on holiday, what you did on holiday is the n /ι-clause Object o f told, and within

the «/»-clause what is the Object o f did)

- -»ig-clause, introduced by a present participlc form o f the verb and often lacking a Subjcct, for

instance I don't remember seeing him at the theatre. 11ère the -ing-dause. seeing him at the theatre is

Object o i remember, and it has no Subject. In this case, the Subject is assumed to be the same as that

o f the main clause, so I. I f the Subject o f the subordinate -mg-clause is different from that o f the main

clause, it is often possible to supply one, as m y daughter in I don't like my daughter staying out late,

where my daughter slaying out late is Object oHike.

- inf-dause, introduced by an infinitive form o f the verb, and often without a Subject, for instance

III· have decided to offer you the job. Here, the subordinate inf-clausc, to offer you the job is Object

o l decide, and it has no Subjcct: it is the same as the Subjcct o f the main clause, h t . I f the inf-clausc

S e n te n ce s

is Direct Object in a sentence with an Indirect Object (e.g. with the verb tell), then the Subject o f

the ini-clause is assumed to be the same as the Indirect Object, as in I lohl Lydia lo close I he door

behind her. As with ing clauses, a Subject may be supplied where appropriate, as the fee in She

requested the fee to be pa id into her account. Sometimes an introductory vvh-word precedes the

inf-clause, as in We haven't decided where to go on holiday: this is called a it'/i-inf-dausc.

Adverbial clauses are usually in troduced by a subord inating conjunction , w h ich gives

som e ind ication o f the adverbial m ean ing o f the clause, for exam ple when/before/after/while

(tim e), because/since (reason), if/unless (cond ition):

When the buzzer sounds, you should press this button

We are unable to fulfil your order, because the items are out o f stock

I f y o u ca ll in to the o ffice , th e fo rm s can b e signed.

M in o r types ol adverbial clause include:

- inf-clause. introduced by an infinitive form ot the verb and with the meaning o f 'purpose', as in

I have lo call in a l the post office to buy some stamps. Note that the Subject o f the purpose inf-clause

(to buy some stamps) is the same as the Subject o f the main clause (I). I f the Subject is different, it is

introduced by the preposition for, as in / had to call in fo r Bill to sign the form.

- -irtg-clause, containing a present participle form o f the verb, sometimes introduced by a subordinat

ing conjunction, and with a ’time' meaning, for instance I found this gold ring, (while) looking for

shells on the beach; After visiting the cathedral, they went to a cafe for a coffee. In this case the Subject

o f the -iwg-dause is always the same as the Subject ot the main clause.

Ad jectiva l clauses, w h ich a ll fu nc tio n as m odifiers after the n o u n (see Section 3.3.2),

include the fo llow ing types:

- relative clause, introduced by a relative pronoun. Like the ιν/ι-word in -clauses, the relative

pronoun has a function (Subject. Object, Complement, and so on) within the relative clause. For

example, in the song which she sang, the relative pronoun which is Object o f sang; in the song which

comes next, which is Subject o f comes. I f the relative pronoun is functioning as Object in the rela

tive clause, it may be omitted, as in the song she sang. lhe friend (whom) she met at the parly.

- -iwg-clause, introduced by a present participle form o f the verb, for instance the song topping the

charts a t the moment. The -mg-clausc docs not have a Subject; it is assumed to be the same as the

noun being modified (song in this example).

- -cW-dause, introduced by a past participle form o f the verb, for instance the exam failed by most

students. As with the -ing-dausc modifier, there is no Subject in the -ed-dausc; it is assumed to be

the same as the noun being modified (exam in this example).

C oo rd ina tion and subord ination o f clauses introduces considerable com plexity in to the

syntax o f sentences, and such sentences often take considerable unravelling to understand

how the structure is working . Com plex ity o f syntactic structure is also a reflection o f how


elaborate our language can become, especially w hen we write, w h ich is where m ost o f the

more complex subord ination occurs.

2.3.6 Sentences

W c have now seen that sentences have structures w h ich enable us to express and talk about

the situations that we want to com m unicate to o ther people. T he Verb in a sentence expresses

the action, event or state; the Subject and Object express the persons and things involved in

ihe situation; the C o m p lem en t expresses an attribute o f the Subject or Object; and Adverbials

express various accom panying circumstances o f the situation.

W h en wc use a sentence in com m un ica tion , it lulfils lor us one o f four purposes or func

tions: it makes a statement, asks a question, gives a com m and , expresses an exclamation.

Com pare the following:

S tatem ent: W e have v is ited a ll the cap ita l c ities o f E urope .

Question: Have you visited all the capital cities o f Europe?

What have you visited?

C o m m a n d : V is it the cap ita l c ities o f Europe!

Exclamation: What a lot o f cities to visit!

You w ill notice that the different functions are reflected in different structures (orders o f

words). The statement, usually considered the basic type o f sentence, has its elements in the

order: Subject - Verb - Object.

There are tw o types o f question. The 'yes/no' o r po lar question (Have you visited . . .?)

expects e ith e r ^ « or no as an answer. It diflcrs from the statement structure in that the first

auxiliary o f the verb phrase inverts w ith the Subject (You h a v e--- - Have you.?). The wh-

or in fo rm a tion seeking question ( W h a t have you visited?) begins w ith the iv/i-word, which

specifies the type o f in fo rm a tion being sought, and then Subject/auxiliary inversion takes

place, unless the w/i-word is itself the Subject (as in W ho came yesterday?).

A co m m and sentence has n o Subject, and the verb is in the base form (in fin itive w ithout

to). A person can be nom inated - Sally, pass me the salt, please - b u t they are not the Subject

o l the sentence.

A n exclamation is in troduced by either w hat or how . W hat 'is followed b y a n o u n phrase:

W hat a n am az ing sight! H ow is followed by an adjective or adverb: H ow beautifu l your eyes

are! H ow charm ingly she spoke to us!

Sentences rarely occur in isolation, except, for example, in notices (Passengers must cross

the line by the bridge.). A sentence usually forms part o f an ongo ing discourse o r text, and as

such it m aybe adapted in various ways to the other sentences in its im m ediate context. That

is the topic o f the next section.

S e n te n ce s

2.3.7 Sentence rearrangem ents

Λ scntcncc is a linear scqucncc o f elements arranged in a particular order. The basic order for

a statement (see Section 2.3.6) is: Subject - Verb - O b jec t/C om p lem en t - (Adverbial). The

in itia l element in a sentence, usually the Subject, is the one that norm ally creates a lin k w ith

the previous sentence in a text or discourse, so creating a logical order

The 200 metres hurdles was won by Sally. She easily outpaced her rivals.

She in the second sentence picks u p the Sully o f the first. Subjects are often pronouns for this

reason. They represent g iven in fo rm ation m entioned in the previous sentence.

The Subject is often the to p ic o f the sentence, about w h ich the rest o f the sentence (the

c o m m e n t) says som eth ing new , w ith the m ost significant o r newsworthy in form ation

com ing at the end o f the sentence.

The in itia l and fina l positions in a sentence are thus very significant, and for th is reason

there are devices for ensuring that the appropriate elem ent appears in these positions.

The choice o f verb w ill influence w h ich item occurs as Subject: com pare the choice o f give

and get in the following:

Hillary gave Bill the idea.

Bill got the idea from I lillary.

The use o f a passive can bring in to Subject position an item that w ou ld be Ob ject in the

active sentence; compare

Sally won the 200 metres hurdles.

The 200 metres hurdles was won by Sally.

I f an element other than the Subject takes u p in itia l position in a sentence, in order to make

the connection w ith the previous sentence, then we say that the element has been fronted .

C onsider the fo llow ing examples:

Some races Sally can w in easily. (Object some races fronted)

Tired I am not. (Complement tired fronted)

Across the bridge streamed the refugees. (Adjunct o f place across the bridge fronted)

Here the fron ting is achieved by sim ply rearranging the elements in the sentences. The

sentences m ay sound a little strange in iso lation , b u t w ith in a context m uch less so.

The opposite o f fronting is po s tponem en t, where an element is m oved from its usual

position to the end o f a sentence, because it is the m ost newsworthy item in the sentence.


Som etim es the pos ition that such an e lem ent vacates is filled by it . This is particu larly the

case if the element being m oved is the Subject, e.g.

It was a surprise to find you already at home.

I call it an outrage lhal the library is shut on Saturdays.

In the first exam ple, the Subject in fin it ive clause (to f in d you . . . ) is postponed , and in the

second, the O b jec t f/wf-clause (tha t the lib ra ry . . . ) is postponed. In both cases the vacated

pos ition in the sentence is filled by it , w h ich ho lds the place for the postponed Subject or

Object. N o m in a l clauses, especially as Subject, are often postponed in th is way.

A n elem ent is som etim es postponed because it is the longest in the sentence. A long (or

’weighty’) element is o ften also the m ost newsworthy, as in

We reported to the police the theft o f his bicycle from the school cycle rack.

Here the lo ng D irect Ob ject (the theft . . .) is postponed to after the Indirect Object

prepositional phrase (to the police).

T he rearrangement o f e lem ents in a sentence, to achieve fron ting o r postponem ent, serves

the purpose ol enab ling the sentence to fit appropriately in to a developing text or discourse.

T he message o f the text o r d iscourse is thus more clearly and sm ooth ly elaborated and

conveyed.

2.4 Variability and correctnessIn this chapter we have been discussing the linguistic system o f English, exam in ing the rules

and conventions that wc fo llow when we speak and write English. In describing language, we

often give the im pression that there is a closed system o f rules, rather like a com puter program,

w h ich we have to fo llow i f wc want to speak o r write a language ‘properly’ o r correctly'.

This section in tends to correct that im pression, to show that there is considerable vari

ab ility a n d open-endedness in the lingu istic system o f Eng lish, as indeed o f any language.

Som e o f the po in ts m en tioned here w ill be explored m ore fully , especially in C hap te r 6.

2.4.1 Id io lect and d ia lect (see Section 1.2)

Clearly, British English is o n ly one o f a num ber o f ‘national’ varieties o f Eng lish, inc lud ing

A m erican English, Australian Eng lish, Ind ian English, West A frican English, and so on . But.

w ith in the British Isles, English has m any regional variations: dialects. D ialects arc mostly

restricted to the spoken m ed ium , w ith most written, o r at least printed, text in the prestigious

‘standard’ dia lect o f pub lic com m unication .

V a r ia b ility a n d co rre c tn e ss

Som etim es the variation is solely one o f pronunciation : accent. The g ram m ar and

vocabulary arc from the standard d ia le d , o n ly the pronuncia tion has regional features.

In that sense, we all speak w ith an accent, either one that betrays o u r regional origins

(Yorkshire, C o rnw a ll, H o m e C oun ties) o r o u r social o rig ins (so called Received P ro n u n

c ia tion , prom oted particu larly in the private education system).

W e also have features o f ou r language that m ark us o u t as ind iv iduals: o u r idiolect. It

m ay be a word o r phrase that wc overuse. It m ay be an idiosyncratic pronuncia tion . O r we

may have a tendency to use a particu lar syntactic structure. Notice, for exam ple, how some

politic ians, trade un ion leaders and the like frequently use the construction W h a t . . . i s . . .

(as in W hat I would say to you is . . . )

English varies in pronuncia tion , g ram m ar and vocabulary according to where you live, the

education you have received, your past linguistic experience, and the k ind o l person that you

are, inc lud ing your personality, interests, and so on . Not on ly that, but you vary the way that

you speak - and write - according to the context in w h ich you are speaking or w riting , and

the people that you are speaking to. W h a t is ‘correct’ o r ‘proper’ depends o n the context in

w h ich the language is be ing used.

2.4.2 C han gin g language

Language is constantly chang ing (see Chapter 4). This inevitably m eans that the language

system is open and unstable. At any po in t in tim e , som e change is taking place, perhaps

im perceptib ly to the current speakers, but evident in the longer term.

Change is most obviously seen in vocabulary. T he words o f approval, for example, used by

your parents o r grandparents are not those you would use. A more recent word o f approval has

been cool, corresponding to your parents' great, perhaps, and to your grandparents’ capital or

A I . W hat word do you use now to signal approval (wicked perhaps)? N o t on ly do existing

words change their use, but new words are also constantly being coined in the language and

o ld ones become obsolete, as the interests and preoccupations o f the generations change.

B R E A K O U T B O X

D iscuss th e w o r d s y o u a n d y o u r p ee rs u s e t o s ig n a l a p p ro v a l a n d t h a t s o m e th in g is g o o d W r ite these

w o r d s d o w n a n d a s s e m b le th e m in o rd e r o f po pu la r ity . W h ic h w o r d i$ <it t h e to p ? W h y ’

Pronunciation also changes, as does the status o f accents, for example those that are

considered acceptable in pub lic broadcasting. It you hear a news reader (or shou ld it be

‘newscaster’) o f 30 years ago, y o u w ill f in d their accent quite different from those o f the news

readers o f today. The prestigious 'Received Pronunciation accent does not sound the sam e as

it d id two or three decades ago. N ew accents arise: there has been discussion in recent years


about the rise and increasing acceptability o f the ‘Estuary English’ accent in the London

area, a k in d o f adaptation o f RP to the Cockney accent o f East London (as in the speech o f the

form er London m ayor Ken Livingstone.

Neither does g ram m ar rem ain im m u ne from change. There are areas o f disputed

gram m atical usage w h ich probably represent a change tak ing place. O n e such concerns the

preposition used after the adjective different: is it from , to or than* T he conservative one is

from , but to is probably m ore w idely found in present-day English; th an is still largely frowned

on , at least in British English.

A no the r gram m atica l change, w h ich is not particu larly a matter o f d ispute, is in the usage

o f the relative p ro no un whom . In fact, th is p ronoun is fa lling ou t o f use and d isappearing

from the class o f relative pronouns. The reason for this is probab ly that m ost speakers do

no t understand the subject/object d is tinc tion , w h ich governs the use o t who/whom.

In part, a lack o f unders tand ing o f the subject/object d is tinc tion is also the reason for

another current gramm atical change: the between you and 1 phenom enon. After a preposition,

a personal p ro no un norm ally takes the object form : fo r me, after her, fro m us, about them.

However, if there are tw o pronouns after a preposition, jo in e d by and , and the second one

is a lirs t person singular, then a current tendency is to use / rather th an me, so between you

and I instead o f between you a n d me. Indeed, the practice is spreading to o ther contexts:

an English teacher wrote in an em ail ( in 2009) 'they 'll be d riv ing Esther and I back on the

Fri’, where the subject fo rm / is used in D irect Ob ject pos ition , not after a preposition.

A no the r cause o f m uch confus ion in m odern English usage is the apostrophe. This is

partly a matter o l punc tua tion (so, spelling), but it is also largely a matter o f gram m ar, since

an understanding o f gram m ar (the possessive/genitive case) is needed in order to use the

apostrophe appropriately. W ill the apostrophe fina lly die?

B R E A K O U T BOX

C a n y o u t h in k o t e x a m p le s o f th e m is u s e o f an a p o s tro p h e , e ith e r w h e r e a n a p o s tro p h e h a s b een

in se rte d w h e re it is n 't n e e d e d (v id e o 's) o r w h e r e a n a p o stro p h e h a s b e e n o m itte d IS t M ary s)? D o yo u

k n o w o f a n / n e a r w h e re y o u live?

2.4.3 Creative language

It shou ld be clear by now that a language is neither a closed system (it allows considerable

variation) nor in a stable state (it is constantly chang ing). The openness and instability are

m ost obviously seen in the expansion o f the vocabulary, as the language coins new words lo

deal w ith changes in culture and society - new discoveries and inventions in science and

technology, new concerns and fashions, such as in respect o f the env ironm ent o r in youth

A c tiv it ie s

culture. Bui, as we have seen, there is variability and change in p ronuncia tion and gram m ar

as well, and inc identa lly in the construction o f texts and discourses.

O n e o f the consequences o f th is openness and instability is that we are able to play

w ith language and to be creative w ith it. W e d o th is in the p layground in p r im ary school;

it is o lten the basis o f jokes, or o l a com edians repartee; and poetry is som etim es an experi

m entation w ith language. Here are two examples. The first comes from Lewis Carroll's

Jabberwocky poem:

'T w a s b r illig , a n d th e s lith y t o w s

D id g y re a n d g im b le in Ih e w a b e :

A ll m im s y w e r e t h e b o rog ro ve s ,

A n d th e m o m e ra th s o u tg ra o e .

The effect here is achieved by lexical innovation (nonsense words), but the g ram m ar is

conventional. You cou ld assign a word class label to each word qu ite easily: brillig - adjective,

gyre - verb, raths - p lura l n ou n , and so on.

The second example is from e.e.cummings:

a n y o n e liv e d in a p re tty h o w to w n

(w ith u p s o f lo a t in g m a n / b e lls d o w n }

s p r in g s u m m e r a u tu m n w in te r

h e s a n g h is d id n ’ t h e d a n c e d h is d id

Here the poe t is play ing w ith the gram m ar. M any words are reassigned to a different word

class and used in unusua l syntactic positions: anyone is used as a proper no u n (a nam e), how

is used as an adjective, didn ’t and d id are used as nouns, and so on . A n d what d o you make o f

up so f lo a tin g m any bells dow n?

Activities

A ctiv ity 2.1.1

G ive the IPA symbol for the vowel sounds in the fo llow ing words. I f you get stuck, you can

seek help in an up-to-date d ictionary: m any o f th em (check in the G u id e to Using the D ic

tionary) use the IPA to indicate the pronuncia tion o f words, but there m ay be som e variation

in the symbols used.

can so up b o rn song send feel b a rk learn safe peace c o o k rope lu n c h to u g h b o u g h t la d de r choice

p a lm r is k affair

A ctiv ity 2.1.2G ive a phonetic transcription o f the fo llow ing words. W h en you check your transcription

w ith that in a d ic tionary using the IPA , you shou ld rem em ber that the d ic lionary is notaling

a particu lar accent, n am e ly Southern British English. I f th is is not your accent, there may

be some legitimate variation in transcription. It is interesting to see whether the d ictionary

confesses that its p ronunc ia tion is fo r o n ly one accent.

piccc fad lurch mouth joy wrong cream shore clothe good stretch weave youth happy binge

frequent station thankful

A ctiv ity 2.1.3

W ork o u t the syllable structure o f the fo llow ing words. The spe lling is not necessarily a

reliable guide: you shou ld m ake a phonetic transcrip tion first, so that you can see the sounds

that you have to deal w ith.

standard decision police asteroid screamed television vanquished envelope newspaper procedure

circular entertainment premillcnial sparkling planetary

A ctiv ity 2.1.4

M ake a transcrip tion o f the words in the fo llow ing phrases as though they were pronounced

in isolation. T hen consider if any o f the types o f variation that we have discussed in this

section - allophones, assim ilation , elision - cou ld occur.

slot machine wine bottle lead weight list price wet but happy ten past four sent by post on this shelf

a slight cold in the head don't lose your way

A ctiv ity 2.1.5

It w ou ld take too lo ng to outline all the letter-sound correspondences in m odern English, but

you can explore this fo r yourself. 11ère arc some key sounds to investigate, fo r the letters they

m ay be represented by:

Consonants IkJ, 1(1. If/, 1)1

Vowels (much more variable!): I\l, I d , /a:/, Iw.l, /3:/, Is/, lei/, /ou/, /ai/

A ctiv ity 2.1.6

1. W here does the m a in stress lall o n the fo llow ing words when spoken in isolation?

safety safari salute sandwich satisfaction saxophone security segregate sensational sentimental

serenade sociology

2. W here , in a neutral utterance o f the fo llow ing sentences, w ou ld the nucleus o f the

in tonation tune most likely fall?


a) Please pass the salt.

b) How far is it to the station?

c) This is where wc pick Aunty up.

A c tiv it ie s

d) Have you completed the exercise?

e) Keep o ff the grass.

W here else cou ld you place the nucleus a n d what difference w ou ld it m ake to the hearers

understanding o f the sentence?

A ctiv ity 2.1.7

I f you are interested in fin d ing o u t m ore about the current conventions on punctua tion , you

cou ld consult one o l the following:

R. L.Trasks Penguin Guide to Punctuation, 2004

- the guide to punctuation at the back o f the Concise Oxford Dictionary (8th edition, 1990)

Both o f these give a sensible account o f punctuation .

A ctiv ity 2.1.8

(1) Record yourself, i f possible w hen you are speaking in norm a l conversation. W c often

adjust ou r accent w hen we read. Listen to the recording, and m ake a note o f w hat you th ink

arc the distinctive features o l your accent. M any m odern m obile phones and m usic players

a llow for recording and playback so this shou ld be easier than you th ink .

(2) Look at an exam ple o f your handw riting and com pare it w ith som eone else’s. W h a t are the

differences in the w ay you form your letters their size, shape, angle, etc.? W h a t is it that

makes your handw riting ind iv id ua l to you?

A ctiv ity 2.2.1English has quite a num ber o f hom onym s (different words spelt and pronounced the same),

lor instance, base, compact, elder, host, last, m in t, pen , spar. H om onym s are considered to be

d ifferent lexemes because they have a different origin.

Look these words u p in a d ictionary , to establish that they are hom onym s, hav ing a different

m ean ing and a different o rig in . The orig in or e tym o logy o f a word is usually given in square

brackets at the end o f a d ic tionary entry.

N ow th ink o l live further pairs o l hom onym s and check your guesses in a dictionary.

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Nouns

Not all plurals are marked by the -(e)s suffix. Look at the fo llow ing p lura l nouns and relate

them to their singulars. H ow is the p lura l form ed from the singular in each case?

feet, mice, oxen, teeth, men, children, cacti, criteria, indices, corpora


A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Verbs

Q u ite a num ber o f verbs d o no t follow the regular pattern for verb inflections given above.

G ive the 3rd singular present, past tense and past participle forms for the fo llow ing (base

form s o i) verbs. T he first one is completed lo r you.

steal steals stole stolen

sing

see

take

bring

tell

stand

wear

think

speak

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - A djectivesGive the comparative and superlative form s for the fo llow ing adjectives. The list includes some

o l the sm all num ber o l adjectives that fo rm their comparative and superlative irregularly.

great bad attractive honest nasty good free cruel lovely handsome timid

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Adverbs

Identify the adverbs in the fo llow ing sentences and say w h ich subclass each o f them belongs to.

1. He began his speech rather pompously.

2. You’ve done it again!

3. Their team has. moreover, won the match.

4. Her plane has just taken off.

5. You shouldn’t give up so easily.

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - PronounsThis is the personal p ronoun system that operates in m odern 'standard' English. There are

m any non-standard and d ia lect variations. Perhaps you can th in k o f some in your ow n or

your friends’ language or in the language o f your area o f the country.

In what ways m igh t the use o f personal pronouns in the fo llow ing be considered 'non-

standard'?

1. The teacher gave the book to Billy and I.

2. Me and Billy are going to tell on you.

3. I Icr’s the one to blame.

A c tiv it ie s

4. I don't think them over there like us.

5. G ive us a break!

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Prepositions

(1) M ake u p sentences us ing the prepositions in the list given, to illustrate their meanings.

Som e prepositions can have more th an one m ean ing (e.g. after for place and tim e). Ensure

that your exam ple makes clear w h ich m ean ing is intended.

(2) I low m any o t these prepositions can be used w ith more than one meaning?

Check your guesses in a dictionary.

A ctiv ity 2.2.2G ive the word class label to all the words in the fo llow ing sentences. D ictionaries usually

give the word class o l a word, though older d ictionaries usually inc lude what we have called

determ iners in the class o f adjectives. I f you are unsure, you can check your guess in a

dictionary*. Rem em ber that some words m ay belong to more th an one word class.

1. She ran along the river bank.

2. A strange sensation su dd en ly c am e over h im .

3. They are always asking for clarification o f our aims.

4. O u r holiday has been an exhausting but delightful cxpericnce.

5. He can co m e fo r th is in te rv iew if i t c an be h e ld nex t Friday.

A ctiv ity 2.2.3

Analyse the structure o f the fo llow ing words, identify ing the roots, prefixes and suffixes. I'or

each suffix, say whether it has a derivational or an inflectional func tion . Notice any changes

in the spe lling and pronuncia tion o f m orphem es (especially roots), and note any changes o f

w ord class that result from derivational suffixes.

adviser, blamelessly, classifies, ensnaring, generalization, interminable, misspelt, postmodernists,

slavery, thankfulness, unfortunately, vocalist

A ctiv ity 2.2.4

T h in k o f as m any com pounds as you can that have as their first element the root:

hard, light, road, tea, white; electro-, tele-

C heck your in tu ition w ith a dictionary.

Classify the com pounds by their spelling (open , hyphenated, so lid) and by their word class

(noun , verb, adjective).


A ctiv ity 2.2.5

Som e linguists view lhe reference o f a w ord like cup as som e k ind o f ideal o f the object.

O thers view the reference as a prototype: the prototypical cup w ill have certain features - a

narrower base than top, for pu tting o n a saucer; a handle; m ade iro m ceramic material; for

ho ld ing liqu ids and d r in k in g from ; etc.

A ttem pt a description o f the reference o f the fo llow ing words b y listing the features that you

th in k are prototypical:

book, door, suitcase, telephone, tree

Check your description w ith the de fin itions in , preferably, m ore th an one dictionary.

A ctiv ity 2.2.6

1. F ind synonyms for the fo llow ing words. W h y m igh t you choose one m em ber o f each pair

rather th an the o ther (for example because o f dialect, formality , social connotation)?

keep, voter, money, hubris, yell, commence

2. F ind antonym s for the fo llow ing words. W h a t k ind o f antonym y do they represent (grad-

able, complementary, converse)?

sharp, parent, quiet, guilty, superior, opaque

3. List hyponym s (m ore specific words) for the following:

lurmture, crockery, fish

A ctiv ity 2.2.7

1. W h ich nouns d o you associate most readily w ith these adjectives?

rancid, flat, unkempt, powerful, safe

2. W h ich nouns w o u ld you expect to fo llow these verbs:

prune, spread, prosecute, deny, spend

Check your suggestions lo r 1. and 2. w ith someone else. There m ay well be quite a n um be r o f

possible answers for each one.

3. W h a t id iom s can you form that inc lude the fo llow ing words:

hand, first, stand

Check your answers w ith a good dictionary.

A c tiv it ie s

A ctiv ity 2.3.1

W h ic h basic structure is represented by cach o f the fo llow ing sentences?

1. Brian scores runs.

2. Babies cry.

3. They send charities money

4. Curry smells appetizing.

5. Coffee stains carpets.

6. She finds language fascinating.

7. Opinions differ.

S. You arc wonderful.

9. Inventions generate trade.

10. Work makes you tired.

A ctiv ity 2.3.2

Analyse the noun phrases in the fo llow ing sentences by giv ing a label to each o f their con

stituents. They contain on ly modifiers before the noun.

1. The famous brass band played a slow military march.

2. Your younger sister broke these valuable old records.

3. The first six people boarded the red London bus.

4. I told the police officer the whole truth.

5. They found Spielberg’s latest film overwhelming.

A ctiv ity 2.3.3

Iden tify the verb phrases in the fo llow ing sentences.

W h a t is the tense o f the verb phrase - present or past?

Analyse the verb phrases by labelling each item.

1. Wc are operating in this area.

2. I don’t need any replacement windows.

3. Wc have been pestered by double-glazing people.

4. O ur nextdoor neighbour is talking to one at the moment.

5. Wc could have paid a lot o f money.

6. Many such firms will be calling in the receiver.

A ctiv ity 2.3.4

Identify the Adverbials in the fo llow ing sentences.

W h ic h m ean ing does each one have - place, tim e, manner, reason . . . ?


W h ich fo rm does each one have - adverb, prepositional phrase?

1. We return from holiday tomorrow.

2. She carefully put the letter into the postbox.

3. Due to the rail strike no classes will be held until Monday.

4. O n Saturday they are giving a concert for charity.

3. We travelled by coach from Santander along the coast to San Sebastian.

A ctiv ity 2.3.5

Here arc a lew sentences ior you to try and unravel:

Iden tify the subordinate clause in each o f the sentences.

Is the subordinate clause func tion ing as Subject, Object, C om p lem en t or Adverbial, o r is it

adjectival? There is one o f each.

1. W ho could have told you that remains a mystery.

2. You should read the instructions bclorc you operate the machine.

3. The shock for me was winning the poetry prize.

4. Sites which have lain derelict for years are now being built on.

5. 1 would like to help you.

A ctiv ity 2.3.6D iv ide the fo llow ing sentences in to their constituent elements: Subject. Verb, Object,

C om p lem ent, Adverbial.

W h a t category o f element fills each slot (such as: pronoun , n o u n phrase, prepositional phrase,

adverb, that-clause, -ing-clause, and so on)?

1. The foreign students did not understand their teacher's humour.

2. These bottles are empty and we are taking them to the bottle bank.

3. The traffic warden told m e to park on the other side.

4. ! fave you finished making fun o f them?

5. I stupidly forgot that she had gone away.

A ctiv ity 2.3.7

Take a text that discusses or explains som e topic, o r that argues a p o in t (such as a feature

article o r editorial in a ‘serious' newspaper). Exam ine each sentence. Does it have its norm al

order o f elements (‘Subject - Verb - O b jec t/C om p lem en t’ fo r a statement sentence, and so

on )? I f not, how have they been rearranged (fronting, postponem ent)? A n d for what purpose

(connection to previous sentence, most newsworthy in fo rm a tion at end)?

A n s w e rs to A c t iv it ie s

A ctiv ity 2.4.1

Listen carefully over a period o f lim e to m embers o f your fam ily speaking. M ake a note o f

features o f their idolects.

D o you share some features as a family?

W h a t i s t y p i c a l o f t h e a c c e n t / d ia le c t o f t h e r e g io n i n w h i c h y o u l iv e ?

A ctiv ity 2.4.2

F ind out w hat the rules are tor the use o l the apostrophe (tor example in a gu ide to

punc tua tion (such as Trask (2004) or a usage handbook).

Look o u t fo r m issing o r w rong ly used apostrophes - in shopkeepers' signs, personal and

offic ia l letters, handb ills , and other ju n k mail.

W o u ld it be better if we dropped it altogether?

A ctiv ity 2.4.3

Try and work ou t what is happen ing to the gram m ar in the fo llow ing further e.e.cummings

verse:

w h e n b y n o w a n d tre e b y le a l

s h e la u g h e d h is \ο,< sh e c r ie d h is g r ie f

b ird b y s n o w a n d s t ir b y still

a n y o n e 's a n y w a s a ll to her

Answers to activities

A ctiv ity 2.1.1

can /a/, soup /u:/, born /o:/, song lo t , send /e/, feel / i:/, ba rk /a:/, learn Id :/, safe /ei/ , peace /i:/,

cook /u / , rope /ou /, lunch I a / or /u /. tough / a / or /u /, bough t /o : / , ladder /a/ + /a/, choice /

o il, pa lm /a:/, risk /i/, affa ir /a/ + /ca/.

A ctiv ity 2.1.2

piece /pi:s/, fad /fad/, lu rch /lo:tf/, m o u th /m auO /, joy /tfcoi/, wrong /ro i)/, cream /kri:m /,

shore /Jo :/, clothe /k louö /, good /gud/, stretch /stretJ7, weave /w i:v/, youth /ju :0 /, happy /

hapi:/, binge /bincfe/, frequent /frirkwant/, station /steij'an/, thankfu l /0ai)kfol/.

A ctiv ity 2.1.3standard /stan-dad/, decision /d i-s i- jan/, po lice /pa-li:s/, asteroid /a-sta-roid/, screamed /

skri:m d/, television /te-b-vi-3an/, vanquished /van-kwi/t/, envelope /cn-va-loup/, newspaper


/nju:z-pei-pa/, procedure /pro-si:-d3 o/, circular /sa:-kja-Ia/, entertainm ent /en-ta-tein-

m an t/, prem illen ia l /pri:-mi-le-njal/, sparkling /spa:-klii)/ o r /spa:k-lii)/, p lanetary /pla-

na-ta-ri/.

A ctiv ity 2.1.4

slot m ach ine /slot m a j'i:n / - /slop m a /h n /

w ine bottle /w a in bo ta l/ - /w a im botl/

lead weight /led weit/ - /leb weit/

list price /list prais/ - /lis prais/

wet bu t happy /wet bat hapi:/ - /wop bat api:/

ten past four /ten pa:st fo:/ - / tern pa:s fo:/

sent by post /sent ba i poust/ - /sem b i poust/

o n this shelf /on dis /e lf/ - /on d ij/e lf /

a slight co ld in the head / a slait kou ld in öa hed/ - /a slaik kou ld in ö i ed/

don’t lose your way /doun t lu:z jo : wei/ - /do un lu:z ja wei/.

A ctiv ity 2.1.6

1. safety / ’seifti:/. safari /sa ’fa:ri:/, salute /sa’lu:t/, sandw ich /sandw iij/. satisfaction

/satis’fa k ja n /, saxophone /saksafoun/, security/st’k juriti/, segregate /’segrageit/, sensational

/sen sei J a n a l/ , sentim ental /sen tim enta l/, serenade /scra'neid/, sociology /sousi'olacfei/.

a) SALT

b) STAtion

c) AUNty

d ) cxcrC ISE

e) GRASS

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Nounsfeet: change o f vowel from /u/ to /i:/

mice: change o f vowel from I au/ to /a 1/

oxen: addition o f -en suffix

teeth: change o f vowel from /u :/ to /i:/

men: change o f vowel from /a/ to /c/

children: addition o f -en (perhaps -rcn) suffix, and change o f pronunciation o f root /tj’aild' to /tfild/

cacti: change o f ending from -us to -i (Latin plural)

criteria: change o f ending from -on to -a (Greek plural)

ind ices : change o f e n d in g fro m -ex to -ices (L a tin p lu ra l)

corpora: change o f ending from us to ora (Latin plural)


A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Verbssing sings sang sung

see secs saw seen

lake lakes took taken

bring brings brought brought

tell tells told told

stand stands stood stood

wear wears wore worn

think thinks thought thought

speak speaks spoke spoken

A ctiv ity 2.2 .2 - Adjectivesg r e a t : g r e a t e r g r e a t e s t

b a d : w o r s e w o r s t

a t t r a c t iv e : m o r e / m o s t a t t r a c t iv e

h o n e s t : m o r e / m o s t h o n e s t

n a s t y : n a s t ie r n a s t ie s t

g o o d : h o t te r , b e st

i r e e : f r e e r fre e s t

c r u e l : c r u e l le r c r u e l le s t

lo v e ly : lo v e l i e r lo v e l ie s t

h and so m e , h a nd so m e r h and so m es t o r m o re /m o s t h and so m e

t im id : m o re /m ost t im id

A ctiv ity 2.2.2 - Adverbs1 . pompously (-ly adverb)

2. again (simple adverb)

3. moreover (conjunctive adverb)

4. just (simple adverb), o ff (adverb particle)

5. u p (adverb partic le ), easily (-ly adverb)

A ctiv ity 2.2 .2 - Pronouns1. Ύ should be 'me: objective case after preposition ‘to’

2. ‘Me should be T: subjective case as Subjcct o f sentence

3. H e r' should be she': subjective case needed

4. 'them’ is used instead o f the demonstrative 'those'

5. 'us’ usually used in such expressions as a singular, so 'me'

A ctiv ity 2.2.2I. She (personal pronoun) ran (verb) along (preposition) the (definite article) river (noun) bank

(noun)


2. A (indefinite article) strange (adjective) sensation (noun) suddenly (adverb) came (verb) over

(preposition) h im (personal pronoun)

3. They (personal pronoun) are (auxiliary verb) always (adverb) asking (verb) for (preposition)

clarification (noun) o f (preposition) our (possessive determiner) aims (noun)

4. O ur (possessive determiner) holiday (noun) has (auxiliary verb) been (verb) an (indefinite

article) exhausting (adjective) but (coordinating conjunction) delightful (adjective) experience

(noun)

5. He (personal pronoun) can (modal auxiliary verb) come (verb) for (preposition) this (demon

strative determiner) interview (noun) if (subordinating conjunction) it (personal pronoun) can

(modal auxiliary verb) be (auxiliary verb) held (verb) next (adjective) Friday (noun)

A ctiv ity 2.2.3adviser: advise (verb root), -er (derivational suffix, changes verb to noun)

blamelessly: blame (noun root), -less (derivational suffix, changes noun to adjective), -ly

(derivational suffix, changes adjective to adverb)

classifies: class (noun root), -ify (derivational suffix, changes noun to verb), -cs (inflectional suffix,

3rd person singular present tense)

ensnaring: snare (noun root), en- (derivational prefix, changes noun to verb), -ing (inflectional

suffix, present participle)

generalization: general (adjective root), -i/e (derivational suffix, changes adjective to verb),

-ation (derivational suffix, changes verb to noun)

interminable: terminate (verb root), -able (derivational suffix, changes verb to adjective), in-

(dcrivational prefix, negative)

misspelt: spell (verb root), mis- (derivational prefix, badly’), -t (inflectional suffix, past tense/past

participle)

postmodernists: modern (adjective root), -ist (derivational suffix, changes adjective to noun), post-

(derivational prefix, 'after’), -s (inflectional suffix, plural)

slavery: slave (noun root), ery (derivational suffix, changes concrete to abstract noun)

thankfulness: thank(s) (noun root), -ful (derivational suffix, changes noun to adjective), -ness

(derivational suffix, changes adjective into noun)

unfortunately: fortune (noun root), -ale (derivational suffix, changes noun to adjective), -ly

(derivational suffix, changes adjective to adverb), un- (derivational prefix, negative)

vocalist: voice (noun root), -al (derivational suffix, changes noun to adjective), -ist (derivational

suffix, changes adjective to agent noun)

A ctiv ity 2.2.4

1 . for instance

keep: retain (formal)

voter: elector (formal)

money: bread (slang), dosh (informal)

hubris: pride (neutral)

yell: bawl (pejorative)

commence: start (less formal)


sharp: blunl (gradable)

parent· child (converse)

qu id : noisy (gradable)

guilty: innocent (complementary)

superior: inferior (converse)

opaque: transparent (gradable)

3.

furniture: chair, table, sofa, stool, etc.

crockery: dish, plate, bowl, cup, saucer, etc.

fish: halibut, plaice, trout, salmon, etc.

A ctiv ity 2.3.11. s v o2. S V

3. S V O O

4. S V C

5. S V O

6. s v o c7. S V

8. S V C

9 . S V O

10. s v o c

2.

A ctiv ity 2.3.2

'da - defin ite article, 'ia' - indefin ite article, ‘id ' - identifier, 'poss' - possessive, ‘dem ’ -

dem onstrative, ‘qu = quantifier, ad)' = adjective, nm ' = noun m odifier, 'ri = noun ,

‘pron = pronoun

1 . the (da) famous (adj) brass (nm) band (n); a (ia) slow (adj) military (adj) march (n)

2. y o u r (po ss .id ) younger (a d j) sister (n ); these (d e n i.id ) v a luab le (a d j) o ld (ad j) records (n )

3. the (da) first (qu) six (qu) people (n); the (da) red (adj) London (nm ) bus (n)

4. I (pron); the (da) police (nm) officer (n); the (da) whole (qu) truth (n)

5. they (p ro n ) ; Sp ie lberg ’s (poss .n ) latest (ad j) f i lm (n )

A ctiv ity 2.3.31 . are operating: present: are (progressive auxiliary), operating (main verb - present participle)

2 . don't need: present: do (dummy ’do'), not (negative), need (mam verb)

3. have been pestered: present: have (perfec t aux ), b e e n (passive a u x - past p artic ip le ), pestered

(m a in verb past partic ip le )

4. is talking: present: is (progressive aux), talking (main verb - present participle)


5. could have paid: past: could (modal aux), have (pcrfccl aux), paid (main verb - past parliciplc)

6 . w il l be ca llin g in : present: w il l (m o d a l a u x - w ith iu lu re m e a n in g ) , b e (progressive aux ), ca lling

in (m a in verb (phrasa l) presen t partic ip le )

A ctiv ity 2.3.41. from holiday (place: prepositional phrase); tomorrow (time: adverb)

2 . carefully (manner: adverb), into the postbox (place: prep phrase)

3. d u e to the ra il strike (reason: p rep phrase), u n t i l M o n d a y (tim e : p rep phrase)

4. O n Saturday (time: prep phrase), for charity (purpose: prep phrase)

5. by coach (means: prep phrase), from Santander (place: prep phrase), along the coast (place: prep

phrase), to San Sebastian (place: prep phrase)

A ctiv ity 2.3.51. w h o c o u ld have to ld y o u tha t: Sub ject ot 'rem ains ’

2. before you operate the machine: Adverbial (of time)

3. winning the poetry prize: Complement after ‘was’

4. which have lain dcrclict for years; adjectival (relative clause modifying sites’)

5 . to h e lp you : O b je c t o f ‘like’

A ctiv ity 2.3.61. T h e fo re ign students (S :n p ) d id n o t u nd e rs tand ( V v p ) th e ir teacher’s h u m o u r (0 :n p )

2 . These bottles (S:np) are (V:vp) empty (C:adj) and (conjunction) we (S:np) are taking (Vvp)

them fO :np) to the bottle bank <A:prep phr)

3. The traffic warden (S:np) told (V:vp) m e (Oi:np) to park on the other side (Od:inf cl)

4. you (S:np) have finished (Vvp) making fun o f them (0:-ing-cl)

5. I (S:np) stupidly <A:adv) forgot (Vvp) that she had gone away (0:that cl)

Further readingA n u m b e r o f series o f in tro d u c to ry b o o k ' o n lang uage ana lys is a n d desc r ip tio n have appeared in recent years, fo r exam p le

th e Languag e W orkbooks ' a n d 'E ng lish L anguag e In tro d u c tio n s ' series f r o m R o u tlc d g c . a n d th e 'E d in b u rg h Text

b o o k s o n lh e E ng lish L anguag e ' f ro m E d m b u ig h U nivers ity Press.

C o ll in s a n d M ces (2008 ), A shb y <2005) a n d M c M a h o n <2001) deal w i t h p ro n u n c ia t io n Jackson (2002 ) is an in tro d uc to ry

text o n g ra m m a r a n d vocabu la ry , a n d H u d s o n < 1998) a n d M il le r (2008 ) a lso tack le g ram m ar . H auer <1998». Coates

(1999 ) a n d H u d s o n <1995) i n th e 'L an g u ag e W orkbooks ' series exp lore various aspects o f w ords , th e ir m e a n in g a n d

s truc tu re A m o re extensive acc o u n t o f E ng lish w o rd s a n d vo cab u la ry can b e fo u n d in Jackson a n d 7.6 A m vc la

(2007).

T h e 's tandard ' ac c o u n t o f E n g lis h p ro n u n c ia t io n is b y th e late A G G in u o n , th e latest e d it io n o f w h ic h (the se v e n th ) is

O u t t c n d c n (2008 ) A n u m b e r o f a u tho rita tiv e reference g ra m m a rs o f E ng lish have b ee n p u b lis h e d over th e last

decades , b e g in n in g w ith th e 'Q u ir k ' g ra m m a rs o f 1972 ( A G r a m m a r o f C o n te m p o ra ry E ng lish ) a n d 1985 <A C o m p re

hens ive G r a m m a r o f th e E ng lish la n g u a g e ) . W h i le these w ere bast'd o n th e Survey o f E ng lish Usage co lle c t io n o f texts.

S u g g e s te d P ro je cts

m o re recent g ra m m a rs have used m o re extensive c o m pu te r c o rp o ia . in c lu d in g B ibe r e t aL (1999 ) a n d C arte r and

M c C a r th y (2006).

A n e w series o f in tro d u c to ry texts Is u n d e r d eve lo pm en t b y C a m b r id g e U nivers ity Press, e n t it le d C a m b r id g e In t r o d u c

t io n « t o th e E ng lish Language'. A v o lu m e o n p ro n u n c ia t io n ha s b ee n pub lished : M c C u I lv (2009).

A u sefu l g u id e to d o in g p r o je t !* i n lang uage H u d ) i t W ra y a n d K lem m er (2006).

Suggested projectsW e have a tte m p ted t o p ro po se in th is ch ap te r a d e sc r ip t io n o l th e lin g u is tic system o f E ng lish T h e in te n t io n ha s b ee n to

m ak e y o u aw a re o f h o w E ng lish w o rks a n d to p ro v id e y o u w ith th e too ls o f ana lys is for u n co v e r in g th e s truc tu re « o f

lang uage th a t y o u f in d in th e d is c o u rs e ' a n d texts o f everyday life.

T op ics fo r p r o je t s a r is in g fro m th is ch ap te r w o u ld , perhaps , m o s t approp r ia te ly fo cu s o n th e n itty-gritty o f la n g ua g e the

so u n d s o f som eone's accen t, th e g ra m m a tic a l structures used in a new spaper's e d ito ria l o t a n advertisem ent, the

vo cab u la ry a n d syn tax o f a ch ildren 's read ing b o o k

T o u nde r take su ch a p ro jcc t y o u n e ed to:

- d e c i d e w h a t l i n g u i s t i c f e a t u r e o r f e a t u r e s y o u w a n t t o f i n d o u t a b o u t

- co lle c t a p p rop r ia te a n d s u ff ic ie n t lang uage data

- ana lyse th e d a ta fo r y o u r chosen features

- p r e s e n t y o u r r e s u l t s a n d d e s c r i b e w h a t y o u h a v e f o u n d

- d iscuss th e co n c lu s io n s th a t y o u can d ra w fro m y o u r results

Su ggestion s fo r in ve stigatin g pronunciation:1 M a k e u p a s h o r t passage th a t co n ta in s a t least o n e o f a ll th e vow e ls a n d co nso nan ts o f E ng lish . A sk fo u r o r five friends

t o read th e passage, a n d record th e m d o in g so. A ls o ic c o rd y o u r friends engaged in o rd in a ry conversa tio n . L isten to

y o u r record ings . W h a t d ifferences in p ro n u n c ia t io n are there: a ) b e tw een e ach in d iv id u a l’s re ad in g a n d the ir S pon ta

neous conversa tio n ; b> a m o n g y o u r friends

2. R e co rd a favou rite presenter f ro m th e rad io . M a k e a d e ta ile d d e sc r ip t io n o f the ir p ro n u n c ia t io n . D o the y have any

features o t p ro n u n c ia t io n th a t are pe cu lia r t o th e m '

3 Record a n d listen ca rc fu lly t o a n u m b e r o f new s bu lle tins . W h a t u se does th e new sreader m ak e o f in to n a t io n in order

t o g ive m e a n in g t o th e new *. C a n y o u te ll, for exam p le , th a t a new s item is g o in g t o b e a d isaster' s to iy befo re y o u have

he a rd a ll th e w o rd s ' You C an try th e sam e in ve s tig a tio n w ith fo o tb a ll resu lts can y o u tell i f a p a r t ic u la r result is a w in .

lose o r d ra w fo r th e h o m e side b e lo rc y o u he ar th e second score5

Su ggestion s fo r in ve stigatin g words:1. T ake a b road shee t new spaper (such as th e G u a rd ia n o r In d e p e n d e n t) a n d a t a b lo id (s u c h as T h e D a ily M a i l o r M ir ro r ) .

E x am ine a new s story, a feature a r tic le a n d a n e d ito ria l f ro m each fo r th e co m p lex ity o f th e vo cab u la ry In te rm s o l

n u m b e r a n d types o f s im p le w ords , derived w o rd s (w ith prefixes a n d suffixes), a n d c o m p o u n d w ords. W h a t d if fe r

ence« em e rg e b e tw een th e new spapers , a n d betw een th e d if fe ie n t types o f artic le?

2 l ake tw o d iffe re n t types o f tex t, s u c h as a nov e l a n d a lega l d o c u m e n t , o f e q u a l le n g th in te rm s o f n u m b e r o f w ords

(say. 2000) S o rt th e w ords in th e text ac c o rd ing to w o rd class (n o u n , v e rb , p re p o s it io n , e tc .) Y o u m ay w a n t t o m ake


subd iv is ion* . lo t exam p le d is t in g u is h types o f p io n o u n - pe rsona l. re lative , a n d s o o n . H o w d o th e tw o texts co m pa re?

I ' the re a d iffe rence i n th e n u m b e r a n d types o f g ra m m a tic a l w o rd {de te rm ine r , p r o n o u n , p re po s it io n , c o n ju n c t io n )

th a t a rc u sed ’

3. C o lle c t a ll th e c o m p o u n d w o rd s fro m a n e d it io n o f a new spaper, n o t in g th e ty pe o f text (new s story, advertisem ent,

a n d '·> o n ) that e ach co m es fro m . A tte m p t a c la ss if ic a tio n o f th e c o m p o u n d s , lo r exam p le acc o rd ing t o w o rd class,

a c c o rd in g t o co m p lex ity ( tw o . ih rc c o r lo u r roo ts), a c c o rd ing to w he th e r neo-classical, Iro m n a tiv e roo ts o r a c o m b in a

t io n . A ik th e re a n y d ifferences b e tw een th e types o f text?

Su ggestion s fo r in ve stigatin g sentences:1 T ake a n y tex t o r p a ir o f texts a n d e x a m in e th e m fo r d iffe re n t types o f sen tence s truc ture , in c lu d in g th e b as ic patterns

(SV. S V C . S V O , a n d so o n ) ; n u m b e r , ty pe a n d p o s it io n o f A dverb ia ls^ n um ber, type (tha t- dause , - ing-dause, a n d so

o n ) a n d fu n c t io n (S ub jec t, O b je c t , a n d so o n ) o f s u bo rd in a te clauses.

2 T ake a new spape r new s story , a n ex trac t f ro m a nov e l a n d a n a r lic le f ro m a n encyc lop aed ia . E x a m in e th e n o u n

phrases, p a r t ic u la r ly th e n u m b e r a n d types o f m o d if ie rs . D o a n y have m o re th a n o n e ad je c tiv e i n a n o u n phrase?

W h .it u se is m a d e o f n o u n m o d if ie rs ? A re there m o d if ie r s a fter th e n o u n re la tive clauses, p re p o s it io n a l phrases,

a n d th e lik e ’

3 T ake a n y m o re extensive tex t a n d exam ine it fo r a p a r t ic u la r g ra m m a tic a l feature, su ch as p repo s itio n a l phrases.

A dve rb ia l« , that clauses, m o d a l verbs, questio ns H o w m a n y a n d w h a t types are used? I n w h a l k in d s o f con tex t and

lo r w h a t p u rpo se ’

Analysing Texts and Discourses

Chapter Outline3.1 D isc o u rse a n d text 7 5

3 .2 R e g iste r 7 6

3 .3 F u n ctio n 83

3 .4 C o n v e rsa t io n 87

3 .5 M u lt im o d a l texts 91

3 .6 T e xtu a lity 9 5

A ctiv it ie s 9 9


3.1 Discourse and text

W h en wc com m un ica tc . wc d o so by m eans o f texts and discourses. In Section 1.3.4, wc m ade

a d istinc tion between the 'texts’ o f written com m un ica tio n and the discourses’ o f spoken

com m unication . The d is tinc tion is no t absolutely clear-cut: there arc, for example, discourses

that are written to be spoken, such as news bulle tins o n rad io or television; sim ilarly, there are

texts w h ich resemble conversations, such as in in ternet chat rooms. Indeed m uch electronic

[or computer-mediated’) com m un ica tion blurs the boundaries between text and discourse:

it often functions like speech and has some o f the characteristics o f speech, even though it

takes place through the m ed ium o f writing.

W e rarely com m unicate by means o f single sentences, except perhaps in certain k ind s o f

instruction: Keep o f f the grass! Please sw itch o ff your m obile phone ! N ormally, sentences

com bine in to a text, o r spoken utterances fo rm a speech o r a conversation, o f vary ing lengths,

from the brie f interaction to m ake a purchase in a shop to a multi-volum e encyclopedia. Not

o n ly d o texts and discourses vary considerably in their length, they also vary enorm ously in

C h a p te r 3 · A n a ly s in g Te xts a n d D isc o u rse s

purpose, func tion and style o flanguage . You need on ly reflect on a single day in your life to

appreciate the range o f d ifferent texts and discourses that you have been a party to: casual

conversation w ith friends o r family, buy ing things, partic ipating in classes, com posing

different types o f text for school or college w ork , listening to rad io , television or song lyrics,

em ailing, texting, upda ting a social networking site, and so on.

H ow d o we begin to make sense o f th is bew ildering array o f texts and discourses?

Linguists w ork ing in the areas o f text linguistics and discourse analysis have proposed a

num ber o f approaches to th is problem . W e w ill use some o f their insights as we develop an

approach to analysing texts and discourses. Besides the basic d is tinc tion o f ‘mode', between

spcech a n d w riting, to w h ich wc shall re turn in Section 2.2, texts and discourses arc

often div ided in to those that are fundam enta lly ‘transactional’ and those that are prim arily

‘interactional’. In transactional texts and discourses, the locus is o n the content o f the

message, whether that is to convey in fo rm a tion , to com plete a piece o f business, to tell

som eone how to d o som ething , or to tell a story. In interactional texts and discourses, the

focus is on p rom o ting the relationship between the participants (writer and reader, speaker

and hearer).

Texts and discourses can be categorized no t o n ly by the transactional/ interactional

d is tinc tion , hut by means o f a num ber o f other criteria and parameters. W e could categorize

them by register (see Section 3.2), w h ich is a term that describes a variety o f a language

according to w ho is using it and the uses to w h ich it is be ing put. So, a text m igh t be in the

legal register (a contract o f em ploym ent), o r a discourse m igh t be in the instructional register

(teaching som eone how to cook, maybe). W c cou ld characterize texts and discourses

according to fu n c tio n (see Section 3.3), whether they are te lling a story, describing som e

th ing (a person, place o r object), exp la in ing som eth ing (an idea or concept), getting someone

to d o som eth ing or to change their behaviour; te lling som eone h o w to d o som ething . We

could characterize them according to their structure: how conversations w ork (Section 3.4),

how (m u lt im od a l) texts that conta in images as well as text integrate the tw o (Section 3.5),

w hat k ind s o f structure can create coherent texts (Section 3.6).

A ll texts and discourses occur in a context. Each is produced at a particu lar tim e, in a

particu lar place, by som e person o r persons, fo r some purpose, l im e , place, person and

purpose are categories external to language (extralinguistic), b u t they influence the form

and content o f the text: whether it is spoken o r written, whether it has a form al style or an

in fo rm a l one, how it is constructed, and so on . Contextual factors w ill play a sign ificant part

in ou r approach to the analysis o f texts and discourses.

3.2 Register

T he term ‘register’ is used in various ways w ith in linguistics. It is som etim es used to refer

to the form ality o f a text o r discourse, o n a scale from ‘very form al’ (such as an Act o f

R e g is te r

Parliam ent) to 'very in form al’ or 'co lloquial’ (.such as a conversation between friends). W e are

us ing ‘register’ in the sense employed by the linguist M ichael Halliday, to refer to the features

o f the language o f a text or discourse that reflect associated features o f the context in which

the discourse or text is situated or takes place. Register features arc considered under three

headings: field, tenor and m ode. Field relates to the content o r subjcct m atter o f a text or

discourse; tenor relates to the persons w h o produce and consum e a text or discourse, and

their relationship; m ode relates to the means by w h ich a discourse or text is produced and

delivered. W e w ill consider each o f these areas in turn and illustrate them .


Μ Δ K H a llid a y (b 1 9 ? 5 ) is a w o r ld re n o w n e d B -it ish l in g u is t w h o h a s p io n e e re d a w a y o f lo o k in g a t

la n g u a g e c a lle d sy ste m ic fu n c t io n a l lin g u istics

3.2.1 Field

Features o l field answer the question: w hat is the text about? The subjcct matter o f a text or

d iscourse is prim arily expressed through the vocabulary that is used, w h ich w ill usually be

fo und to belong to one or tw o semantic fields or dom ains. Look at the fo llow ing text (from:

hup://news.bbc.co.uk/sportIIhUcrickcl/8181490.slrn [accessed 5/8/09)):

A s u p e rb 1 2 3 b y M a h e la Ja y a w a rd e n e s e t u p a c o m fo r ta b le s ix -w ic k e t w in fo r S r i L a n k a o ve r

P a k is t a n w h ic h g a v e th e m an u n a ssa ila b le 3 0 le a d in th e s e r e s . The to u rists m a d e 2 8 8 8 in th e ir

5 0 o v e rs , in c lu d in g 6 6 fro m U m a r A k m a l, b ro th e r o f w ic k e t -k e e p e r K a m r a n . B u t Ja ya w a rd e n e 's

b e ll ig e re n t to n - w h ic h in c lu d e d 1 4 (o u rs a n d a s ix - c o u p le d w it h U p u l T h a ra n g a 's 7 6 . s e t u p a

2 0 2 -ru n o p e n in g w ic k e t p a rtn e rsh ip . D e sp ite lo s in g w ic k e t s , Sri L a n k a e ase d h o m e w it h 2 ' ba lls

t o spare.


W ords like wicket, over, wicket-keeper, four, six, run, bull, opening partnership, as well as the

names o l the countries and the players, place this text clearly in the field o f the game o f

cricket. There are add itiona l ind icators o f th is field, in c lud ing com b ina tions (collocations)

such as ‘six-wicket w in ’, '50 overs’, '14 fours' '202-run . . . partnership’, 'losing wickets’, 'balls

lo spare’.

N ow look at this text (from : http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/Swineflu/DG_l77831 (accessed

5/8/091):

Th e H e a lth P ro te ctio n A g e n c y e s t im a te s th e re w e r e 1 1 0 .0 0 0 n e w c a s e s o f s w in e ( lu in E n g la n d last

w e e k . T h is is o n ly s l ig h t ly u p fro m 1 0 0 .0 0 0 th e p re v io u s w e e k . T h is s u g g e s ts th a t th e rate o f in fe c

tio n h a s s ta rte d t o s lo w T h is m a y b e d o w n to th e s ta rt o f th e s c h o o l h o lid a y s a n d th e la u n c h o f the

N a tio n a l P a n d e m ic F lu S e rv ic e . T h e re is n o s ig n th a t th e v iru s is b e c o m in g m o r e se v e re o r d e v e lo p in g

re s is ta n ce to an tiv ira ls .

W ords like cases, f lu , infection, pandem ic , virus, antiv iral, as well as the names o f the organiza

tions (H ealth Protection Agency, N ational Pandem ic Flu Service), place this text in the field

o l health. Collocations such as sw ine flu ’, 'rate o l infection , ’developing resistance’ confirm

this analysis.

It is usually qu ite straightforward to identify the field to w h ich a text o r d iscourse belongs,

especially in texts like these, where the semantic dom a in o f the d om in an t vocabulary is

fairly obvious. You w ill notice that a ll the words identified belong to the n o u n class (see

Section 2.2.2): even the num erals fo u r and six in the cricket text arc used as nouns in this

genre, as is antiv ira l (basically an adjective) in the health text. Generally, nouns are the

prim ary indicators o f field.

T he terms that we use to label fields m ay range from the general to the m ore specific. This

may reflect how we choose to characterize the field, o r it m ay be a reflection o f lhe fact that

som e fields are m ore appropriately described in general term s (engineering, politics), while

others are more obviously specialized (diesel engines, bridge construction). ’Health’ is

quite a general term , and we cou ld have sa id that the text belonged to the ‘v iral in fection or

‘ in fluenza’ field. O n the other hand, ‘cricket’ is fairly specific; at a m ore general level it could

have been labelled team game’, o r even ’sport’. There is n o standard set o f fie ld labels: some

are obvious, others are for the choosing.

3.2.2 Tenor

Features o t tenor answer the question: w ho participates in producing and consum ing the text

o r discourse, and what is the ir relationship? T h is is a less straightforward question to answer

than that relating to field. In the case o f spoken discourse, it is easier, because you generally

know w ho the participants are and possibly som eth ing about them . In the case o f written

texts, the au tho r m ay be unknow n or no t well know n, and even less m ay be kno w n about the

reader(s).

http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/Swineflu/DG_l77831

R e g is te r

In spoken discourse where there is in teraction between the participants, for example in a

conversation or an interview, tw o interlinked factors are o f particu lar significance: 1 ) what

status each partic ipant has in relation to the other(s); and 2 ) what the ‘social distance' is

between the participants. In terms o f status, b o th or a ll participants m ay have equal status

in the discourse, such as in a conversation between friends; o r one partic ipant m ay be o l

a higher status, o r have m ore power’ th an another, as in an interview. In term s o f social

distance, participants may know each other qu ite well and be on friendly terms, or they may

know each other less well or no t at all.

The status o f a partic ipant m ay determ ine whether they have the l ight to ask questions,

m ake suggestions or give instructions. Asking a question may be a sign o f ‘powcrlcssness’, as

it recognizes the other participant as possessing in fo rm ation (W hat tim e is the next train?).

A lternatively, a question m ay be an expression ot power’ (Have you finished your work?).

Note that the first type o f question is information-seeking (W h a t time?), whereas the second

is a yes/no question , here w ith the func tion o f checking. It is usually o n ly a participant

w ith higher status w ho has the right to give instructions (Shut the door beh ind you!). I f

som eone o f equal o r h igher status is being addressed, the instruction w ill be phrased as

a morc-or-less polite request (W o u ld you m in d shutting the door? C o u ld you shut the door

b eh in d you, please?).

T he status relationships between partic ipants w ill also in fluence how they address each

other. It is usua l to use first nam es between people o f equal status, o r to people o f lower

status. But people o f higher status are more norm a lly addressed by us ing a title and last

nam e (M rs loncs. D r K h an ), or in som e contexts just a title (D octor, Vicar. Headm aster).

Relative status may also de term ine w ho has the r igh t to in itia te speaking in a discourse,

to nom ina te w h o speaks and w hen , to change the top ic be ing talked abou t, and to bring

a discourse to a n end. In o ther words, they, for exam ple an interviewer, m anage the

w ho le discourse.

The social distance between participants in a discourse influences the level o f formality.

Form ality m ay be expressed in how participants address each other: use o f first names tends

to indicate fam iliarity , or less form ality ; whereas use o f titles o r title and last nam e tends to be

associated w ith greater formality. T he level o f form ality is expressed m ost obviously through

the k in d o f vocabulary lhat is used. The fo rm a l 'Guests are k ind ly requested to remove their

footwear’ m ay be expressed more fam iliarly as ‘M ay we ask you to take your shoes o ff ’ The

use o f slang, dialect o r other k inds o f co lloqu ia lism w ould signal a very in form al discourse

and fam iliar ity am ong the participants.

I.ook at the fo llow ing extract (from Cheepen and M onaghan (1990: 134) where a Host

opens the doo r to a V'isitor.

(k n o c k o n d o o r)

V is ito r 'b e f o r e I fo rge t*

H o st ’ a h I w a s ju s t a b o u t to p h o n e y o u ·


V is ito r: b e fo re I fo rg e t I'm g o n n a d o it th is m o m e n t —

H o st: o h m y k e y y e s . g iv e m e it b a c k . g iv e m e b a c k m y k e y -

V is ito r· w h y w e r e y o u g o n n a p h o n e m e a n d s a y d o n 't co m e

H o s t n o I w a s g o n n a p h o n e y o u a n d s a y a re n ’t 'y o u c o m in g '

Visitor: "oh yes* sorry about that

[* ’ ind icalcs overlapping speech; a full s lop . indicates a short pause, and a dash - a longer

pause.I Notice the use o f pronouns I and you, as the participants address each other, and

ihe use o f co lloqu ia l language such as ‘gonna for ‘go ing to’ and contractions like ‘don ’l ’ and

‘aren’t'. Two topics ru n alongside each other: return o f a key and telephoning. There are

further characteristic features, w h ich we’ll m en tion later, such as incom plete utterances

(before I fo rge t. . . ) and repetition (give m e . . . back).

In discourses and texts that d o no t involve interaction , authors reveal themselves to a

greater o r lesser extent, and the intended o r expected audience m ay be addressed m ore o r less

d irectly Authors may reveal themselves in a text by using a first person (/ or we) style, by

show ing the degree o f their com m itm en t to w hat they are saying (for example, by using

m oda l verbs such as m ight o r could), o r by inserting evaluations o r assessments o f w hat they

are ta lk ing about (This is an interesting idea.). Some genres o r types o f text invite authors to

reveal themselves m ore than others: in persuasive texts (such as a po litica l speech) or evalu

ative texts (such as a review o f a f i lm or a book) the author’s persona is m ore likely to be

revealed than in , say, a scientific report or a legal text. The latter are typically im personal, to

provide an aura o f objectiv ity in the case o f scientific texts, and o f authority for legal texts.

T he in tended audience (reader) o f a text m ay or m ay not be explicitly stated, though the

genre and type o f publication m ay indicate w ho the text is a im ed at. A M ills and Boon novel

w ill have a rather different readership from an article in a scientific journa l, for instance.

M any authors d o not address their readers directly in the text, fo r exam ple b y us ing the p ro

noun you; b u t they m ay inc lude questions, w h ich suggest the sense o f an audience, even i f the

question is then answered by the author themselves.

Look at the fo llow ing text (from : http://www.gimrdian.co.iik/science/blog/2009/aug/25/

galileo-telescope-anniversary [accessed 25/8/09)). H ow is the author revealed, and is there the

sense o f an audience?

If it w e re n 't fo r G o c g le . w h ic h h a s tra n sfo rm e d its lo g o in to a te le sc o p ic d o o d le to m arie the

o c c a s io n , th e 4 0 0 t h a n n iv e rsa ry o f the first p u b lic d e m o n s tra t io n o f G a lile o 's re v o lu tio n a ry te le sco p e

m ig h t h a v e g o n e u n n o t ic e d . H o w s tra n g e th a t th e p u b lic - a n d th e m e d ia - c a n b e ca p tiv a te d

b y re v o lu tio n a ry id e a s in s c ie n c e , s u c h a s e v o lu t io n a n d re la tiv ity , b u t fail to b e im p re sse d b y the

in v e n tio n o f n e w s c ie n t if ic in s tru m e n ts , w h ic h h a v e a r g u a b ly b e e n fa r m o re im p o rta n t fo r h u m a n

p ro g re ss . In c e n tu r ie s to co m e w ill w e m a rk th e a n n iv e rs a ry o f th e in v e n t io n o f X - r a y c ry sta llo gra p h y ,

D N A s e q u e n c in g , m a g n e t ic r e so n a n c e im a g in g , th e s il ic o n c h ip ’

This text comes from the Science Blog on the G uard ian newspaper’s website. The blogger,

w h o is not nam ed, expresses som e very definite op in ions about the blog topic, and so we, the

http://www.gimrdian.co.iik/science/blog/2009/aug/25/

R e g is te r

readers, beg in to fo rm an im pression o f them . Note the use of: ‘ i f it weren’t for’ and 'm ight

have gone in the first sentence, w h ich express alternative possibilities; and the exclamation

(H ow strange . . . ) in the second sentence. In the th ird sentence, the author includes the read

ers, w ith the use o f we and by phras ing the po in t as a question , w ith its im p lied negative

answer, w h ich im plies a challenge to us, the audience.

3.2.3 ModeFeatures o f m ode relate first o f all to the d istinc tion between the transm ission o f a discourse

o r text in the spoken o r the written m ed ium . There is great range o f m odes from a h igh ly

interactive conversation o n the one h and to a densely w ritten legal contract o n the other. The

conversation is likely to be marked by interactiv ity - participants constructing the discourse

together - and b y spontaneity - language produced instantly, w ith n o pre-planning. The legal

docum ent is likely to be marked by complete lack o f interactivity, as well as by careful

p lann ing , forethought, dra fting and editing. Interactivity and spontaneity are tw o categories

that are useful in look ing at the m ode o f a discourse or text.

H igh levels ot interactivity can be expected to be found in spoken discourse involving

more than one partic ipant p roduc ing the discourse, and in written text that m im ics

conversation, such as text messaging or em ail chat. Interactiv ity w ill tend to be manifest in ,

fo r example, the use o f terms o f address, such as peoples names or first and second person

pronouns (I/m e, you). A no ther characteristic reflects the fact that participants in the

d iscourse take turns to speak. A speaker m ay nom inate one o l the other participants as the

next person to speak, for example by nam ing th em (That’s right, isn’t it, Charlotte?) A listener

has to judge w hen they are able to 'take the floor’ and become the next speaker; th is m ay lead

to in terruptions, un fin ished or incom plete utterances, overlapping speech.

Look at the fo llow ing extract from a conversation (taken from Cheepen and M onaghan

1 9 9 0 : 1 9 9 );

(k n o c k o n doc»)

T u to r co m e in

S tu d e n t : h a llo

T u to r h a llo — h a v e a s e a t - b e tte r th is tim e

S tu d e n t y e h . t ire d I'm d e a d n o w I c a n 't w a k e u p I'm t h in k in g o f g o in g b a c k to b e d -

(t u to r w a lk s to d o o r)

Tu to r. first to a t first to a r r iv e th a t's eh . I w o n d e r i l th e re 's a n y b o d y e lse e h . I a lw a y s g e t a

• b it w o rr ie d *

S tu d e n t: ’ s o m e b o d y a fte r m e*

T u to r y e h I k n o w th a t th e re 's th e re 's s o m e b o d y th e re ’s so m e b o c fy a ll d a y b u t ...........

(A fu ll stop . indicates a short pause; a dash - indicates a longer pause; ‘ ‘ indicates overlap

ping speech.) Notice the incom plete utterances, such as ‘better th is time’, ‘first to arrive’,

‘som ebody after me’. The student in terrupts the tutor saying ‘1 always get a b it worried’,

resulting in an incomplete utterance (worried about what?) and overlapping speech.

T he spontaneity that is characteristic o f an ord inary conversation m ay be manifest in a

num ber o f features o f the discourse. Because th ink ing is tak ing place sim ultaneously with

speaking, a speaker may choose to interrupt and then rephrase w hat they are saying, produc

ing what is kno w n as a 'false start' (T h e supermarket is b eh in d . . . I f you go dow n Market

Street, you'll find the supermarket beh ind the petrol station’). Sim ilarly, a speaker may correct

an utterance ha lf way through (‘They m ust have arrived at ten, n o eleven thirty, yesterday'). A

speaker m ay repeat w hat they have just said, as a way o f ga in ing th ink ing tim e for how they are

going to phrase som eth ing (Yesterday, the girls .. the girls decidcd to bake a cake).

Look at the fo llow ing extract o f a conversation (from Sch iffrin 1994: 119) for examples

o f ialsc starts, scli-corrcctions and repetitions.


Z e ld a : W e ll (s h e re a lly- w a i l a m in u te s h e d o e sn 't

Hen ry: |She's g o t lo v e ly ch ild re n .

Z e ld a : h a v e a n y sisters.

Irene: [I'm no* ta lk in g a b o u t m y ch ild re n .

Z e ld a : R ig h t

Hen ry: W e ll y o u s h o u ld m a k e it so . it's g o o d

Z e ld a : O h l C 'm o n i

Irene: H e n , I'm n o t y o u H e n ry 1

W e 'v e - w e 'v e h a d fa m ily p ro b le m s w h e re m y h u s b a n d a n d h is b ro th e r w e re in b u s in e ss

[The square bracket indicates overlapping speech.] Notice how ‘she really’ in the first utter

ance is a false start and changes in to she doesn’t’, and how ‘H en in the last bu t one utterance

is discarded at the beg inn ing in favour o f ‘H enry ’ at the end, as a type o f self-correction. A nd

in the fina l utterance ‘we've is repeated, presum ably to ga in th in k ing time.

Texts that arc at the non-sponlancous end o f the spectrum , those that arc p lanned , crafted

and edited, show qu ite different characteristics. Generally, the sentences w ill be more struc

tured and m ore complex than in spontaneous discourse, possibly w ith m any subordinate

clauses (see Section 2.3.5). The vocabulary used is likely to be more form al, inc lud ing techni

ca l words; a n d nouns w ill often be used where verbs w o u ld be no rm a l in spoken discourse

(consideration rather than consider, containm ent rather than contain). In general the p lann ing

w ill manifest itself in a m ore logical progression o f though t th rough the text, rather th an the

m ore circular negotiation o f m ean ing found in spontaneous discourse. There w ill be clear

and explicit links between sentences, and between paragraphs, w ith in the text.

Look at the follow ing text, w h ich is part o f a legal notice o n a university’s website, illustrating

features o f p lanned text (from : http://www.bcu.ac.uk/misc/legal (accessed 4/9/09]).

Th e U n iv e rs ity reserves th e r ig h t a t its s o le d iscre tio n to rem o ve, o r d isa b le a c c e s s to , a n y m ateria l

w h ic h it d e e m s to b e p o ten tia lly o ty e c to n a b le to o> d e fa m a to ry o f a n y p erso n , u n la w fu l, th re a te n in g o r

in v io la t io n o f a n y th ird p a rty r ig h ts o ' a n y o th e r p a rt o f th e se W e b s ite Te rm s T h e U n iv e rs ity w iö not

http://www.bcu.ac.uk/misc/legal

Fu n ctio n

b e re sp o n sib le a s au thor, e d ito r o r p u b lish e r o f a n y m ateria l p u b lish e d , d isp la y e d o r s u b m itte d to the

W e b s ite b y a n y th ird p a rty a n d to th e fu lle s t e x te n t p e rm itte d π la w , e x p re ss ly e x c lu d e s its lia b ility to r

a n y lo s s o r d a m a g e a ris in g fro m th e co m m u n ic a tio n o f su c h m ate ria l th ro u g h th e W e b site

This (ext contains just tw o sentences, both o f w h ich arc very long, w ith 48 words in the first

and 52 words in the second. The structure o f b o th sentences is qu ite complex, as the attempt

is m ade to cover all legal eventualities: note the frequent use o f or in order to achieve this, The

vocabulary tends to be quite form al, w ith words like discretion, objectionable , defamatory and

liab ility , and w ith legal-sounding phrases such as at its sole discretion, 'th ird party rights’ and

‘expressly excludes’ You could not im ag ine anyone actually speaking th is text; it clearly

belongs to the written mode.

3.3 FunctionIn Section 3.1 we drew a d istinction between ‘interactional’ and 'transactional' discourses and

texts. That is a d is tinc tion o f function. Interactional discourses (they are not o ften texts) func

tion to b u ild relationships between people: they concentrate o n the interpersonal dim ension.

Transactional discourses and texts func tion to convoy some in fo rm ation or to get som ething

done: they concentrate o n the content o f what is said or written. In this section, we are going

to lo ok prim arily at transactional discourses and texts, and we shall further refine the func

tions that such discourses and texts m ay fu lfil. W e w ill d iv ide ihe functions o f discourses and

texts into five broad categories: te lling a story (narrative), describing someone o r something

(descriptive), exp la in ing a concept (expository), conv inc ing someone o f an op in ion or getting

them to do som eth ing (persuasive), te lling someone how to do som eth ing (instructive).

3.3.1 N arrative

Discourses and texts w ith a narrative func tion are used to tell a story. Typically, they show

progression through tim e; they are in the past tense; and there is explicit reference to the

passing o f tim e (next week, the fo llow ing year, a lter that). Such tim e expressions are often

used to structure the un fo ld ing story. In m any narrative texts, the sequence o f events leads to

one o r more climaxes, w h ich m ay be followed by a denouem ent, when the story reaches

its resolution or explanation. Narrative texts are found in all k ind s o f contexts: short stories

and novels, obviously, b u t also news stories in newspapers and magazines, anecdotes in

conversations, and so on.

lo o k at the fo llow ing narrative text (from Charles D ickens’ A Christmas Carol) and

iden tify typical features o f th is text type.

Q u it e s a t is f ie d , h o d o s e d h is d o o r, a n d lo c k e d h im s e lf in , d o u b le -lo c k e d h im s e lf in . w h ic h w a s n o t

h is c u s to m , t h u s s e cu re d a g a in s t su rp r ise , h e t o o k o f f h is c ra v a t; p u t o n h is d r e s s in g g o w n a n d

s lip p e rs , a n d h is m g h t -c a p , a n d th e n s a t d o w n b e fo re th e f ire to ta k e h is g ru e 1.


Notice h o w all the m a in verbs are in the sim ple past tense: closed, locked, double-locked, took

off, pu t on, sat down. These are the verbs that carry the story along and recount the events

that happen one after the other. The succession o f events in tim e is reinforced by the use o f

adverbs like thus, then, and by jo in ing clauses together w ith and . This section o f narrative is

in the th ird person, as m any narratives are, w ith a single actor lor all the actions. The sequence

o f events is m irrored by the sequence o f clauses, and as readers we understand that these

fo llow one another in time.

3.3.2 DescriptiveDiscourses and texts w ith a descriptive function are used to explain what som eth ing is like, to

give its dim ensions, its layout, its characteristic features, its uses, and so on . W e describe all

k inds o f things: places, people, artefacts, machines, processes. Descriptive texts are often w rit

ten in the present tense, unless they are part o f a past tense narrative, and the m ost com m only

used verbs are be (She is 1.35 metres tall) and have (She has brown eyes and dark hair). Adjec

tives like tall, brown and dark are used to denote characteristics o f the th ing being described.

W h ile some texts have a predom inant descriptive func tion (estate agents' house particulars,

for example), descriptive texts are o ften found as part o f a larger text w ith another dom inan t

function. For example, narrative texts m ay contain descriptive sub-texts, w hen a new place or

a new participant is introduced; instructive texts m ay have descriptions o f things that are used

in the process about w h ich instruction is being given, such as the ingredients in a recipe.

Look at the fo llow ing descriptive text ( irom the A pp le website - http://www.apple.com/

ipodclassic/ (accessed 4/9/09)) and iden tify those features that make it a description.

W it h 1 6 0 G B o f s to ra g e . iP o d c la ss ic c a n h o ld u p t o 4 0 .0 0 0 s o n g s , 2 0 0 h o u r s o f v id e o , o r 2 5 ,0 0 0

p h o t o s T h a t's m o re t h a n e n o u g h r o o m to* a d a y 's - o> a l ife t im e 's - w o r th o f e n te rt a in m e n t iTunes

is y o u r e n te rt a in m e n t su p e rsto re it ’s h o w y o u o r g a n iz e a n d p la y y o u r m u lt im e d ia c o lle c t io n A n d it's

h o w y o u lo a d iP o d c la s s ic w it h m u s ic , m o v ie s , I V s h o w s , p o d c a sts , a n d a u d io b o o k s . A v a ila b le in

q u in te sse n tia l s ilver o* s t r ik in g b la c k . iP o d c la s s ic c a tc h e s y o u r e y e w it h its s le e k , a ll m e ta l e n c lo su re

c o m p o s e d o f a n o d i/ e d a lu m in u m a n d p o lis h e d s ta in le ss stee l

Present tense verbs are used throughout this text: can hold, 's (for is), catches. There are several

adjectives, o r nouns used as adjectives, such as entertainment in ‘entertainment superstore',

m ultim ed ia in ‘m u ltim ed ia collection, quintessential, striking, sleek, anodized, polished·, as

well as the num bers in the first sentence. Notice how the fourth and fifth sentences ('It’s how

you . . ^ ‘A n d it’s how you . . ’ ) describe process rather th an instruct you how to do it.

3.3.3 Expository

Discourses and texts with an expository func tion explain a concept or an idea. The expository

func tion is s im ilar to the descriptive one , except that its focus is o n the explanation o f

concepts and ideas rather than on the description o f things. Expository discourses and texts

http://www.apple.com/

Fu n ctio n

may analyse concepts in to their parts, relate one concept to another, provide comparisons and

examples, and so on . Such texts can be found in encyclopedias and in all k inds o t textbooks, and

expository discourse can be heard in lectures, speeches, debates and discussions. Expository

discourses and texts tend to be in the present tense, and the verbs be and have are frequent,

along w ith others that indicate relations between concepts, such as contain o r be part of.

Look at the fo llow ing text o n the te rm 'scientism', taken from W ik ip ed ia (http:/! en .

wikipedia.org/wiki/Scientisin (accessed 4/9/09]):

T h e te rm s c ie n tism is u s e d to d e s c r ib e th e v ie w th a t n a tu ra l sc ie n c e h a s a u th o n ty o v e r a ll o th e r

in te rp re ta tio n s o* life , su c h a s p h ilo s o p h ic a l, re lig io u s, m yth ica l, sp iritu a l, o r h u m a n is t ic e xp la n atio n s,

a n d o v e r o t h e r f ie ld s o f in q u iry , s u c h a s th e s o c ia l s c ie n c e s T h e te rm is u s e d b y s o c ia l s c ie n t is ts like

H a y e k o r K a r l P o p p e r to d e scr ib e w h a t th e y se e a s t h e u n d e r ly in g a t t itu d e s a n d b e lie fs c o m m o n to

m a n y sc ie n tists . T h e y te n d t o u s e t h e te rm in e ith e r o f t w o e q u a lly p e jo ra t iv e d ire c tio n s

t . T o in d ic a t e th e im p ro p e r u s a g e o f sc ie n c e o r sc ie n t ific d a im s a s a c o u n te r -a rg u m e n t to a p p e a ls

to sc ie n t ific a u th o r ity in c o n te x ts w h e re sc ie n c e m ig h t n o t a p p ly , su c h a s w h e n th e to p ic is

p e rce iv e d t o b e b e y o n d th e s c o p e o f sc ie n t ific inquiry.

? To re fe r to th e b e lie f th a t t h e m e th o d s o f n a tu ra l s c ie n c e , o r th e c a te g o r ie s a n d t h in g s re c o g n is e d

in n a tu ra l s c ie n c e , fo rm th e o n ly p ro p e r e le m e n ts in a n y p h ilo s o p h ic a l o r o th e r inquiry.

The first three sentences ol the explanation o l this term em ploy the verb ‘use’: is used twice,

and then tend to use. A n d then the use o f the te rm is analysed in to tw o d istinct references,

w h ich are num bered , us ing the verbs to indicate and to refer to. N ote also the citation

o f examples, w ith such as, in order to illustrate the explanation being made; alternative

expressions could be fo r example o r fo r instance.

3.3.4 Persuasive

Discourses and texts w ith a persuasive func tion a im to convince a hearer o r reader that

som eth ing is true, or that an o p in io n is lhe correct one , or that a course o f action is the right

one . Persuasive texts w ill provide argum ents and evidence for a particu lar po in t o f view.

The text w ill generally be carefully structured, w ith a series o f po in ts that lead to a logical

conclusion. They w ill usually expect some k ind o f response from the hearer or reader, either

o f agreement (you are persuaded) o r o f rejection (you are no t persuaded), perhaps even

o f action . Persuasive discourses w ould inc lude religious serm ons and po litica l speeches.

Persuasive texts encom pass any that seek to argue a po in t o r advocate a po in t o f view,

in c lud ing ph ilosophical and religious texts, as well as m any academ ic texts.

Look at the fo llow ing, conc lud ing paragraph from an article entitled 'Heed the Call

o f Com passion' from The G uard ian website (http://www.guardian.co.uk/cornmentisfree/

belief/2009/sep/25/charter-compassion-lutu-armslrong [accessed 25/9/09]):

W e c a n n o t a ffo rd to h e p a ra ly se d h y g lo b a l s u f fe r in g W e h a v e th e p o w e r to w o r k to g e th e r e n e rg e t i

c a lly fo r th e w e llb e in g o f h u m an ity , a n d c o u n te r th e d e sp a ir in g e x tre m u m o f o u r t im e M a n y o f u s

http://www.guardian.co.uk/cornmentisfree/

h a v e e x p e r ie n ce d th e p o w e r o f c o m p a s s io n in o u r o w n lw es; w e k n o w h o w a s in g le a c t o t k in d n e ss

a n d e m p a th y c a n tu rn a life a ro u n d H is to ry a ls o s h o w s th a t th e a c t io n o f ju st a f e w in d iv id u a ls can

m a k e all th e d iffe re n c e In a w o ' ld th a t s e e m s s p in n in g o u t o f co n tro l, w e n e e d s u c h a c t io n n o w .

T he first tw o sentences appeal to the reader: 'we canno t afford to . . ‘we have the power

t o . . ’ These appeals arc then followed by examples, o r evidence, that the appeal is valid , from

personal experience and m ore w idely from history. The paragraph - and text - is rounded

o il w ith a fina l appeal: ‘w e need such action now'. Notice the use o f em otive adjectives

and adverbs such as energetically and despairing , and phrases like 'just a few’ ‘m ake all the

difference’, w h ich serve to underline the em otiona l appeal m ade by the authors.

3.3.5 Instructional

Discourses and texts w ith an instructiona l func tion tell a hearer o r reader how to do

som ething. T hey usually take the hearer o r reader th rough a series o f steps in order to achieve

a goal. Instructional texts inc lude a ll k inds o f m anua ls , sets o f procedures, recipes; and

they are found in handbooks and in ‘help' files that accom pany com puter software. Some

instructional texts have a conventional format; recipes, fo r example, typically begin w ith a list

o l ‘ingredients’, w h ich is then followed by the 'm e thod o f preparation’. You w ou ld expect

to f in d imperative verbs, expressing com m ands (see Section 2.3.6), e.g. 'M ix the sugar and

butter together; add the cream and vanilla essence . . .’ S ince instructions involve do ing

som ething, the verbs w ill m ostly express actions.

Look at the fo llow ing text, w h ich is from a website g iv ing in fo rm ation and advice o n using

credit cards (from : http://www.clioosingandusing.coin/using card/using credit card.ht/nl

(accessed 11/11/091):

A lw a y s u s e y o u r c r e d it c a r d se n s ib ly . I ( y o u w a n t to b o rro w , c h e c k th a t y o u r c re d it c a rd is the

m o st e ffe c t iv e w a y fo r w h a t y o u h a v e in m in d . A c r e d it c a rd c a n g iv e y o u r f in a n c e s fle x ib ility b u t

lo n g e r-te rm d e b t c a n b e m o re e x p e n siv e c o m p a re d t o th e a lte rn a tiv e s , su c h a s a p e rso n a l lo a n . It is

c o m m o n s e n s e th a t i f y o u c a n 't a ffo rd to r e p a y it th e n d o n ': s p e n d it C re d it is n o t 'f r e e m o n e y '.

A s w it h a ll y o u r f in a n c e s y o u s h o u ld w o r k o u t a b u d g e t a n d s t ic k to it W h e n m a k in g p u rch ase s

s h o p a ro u n d fo r th e b e st d e a l A s k y o u rs e lf i f y o u c a n a ffo rd th e re p a ym e n ts b e fo re y o u m a k e a

p u rc h a se D o N O T u s e y o u r c re d it c a r d to b u y g o o d s y o u c a n 't a ffo rd o r to f u n d a life sty le th a t is

b e y o n d y o u r m e an s

Notice the use o f imperative verbs: use (first sentence), check (second sentence), don ’t spend

(fourth sentence), shop around , ask yourself, do not use (in the second paragraph). The use o f

should in should work o u t in the first sentence ol the second paragraph also has the lorcc o f a

com m and . In this k in d o f advice text, the use o f //(cond itio na l) clauses is also typical, as in

’if you want to borrow ’ and ‘i f you can’t afford to repay’. W h en explanations are given o f the

advice or instruction , the verb can. expressing what is possible, is typical, as in ‘a credit card

can give your finances flex ib ility . .


http://www.clioosingandusing.coin/using

C o n v e rsa tio n

W e have suggested in th is section that discourses and texts may have one o f five possible

functions: narrative, descriptive, expository, persuasive and instructional. In fact, it is unusual

for any sing le discourse or text to manifest a single func tio n . Most are m ade up o f sections o f

text w ith m ore th an one func tion , though one o f the functions m ay be the d om in an t one. For

example, a persuasive text may contain expository sections to explain terms; an instructional

text may conta in descriptive sections to describe the things being used in a procedure; or a

narrative text m ay conta in descriptive sections in w h ich scene setting happens or characters

are portrayed.

3.4 Conversation

T he largely in fo rm a l ta lk between two or m ore people , w h ich we call conversation, is

the m ost usua l type o f spoken discourse. Indeed, it is, arguably, the m ost basic fo rm o f

c o m m un ica tio n by m eans o f language. In conversation , each partic ipan t lakes turns at

be ing speaker and hearer. Som etim es m ore th an one person speaks at the same tim e, but

generally the changes from speaker to hearer a n d back again are m anaged w ith a great

degree o f finesse. This in terchange is kno w n as turn-taking, and w e seem to operate w ith

som e shared conventions that govern turn-taking in conversation. Som etim es, however, a

speaker m ay be reluctant to end the ir tu rn and give the speaking role to another pa rtic i

pant: they m ay attem pt to ‘ho ld the floor’, and there are a num ber o f floor-ho ld ing devices

that a speaker m ay use tor th is purpose . Turns in a conversation frequently seem to occur

in related pairs: a greeting is fo llow ed by a reciprocal greeting, a question is fo llow ed by an

answer, a co m m e n t is fo llow ed by an evaluation , and so on . These related turns are called

ad jacency pairs. Conversations are no t usually well p lanned , o r indeed p lanned at all;

som etim es the ir m a in purpose is in teractional, b u ild in g a n d m a in ta in ing personal

relationships. Nevertheless, people don 't ta lk abou t no th ing ; there is some topic o l

conversation, o r a series o f topics. H ow a conversation m oves from one top ic to another

is kno w n as topic-shift, and it m ay happen in a variety o f ways. W e'll now look in more

deta il at each o f these aspects o f conversation.

3.4.1 Turn-taking and floor-holding

In a conversation any partic ipan t takes o n the role alternately o f speaker and o f hearer.

K now ing w hen it is appropriate to change roles, in particu lar w hen to assume the speaker

role, is part o f o u r com m un ica tive competence. A hearer becomes aware, from the ir a tten

tion to w hat the speaker is saying, that an oppo rtun ity to take o n the speaker's role is

approaching . T he signals m ay be in the speaker s in tona tion , in the syntax o r in the ir body

language. T he in tona tion m ay becom e lower to signal a conclusion; the syntax may


ind icate the e n d o f an utterance; the speaker m ay m ake eye contact w ith the hearer. The

hearer picks u p such clues and is then ready to take their tu rn a n d m ake a con tr ibu tio n to

the ongo ing discourse.

I f a speaker docs no t w ish to relinquish their tu rn , but to 'ho ld the floor’, then they will

signal th is, possibly in a num ber o f ways simultaneously. The ir p itch m ay become higher and

so sound louder ; they may speed u p their rate o f speech; they m ay insert a con junc tion such

as a n d o r but to indicate syntactically that their utterance isn’t yet complete; they m ay avoid

eye contact w ith their interlocutor. Experienced conversationalists may indicate an intention

to ho ld the floor by s ignalling that they have a num ber o f po in ts to make, for example by

using firstly to im p ly at least a secondly.

W h en a hearer is keen to 'take the floor’ they m ay anticipate the end o f the current

speaker’s utterance and begin before the speaker has finished, produc ing overlapping speech.

In some cases, the hearer m ay fin ish the speaker’s utterance for them , and then begin their

own. I f the hearer th inks the speaker has he ld the floor for too long, or i f they consider they

have a vital con tribu tion to make, then the hearer m ay take the floor by in terrupting the

current speaker. In terruptions are relatively rare in conversation, and the transitions between

speakers usually occur sm oothly , w ith occasional overlapping speech.

Look at the fo llow ing extract from a conversation (fron» Cheepen and M onaghan 1990:

152) and note the transitions and the overlapping speech, marked by asterisks.

C th o s e c h ild re n d o i l w iih s o m u c h g u s t o it w a s b r illia n t su c ce ss a n d every lin o th e y p la y e d fo r

a la u g h . * g o t a la u g h *

K : * g o t a la u g h · th a t's g o o d ’ c a u s e s o o fte n th e y d o n 't '

C . 'a n d th e y a ll h a d * th e n e rve to w a i t . till th e la u g h te r w e n t .

K . c a u s e th a t's th e b ig th in g th e t im in g

C : th e y h a d it p e rfe ctly

K : 'y e h *

C : 't h e y 'd * b e e n re h e a rse d s o w e ll

K ; m m

C th e y w e re n 't w o r r ie d I 'm g o n n a fo rg e t s o m e th in g I ’ m u st ru sh on*

K : 't h a t 's r ig h t* yeh

C is basically te lling the story and K is listening, but K signals her involvem ent in various

ways, often w ith overlapping speech. Notice how C and K bo th say got a laugh', presumably

because K anticipates how C is go ing to complete her utterance. In C ‘s next utterance

(‘and they a l l . . , C seems to want to get o n w ith te lling the story and so overlaps w ith K’s

evaluative com m en t ('cause so often they don ’t'). K ’s ’yeh' overlaps w ith C ’s 'they’d', but

K ’s utterance here is sim ply an acknow ledgem ent or a signal o f agreement; and her next one

('m m ’) comes in a pause in the story. K cou ld have taken the floor here, but let’s G add some

m ore to her story. K overlaps again at the end o l this extract, w ith her ‘that’s right’; perhaps

she though t C ’s utterance was fin ish ing w ith . . . forget som eth ing ’.

C o n v e rsa tio n

3.4.2 Adjacency pairs

M any utterances in conversation occur in m a tch ing pairs: one type o f utterance expects a

pa rticu la r type o f fo llow ing utterance. A t its sim plest, a greeting is generally reciprocated

by a m a tch ing greeting: ‘G o o d m o rn in g ' by 'G o o d m o rn ing '; ‘H e llo Jim ' by ‘H e llo Audrey';

‘H i ’ by 'Hi'. S im ilarly , a question w ou ld norm a lly be m atched by a reply: ‘W here d id you

p u t the cups?' - 'In the to p cupboard ’. A n offer w o u ld be m atched b y an acceptance or

by a decline: ‘W o u ld you like to try this new chocolate bar?’ - ‘Yes, please’ o r ‘N o , thank

you ’. T he decline m ay be accom panied b y an exp lanation o r excuse: T m allergic to

chocolate'. A n evaluation is usually fo llow ed by an agreement to c ither the positive or

negative assessment: ' They perform ed that piece very com petently ’ - ‘Yes, they d id play

rather well’.

T he first part o f an adjacency pair raises an expectation for the second part, but there

m ay be occasions w hen the second part is delayed, b y an intervening adjacency pair, or

even sequence o l in tervening pairs. For example, il you arc in a shop and you ask whether

the shop stocks a certain item (a question-answer pa ir), the salesperson m ay ask for

clarification before they can provide the answer part to the orig inal pair:

C . D o y o u s t o c k t w o in c h s c re w s ? (Q u e s t io n 1)

S : H a t-h e a d e d or ro u n d -h e a d e d ? (Q u e stio n 2 )

C F la t-h e a d e d . (A n s w e r 2)

S : Y e s , w e d o , in p a c k e t s o f te n . (A n s w e r 1)

Ix iok at the fo llow ing conversational extract (from Jane Austen’s Pride a n d Prejudice ,

V o lum e 3, Chapter 10), and w ork ou t what adjacency pairs are used to construct this piece

o f dialogue:

A - y o u s a w th e o ld h o u se k e e p e r, i s u p p o s e ’ B u t o f c o u r s e s h e d id n o t m e n tio n m y n a m e

to yo u

8 : Ye s. s h e did

A A n d w h a t d id s h e say >

B T h a t y o u w e r e g o n e in to th e arm y, a n d s h e w a s a fra id th a t y o u h a d n o t tu rn e d o u t w e ll

A t s u c h a d is ta n c e a s th a t , y o u k n o w , th in g s are s tra n g e ly m isre p re se n te d

A . C erta in ly .

As in itia l question does no t receive a direct reply (A doesn't wait for one); instead B responds

to the statement about As nam e no t be ing m entioned, w ith w h ich he ends his turn, and B’s

response is to contrad ict the statement. It is not the reply that A w ou ld have expected, and it

is, thus, w hat is called a ‘dispreferred’ response: the ‘preferred’ or expected one w ou ld have

been to con firm the statement. A then asks a direct question , and B responds w ith an expected

answer to the question. The second sentence o f B's tu rn begins a new adjacency pair: it is a

form o f evaluation, to which A responds w ith a certainly o f agreement.


3.4.3 Topic sh ift

M a n y ordinary, unp lanned conversations, w h ich arise w hen tw o o r more people meet

casually, do no t have a predeterm ined topic. The subject matter may range over a variety

o l topics, from enquiries about peoples welfare and that o f the ir fam ilies, to sharing in fo rm a

tion about m u tua l acquaintances, to com m ents about peoples jobs, the state o f the econom y

or the weather. The transition from one topic to another m ay be almost imperceptible, as the

conversation drifts on . Alternatively, the transitions may be qu ite abrupt, as one o f the

participants th inks o f som eth ing they w ant to say o r enquire about ('Now, tell me a b o u t . . . ’),

and the d irection o t the conversation takes a quite different path. There is little explicit

negotiation o f topics in casual conversation, as m ay occur in more form al dialogues. In a

work-related conversation, fo r example, there m ay be an explicit issue to be discussed, or

an agenda to be followed. In an interview, the interviewer decides o n the topics to be raised,

and the interviewee m ay be to ld in advance what the range o f topics to be covered is. In a

conversation, o n the other hand, n o one sets the agenda and nobody, in principle , controls

the direction o f the interaction . I n practice, one participant, often w ith a more dom inan t

personality, may take charge and steer the conversation.

I.ook at the fo llow ing extracts from the transcrip tion o f a conversation between friends

(from Cheepen and M onaghan (1990: 158 9)>.

D y o u ’ re b lo n d e agam

C : th e sun

(e x p la n a tio n o f h o w th e s u n t u r n s he> h a ir b lo n d e )

D : lo o k s a w fu lly n ice

C : lo o k s b e tte r th a n th e la s t t im e yo u s a w it

D : t ru e yes

( C a f sq u e a k s)

h e llo s o r r y d id n ’ t m e a n to ig n o r e y o u s it t in g o n th e re —

C s h e b it D a v e y e s te rd a y n o s h e d id n 't s h e s c ra tc h e d h im h e s a d

s h e g o t rab ies

D . d id y o u se e th a t a w fu l p ro g ra m m e

C : yes

[d iscu ss io n o f a s p e c ts o f th e te le v is io n p rc q ra m m e l

C : fu n n ily e n o u g h th e re ’s a c a t w it h s u s p e c t e d ra b ie s in C u m b e r la n d n o w is n 't th e re

D : o h d e a r

C : o h lo o k

D : I h a v e b r u n g a b o t t le o f w in e

C : b 177

D : it 's s o r t o f b u z z e d u p a b it it 's n o t re a lly f i z z y . ,

M u ltim o d a l Texts

The first topic concerns the colour o f C ’s hair, but there is a shift w hen the cat squeaks

(because it was sat on , perhaps). This initiates a b rie f top ic o n the cat, w h ich, prom pted by

a reference to rabies, then leads in to a discussion about a television series about an im als, end

ing w ith the com m en t about the cat in C um berland , w h ich brings the topic back to present

reality. This com m ent seems to signal the end o f that topic, and the next one is in itiated by

the sight o f a bottle o f w ine that D has brought. The transition from the ha ir co lour topic to

the cat top ic is qu ite abrupt, as is the transition from the television program m e top ic to the

w ine topic; but the transition from the cat topic to the television program m e topic is less

abrupt, in the sense that the television program m e top ic share som e content w ith the cat

topic and follows on from it.

3.5 Multimodal texts

M any texts that we consum e today, especially in advertising and on the internet, com bine

w ritten language w ith some fo rm o f image, either a still picture, o r increasingly o n the

internet a video. Such texts arc called ‘m ultim odal', because they use m ore than one m ode o f

com m un ica tio n in order to transm it their message. There is an increasing interest among

linguists in m u lti m odality , e.g. Baldry and Thibau lt (2006), Kress (2009). Some o f the interest

focuses o n analysing how language and im age together contribute to com m un ica tion , and

how they interact w ith each other in do ing so. The type o f im age is also im portant, as well as

how the whole text has been designed. The writing itself may have significant visual features,

such as the type and size o f the fonts used and its placement in relation to any images.

M u lt im oda l texts are not new, a lthough the term is relatively recent. Books a im ed at

ch ildren usually conta in pictures as well as words, and in those a im ed at very young children

the pictures m ay dom inate . Reference works, such as encyclopedias, have a lo ng history o f

supp lem enting text w ith images. F ilms can be considered as m u ltim od a l texts consisting ot

m ov ing images and spoken discourse. Sim ilarly, advertising has long com b ined words and

images, though the dom inance o f the im age over the text in m uch contem porary advertising

is a m ore recent phenom enon . Packaging o f all k inds generally includes m u ltim od a l text,

w ith an image o f the product supplem ented by text, o ften in a variety o f fon t sizes. Food

packaging, for example, which is required to include various kinds o( nutritiona l in form ation ,

usua lly displays th is in fo rm a tion in a sm all font size, probably in part because there is so

m uch o f such in fo rm ation that needs to be fitted in to a sm all space.

The current interest in m u ltim oda l texts, however, arises from the fact that they arc

n o rm a l o n the internet; and so, it is argued, a new k ind o f literacy m u ltim od a l literacy

is required to be able to process such texts. Such concern in the field o f education, to enable

ch ildren b o th to decode m u ltim od a l texts and to compose them , has spawned scholarly

interest in m u ltim oda l texts in subjects like linguistics and visual com m unication . For a start.


we process w riting and im age differently: w riting is linear, it is sequential and follows

progression in tim e; images are presented in space and involve sim ultaneity . Both o f these

k inds o f processing are needed to decode a m u ltim oda l text.

3.5.1 Reading m ultim odal texts

W e have sa id that m u ltim oda l texts are no th ing new. Look at the follow ing, a page from the

L indisfarne Gospels, a m anuscript da ting from aro und 700 λ π .

The text is in Latin, but wc experience this page first o f a ll as an im age, as we try to take in the

design, the patterns and the colours that have been used, before we try and decipher the text.

The first three letters o f the text have been elaborately decorated (or illum inated); they are 'i'

and ‘n fo rm ing the word in , and then ‘p’, w h ich is the first letter o f the second word principiu.

It is the beg inn ing o f the Gospel o f John ( in the N ew Testament o f the Bible): ' in p r inc ip ia erat

M u ltim o d a l Texts

verbum ’ (In the beg inn ing was the W ord ). Notice how the design takes precedence over the

text: princ ip ia is spread over two lines. Notice, too, how text has also been inserted above,

between and after the illum ina ted letters: ‘inc ip it evangelium secundum Johan.’ (here begins

the gospel according to John). In the medieval period, it was not unco m m o n for manuscripts

o f the Bible text to conta in , especially at the beg inn ings o f books, extensive decoration. The

purpose appears to have been one purely o f em bellishm ent, to create som eth ing o f beauty, to

enhance the bib lical text and to give pleasure to the reader.

N ow look at the fo llow ing photograph o f a roadside billboard advertisement.

Il is part o f an advertising cam paign ru n by the insurance com pany Aviva d u r in g 2009.

The b lue w r it in g o n a yellow background is part o f Aviva’s house style. M ost roadside

b illboards , because they have to be read in a m atter o l seconds as the m o toris t drives past,

are usually com posed o f an im age w ith very little text, o ften on ly the b rand nam e o f the

p roduc t be ing advertised. Here the text is the im age. The text is b rie f e nough to be taken

in w ith little linear processing: it is processed as i f it were an im age. But you are also

supposed to notice the back-to-front letters in the first four words, though you w ou ld

not necessarily do so at first glance; and to notice that the last w ord , understand, has no

back-to-front letters takes a little more attention . But that is, presumably, the po in t o f the

advertisem ent: the com pany is undertak ing to pay attention to customers' com m ents

(hence the qu o ta tio n m arks ro und the text) and explain the ir products in understandable

language. The design and the language o f the text w ork together to achieve the purpose o f

the advert, and we have to use decod ing processes for both im age and written language in

o rder to read it.


3.5.2 A nalysing a m ultim odal text

Consider now the fo llow ing photograph o f a road sign.

··

The sign is com posed o f b o th words and images, or symbols. To decode il, you have lo be

aware o f certain conventions o f in terpretation . T he th ick black lines represent roads; the

ova l b lack line represents a roundabou t, and the double b lack line beyond it a dua l carriage

way. The horizonta l b lack lines w ith arrows at the end, co m ing from the oval, ind icate left

and right turns o ff the roundabou t. At the bo ttom o f the sign, the horizonta l b lack stub to

the left o f the vertical b lack line, at the end o f w h ich is a red circle con ta in ing a horizonta l

w h ite line (a no-entry sign) indicates a tu rn in g that traffic is no t allowed to enter. You will

notice that we have had to describe the representation o f the road in term s o f lines, shapes

and orientation.

Let us tu rn now to the text. The words at the top, w ith in the ir own frame, in captial letters

( p f .r r y B a r r i 5 I .a k d ) are to be understood as a k ind o f title, n am ing the approaching

road junc tion . T he words in black to the left and right o f the sign, w ith in itia l capital letters,

represent place names, the places to w h ich the roads left and r igh t from the roundabout lead.

Below each place nam e is a road num ber (e.g. A4040), w ith the letter prefix (A ) ind ica ting a

so-called A-road (as against a M-, B- or indeed C-road), a m a jo r (rather than a m ino r) road.

T he road num ber to the bottom left o f the sign, below ‘W est Bromwich’, is yellow, w ith in

brackets, on a green background: text, co lour and sym bolization w ork together here to

indicate that the road to the left leads to (the m ean ing o f the brackets) the A-41, w h ich is a

'p r im ary route (the m ean ing o f the green background).

Finally, look at the brow n background section at the bo ttom right o f the road sign. The

brow n background ind icates that the direction is to an 'attraction'. The tw o attractions o n this

T e xtu a lity

sign are indicated by both a graphic sym bo l and words (the names o f the attractions): the

football indicates a football stad ium , in th is case V illa Park, the hom e o f A ston V illa football

c lub; the bu ild in g indicates an historic bu ild ing , in th is case Aston H all. The im age indicates

the type o f attraction; the text gives the nam e o f the specific attraction.

A s a m u ltim oda l text, the road sign uses graphic design, colour, sym bols and words in

order to convey its message. To decode it requires a measure o f m u ltim od a l literacy, as well

as an understanding o f the conventions o f this type o f m u ltim oda l text.


L o o k a ro u n d y o u r ig h t n o w a n d a n a ly s e t h in g s in te rm s o f th e ir m u lt im o d a lity C a n y o u f in r l im a g e a n d

te xt to g e th e r? D if fe re n t c o lo u rs , sh a p e s , fo n ts?

3.6 Textuality__________________________________W h a t makes a text a text, rather th an a random collection o f utterances o r sentences, is called

its textuality. Textuality arises from three m a in factors: the texts coherence, the texts struc

ture and the text's cohesion. W e w ill consider each o f these in turn.

3.6.1 CoherenceA text is coherent i f it makes sense, that is. i f the hearer o r reader can decode it in such a way

that it conveys a comprehensible message to them . W h en hearing or reading a text wc begin

w ith the presum ption that the author in tends it to m ake sense to us; and we are prepared to

d o some w ork in order to understand it. The au tho r probably assumes that we share some

contextual background o r com m on know ledge o f the world o r the topic o f the text; and

we m ay have to infer some o f the m ean ing by reference to these unexpressed assumptions.

Inference is a norm a l part o f the processing o f any type o f discourse o r text, but wc would

expect a speaker or writer to require o f us as little work as possible in order to understand

w hat they w ant to say.

O f course, there arc som e texts that are intended to need more work on the part o f the

hearer/reader in order for them to make sense. W e cou ld inc lude som e jokes in th is category,

especially those that rely o n a n o n scqu ilur fo r their hum orous effect, as well as poetry that

requires the hearer/reader to understand the im port o f symbols or to react to the impression

o f the whole rather than to the m ean ing o f ind iv idua l words, phrases and sentences. Look at


the fo llow ing extract from the script o f a 'G o o n Show', a radio com edy program m e popular

in the 1950s (from : http://www.lhegooiishow.net/scripts.asp):

S E A G O O N . I w a s o n m y w a y to L o n d o n to w n , w h e n m y h o rse t o o k ill w it h a p u n c tu re . H a v e yo u

a te le p h o n e ?

B A N N IS T E R N o . B u t w e h a v e a w in d o w w it h a p a n e o l g la s s m iss in g .

S E A G O O N : W e ll, I'll try th a t H e llo ? H e llo ? h e llo , h e llo ? T h is w in d o w 's g o n e d e a d .

C R U N Y e s . th e G P O t o o k it o u t a f te r a f in a l d e m a n d , y o u kn o w .

S F A G O O N : H o w p a in fu l W e ll, it se e m s a s th o u g h I'll h a v e to s ta y th e n ig h t h e re . H a v e y o u a b e d ?

C R U N : N o t o n m e sir, w e k e e p th e m a ll u p sta irs y o u k n o w

S E A G O O N S u p e rstit io u s, e h } W e ll, h a v e y o u a s p a r e ro o m ?

C R U N Y e s sir. it 's in th e sp a re ro o m

S L A G O O N O h , g o o d . I h e n I'll p u t m y sp a re b o d y m it, I o n ly w e a r th is o n e fo r w o rk , y o u k n o w

Λ sign ificant e lem ent o f the hu m o u r in the G o o n Show arose from a lack o f obvious

coherence: replies to questions were no t the expected ones and d id no t always make

im m ediate sense (Have you a bed? - Not o n me, sir); the am bigu ity o f words and phrases

was exploited (the G P O took it out.. - How pain fu l); and som etim es it was just 'non-sense

(Have you a telephone? - N o, but we have a w indow w ith a pane o f glass m issing).

Coherence is largely a matter o f meaning. Λ text is coherent because all its parts - sentences,

paragraphs, chapters - make sense ind iv idua lly and in com b ination , as well as contribu ting

to the overall m ean ing o f the text. That is not to say that all texts arc structured so that each

sentence or paragraph follows on linearly from the previous one. Texts m ay be structured in

a variety o f ways, bu t still rem ain coherent.

3.6.2 Text structuring

T he way in w h ich a text is structured makes a con tribu tion to its tcxtuality W h en the

hearer or reader can perceive how the structure o f a text works in order to com m unicate its

message, and the text contains w ith in it suffic ient ind ica tion o f its internal structuring , then

com prehension o f the text is greatly facilitated. The m ost obvious a n d straightforward

m ethod o f s tructuring a text is linearly, by cha in ing one sentence to another, and one

paragraph to another in sequence. S im p le narrative texts often have this k ind o f structure, as

do procedural texts such as the fo llow ing recipe for a m ade ira cake (from http://allrecipes.

co.uk/):

1. Preheat oven to ISO" C / Gas mark 4.

2. Cream butter and sugar until pale and Huffy. Add in eggs and vanilla gradually until combined. Sift

in flour. Add m ilk until loose - but not runny!

3. Pour batter into a greased 20cm (8 in) baking tin and bake for about 20 to 30 minutes, until it is

golden and firm in the Centre.

http://www.lhegooiishow.net/scripts.asp

http://allrecipes

T e xtu a lity

Here, the identical clause types - imperative, ind ica ting a co m m and o r instruction - together

w ith the sim ple linear sequencing o f the sentences are suffic ient to indicate the steps that are

to be followed in th is procedure.

M any texts, especially o f the expository o r persuasive type, do not have this linear k ind o f

structuring , but rather a branch ing type. Branch ing can be h igh ly complex, lo r example in a

scholarly text o r a ph ilosoph ica l argum ent, b u t at its simplest it involves a topic sentence from

w h ich fo llow ing sentences branch, as in the fo llow ing newspaper report {from : http://www.

guard ian , co. uk/world/2010/jan/25/cyprus-artefacis-police-foil-plot [accessed 25/0909] ):

111 A u t h o r it ie s in C y p r u s h a v e s m a s h e d a s m u g g lin g r in g , r e c o v e r in g d o 7 e n s o f a n c ie n t a rte fa c ts it

p la n n e d to s e ll fo r €11 m illio n < f 15 5m ).

(2| In w h a t is b e lie v e d to b e th e la rg e st a n t iq u it ie s th e ft ca se o f its k in d in C y p r u s ’s h isto ry, p o lic e

s e iz e d o b je c t s d a t in g b a c k th o u s a n d s o f y e a rs f ro m h o m e s , s to ra g e s h e d s a n d v e h ic le s vvtie re th e y

w e r e b e in g h id d e n .

[ 3 i Th e a rte fa c ts in c lu d e c o p p e r a n d s ilv e r c o in s , te rra c o tta u r n s a n d c la y a n d l im e s to n e f ig u r in e s

b e lie v e d to d a te fro m th e c o p p e r a g e to a ro u n d 4 0 0 b c .

M l Te n su s p e c ts w e re a rre ste d in r a id s o v e r th e w e e k e n d , a n d a u th o r it ie s a re s e a rc h in g fo r five

o th e rs .

This k ind o f structure is typical o f m uch newspaper reporting. The article begins w ith a

sentence [1] that sum m arizes the story. T he fo llow ing sentences each elaborate o n some

aspect o f the story conta ined in [1]. The second sentence elaborates o n the action o f the

'authorities m entioned in |1 |, in particu lar the locations from w h ich the stolen artefacts

were recovered. The th ird sentence elaborates o n the nature o f the stolen artefacts, and

o n their antiquity. The fourth sentence, rather like the second, elaborates o n the actions o f

the authorities, b u t in th is case, b y reporting the arrests that had been m ade, the aspect of

‘sm ashing the sm ugg ling ring'. Sentences [2] to [4] can, therefore, be said to b ranch from

sentence [1 ].

M any texts com b ine linear and branch ing structures in m ore o r less complex ways.

Narrative texts m ay not fo llow a chronological story line for all o f the text, b u t m ay include

flashbacks o r o ther disjunctive episodes, no t to m ention passages o f description o r exposition.

S im ilarly, basically branch ing texts m ay conta in passages in w h ich the sentences are chained

in a linear fashion; indeed, this m ay often be the case w ith in branches. The o ther contributor

lo the textuality o f a text, besides coherence and structure, is cohesion.

3.6.3 Cohesion

By com parison w ith coherence, w h ich is about lhe sense thal a text makes, cohesion

concerns the lingu istic , specifically g ram m atica l and lexical, m eans that are used to jo in

sentences a n d paragraphs together. Cohes ion m ay bc g ram m atica l o r lexical, and more

o r less explicit.

http://www


O ne o f the m ost explicit ways o f m ak ing a cohesive lin k is by means o f conjunctive adverbs,

such as however, moreover, therefore, consequently. These adverbs, w h ich m ark logical

connection , are o ften used in a persuasive o r expository text that is presenting a closely

argued case. A n adverb such as then connects sentences referring to successive events in a

story. The adverb sequence firstly, secondly, and so on presents steps in an argum ent or a set

o f instructions.

O the r forms o f cohesion are less explicit in terms o f their linkage and m ay also be part o f

the means o f m ak ing language m ore econom ical. Such cohesion is achieved by th ird person

pronouns. C onsider the fo llow ing example: 'She gave th em to him .' You cannot interpret

this sentence unless you know the nouns o r noun phrases to w h ich the pronouns she, them

and h im refer. To f in d o u t w h ich nouns these are, you have to refer back in the text to a

previous sentence where they arc iirst m entioned. Because ot this rcicrring back, th ird

person p ronouns have a cohesive function: they tie sentences together. But p ronouns are also

a device o f linguistic economy, because they save repeating the no u n o r n o u n phrase over and

over again.

A nother device o f cohesion and econom y is ellipsis, w h ich is a particu lar feature o f spoken

discourse. E llipsis is the om ission from a subsequent sentence o i an item or items contained

in some sentence o f a discourse or text. Consider the fo llow ing pair o f utterances:

- Where did you put the milk?

- Back In the fridge.

T he person g iv ing the answer does no t need to repeat I p u t the m ilk; because it can be

recovered from the question. But what th is m eans is that you can interpret Back in the fridge

only by referring back to the previous sentence in the discourse in order to supply the ellipted

words. Ellipsis thus also serves as a cohesive device.

These types o f cohesion - con junc tion (w ith conjunctive adverbs), reference (by means o f

th ird person pronouns), ellipsis (where words arc om itted) arc gram m atica l dcvices:

they involve the use o f particu lar gram m atical words (conjunctive adverbs, pronouns) or

structures (ellipsis) to achieve cohesive ties. Lexical devices inc lude the repetition o f words,

the use o f synonym s o r near-synonyms, and the use o f collocations.

T he sim ple repetition o f a w ord acts as a cohesive lin k between one sentence and another,

(or instance the repetition o f tyre in the following:

As the tyre burst he almost lost control o f the car. When he finally stopped at the side o f the road,

the tyre was in shreds.

In the fo llow ing example, call is used as a synonym o f telephone to form a cohesive link:

Unable to undo the wheel-nuts, he decided to telephone for assistance. When he called the AA,

they said (hey would be with him within the hour.

A c tiv it ie s

In the fo llow ing example, the cohesion is form ed by the use o f casing as a collocate o f tyre;

you understand w hat casing is referring to in the second sentence by reference back to the

first and notice its relationship to tyre - tyres have casings:

W h e n t h e Δ Α p a tro lm a n s a w th e s ta te o t th e tyre, h e s a id th e y w e r e v e ry fo r tu n a te n o t to h ave

c ra s h e d T h e c a s in g h a d c o m p le te ly d is in te g ra te d

A ll these cases o f cohesion require the reader to refer back in the text, either literally or

because they rem em ber what they have read or what has been said. It is th is action o f refer

r ing backwards that creates the cohesivc tie and contributes to the texts tcxtuality. W e have

illustrated these links from ad jo in ing sentences, but cohesion m ay operate over longer

strctches o f text, as well as between paragraphs.

Activities

A ctiv ity 3.1

M ake a list o f the transactional and interactional texts and discourses that you a) initiate, as

w riter o r speaker, and b) receive, as reader or hearer, in the next 24 hours.

A ctiv ity 3.2

H ow w ou ld you label the fie ld o f the fo llow ing text (from : http://news.bbc.co.uk/1 /h i/

business/8208775.stm (accessed 19/8/09])? W h a t is yo u r evidence Irom the words used in

t h e te x t?

O a n t a s A ir w a y s h a s p o s te d a la r g e d ro p m its a n n u a l p ro fits. a s <t c o n tin u e s t o s t r u g g le w it h th e

e c o n o m ic d o w n tu rn T h e A u s t ra lia n a ir lin e sa :d n e t in c o m e fo r y e a r to 3 0 J u n e fe ll 8 8 % t o 1 1 7 m

A u s t ra lia n d o lla rs ! 1 9 6 .5 m . £ W f.5 m ). Q a m a s a ls o a n n o u n c e d A S l t>bn o f fu r th e r c o s t -c u tt in g m e a

s u re s . h e lp in g s e n d th e c o m p a n y 's s h a r e s u p b y S % . ‘ Th ere h a s n e v e r b e e n a m o r e v o la t ile a n d

c h a l le n g in g lim e fo r the w o r ld ’s aw a tio n in d u stry .' Q a n ta s c h ie f e * e cu tiv e A la n Jo y c e said .

A ctiv ity 3.3

W hat is the d om in an t function in ihe fo llow ing text (from ‘Q & A : L ife in a harsh jobs

market’ http://news.bbc.co.nk/l/hi/educiition/8068987.stm |accessed 1 1 / 1 1 / 0 9 ) ) ? W h a t other

functiona l types o f text can you observe?

H o w c a n y o u n g p e o p le im p r o v e t h e i r j o b p r o s p e c t s ?

G ra d u a te * a n d s c h o o l- le a v e rs w ill u n d o u b te d ly h a v e to w o r k h a rd e r to g e t th e m sefve s in to

e m p lo y m e n t th is year.

A d a m H a le , c h a irm a n o f th e te c h n o lo g y le a d e rs h ip g ro u p a t th e Prin ce 's Trust, s a y s jo b -s e e k e r s m u st

b e d is t in c tiv e a n d p ro a ct iv e a n d m u st c o m m u n ic a te w e ll

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1

http://news.bbc.co.nk/l/hi/educiition/8068987.stm


'H a v in g d o n e th in g s l h a l a re a litt le b it d iffe re n t, h a v in g m a d e m a x im u m u se o f yo u r t im e are a il

im p o rta n t - d o lo ts o f t h in g s th a t m a k e y o u d istin ctive ,* h e says.

T h in k a b o u t w h ic h a re a s y o u w o u ld l ik e to w o r k in - w r ite t o th e m , c a ll th e m , s e e k th e m o u t rath er

th a n w a it fo r o p p o rt u n it ie s to co m e to y o u .

'A n d c o m m u n ic a te w e ll - t h in k a b o u t w h a t y o u s a y b e fo re y o u s a y it. L is te n - a s k p r o b in g q u e stio n s

in re sp o n se to w h a t ’s b e e n said."

H e a ls o s u g g e s ts v id e o in g a m o c k in te rv ie w w it h a fr ie n d o r fa m ily m e m b e r to b o o s t se lf-

a w a re n e s s

'It's a n e x p e r ie n ce th a t ta k e s e v e ry o n e o u t o f th e ir c o m fo r t z o n e .’

T h e c h ie f e x e c u tiv e o f th e H ig h e r E d u c a t io n C a r e e r s S e rv ic e s , M ik e H ill. say*. ’T h e re a re h u n d r e d s of

d iffe re n t p ro fe s s io n s . P e o p le n e e d to c a s t th e ir n e ts w id e r , lo o k a t p ro fe s s io n s re la te d to th e ir fie ld

a n d ta k e ca re e rs a d v ic e ’ .

A ctiv ity 3.4.1

Listen to an ord inary conversation in your fam ily o r am ong your friends, and then listen to a

chat show or interview o n the rad io or television. W h a t are the differences in the turn-taking

procedures, fo r example more direct nom ina tion in interviews?

A ctiv ity 3.4.3I f you can, record an ord inary conversation. Alternatively, record a chat show or discussion

program m e from the radio. M ake a list o f the topics covered in the conversation. Note how

the transition is m ade from one topic to the next. A n d how is the conversation eventually

brought to a close?

A ctiv ity 3.5

Suggest an analysis and interpretation o l the fo llow ing m u ltim oda l text:

A c tiv it ie s

A ctiv ity 3.6.2

D eterm ine and describe the structure o f the fo llow ing text (from W ik iped ia entry for lorry

(http://en.w ikipedia.org/wiki/Lorry):

Tru cks c o n tr ib u te to a ir. n o is e , a m ) w a te r p o llu t io n s im ila r ly to a u to m o b ile s . Trucks m a y e m it lo w er

a n p o llu t io n e m is s io n s t h a n c a r s p e r p o u n d o l v e h ic le m a s s , a lth o u g h th e a b so lu te leve l p e r v e h ic le

m ile tra v e le d is h ig h e r, a n d d ie se l p a rt ic u la te m atte r is e s p e c ia lly p ro b le m a tic (o r h e a lth . W ith re sp ect

t o n o is e p o llu t io n , t r u c k s e m it c o n s id e ra b ly h ig h e r s o u n d le v e ls a t a ll s p e e d s c o m p a re d t o a ty p ica l

c a r ; th is c o n tra s t is p a rt ic u la r ly s tro n g w it h h e a v y -d u ty tru c k s . T h e re are se v e ra l a s p e c ts o ( tru ck

o p e ra t io n s th a t c o n tr ib u te to th e o v e ra ll s o u n d th a t is e m itte d . C o n t in u o u s s o u n d s a re th o se fro m

tire s ro llin g o n th e ro a d w a y , a n d th e c o n s t a n t h u m o f th e ir d ie se l e n g in e s a t h ig h w a y s p e e d s , le s s

fre o u e n t n o is e s , b u t p e rh a p s m o re n o t ic e a b le , a re t h in g s l ik e t h e re p e a te d s h a rp -p itc h e d w h is t le o l

a tu rb o c h a rg e r o n a c c e le ra t io n , o r th e a b ru p t b la re o f a n e x h a u s t b r a k e retarde» w h e n g o in g

d o w n h ill

A ctiv ity 3.6.3Take a news article and an editorial from a newspaper. I n both texts, exam ine every sentence

alter the first one and determ ine how it is linked cohesively w ith the previous sentence. Is the

cohesion gram m atica l or lexical?

Does the new s article o r the editorial have the tighter cohesion? G ram m atica l cohesion

is generally lighter th an lexical, and explicit links (w ith conjunctive adverbs) are tighter

th an cohesion by means o f pronouns or ellipsis. Generally, the m ore explicit and overt the

cohesion, the m ore tightly structured a text appears to bc.

Suggested topics fo r investigating discourses and texts:

1. Record a naturally occurring conversation or a chat show from the radio. Observe how the

conversation is managed: dues someone allocate the turns and do they do it in an obvious way or

by implication? How do transitions between speakers occur: what are the linguistic clues? How is

the conversation structured: what topics arc talked about and how do the participants move on from

one topic to another?

2. Take two different types o f text, such as a newspaper editorial and an extract from a novel.

Examine the cohesive devices used in the two texts and make a comparison. Does one use more

grammatical types o f cohesion? What use is made o f pronouns?

3. ‘lake a short story as an example o f a narrative text and the Highway Code as an example o f

an instructive text. Compare them for linguistic features that reficct their text type and purpose,

such as tense o f verbs, types o f Adverbials, use o f subordinate clauses, modal verbs, adjectives, and

the like.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorry


Further reading________________________________As a n in tro d u c t io n th a t presents a v a iie ty o f approaches t o d iscou rse ana lys is , lo o k at I'a ltr idg e (201)6). G ee (2005)

pro pose s a gene ra l d isc u ss io n toge ther w ith a m e th o d o f analys is , as does M a r t in a n d R ose (2007 ) in a rather

in nova tiv e w ay by ta k in g texts f ro m th e t r u th a n d re co n c ilia tio n process in S o u th A fr ic a

T lie s ta n d a rd w o r k o n co h e s io n i n h n g l is h is H a llid a y a n d H a s a n (1976), b u t a g o o d in tro d u c t io n to th is area is Salkie

(1995).

Fo r a trea tm en t o f h o w t o ana lyse o rd in a ry conversa tio n , see E g g in s a n d S lade (20031 a n d T en H ave (2007 ) M ore

w ide- rang ing in its ch o ice o f d iscourses a n d texts t o ana lyse is W ebster (2005)

Fktr m u lt im o d a l texts, a g o o d p lace t o s ta rt is G o o d m a n e t al. (2007 ), w h ic h takes a h is to ric a l perspective U p to date

in tro d u c t io n s are B a ld ry a n d T h ib a u lt (2003 ), O 'H a l lo r a n (2006 ) a n d Kress (2009).

Language Change

Chapter Outline4 .1 P re -h isto ry o f E n g lish 103

4 .2 O ld E n g lish /A n g lo -S a x o n 109

4 .3 M id d le E n g lish 115

4 . 4 M o d e rn E n g lish 1 1 9

4 .5 Type s o f la n g u a g e ch a n g e 1 2 4

A c t iv it ie s 130

F u rth e r re a d in g 1 3 5

S u g g e s te d pro je cts 135

A s lo ng as a language has liv ing speakers (as d o m ore than 6000 languages in the world

today), then it is subject to change and developm ent over time. For linguistic study, there are

two aspects to this. The lirst concerns the form al, structural changes in the actual usage o t the

language, as far as these historical patterns can he deduced from the range o f evidence avail

able. T he second aspect is concerned w ith the attitude o f people th roughout history towards

the language lhat they and their ancestors spoke.

Both o f these aspects are im po rtan t for a thorough account o f the history o f English.

Changes in the formal pattern o f English have o tten provoked strong reactions am ong users

o f the language. A n d those reactions have often also had an effect on the shape o f the la n

guage as it has com e dow n to us. It is therefore necessary to consider together both the actual

changes and the attitudes to change. T h is is the orientation o f th is chapter.

4.1 Pre-history of English

The language o f English, as d istinct from its related G erm an ic languages, has been a ro und for

abou t 1500 years. The language o f the Angles (Englisc) had its roots in the West G erm an

C h a p te r 4 · L a n g u a g e C h a n g e

com m un ities w h ich invaded the British Isles alter the Rom an occupying arm y had left (by

about the year 400).

Apart from the last 100 years, since recording equ ipm ent has enabled linguists to hear

exactly how the language is spoken, our no tio n o f English speech o f the past 1500 years

has largely been derived lrom docum entary sources. Literary texts, w ith patterned rhyme,

rhythm or a lliteration, are very useful sources o f evidence. T he lingu ist can also be helped by

contem porary g ram m ar books, treatises o n rhetoric or reflections o n the speech o f others

across the country or in com parison w ith foreigners. Thus, poetry, travel accounts, prayers,

sermons, saints’ lives, church court records and chronicles can all provide clues to the state o f

the spoken language o l the past. Using a few principles o l language sound changes and these

sources o f data, the process o f detective work can extrapolate backwards to the times from

w h ich there arc few surv iv ing written records.

It is also possible to com pile an idea o f the languages that were around before even the

earliest docum entary manuscripts. For example, i f the word for a co m m o n object is sim ilar

in tw o distant languages across the world, then it is likely thal the tw o languages share a

com m on ancestry and a com m on root word in an o lder language. Such related words are

called cognate words, and cognates arc the key to the reconstruction o f o ld , unrecorded

languages. For example, the English w ord star has cognates in Latin (Stella) , Greek (aster),

A rm en ian (astl) and Sanskrit (sir-), am ong m any other languages, suggesting that this word

belonged to the vocabulary o f the supposed ancestor language, Proto-Indo-European.

B R E A K O U T BOX

C a n y o u t h in k o l a n y s e ts o f c o g n a t e w o rd s ? W a k e a list.

4.1.1 The earliest language

It is no t kno w n whether language orig ina lly developed close to the emergence o f hum an ity

in East A frica and the M idd le East, spreading w ith the m igration o f people across the world,

and diverging in to regional o r tribal variations to fo rm different languages. O r perhaps the

ab ility to use language developed alm ost s im ultaneously am ong different groups o f hum ans,

and different languages emerged over the centuries. It is un like ly that we w ill ever know the

answer to this, and all o f the earliest form s ol spoken language are lost to us.

However, orig ins can be traced back in to the relatively recent past. M odern languages

w h ich show sim ilarities arc grouped in to language ‘iam ilics’ such as ihc Malayo-Polyncsian

languages o f the Pacific, or the D rav id ian languages o f southern Ind ia , or Sem itic , Japanese,

Sino-Tibetan and Indo-European. M any o f the m odern languages o f Europe belong to the

Indo-European group o f languages. T he d iagram (Figure 4.1) shows the Indo-European

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len

ati*^

«

P r e h i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h 105

Figu

re

4.1

The

irx

k)-

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rop

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fam

ily


group as a ‘family-tree’, w h ich is the m ost com m on fo rm o f presentation in linguistic

text-books.

As you can see (from Figure 4.1), English belongs to the West G erm an ic g roup o f

languages, a branch w h ich also includes H ig h and Low G erm an , Y idd ish , D u tch , Flemish

and Frisian. These arc closely related to G oth ic , Icelandic, Norwegian, D an ish and Swedish.

O n another branch, Celtic languages inc lude Scottish and Irish Gaelic, and W elsh. The

Italic branch includes Latin, and its varieties o l Portuguese, Spanish, French, Ita lian and

Rom an ian . Greek belongs to the Hellenic line, f urther distant relations o f English include

Polish, Russian, Persian, Sanskrit and its derivations H ind i, Panjabi and Bengali.

T he ‘fam ily tree' metaphor, however, can be very m isleading. It im plies that one language-

above another on the d iagram pre-dates the second language and gave w ay to it. w h ich is not

necessarily the case. The d iagram docs no t present contem poraneous periods at the same

level as does a fam ily tree. Moreover, the neat lines and branches im p ly a neat progression

from one language in to the next. In reality, as w ill be evident from this chapter, linguistic

change is often a messy business, w ith different levels o f the language, areas o f the country

and groups o f speakers chang ing features at differing rates. Also, languages lower dow n the

tree do no t always replace those above: h igh G erm an co-cxists w ith D u tch in Europe today,

for example.

Finally, it w ou ld be w rong to assume the direct development from parent languages that

the fam ily tree suggests. In the case o f English, fo r example, the basis is G erm an ic , bu t the

language stands as it does today w ith strong influences from , am ong m any others, Danish,

French, Latin, Greek, Gaelic, and recently H in d i and Bengali. Perhaps lines shou ld bc drawn

across the fam ily tree to show that English is G e rm an ic on ly in orig in? A n d this is w ithout

accounting for influences from non-Indo-European languages o n A m erican English, Ind ian

English, Australian Eng lish and the various A frican Englishes. M any o f these influences will

be discussed later.

T he un ify ing ease lo r an Indo-European group o f languages emerged at the beg inn ing ol

the nineteenth century w hen linguists noticed sim ilarities between European languages and

Sanskrit, the ancient language o f Ind ia . Very com m on words showed the m ost sim ilarity:

fa th e r (English), vater (G e rm an ) ,p a le r (Greek) and p ita r (Sanskrit). Jakob G r im m (the fa iry

tale w riter and lingu ist) showed how various sound changes across these languages operated

o n a regular and predictable pattern. W ords orig inally w ith /p /, /t/, Ik / altered to /f/. /Θ /, / h/

in the G erm an ic languages. Latin and Greek retained the older voiceless stops in words like

piscis (fish), tres (three) and centum (w ith a hard Ik !) (hundred). Further, the sounds Ib l , / d/,

/g/ changed regularly in the G erm an ic languages to Ip l , III, /k/. This supported the case

that there was a com m on language, o r set o f closely related dialects, w h ich is called Indo-

European.

It is estimated that the p r im ary branches (Celtic, Indo-Iranian, and so on ) o f Indo-

European were becom ing established independently o f each other by around 3 0 0 0 b c .

Archaeological and reconstructed linguistic evidence draws a p icture o f a settled, agricultural

P re -h isto ry o f E n g lis h

people. Technology was a l the stage o f us ing copper as a m ateria l, and tools and im plem ents

were used in subsistence farm ing. C o m m o n cognate words across various languages for

snow, winter, oak, beech, pine, Jeer, rabbit, bee and m any more pu l the Indo-European

hom e land in temperate central-eastern Europe. This is reinforced b y the lack o f com m on

words lor objects that w ou ld have been encountered and lexicalized later by m igrating

people: elephant, rice, crocodile, monkey and so on.

The existence o f cognates and the predictive power o f sound-change patterns allowed

linguists lo reconstruct a d ic tionary o f Indo-European, and even a (m ore hypothetical)

gram m ar. However, it is still unclear whether Proto-Indo-European was ever a single la n

guage o f a coherent speech com m un ity , and it has even been suggested that it was originally

a p idg in that allowed com m un ica tio n between nom ad ic peoples, and w h ich subsequently

developed in to various fu lly realized native languages.

4.1.2 Early Celtic languages in the British IslesIt is un like ly that this version o f Indo-European was ever spoken in the British Isles, the w ild,

far-flung and backward islands o n the edge o f the continent, where the Stone Age lasted un til

as late as 2000 b o . The language o f these neolith ic com m un ities is lost, apart from some

speculation that the language o f the Basques in northern Spain is a rem nant o f it.

Celtic speakers spread in to the British Isles from 1500 bc, and eventually displaced all

trace o f the native languages. The first wave came from northern Europe and their Brythonic

dialect was spoken wherever these Brythons settled o n the m a in land . This d ia lect is now

usually called Britannic Celtic, and the Britons are the ancestral speakers o f later Cornish ,

W elsh, Breton and Pictish. Later, Goidelic Celts left southern France and settled in Ireland,

and their dialect o f C e ltic came to be called Gaelic, II is the ancestor o f Ir ish Gaelic, M anx,

and o f Scots Gaelic after a Celtic-speaking co m m un ity called the Scotti left Ire land and

settled in the northern m a in land , thereafter called Scotland.

Traces o f the Ce ltic period o f British history rem ain today in those parts o f the islands

that were the last to be in fluenced by the later R om an , G e rm an ic a n d French invasions: the

far no rth and far west. G eograph ica l term s from Celtic languages fill the landscapes o f

Scotland . Ire land, N orthern Eng land . W ales and C ornw all. The h i l l (for) at Torquay, churches

(//mi) in L la n d ud no and Llangollen , homesteads (fr«r) at Tredegar and Tralee, the river

estuary (aber) at Abergavenny and Aberdeen, the h igh forts (d u n /d um ) o f D undee and

Dum fries , hill-tops (pen) at Pendle and Pen-y-ghent, deep valleys (cwm/coombe) in

C w m bran and Babbacombe, all these keep their Celtic orig ins. The hard / k / o f Kent is one

o f the few traces that it was once a Celtic k ingdom . T he m a jo r British rivers o ften have

names corrupted from the Celtic: the Tamesa (Thames) still flows th rough London , the

Trinanton (Trent) crosses the East M id lands th rough N o ttin g ham , and the Tisa (Tees) still

characterizes the landscape o f Teesdale. The rivers Esk, Exe, Usk and Avon are themselves

words m ean ing ‘river'.


4.1.3 The effect of the Romans

T he linguistic landscape o f B rita in began to change w ith 4 0 0 years o f R om an occupation.

Julius Caesars in itia l raids a ro und 55 b c were a lm ost complete m ilita ry disasters, but

C laud ius' invasion o f a d 4 3 established a R om an occupying force, whose adm inistrators

spoke Latin, and whose arm y com prised Latin-speaking soldiers and aux iliary troops

speaking a variety o f contem porary European languages.

In the follow ing four centuries, Celtic Brita in became Rom anized , though this occupation is

unusual in that the effects were largely architectural and administrative rather th an linguistic.

There is no evidence that the mass o f the popu lation ever came to speak Latin , even as a poor

second language. It seems that the Rom ans were concerned to keep their cultura l knowledge

to themselves. Latin was the language o f contro l and government. The technology o f systematic

battle-plans, the geometrically precise and well-built road network, fortresses and defences

especially in the north , w h ich rem ained a m ilitarized zone, all represented contro l as well. It

is significant that, after the R om an arm y left in 410, the Britons were unab le o r unw illing to

m a in ta in the m asonry o f the villas, baths and temples. The roads fell in to disrepair, and b u ild

ings were looted for their stone. N ew villages developed beside o ld R om an towns. It seems

that R om an know ledge and culture were lost w ith the departure o f the occupying force; one-

later poem describes the rem ains o f the Rom ans as 'the w ork o f giants’.

T he m a in effect o f British Rom an ization was in the establishment o f w hat eventually came

to be seen as an ind igenous C hris tian religion. T hough Celtic-speaking Irish m onks and

m issionaries spread the C hris tian message in the north , they were largely able to d o so

because o f the stability the R om an adm in istra tion provided in the south . Rom an dom inance

was encouraged (and illustrated) by the decision o f the W h itby Synod (in a d 664) to follow

R om an customs in monastic rule and ecclesiology. The C hurch was left w ith Latin as its m ain

ceremonial and organizational language. Even Bede's later (eighth century) Ecclesiastical

History o j the English People was written in Latin (Historia Ecclesiastica Gcntis Anglortim ).

However, Latin disappeared as a vernacu lar and secular language in Britain w hen the Rom an

arm y withdrew.

4.1.4 The Germ anic influence

It is Bede w ho gives an account o l the first G erm an ic invasions in to the east o f B rita in in 449.

O ver the fo llow ing tw o centuries, groups from what is now Holland , northern G erm any and

D enm ark settled a long the east coast and river estuaries o f Britain , where the landscape o f the

country m ade it especially easy to invade and settle. These groups, the Jutes, Angles, Saxons

and Frisians, spoke various regional dialects o f West G erm an ic , and they brought their

language to the respective areas in w h ich they settled.

At first, the C e ltic Britons called a ll the invaders ‘Saxons', s ince it was th is g roup that

began the settlements, even in the last years o f the R o m an occupation . T he Saxons

Old English/Anglo-Saxon 1 09

largely drove Britons o f f la n d a long the sou th coast, establish ing their ow n occupancy.

Various resistance efforts, in c lu d in g a tem porarily successful one led by a R om an ized Celt

called A rthur, were overcome b y the G erm an ic invaders’ superior num bers and war

technology, and by greater a n d m ore recent experience o f resistance to the R om ans on

the continent.

The Jutes c la im ed m ost o f the south-east, and the Angles those parts o f the east coast

lurther to the north (retained in the nam e Hast Ang lia). Later, the G erm an ic settlers were

characterized generally as Angles, and their language collectively know n as F.nglisc

(pronounced as the m o d e rn w ord). Settlem ent o f the south-eastern ha lf o f what by 1000

w as being called Engleland was so com plete that the G erm an ic speakers cou ld even refer

to the native Britons as wealas (eventually Welsh), m ean ing 'foreigners'!

The picture by 700 is o f a d iv ided Britain . Generally, the Celtic Britons were d riven out to

Ireland, Brittany and the north and west o f m a in land Britain. T he m id lands, east and south

were colonized by W est G erm an ic speakers. Specifically, these groups spoke dialects o f

Anglo-Saxon, depend ing on where on the continent they had com e trom . West Saxon was

spoken across the south ( in Wessex and Sussex). Kentish was spoken where the Jutes had

settled. N orth o f the Thames, the A ng lian dialects o f M ercian and N orthum brian dom inated.

It is from th is tim e that docum entary evidence survives, and the dialects are sufficiently

s im ilar to be considered as com pris ing an English language.

4.2 Old English/Anglo-SaxonTraditionally , lingu istics has been concerned to present itse lf as a scientific d isc ip line , and

so it has deployed a ll the parapherna lia o f objectiv ity and precise categorization. The

Eng lish language is thus regarded as an object in its ow n right, g radua lly b u t regularly

chang ing over tim e, w ith a ll the changes be ing explainable. So O ld Eng lish is sa id to

have existed from the fifth century to 1100, M id d le English u n til 1500, and then the early

(un til 1650) and late periods o f M odern Eng lish. M ore recently, the increased em phasis

o n socio lingu istics (see C hap te r 6) and awareness o f the ideolog ica l basis o f even scientific

d iscourse have changed the w ay language h is to ry is perceived. Speech com m un itie s are

m ore im po rtan t than courts; classes arc m ore sign ificant th an kings; w ar and disease

a n d m ig ra tion affect language m ore th an po litics does. N ot o n ly does th is make historical

language study m ore com plex , b u t it also means that there is a variety o f possible

exp lanations for specific changes. T he rest o f th is chapter, for the sake o f clarity, w ill

first present a n overview o f changes in Eng lish, fo llow ed by d iscussion o f some o f the

issues involved.

The G erm an ic dialects spoken b y the settlers varied m a in ly in their word-endings

(in fle c tions ) and in the vowels used in the m idd le o f words. O ver tim e, these differences

disappeared, though the variations between M idd le Eng lish dialects can be traced back to

the o rig ina l differences in Anglo-Saxon.

1 1 0 C h a p te r 4 · L a n g u a g e C h a n g e

4.2.1 Case system

In contrast to M odern Eng lish, Anglo-Saxon was a case language. W here M odern English

uses word-order and prepositions to indicate the fu nc tio n o f words (e.g. subject, object,

and so on ) in a sentence, Anglo-Saxon used in f le c t io n s (see also Section 2.2.2 for a

rem inder o n th is). In flec tions are suffixes that iden tify the case o f the n o u n , whether

subject, object, possessive o r ind irect ob ject/instrum ent. T he cases associated w ith these

func tions are kno w n respectively as the nom ina tive , accusative, genitive and dative cases.

A ll nouns had to have the r igh t one o f the four possible case end ings. Additionally ,

Anglo-Saxon nouns had three gram m atica l genders: m asculine , fem in ine and neuter. A nd

(as in M odern Eng lish) it d ifferentiated s ingu lar and p lu ra l. N ouns cou ld thus have

24 (4x3x2) possible perm utations , th o u g h in practice several o f the pe rm utations happen

to have the same in flectiona l e nd ing , m ak in g the declension table less com plex than

it m igh t at first appear.

Adjectives had to ‘agree in form w ith the nouns they qua lified for case, gender and n u m

ber. as d id defin ite articles. Thus, in the sentence, Se ealda cyning d ippe a godan cwene (the

old k ing kisses the good queen), the Anglo-Saxon defin ite article se (for the), the adjective

end ing o f ealda and the zero-inflection (no suffix) o n cyning indicate that it is the king do ing

the kissing, rather than the queen. T he inflections for a (the), godan and cwene, all in the

accusative, indicate that it is the queen that is the object o f the kissing.

T he tables below show the declensions (that is, the possible perm utations) for the words

in $e ealda cyning clippe a godan cwene. Every noun-phrase m ust agree gram m atica lly (i.e.

be in the sam e case, num ber and gender).

N o u n sMasculine king Feminine queen Neuter child

S ingu lar

Nominative cyning oven bcarn

Accusative cyning cwene beam

Genitive cyninges cwene bearnes

Dative cyninge cwene bcarnc

Plural

Norn. cyningas ewena beam

Acc. cyningas cwena bcarn

Gen. cyninga cwena bearna

Dat. cyningum cwenum bearnum

O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n

A d je c t iv e s (w h e n w i t h a n a r t ic le t h e j : o ld a n d g o o d

Masculine Fem inine Neuter

S ingu lar

Nom. ealda! goda ealde/god e ealde/gode

Acc. ealdan/godan ealdaii/£o</d/i ealde/gode

Gen. ealdan/godan ealdan/godan ealdan/godan

Dat. ealdan/godan caldan/godan caldan/godan

Plural

Norn. caldan/godan caldan/godan caldan/godan

Acc. ealdan/godan ealdan/godan caldan/godan

Gen. ealdra/godra ealdra/godra ealdra/godra

Dat. caldum/godum caldum/godum caldum/godum

A rtic le s : ' t h e '

M asculine Fem in ine Neuter

S ingu lar

Num. se S C O act

Acc. one 11 aet

Gen. acs aerc acs

Dal. acm acre aem

Plural

Norn. a a a

Acc. a a a

Gen. ara ara ara

Dat. aem acm acm

V e rb s (This is a s im p l i f ic a t io n o f th e s e v e ra l v e rb classes)

chppan :■ lo kiss

Present 1 clippc Pasl I ciippcdc

You (sg.) clippest You (sg.) clippedest

S/he dippe S/he clippede

Wc clippa Wc chppcdon

You (pi.) clippa You (pi.) dippedon

They clippa They dippedon

As you can see, there is m uch repetition o f possible endings here (though this is a very s im p li

fied version o f O ld English gram m ar).

The great advantage over M odern English is that this case system docs not rely o n word-

order for m ean ing . Thus, ti godait c wette d ippe se ealda cyning still means The o ld k ing kisses

the good queen. T he order in w h ich the w riter m igh t want to place the words was m uch more

flexible as a result, a feature w h ich Anglo-Saxon poetry took fu ll advantage o f in arranging

words stylistically to produce its characteristic powerful alliterative rhythm .


4.2.2 Su rv iv ing rem nants o f the case system

M any o f the variously d ed in e d articles and p ronouns survived in to later form s o f English.

Here are some o f the survivors:

a (feminine accusative, plural nominative and accusative definite article) bccamc the.

aem (dative plural article) bccamc them,

is {demonstrative pronoun) became this.

lc ( n o m i n a t i v e l i r s t p e r s o n p r o n o u n ) b e c a m e / .

We (plural second person pronoun) survived intact.

Me and its (accusatives), and tnin and tire (genitives) all remain in Modern English forms.

u (singular nominative) became thou (singular).

e (singular accusative) bccamc thee,

m (singular genitive) became thine.

(These three remained until the sixteenth century and continue in some modern dialects).

(T e ( p l u r a l n o m i n a t i v e ) b e c a m e y o u ( p l u r a l ) .

Em»' (plural accusative) became you (plural).

Bower (plural genitive) became your.

(Some regional accents o f Modern Knglish even preserve the earlier pronunciations).

M any inflectional endings left rem nants in a fina l -eor -ii well in to the M idd le English period,

long alter the case system bccam c archaic, and pr in ting fossilized these spellings lo ng after

the fina l vowels stopped be ing pronounced. O n e o f the few remains o f the genitive case

surv iv ing in to M odern English is the singular m asculine and neuter n o u n inflectional ending

-es, w h ich has been abbreviated w ith an apostrophe {‘s) to show the om ission o f the e.

Anglo-Saxon verbs can be d iv ided in to tw o sets, w h ich persist into M odern English. Weak

(also ealied regular) verbs showed past tense by the add itio n ol the suffix, -ede, -od o r -</, to

the stem. T h is becomes the M odern English -ed as in talk/talked, look/looked and so on.

S trong (or irregular) verbs express the past tense by altering the root vowel to show perfect

past and past participle. T h is rem ains in M o d e rn English verbs such as drive/drove/driven,

sing/sang/sung, steal/stole/stolcn, fall/fell/fallen, and so on . The strong fo rm was the system

probably used by Proto-Indo-European. The m ore m odern weak system is the usual method

o f m aking past form s for new m odern words (rocketed, rubbished, rapped, and so on).

4.2.3 Word form ation in Old English

T he fo rm ation o f new words (or lex ica liza tion ) is one o f the m ost noticeable features o f

Anglo-Saxon, and one w h ich illustrates its G erm anic origins. Existing words were jo ined

together, as com pounds (see Section 2.2.4). Such lexicalizations in O ld English are kno w n as

kennings. and these noun-com pounds can be found especially in the poetry. T hus, mere-stape

(sea-walker) signifies a ship, modhord (heart-treasure) is understanding. Prefix and suffix

add ition also extended the lexical range o f the language: mis-, of-, under-, ofer- and -ig, -full.

O ld E n g lis h / A n g lo -S a x o n

-leas (-less), -lice (-like). These rem ain m a jo r m ethods o f word-form ation in M odern English

(as discussed in Section 2.2.3).

O ld E n g lis h Texts

1. The Lord's Prayer

Fæder ùre.

|ui [>e earl on heofonum,

sy t»in nama gchâlgod.

Tobecume |)in rice.

GewurJ>e din willa on eorôan swà swa on heofonum.

Syle us tô d;vg firnc gedacghwamiican hläf.

And forgyf ûs ürc gyltas, swâ swâ wc lorgyfaO uruin gyltcndum.

And ne làd à ù ûs on costnunge,

ac àlys us o f yfele.

Sojilicc.

Read aloud, th is sounds m ore like the m odern version th an it looks. Try and iden tify some o f

the casc-cndings from the tables above. Horizon ta l lines above vowels lengthen the p ro nu n

c iation. d a n d /> (and the capital D ) are voiced a n d unvoiced th. The œ is called ash and is a

short low /a/. T he c is usually hard Ik J , unless in itia lly in a w ord , like cild (as m odern child).

The sc, as in Englisc, is /J7, as ou r m odern pronuncia tion . I'ry to identify m odern derivations

o f the words.

2. Caedm on 's H ym n

This was orig inally com posed in the N orthum brian dialect in the seventh ccntury (by a

shepherd in W hitby, according to Bede), but the first version here is from the late eighth

century. T he second is a copy w ritten in the West Saxon dialect o f the ten th century.

Notice the dialectal differences and the later s im p lifica tion o f word-endings. M ake

a list o f these and see if you can find their orig ins and meanings in an O ld English

dictionary.

I f you read it a loud you w ill also notice the powerful alliteration across the two halves o f

each line , w h ich is allowed by the high ly manoeuvrable syntax, and w h ich gives O ld English

poe try its wonderfu l force.

You cou ld try to write a poem in M odern English in w h ich both halves o f the line alliterate

w ith cach other, to see how difficu lt this is in M odern English w ith its relatively fixed rules

about w ord order.

Northumbrian Caedmon’s Hymn

Nil scylun hergan hefaenricaes uard

Now should to praise o f the heavenly kingdom guardian

mctudacs maccti end his mödgidanc

o f G od power and his counsel


ucrc uulderfadur sue he uundra gihuaes

w o r k o f t h e g l o r i o u s f a t h e r a s h e o f w o n d e r s o f e v e ry

eci Dryctin or astelidæ.

eternal Lord beginning established

H e a e r i s l s c ö p a e ld a b a r n u m

He first shaped o f men for children

heben til hrôfe hâleg scepen.

h e a v e n a s a r o o f h o l y s h a p e r

Thä middungeard moncynnars uard

Then middle-earth o f mankind guardian

êci Dryctin æfter tiadæ

eternal Lord afterwards established

ftrum foldu frèa allmectig.

for men earth Lord almighty.

West Saxon Caedmon's Hymn

Nu scylen herian heofon-rices weard

metodes meaht and his môdge|>anc,

weorc wuldorfæder; swâ hê wundra gehwæs

ecc Dryhtcn, ôr astcllcde,

Hê ærest scôp ielda bearnum

heofon til hröfe, hälig scepen.

F)ä middangeard, moncynnes weard,

ece Dryhtcn. arfter teode

fir urn folde, frea ealmihtig.

Now wc must praise the guardian o f the heavenly kingdom,

f o i t h e p o w e r a n d c o u n s e l o f G o d .

for the works o f the father o f glory; as he,

eternal Lord o f wonders, created everything in the beginning.

I l c f i r s t m a d e , f o r t h e c h i l d r e n o f m e n ,

h e a v e n a s a r o o f , t h e h o l y C r e a t o r .

Then in this middle-place, the eternal Lord,

the guardian o f mankind, afterwards established

the earth lor men. Lord almighty.

4.2.4 The loss of in flections and Danish influence

Towards th e end o f the Anglo-Saxon period (n in th to eleventh centuries), the general trend

was towards s im p lifica tion o f inflectional variation. D ifferent suffixes tended towards a

s im ila r central vowel /3/. D an ish influence came from a series o f V ik in g invasions and seule

m ent a long the east coast, and the large num bers o f D an ish speakers then in England affected

the language. M any D an ish words had the sam e root as the Anglo-Saxon, but different

M id d le E n g lis h 1 1 5

inflections, and so the inflectional endings came to be assim ilated to a id com m unication . At

the sam e tim e, the area ot’ the D ane law (the north and east) began to bear elements o f Danish

in place names. T he word by, m ean ing town, is suffixed to m any English places, and survives

in by-lows. Isolated land (thwaites), sm all territories (tofts) and villages (thorps) scatter East

A ng lia , the East M id lan d s and the North.

The D an ish settlement (a n d the succession o f D an ish k ings o f Eng land from C n u t in 1014)

had a great effect on English. T he pronuncia tion o f /sk/ rather than /J7 in words like sky,

skin, skirt rather than scip,fiesc, shirt shows the form er group’s D an ish origins. In Danish-

in fluenced areas, such as N orthum bria , the final -s in flection for 3rd person singular present

tense (he runs) entered English and began to replace the Anglo-Saxon -<■/> fo rm (he runneth).

The present participle end ing -ing s im ilarly replaced -and. Both o f these innovations spread

sou th over the next six centuries. M any words (estimated at a ro und one thousand) were

borrowed. The agricultural, trad ing , com m ercial and day-to-day’ d om a in o f m any o f these

words indicate a relatively peaceful in tegration o f D anes and English.

In spite o f the popu lar imago o f V ik ing invasions, the linguistic evidence is testimony to

D an ish integration in to Eng land at all but the political level. Anglo-Saxon k ing Alfred's suc

cess o r (eventual actual) failure in perm anently repelling the Danes w ould probably have made

no difference to the ord inary rura l accom m odations be ing m ade by the people, w ho shared

m uch o f the law, customs, Christian religion and aspects o f G erm an ic language anyway.

O f m uch greater linguistic im portance was the period w h ich began w ith the N orm an

French invasion o f Eng land after 1066.

4.3 Middle English_____________________________

It is d ifficu lt to convey the absolute disaster that the N orm an conquest was for English

culture. Fo llow ing it, the coun try was linguistically split for tw o centuries; official or valued

literature written in English disappeared; the English court produced a wealth o f literary,

religious and adm inistrative docum ents in Latin a n d French; English was regarded as a sign

o t the speaker’s social inieriority.

Before the N orm an conquest there had been some borrow ing o f French words in to the law

and adm in istration , because o f the close contact between the English and French ru ling

classes. However, in the years after the invasion, it was the Eng lish earls w ho led rebellions

against W illiam , and w ho were subsequently killed o r exiled. W ith in a very short period,

the nob ility o f the coun try was replaced by native Norman-French speakers. This applied to

a ll the h igh positions in th e Church as well. English rem ained the peasants' language, and

England b y the twelfth century becam e a na tion o f two languages (dig lossic), stratified by

social class. Celtic languages were still spoken in Scotland, Wales and C um bria , and a heavily

D an ish influenced Eng lish in the no rth o f England.


B R E A K O U T BOX

C a n y o u t h in k o t o lh c r d ig lo s s i i (o r e v e n tr ig lo sstc ) n a t io n s ? H o w h a v e th e y re a c h e d th a t s ta tu s?

T he social stratification o l English and Norman-French can be seen in the dom ains ol

words borrow ed from French in to English in this period . M ost o f our m odern words o f gov

ernm ent, parliam ent, adm in istration , law, ecclesiastical organization , m ilita ry structure and

strategy, architecture and m ed ic ine were borrow ed from French.

4.3.1 The re-establishm ent o f English

T hough English took o n an enorm ous Frcnch influence, the fact that it was English rather

than French that dom inated and established itself as the national language through the

th irteenth century has a num ber o f explanations. First, the Norman-French rulers, though

socially pow erful, were in a num erica l m inority , and the influence o f French-speakers

gradually d im in ished as the rising m idd le class gained in econom ic power. Also, in 1204.

K ing John lost h is lands in N orm andy to France, and the Eng lish aristocracy had to decide to

w h ich k ing they w ou ld declare allegiance. W orsen ing relations w ith France, cu lm ina ting

in the H undred Years' W ar (1337-1453), further consolidated the position o f English in the

ru ling class.

At the sam e tim e, the English-speaking co m m un ity became econom ically more powerful.

N ot o n ly d id the m erchant classes govern Eng lands grow ing towns, but the peasants

becam e more socially im portant, ironically, as a result o f the Black Death (from 1348), which

m ade labour a scarce resource. Estimates pu t the death rate at its height at 30 per cent o f the

popu lation , w h ich, as w ith all contagious diseases, fell m ore heavily o n the poor. T he lower

clergy, preaching in English, came to speak Latin and English, rather th an the increasingly

unnecessary Frcnch. By the th irteenth century, m anuals lor learn ing French began to appear,

ind icating that w idespread French usage was becom ing unusua l. By the end o f the forteenth

century, w ith even parliam ent, the law courts and the k ing using Eng lish, it can be said that

French had disappeared as a native language in general use in England.

4.3.2 M iddle English Gram m ar

By the tim e Eng lish re-emerged as the national language used for all linguistic contexts, it

looked very different from the O ld English o f the eleventh century. The m a jo r difference

was that there were no longer so m any different inflectional endings, to the extent that

the case system had effectively been abandoned . T he tendency ol G e rm an ic languages like

English to stress in itia l syllables in words m eant that fina l syllables were often lost or reduced

M id d le E n g lis h 117in distinctiveness (‘swallowed’) . Norman-French m isunderstand ing o f English inflections

(especially am ong their m anuscript writers) confused the inflectional system in the south.

A n d Danish-speakers’ different inflections also led to a loss in the north . A ll o f these factors

encouraged inflectional endings towards an ind is tinc t /a/, usually written as '-e o n the ends

o f words. By the fourteenth century, even th is was d isappearing in the north . The poet, Geof

frey Chaucer, au tho r o f The Canterbury Tales, in the south, on ly uses fina l -e, irregularly, to

make the metre scan. T he gram m atica l in fo rm ation he ld by inflections came to be conveyed

b y word-order, contrastive in tonation and a greater use o f prepositions.

The variety o f O ld English p lura l endings (-as, -an, -e, -ena, -inn, etc.) became m uch

reduced. Both in N orthum brian dialect and from French, -s came to be the com m onest p lu

ral end ing form . The o ld -en end ing (m en, women, children, oxen), the so-called mutated

p lura l (feet, teeth) and the zero-inflection (deer, salm on, sheep) becam e frozen in these exam

ples and tended no t to be app lied to new words.

M id d le E n g lish Texts

1. The Lord's Prayer

O u re fa d ir th a t a r t in h e u e n ys.

h a le w id b e t h y n a m e

T h y k y n g d o r n c o m e to.

b e t h y w il le d o n a s in h e u e n e an in erthe

G iv e to u s t h is d a y o u re b re e d o u e r o t h e r su b sta u n se ,

A n d fo r g iu e to u s o u re dettes

a s a n d w e fo rg iu e n to o u re d e tto u ris .

a n d le e d e u s n o t in to te m p ta o o u n ,

b u t d e ly u e re u s fro m yue l.

A m e n

This is fourteenth-century English, but the language o f the K ing James {Authorised Version)

Bible was already archaic w hen it was published in 1611, and this version is fairly close to the

fam ilia r one still in use today. Com pare this w ith the O ld English version in 4.2.3. W h a t are

the differences between them , and also between this version and the m odern version?

2. From Sir Gawain a n d the Green Knight

8 i a m o u n te o n th e m o rn e m e ry ly h e rydes

in to a fo re s t fu l d e p . th a t ferfy w a s \vylde ,

H ig h e h ille s o n u c h e a h a lv e , a n d h o lt w o d e s u n d e r

O f h o re e k e s f u l h o g e a h u n d re th to ge d er.

T h e h a se l a n d t h e h a w t h o r n e w e re h a rle d a l s a m e n .

W ith ro g h e ra g e d m o s s e ra y le d a / w h e re .

W ith m o n y b ry d d e s u n b ly th e u p o n b a re tw y g e s .

T h a t p ito s ly th e r p ip e d fo r p y n e o t t h e e o ld e


T h e g o m e u p o n G ry n g o le t g ty d e s h e m u n d e r

Th u rq h m o n y m is y a n d m yre . m o n a l h y m o n e ,

C a r a n d e fo r h is c o s ie s , le s t h e n e k e v e r sc h u ld e

to s e th e se rv yse o f th a t syre , th a t o n th a t s e lf n y g h t

O f a b u rd e w a s b o rn e , o u re b a re t to q u e lle .

A n d th e rfo re s y k y n g h e say d e : Ί b e s e c h e th e . Lo rd e ,

A n d M a ry , th a t is m y ld e st m o d e r s o dere.

O f s u m h e rb e f the» h c g h ly I m y g h t h e re m asse

A f id e th y m a ty n e s to -m o m e . m e k e ty I a sk .

A n d th e rto p re s t ly I p ra y m y p a te r a n d a v e a n d c re d e .'

H e ro d e in h is prayere .

A n d cry e d fo r h is m y v Je d e ;

H e s a y n e d h y m in s y th e s sere

A n d s a y d : 'C r o s K ry st m e s p e d e l'

Gloss: mounts - hill, hurled - tangled, bryddes - birds,

unblythe - unhappy, gome - man, misy bog. carande uneasy,

cosies - religious duty, burde - maiden, baret - sorrow,

herber - haven, heghly - devoutly, prestly - promptly,

sayned - made sign o f the cross, spede - help.

This is a r ipp ing yarn o f A r th u rs court written in the fourteenth century by an unknow n poet

somewhere in the north-west. In this passage, Sir G aw a in is searching for the green knight

and probable death; it is Christm as Eve. The Anglo-Saxon alliterative style is followed,

perhaps as an index o f the archaic setting. You can tell by the regular rhythm how m any o f

the words were pronounced. English spelling at this stage was closer to the pronunciation

than it is today. Notice words w h ich have since been abandoned , are rarely used nowadays

or have changed their spelling. M ake a list o f these and use the Oxford English D ictionary

(e.g. the on line version, www.oed.com) o r a good etym ological d ic tionary to find o u t what

happened to these words.

3. Caxton 's Prose

Caxton’s preface to his translation o f Virgil's Aeneid in to English as Eneydos contains his

thoughts o n the chang ing language and dialectal variation in 1490. W illiam C ax ton {1422-92)

is credited w ith setting up the first p r in ting press in England, in 1476 in London.

A f t e r d yv e rse w e r k e s m a d e , tra n sla te d a n d a c h ie v e d , h a v y n g n o o w e r k e >n h a n d e . I, s it ty n g in m y

s tu d y e w h e re a s la y e m a n y d y v e rs e p a u n fle t t is a n d b o o k y s , h a p p e n e d th a t to m y h a n d e c a m e a lytyl

b o o k s in fre n sh e . w h ic h « la te w a s tra n sla te d o u t e o f la ty n b y so m e n o b le d e r k e o f fra u n c e . w h ic h e

b o o k e is n a m e d E n e y d o s . . . A n d w h a n I h a d a d v y ie d m e in th is s a y d b o k e , I d e ly b e re d an d

c o n c lu d e d to t ra n s la le it in t o e n g ly s s h e , a n d fo r th w y lh to ke a p e n n e & y n k e , a n d w ro te a leef

o r tw e y n e , w h y c h e I o v e rs a w e a g a y n to c o re c t e it. A n d w h a n I s a w e t h e fa yr & s t r a u n g e term es

th e rin I d o u b te d th a t it sh o ld e n o t p le a se so m e g e n ty lm e n w h ic h e late b la m e d m e , s a y e in g th a t in

m y tra n s la c y o n s I h a d σ .-er c u ry o u s te rm e s w h ic h e c o u d e n o t b e u n d e rs ta n d e o f c o m y n p e p le , an d

http://www.oed.com

M o d e m E n g lish

d e s ire d m e l o u se o ld e a n d h o m e ly te rm e s in m y tra n s la cy o n s . A n d fa y n w o ld e I s a ty s fy e e v e ry m an ,

a n d s o to d o o , to k e a n o ld e b o k e a n d re d d e th e n n ; a n d c e r ta y n ly th e e n g ly s s h e w a s s o ru d e a n d

b ro o d th a t I c o u d e n o t w e le u n d e rs ta n d ? it A n d a ls o m y lo rd a b b o t o t w e s tm y n s te r d e d d o s h e w e

t o m e la te , c e r ta y n e v y d e n c e s w r y to n in o ld e e n g ly s s h e , fo r to re d u ce it in -t o o u r e n g ly s s h e n o w

u s id . A n d ce rta y n ly it w a s w re t o n in s u c h e w y s e th a t it w a s m o r e tyVe t o d u tc h e th a n e n g ly s s h e ; I

c o u d e n o t re d u ce n e b < y n g e it to b e u n d e rs to n d e n . A n d ce rta y n ly o u r la n g a g e n o w u s e d va rye th

ferre f ro m th a t w h ic h e w a s u s e d a n d sp o k e n w h a n i w a s b o rn e . Tor w e e n g ly ssh e m e n b e n b o rn e

u n d e r t h e d o m y n a c y o o o f th e m o n o , w h x h e is n e ve r s to d fa ste , b u t e v e r w a v e ry n g e , w e x y n g e o n e

s e a s o n , a n d w a n e t h & d y ^ cre a se th a n o th e r s e a s o n . A n d th a t c o m y n e n g ly ssh e th a t * s p o k e n in o n e

s h y re v a ry e th tro m a nother.

Consider w hat Caxton is saying here and how the language he is using to express h im se lf d if

fers from M odern English.

4.3.3 M iddle English dialects

D ialectal diversity con tin ued a long the regional lines o f the Anglo-Saxon dialects.

N o rthum brian developed in to Scots and N orthern English north o f a line from the Hum ber

to the Lake D istrict. The Mercian dialect o f O ld English becam e the West M id la n d and

Hast M id la n d dialects, the latter w ith more D an ish loan-words. Below the Tham es and the

Severn, the Southern dialect was spoken, wh ile Kentish rem ained in the far south-east.

The com m ercia lization o f the country in this period entailed a greater m ovem ent o f

people, and dialectal difference came to the consciousness o f writers more prom inently

than betöre. Caxton , to r example, in the prologue to h is translation o f the Aeneid (Fneydos)

in to Eng lish, com m ented o n the differences in pronuncia tion between north and sou th (see

text 3 above). H e prin ted in the East M id lands dialect. This was the area conta in ing the

universities o f Ox ford and Cam bridge , and the London Inns o f Court, and it was also the

hom e area o f m ost o f those m igrating towards London . Later, this dialect became the m odern

S tandard English dialect, and this is why wc are m ore likely to read Chaucer, w riting in

L ondon , than Henryson o r D unbar (Scots) or the unkno w n poet o f S ir G aw a in a n d the Green

Knight, w riting in Cheshire. T he rise o f the prestigious im age o f Standard English can be

dated from th e po licy o f the Tudors in deliberately encouraging a un ified national identity.

4.4 Modern English1500 is usually taken to m ark the boundary o f M odern Eng lish. A t that tim e. Early M odern

English looked very like o u r late version. The establishment o f p r in t in g was lead ing to a

standard ization o f spelling form s, though letters were still added or om itted to he lp 'justify'

the text (that is, fill the line w ith n o gaps at each end, so that the text makes a straight line).

'H ie rapid growth o f London and increasing centralization o f pow er and commerce around

the court encouraged the beg inn ings o f the attitude that the ‘best' English was th is variety o l


English. By the end o f the eighleenth century, th is idea had hardened into notions of'correct'

and low' spoken English.

T he two m ost noticeable features o f change in the Renaissance period (around the

sixteenth century) were the in troduction o f m any foreign loan words (m a in ly from Latin and

Greek) and a largc-scalc alteration in the way m any words were pronounced (since called

T he G rea t Vow el Sh ift, see below). The emphasis placed on classical learn ing spread across

Europe from the Ita lian states, and was illustrated in Eng land by the establishment o f m any

‘g ram m ar’ schools. T he g ram m ar taught was Latin and Greek, no t English, and so Latin and

Greek terms came to be heavily borrowed in to English. The so-called aureate writers who

cncouragcd th is borrow ing regarded themselves explicitly as augm enting the language.

However, there were m any purists w h o resisted the use o f words like m aturity , consideration,

invigilate, relinquish, lunatic, illecebrous, expede, ingent, obtestate, denunciate, and rid iculcd

the users o f these in k h o r n terms or Chaucerisms. However, as you w ill realize, some o f these

words have survived and some have been discarded.

A t the same tim e, the borrow ing habit spread to inc lude loans from Italian (cameo, violin,

design), Spanish {galleon, pistol) and again from French (bigot. probability, volunteer). A n

estimated 10,000 new words thus in troduced Irom over 50 other languages were used under

the influence o f 'aureate writers like S ir T hom as More, S ir T hom as Elyot and W illiam

Shakespeare. In the seventeenth century, the process was so far advanced that the earliest

d ictionaries began to appear, conta in ing m eanings for d ifficu lt words. The first o f these

so-called 'hard word’ dictionaries was Robert Cawdrey's A Table AlphabeticalI in 1604.

A s ix te e n th -C e n tu ry TextT he Renaissance period was a very creative tim e for innovations in the language. The use o f

nouns as verbs, appearance o f do as a present tense auxiliary, the disappearance o f the thou/

you d is tinc tion , the in troduction o f lis and its, the gradual, uneven m odern iza tion o f verb

endings from th to s and the universal use o f 's fo r genitives, all appeared at th is time.

Shakespeare was in the forciront o l adop ting such innovations, and was criticized lor it by

the language purists. In this passage from the end o f h is history play Richard I I (w ritten in

1596), you m ay identify words, id iom s and word-order that are different from M odern

English. You shou ld be able to see som eth ing that characterizes th is as Renaissance English

about every sentence. Notice, though, how m uch m ore s im ilar to o u r Eng lish it is compared

w ith Caxtons English o f o n ly a century previously.

I h a v e b e e n s t u d y in g h o w l m a y c o m p a re

T h is p r iso n w h e re I live u n to th e w o rld :

A n d , fo r b e c a u s e th e w o r ld is p o p u lo u s .

A n d h e re is n o t a c re a tu re b u t m yse lf,

I c a n n o t d o it; - ye t I’ ll h a m m e r ’t o u t

M y b ra in I ' l l p ro v e t h e fe m a le to m y so u l.

M y soul the father: and these two beget


Λ g e n e ra t io n o f s t i ll -b re e d n g th o u g h ts .

A n d th e se sa m e th o u g h t s p e o p le th is litt le w o rld ,

in h u m o u rs l ik e th e p e o p le o f th is w o rld .

Fo» n o th o u g h t is c o n te n te d . T h e b e tte r so rt, -

A s th o u g h t s o f th in g s d rv in e , - a re in te rm ix 'd

W ith s c 'u p le s . a n d d o set th e w o r d itself

A g a m s t th e w o rd :

A s th u s , - ‘C o m e , little o n e s ,’ a n d th e n a g a in , -

'It is a s h a rd to c o m e a s fo r a cam e l

T o th re a d the p o s te rn o f a n e e d le ’s e y e / . . .

. . . T h is m u s ic m a d s m e , le t it s o u n d n o m ore.

F o r th o u g h it h a v e h o lp m a d m e n to th e ir w its ,

In m e it s e e m s it w il l m a k e w is e m e n m a d .

V e t b le s s in g o n h is h ear* th a t g iv e s it m e I

F o f ’t is a s ig n o f lo v e : a n d lo v e t o R ich a rd

i s a s tra n g e b ro o c h in t h is a ll-h a t in g w o rld .

4.4.1 Pronunciation change in the Renaissance

Between 1400 and 1700, the pronuncia tion o f vowels shilted to produce sounds that we

w ou ld m ore or less recognize today. Generally, vowel qua lity was ‘raised’ o n the tongue, so

that Chaucers p ronunc ia tion of, for example, nam e (/na :m e/ to rhym e w ith o u r m odern

father), becam e Shakespeare’s /ne:m /. T h is is like m odern N orthe rn English; RF has /nc im /.

Sim ilarly, sweete was raised from /sweit / (as m odern breaker) to / swi:t/> as m odern p ro nu n

c iation. A lm ost every word was affected by the G reat Vowel Sh ilt, w h ich was first noticed and

com m ented o n in the early fifteenth century, but had gradually spread across the country by

the eighteeth.

M any explanations have been suggested for th is large phono log ica l change. O n e o f the

m ost persuasive is the sociological reasoning that focuses on speakers’ sense o f their own

language prestige. At a tim e o f the urban iza tion o l London and the rise o f the m odern class

system, sensitivity to accents w h ich betrayed your orig ins m ust have been grow ing. People

from rura l East Ang lia and the M id lands m o v ing towards Lo nd on w ou ld no t want to sound

like hicks from the countryside, and so w ou ld alter their accent. As always, w hen people

consciously a im to adjust their pronunc ia tion to emulate the ir best guess at others’ speech,

they w ou ld overdo (hypercorrect) the pronuncia tion , and get it wrong. However, this

hypercorrected accent gradually becam e the ind icator o f the rising wealthy merchants, and

w ou ld itself be copied by others. T hus the accidental innovation w ou ld become prestigious

in tu rn , and spread.

M any o f the odd ities o f Eng lish spe lling are ascribable to changes in pronuncia tion at this

time, since p r in tin g had begun to fossilize spellings belore the pronuncia tion ot words

changed. M any o f ou r m odern spellings retain M idd le English pronuncia tion , and many

m odern words now considered as slang or non-standard are o lder variants that precede the


Great Vowel S h ift and associated m od ifica tions in pronuncia tion . Thus, some o lder Irish

speakers still pronounce tea and quay to rhym e w ith bay. Som e Scottish speakers refer to a

house to rhym e w ith moose, and dow n to rhym e w ith m oon. N orthern and M id land English

speakers never adopted the lengthening o f vowels in staff, ba th and glass that characterize

Southern accents. A nd some Scottish and Irish speakers retain Chaucers /o / (as in saw ) in

pot. T h is was lengthened in England to h-.t in lost, often, o ff, and soft, but m ore recently these

words have taken o n a spelling pronuncia tion and /iDist/ is now rarely heard outside old

1940s British films.

4.4.2 The standardization of w ritten English

T he eighteenth century is usually characterized by a greater emphasis o n standard ization and

prescriptivism. E lements o f accent, word-choice and g ram m ar that were previously merely

prestigious, acquired connotations o f correctness. Influentia l writers set themselves up as

arbiters o f correct usage, and prescribed on matters o f gram m ar, spelling and acceptable new

words. Shortened form s o f mobile, reputation, fana tic and extraordinary as mob, rep, fa n and

extra were condem ned by people like Jonathan Swift. John D ryden advocated the creation of

an English Academ y (like the Académ ie Française in France) to decide o n correct usage and

fix the language once and for all.

Samuel Johnsons d ic tionary o f 1755 was a sym ptom o f th is desire to settle linguistic

matters precisely and by the 'best' usage, and there were num erous other dictionaries

appearing du r ing the eighteenth century. B ishop Robert Low ths g ram m ar o l English

(1762) became a best-seller, in w h ich he determ ined that w ould rather was better th an had

rather, in fin itives {to boldly go) ough t no t to be split, th ings shou ld be different fro m not

different than/to, you shou ld say between you a n d me no t I , double negatives cou ld not be

used for emphasis, you was was not perm issible, and so on . In spite o f the fact that these

usages had been regarded as good English to r centuries, the influence o t the eighteenth-

century gram m arians is still felt in m odern prescriptive attitudes to the so-called Standard

English dialect.

T he basis o f such decisions was often o n an appeal to logic: m athem atical criteria

condem ned the useful m ultip le negative. E tym ology was often invoked to argue for certain

form s, regardless o f the fact that this was such a speculative science. A na logy w ith other

s im ila r words was argued: by this reasoning coude falsely acquired an /. because wolde

had one prio r to becom ing would. Finally, Latin and Greek princip les were app lied to English

(to eventually and bizarrely prevent split in fin itives) since they were seen as ‘pure (though

dead) languages that Eng lish shou ld aspire to. E nd ing sentences w ith prepositions (as in

lhe previous sentence) was also outlawed on th is basis.

It is perhaps a corresponding pari o f the explanation for this desire to cod ify and

standardize that the period o l the n ineteenth and tw entieth centuries have seen wide-ranging

influences from a variety o f sources. T he British Empire spread the language around the


world , and more efficient com m unica tions brought m any loan-words back in to British

English. Australian English, South A frican English and A m erican English are all national

varieties o f English w ith their ow n trad itions o f good usage. Ind ian English has more

native speakers in the sub-continent th an the popu la tion o f the British Isles. N ew technology,

foods, furn ishings, architecture and ideas have introduced new words in to the language, and

the influences o f different cultures, m ain ly th rough f i lm and television, m igration and easy

international travel, have m eant that English has borrowed from and lent words to most

o f the m ajor languages o f the world.

The English language can n o longer be said to belong to any one group o r nation ; it is

a shared resource, and it has as m any good varieties as there are speech com m unities

w ho share it.

A n e ig h te e n th -C e n tu ry TextExtracts from Jonathan Swift’s Proposal fo r Correcting, Improving and Ascertaining the English

Tongue (1712) are reproduced below. The conservative 'G olden Ageism' expressed here is

often seen as characteristic o f the cightceth century, but every pe r iod (in c lud ing ou r ow n)

has seen writers p in ing nostalgically for the halcyon linguistic past. The argum ent is usually

a llied to a m oral and aesthetic framework. However, the evidence o f language change that

Sw ift cites, as well as the obvious differences between th is passage and M odern English, show

that this attitude is a delusion. You m igh t like to read the passage and identify examples o f

these points.

The Period wherein the English Tongue received most Im provem ent, 1 take to com m ence

w ith the beg inn ing of Q ueen Elizabeth's Reign, and to conclude w ith the Great Rebellion in

Forty Two. 'T is true, there was a very ill Taste bo th o f Style and W it , w h ich prevailed under

K ing /aines the First, b u t that seems to have been corrected in the first Years o f his Successor,

w h o am ong m any other Qualifications o f an excellent Prince, was a great Patron o f Learning.

From the C iv il W ar to this present T im e, 1 a m apt to doubt whether the Corruptions in our

Language have no t at least equalled the Refinements o f it; and these Corruptions very few of

the best Authors in our Age have w holly escaped. D u r ing the U surpation, such an In fus ion

o f Enthusiastick largon prevailed in every W riting , as was no t shook o ff in m any Years after.

To this succeeded that Licentiousness w h ich entered w ith the Restoration, and from infecting

ou r Re lig ion and Morals, fell to corrupt o u r Language; w h ich last was not like to be m uch

im proved by those w ho at that T im e m ade u p the C o u r t o f K ing Charles the Second; either

such w h o had followed H im in H is Ban ishm ent, o r who had been altogether conversant

in the D ialect o f thos Eanatick Times·, o r young M en , w ho had been educated in the

sam e C om pany ; so that the Court, w h ich used to be the S tandard o f Propriety and

Correctness o f Speech, was then, and , I th ink , ha th ever since continued the worst School

in E n g lan d . . .

. . . There is another Sett o f Men w ho have contribu ted very m uch to the spo iling o f the

English Tongue; I m ean the Poets, from the T im e o f the Restoration. These Gentlem en,


although they cou ld not be insensible how m uch our Language was already overstocked

w ith Monosyllables; yet, to save T im e and Pains, in troduced that barbarous C us tom ol

abbreviating W ords, to fit them to the Measure o f their Verses; and th is they have frequently

done, so very in judiciously, as to fo rm such harsh unharm on ious Sounds, that none but

a Northern Ear cou ld endure . . . In order to reform o u r Language, I conccivc . . . that a

free jud ic ious Choice shou ld be m ade o f such Persons, as are generally allowed to be best

qualified for such a W ork , w ithout any regard to Quality , Party, o r Profession. These, to a

certain N um be r at least, shou ld assemble at some appoin ted l im e and Place, and fix o n Rules

by w h ich they design to proceed . . .

. . . T he Persons w ho arc to undertake this W ork , w ill have the Example o f the French

before them , to im itate where these have proceeded right, and to avoid their Mistakes. Beside

the G ram m ar-part, w herein we arc allowed to be very defective, they w ill observe m any gross

Im proprieties, w h ich however authorized b y Practice, and grow n fam iliar, ough t to be

d iscarded . . .

. . . B u t w hat I have m ost at I leart is, that some M e thod shou ld be thought o n for ascertain

ing and f ix ing o u r Language for ever, after such A lterations are m ade in it as shall be thought

requisite.

The letters pages o f newspapers, as well as articles, regularly appear that express sim ilar

m odern attitudes to the decay' o f language. These are written both by ord inary people and

b y in fluentia l po litic ians, writers and celebrities. You m ay like to lo ok out for them and, from

your know ledge o f the history o f the Eng lish language, try to d iscrim inate the va lid po in ts

from the m isunderstandings o l linguistics conta ined in these opinions.

4.5 Types of language change

T hroughou t th is necessarily b rie f review o f how English has changed in the 1500 years o f its

history, particu lar k inds o f change occur over and over again. In som e respects, the language

has become sim plified. The complex case-system o f inflectional endings o f O ld English has

left barely a rem nant in M odern Eng lish. W ith in Britain , accents and dialects are far more

convergent and m utua lly intelligible th an they were, say, a couple o f centuries ago, largely

because ol national newspapers, broadcasting, railways and the motorw ay network. In other

respects, English has become more complex. There is a host o f national varieties o f English,

w ith their ow n internal dialectal differences, artificial Englishes such as Air-Traffic Contro l

English o r Seaspeak, and trans-national varieties o f English such as, to an extent. Black

English Vernacular, none o f w h ich existed five centuries ago (see Chapter 6 for m ore on

these). Even w ith in the English o f Britain, there is a larger num ber o f words in the vocabulary

o f the language than there has ever been.

People th roughout history, b u t especially in the last three centuries, have sought to

attach moral values to the changes in language. However, English is ne ither im prov ing nor

T y p e s o f L a n g u a g e C h a n g e

degenerating; it has always sim ply changed as required by the different social cond itions o f

those w ho speak it. The fact that English is no t stable across history is because it is still a

liv ing language, and change is a necessary aspect o f this. l he next sections consider in more

deta il the different gram m atica l and lexical ways in w h ich English has changed.

4.5.1 Gram m atical change

M any o f the changes in the section above show how gram m atical change has been a feature

o f the development o f English. In Anglo-Saxon, the usual m e thod o f fo rm ing the past

partic ip le was to pu t the ge- prefix (pronounced /je /) o n to the word (gelufod = loved). By

M idd le English, this was w ritten y- (yronne = run ), b u t th is system had disappeared entirely

by M odern English.

Like G erm an. French and Latin. Anglo-Saxon had a singular and plural fo rm o f the

second person pronoun , /»ü and gê, respectively. In M idd le Eng lish, these came to be spelt

thou and you , w ith slightly altered pronunc ia tion . By th is tim e, thou came to denote not

s im p ly singularity b u t also intimacy. It w ou ld be used b y friends a n d family, and you was

used politely to strangers. This developed in to a marker o t respect and social rank, thou

add itiona lly be ing used to servants and inferiors, and you to lords and masters (com pare tu

and vous in French). Shakespeare signals m any social relationships by the use o f this form

(see especially the terms o f address in Richard II) . However, by the seventeeth century, the

d is tinc tion was already disappearing. Today, we on ly use thou in fossilized texts (o ld plays,

prayers, and so o n ) , and use you indiscrim inately. Som e m odern dialects do preserve a plural

pronoun , though , in youse or you-all.

In the twentieth century, the use o f the subjunctive fo rm has been d isappearing from most

peoples speech. W here doubt, desire or hypothesis was intended, the sub junctive verb form

was used: I f I were rich. . . . o r He wished he were there. Today, it is likely that I f I was r i ch , . . .

o r I k wished he was there w ill be used by all except m iddle-aged educated speakers. The

fine gradation o f m ean ing offered by the subjunctive is n o longer required. O f course, the

disappearance o t a gram m atical form rarely means that a no tio n becomes inexpressible.

Word-order and prepositions took over the jo b o f identify ing noun-function w hen the case-

system was lost. The gradations o f politeness w h ich were carried by the Ihou/you d istinction

can now be conveyed by a whole set o l o ther politeness strategics, inc lud ing the nam e we use

to address people, the fo rm a lin ' o f the words we choose, the hedging and politeness markers

we deploy, and so o n (see Section 7.1.3). O ften , gaps le it by the loss o t a gram m atical form

can be filled by lexical means: in S tandard English, we can specify the p lura l second person

lexically as you two or you lot, for example.

4.5.2 Lexical changeChanges in the bank ol words available to English speakers are the m ost noticeable fo rm ot

language difference over tim e. Some words have sim ply died, abandoned either because they


were no longer needed or because they were replaced. The m odern Eng lish speaker does not

need dozens o f words for a sword, no r for several different types o f ship, o r warrior. Some

such o ld words hang around in frozen form s, bu t few people recognize their earlier m ean

ings. In Anglo-Saxon, wergild (= man-gold) was the price to be pa id in com pensation i f a

m an was killed. Perhaps the only rem nant ot the first element here is werewolf.

English has exhibited a variety o f means o f creating new words over its history. Various

foreign influences have resulted in words otten be ing borrow ed from o ther languages, on

perm anent loan , o f course. Such words eventually lose their foreign connotations. O n ly a

Latin-educated pedant, for example, w ou ld insist o n us ing dilapidated to refer exclusively to

stone (lapis) bu ild ings, or insist on ly on breaking bread (pants) w ith companions, o r consult

the planets (sideris) w hen considering som ething . A n d it is now not o n ly the possessors o f

tcsticlcs w ho arc able to give testimony.

Latin and Greek have also prov ided a bank o f prefixes and suffixes (see Section 2.2.3) that

allow a sim ple no u n to m u ltip ly in to m any new words: inter-, trans-, super-, sub-, ultra-, p h il-,

poly-, hydro-, and so on. W ords from different languages arc often m ixed to give new English

words. G reek tele (far) and Latin com m unicare give us telecommunication, and dozens o f

o ther tele- prefixed words: telegram, telephone, telex, telethon, telescope, as well as science

fictional items like telepathy, telekinesis and téléportation, w h ich are as yet speculative.

Since Anglo-Saxon times, English has acquired m an y suffixes, such as -less, -ness, -full,

-ish, -ism, and so on , to attach to words like hope, kind , meaning, book and commune

respectively. These m orphem es can even be com bined , as in hopelessness, and can be used

innovativcly to crcatc new references such as the approximate t im c.fourish, o r the attitude ol

ageism. A ffixes such as -wise, mega- and hyper- have becom e increasingly used w ith the

hyperbole o f advertising copy.

Prefixing and suffix ing are som e o f the oldest m ethods o f creating new words, very

com m on in expanding the vocabulary. O ld Eng lish also inherited the G erm an ic pattern o f

c o m p o u n d in g words together (in to kennings) to crcatc neologisms. M odern English uses

this system as well: head waiter, ozone friendly, crash test dum m y (see also Section 2.2.4).

English also uses the opposite process o l back- fo rm ation to create new words.

M orphem es that lo ok like affixes are removed (often m istakenly) to create a word: thus

editor and burglar have produced the verbs edit and burgle, along the same lines as the

joke-words ept and couth as the apparent opposites o l inept and uncouth.

Further, the sort o f abbrev ia tion that was condem ned in the eighteeth century has since

become a very com m on means o f word-formation in pram , bus, zoo, phone, fa x , and so on.

A cronym s are the extreme form o f th is, an especially productive process in the dom ains

o f m o de rn governm ent bureaucracy, computer-speak and the m ilitary: radar, laser, A IDS,

BASIC, CD-RO M , quango, INSET, and so on.

T he principles b eh in d m any o f these processes o f neologizing (to co in a w ord) are often

irregular and unpredictable. For example, a veggieburger is a round slab o f non-meat product

in a bun . The various observable spellings o f th is indicate the relative newness o f the word.


It is form ed by the b le n d in g o f vegetarian and hamburger, first abbreviated to veggie

and burger. Hamburgers were o rig ina lly s im p ly items/people from the G erm an town o f

H am burg . H am , in th is context, has no th ing to do w ith food (it is related to the later English

w ord home), but in an A m erican Eng lish context the etym ology was wrongly guessed to

be associated w ith p ig m eat (though , in fact, ham burgers were usually m ade w ith b e d ) . Thus,

burger was coined b y abbreviation as the word for the meat-in-a-bun, and th is is now

even expanded in to the co m po und beefburger. Num erous alternative affixes produce

cheeseburgers, chilliburgers, chickenburgers, J'ishburgers, and so on. It is an example o f how

w ords are in troduced based o n etym ological m isunderstand ing , b u t o n ly a pedant w ould

argue against the correctness’ o f beejburger.


Lis t so m e 'n e w ' w o rd s . A r e th e y g e n u in e ly n e w ? M ow w e r e th e y fo rm e d ’ W h a t p ro c e sse s w e re u se d ?

C o m p a re y o u r re su lts w it h o th ers

4.5.3 Sem antic change

W here the shape o f the w ord itself has rem ained fairly constant, it is com m on that the

meaning o f the word has substantially changed over tim e. The m any influences on English

from various foreign languages have m eant that at times in o u r history tw o o r m ore words for

the same th ing have existed side by side. W here these synonym s have both survived, they

have usually becom e specialized in m ean ing , o r taken o n slightly different connotations.

Thus the French word for sheep (m outon) became m utton and was specialized to refer to

the m eat o f the an im al that kept its o rig ina l English name. W ords borrow ed from foreign

languages have often altered the ir m eanings in the process: a juggernaut is no t a H indu

cerem onial cart but an articulated lorry; there is a w orld o f difference between a Persian

bazaar and a jumble-sale in a British church hall; o u r barbecues are not like those o f the

A raw ak Indians; and we have Anglic ized the Arabic for The k ing is dead in the game o f chess

in to the English-sounding checkmate.

W ords have changed the ir meanings w ith in English in a variety o f ways. Narrow ing, or

specialization, has happened to deer and meat, which once m eant all livestock and a ll lood

respectively. In contrast, broadening, or generalization, has happened to bird and dog, which

once m eant a nestling and a specific breed respectively. M etaphor has provided innovations

w h ich have passed in to co m m o n literal usage. Hiller is a dead m etaphor w ith n o current

general echo o f biting; som eth ing can be harrow ing w ith n o connota tions o f ploughing.


M etonym y provides sem antic sh ift by virtue o f closeness o f m eaning: jaw o rig inally meant

the cheek. Synecdoche exchanges the whole for part o f the meaning: a stove was a heated

room ; a town was a fence a ro und a hab itation . Hyperbole exaggerates astound (to strike with

thunder and lig h tn ing ) wh ile litotes understates kill, o rig inally m ean ing to torm ent. Words

lake o n degenerating overtones (knave, m ean ing a boy, became an insult) or elevating

connota tions (knight, also m ean ing a boy, becam e an honour).

Such m ean ing change can present a prob lem when the past im pinges o n the present, as in

reading o ld literature or hearing proverbs and fossilized sayings. Gay m en in the 1920s were

s im p ly joyfu l. M anufactured item s n o longer have to be hand-made. The word nice has

changed m ean ing num erous times, from silly, to fastidious, to precise, to bland ly pleasant.

M any m isunderstandings can arise o n th is account. Proof had the orig inal sense o f success

fu l ly test, as in waterproof, so that It's the exception that proves the rule is nonsensical in

M odern Knglish bu t coherent in its form er meaning.

4.5.4 Pronunciation change

T he effects ot The G reat Vowel S h ilt o n the pronuncia tion o l m any English words have

already been outlined , but p ronunc ia tion change has been a feature o f the language th rough

out its history. The m ovem ent o f English speakers around the w orld has m eant that such

change has spread unevenly, and this accounts for p ronuncia tion variants in American,

British and Australian English. The Australian accent recalls the L o nd on and East A ng lian

pronuncia tion o f the orig inal w h ite settlers, though there has, o f course, been tw o centuries

o f dom estic development to produce the m odern version.

At the tim e o f the British settlement o f north Am erica , the rhotic accent (/r/-pronouncing

in words like fa rm and car) was prestigious. It is still prestigious across the US, but in

eighteenth-century England it became fashionable to have a non-rhotic accent. Today, Irish,

Scottish and rural west-country. East A ng lian and Lancashire English accents arc the only

rhotic accents in Britain . In the US, the New England area followed Brita in in dropp ing

rhoticity, and today Boston speakers can be identified by this accent characteristic.

P ronunc ia tion change is today sensitive lo the standard ization offered by the broadcast

m ed ia and recordings. However, there is also a local force in regional language loyalty

w ork ing in the opposite direction. A n Irish or Scottish speaker m ig h t accentuate their char

acteristic pronunc ia tion in ethnic areas o f London , or m igh t m od ify or adapt to a southern

accent in order to 'fit in’.

O n e o f the m ost debated accent changes recently in process is the spread o f so-called

Estuary Eng lish across the south-east o f Eng land . W here Received P ronunc ia tion (RP ) used

lo be the educated, middle-class prestig ious accent, a fo rm o f p ronuncia tion that is closer to

East London/Essex speech is em erg ing and being popu larized by num erous (m a in ly

young ) broadcasters and politicians. T h is is spreading as far no rth as the W ash and west to

Ham pshire . Estuary English is w idely w ritten about as a new accent, b u t it seems it was part


o f a w ider phono log ica l m ovem ent a l the end o f the tw entieth century, away from RP.

This accent is becom ing m ore casual and relaxed, perhaps as the national institutions and

work-places are also becom ing m ore casualized. However, RP is casualized in each region

towards the nearest urban centre. In the south-east. Estuary Eng lish is the casualizcd fo rm o f

RP in the direction o f Eastern London . But equally, the prestigious accents heard o n regional

television are form s o f RP casualized towards Geordie, o r Scouse, or M ancun ian , or B ru m

magem , and so on. These pronuncia tion changes have been less well docum ented.

Finally, a m ajor change in pronunc ia tion has com e from the un ify ing and standardizing

effects o f mass literacy. T he no tio n o f a correct’ p ronunc ia tion is carried over b y (false) ana l

ogy from the standardized w riting system, so that Spoken Standard English is even som e

times referred to . O ver history, there have also been changes in pronuncia tion that fo llow the

spe lling o f a word. Recently, the spelling o fforehead seems to have almost everywhere changed

the pronuncia tion from /forid / to /fo:hed/, for example.

4.5.5 Reasons fo r language change

Language docs not change o f its ow n accord, b u t it is the dynam ic ins trum ent o f those

m illio ns o f people w ho have spoken F.nglish for 50 generations. L inguistic models and ‘rules'

o f sound changes, o f the sort ou tlined for ease o f explanation in th is chapter, are the

patterned effects o f this enorm ous potential for divergence. Som etim es linguistic textbooks

have presented these rules as if they happen b y themselves. This is no t true.

Deliberate attempts to change the course o f the language have a lm ost always failed.

English has con tinued to change in spite o f efforts to fix and standardize it, and the language

continues to evolve to best suit the contem porary needs o f its speakers. This is no t to say that

speakers' attitudes to their language are un im portan t; often, changes w ill spread m ore rapidly

depend ing o n the prestige o r stigm a attached to particu lar form s. W here the language has

changed m ost fundam enta lly is where there have been deep social changes that lead the

innovation . New fo rm s m igh t be in troduced by invad ing and settling people, by a desire

for social distance, by borrow ing from another language or dialect, o r occasionally by the

fortu itous creativity o f an in fluen tia l ind iv idua l. But few such innovations survive unless

there is a widespread social need for them . Change in English is not s im p ly then a matter

o f creation, but also o f the forces needed to m a in ta in and reinforce the new form and allow

it to spread.

C entra l to an understand ing o f the history o f English is the idea that m ost change is

unpredictable and chaotic because it has been eifher accidental or co incidental to o ther social

movements. O u r v iew o f the linguistic past can never be objective, because each age applies

its ow n standards o f scientific enqu iry to the ‘facts' o f the past, and wc are o f course still

inside the history o f the language, though as it comes near us we call it sociolinguistics.

W ith ou t the G reat Plague o r K ing John’s foreign po licy failures, we m ig h t a ll now be

speaking a version o f French. I f W illiam o f N orm andy had not felt so vulnerable and insisted


o n fortify ing London , o u r capital m ig h t now still he W inchester, or maybe B irm ingham , and

o u r S tandard English a m odern descendant o f the M ercian dialect. Chaucer m igh t be regarded

as an obscure and verbose dialect poet. I f the ‘G o lden Age’ o f N o rthum bria had been una f

fected by D an ish invasions, and the N orthum brian dialect eventually dom ina ted English

through to the Renaissance, then perhaps the Scottish k ings would have earlier been accept

able in the south. Perhaps we w ould now still have a Catholic Stuart m onarchy and would

speak a m odern version o f Scots, w ith a case-system still intact. W e m ig h t have m any Latin

and Greek and Spanish terms bu t little French. There w ou ld be n o A frican or Ind ian words

because there w ou ld have been no British Empire and no Com m onw ea lth . Australia would

be D utch or Portuguese speaking, and the US would have a special re lationship w ith Spain.

You can p lay th is gam e endlessly, bu t the m oral is the same. Language change reflects and

follows social change, and the com plexity o f this defies the easy ph ilo log ical rules that see

predictability as an option in linguistics. Accidental change m eans that the whole basis o f

how we perceive the history o f ou r language, and the m ethods we use to reconstruct our

linguistic past, are perhaps ready to be fundam enta lly revised.

Activities

A ctiv ity 4.2.1Use the tables o f O ld English inflections to translate the fo llow ing sentences:

1. The queen kisses the king.

2. The good child loves (infinitive luftan) the old queen.

3. The kings child was (verb waet) good.

4. The queen brought (pasl brohle) lhe king lo lhe children.

Flave a go at m ak ing your ow n sentences in O ld Eng lish, us ing th e words here. Remember

that every w ord in the noun-phrase (noun , adjectives and articles) m ust agree for gender,

num ber a n d case.

You cou ld have a look at some O ld Eng lish poetry and prose. The Voyage o f Ohthere and

Wulfstan is easy prose reading. The D ream o f the Rood , The M inderer and The Seafarer are

powerful short Anglo-Saxon poem s, and Beow idfis the most famous long poem . O ld English

R iddles (often pandering to the baw dy sensibilities o f the times) arc still entertaining. Parallel

(i.e. word-for-word) translations are available. Try and write a critical analysis o f the literary

text, focusing o n the style ot the piece.

A ctiv ity 4.2.1 Answers:1. Seo cwen clippe one cynmg.

2 . act gode beam lut'a a ealdan cwene.

3. aet cyninges bearn waes gode.

A ctiv ities

4. Sco cwcn brohtc one cyning ara bcarna

( o r ) o n e c y n i n g a r a b c a r n a s c o c w c n b r o h t c . f o r e x a m p le .

A ctiv ity 4.2.4

Using a m ap o f B rita in w ith deta il o f village place names, p lo t the areas o flingu is tic influence:

the extent o f the Danelaw, the Celtic strongholds and the types o f hab ita tion across the co un

try. Rem em ber that the spellings o f towns and villages m ay have varied du r ing the interven

ing m illenn ium .

C e lt iccwm/combc/cum - valley

dun/dum - hill fort

bal - hamlet

trc - homestead

lan - church

pen summit

afon - river

aber - rivcr-mouth

bre/bar/tor - hill

crag - cliff

pill - tidal inlet

brocc - badger

Sca n d in av ian /D an ishtoft- house

vik - inlet (hence, 'viking' - follower o f inlets)

thorpc - farm

stoke - holy place

by village

W hat do the names o f towns and cities tell you about them , in terms o f their history, location,

geographical features, population , m a in industries, and so on? W hat differences w ou ld there be

in the nam ing o f Britain i f o u r history were different? Try out these, or your own, scenarios:

a) Nazi Germany successfully invaded Britain in 1941 and began to rename every British city, town

and village to restore the ancestral 'Anglo-Saxon racial language !o the landscape.

b) The Victorian Industrial Revolution created many more new towns alongside its rail and canal

industrial centres, and steam-powered computers were perfected and built near where you live.

c ) T h e N o r m a n s n e v e r i n v a d e d l i n g l a n d a n d t h e r e w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y n o F r e n c h i n l l u e n c e o n th e

la n g u a g e .

d ) Λ s y s t e m o f h u m a n - b o d y d c l c n c c w a s d e v e lo p e d b y t h e R o m a n s s o t h a t c a s t le s a n d f o r t s w e r e

n e v e r in v e n t e d .

A n g lo -S a x o nto n / tu n - enclosure

w ic /w ick - d a iry fa rm

h a m - v illage

in g - follower

r o d 'r o d e - cross

(From Roman Latin:)

po rt - sea- landing

bu rg /b ro u g h /b u ry /b e rry - fort

caster/cester/chester/castle - walled town


c) The Celtic-speaking Britons successfully repelled hoth the Romans and the Germanic tribes, so

that everywhere retains Celtic names. Or, conversely, the Celtic people were wiped out completely

even from Ireland, Scotland, Wales and Cornwall. Try and rename the towns in these places on

sound principles.

Update and modernize the place names o f the British Isles: so that you w ou ld visit Oldcas-

tle-upon-Tyne, exchange Blackpool for D ub lin , send for your d riv ing licence to Pigtown , and

so on. W h a t m odern features o f the places near where you live could be used lo rename them:

cheniicalworktown, motorwaycrossing, hillside, southriverbank, and so on?

A ctiv ity 4.3

I.ook at the fo llow ing M idd le Knglish text, from the m id-fourteenth-century translation o f

the Bible by John W ycliffe and his followers. Com pare it w ith the m odern translation that

follows and describe the differences (in spelling, g ram m ar and vocabulary) between M idd le

English and M odern English.

Jo h n W ycliffe (d ie d 1384): L u k e 10.38-42A n d it was don , w h ile thei wenten, he entride in to a castel; and a w om m an , M artha b i name,

resseyuede hy m in to h ir hous. A n d to th is was a sistir, M arie b i nam e, w h ich also sat bisid is

the feet o f the Lord, and herde his word. B u t M artha bisiede aboute the ofte seruyce. A nd

sche stood, and scide. Lord, takist thou no kepe, that m y sistir hath left m e aloone to scruc?

therfor seie thou to hir, that sche helpe me. A n d the Lord answerde, and seide to hir, Martha,

M artha , th ou art bysi, and art troublid aboute fu l m any thingis; b u t o th ing is necessarie.

M arie hath chosun the best part, w h ich schal not be takun awei fro hir.

N e w In te rn a tio n a l V ersio n (C o p y r ig h t © 1973, 1978, 1984 b y B ib lic a JAs Jesus and h is disciples were o n the ir way, he came to a village where a w o m an nam ed

M artha opened her hom e to h im . She had a sister called Mary, w ho sat at the Lord's feet

listening to what he said. But M artha was distracted by all the preparations that had to be

made. She came to h im and asked, ‘Lord, don ’t you care that m y sister has left m e to do the

w ork by myself? Tell her to he lp m e !’ ‘M artha , Martha,’ the Lord answered, 'you are w orried

and upset about m any th ings, bu t on ly one th ing is needed. M ary has chosen what is better,

and it w ill no t be taken away from her.’

A ctiv ity 4.4

Follow ing are three texts o f the Parable o f the G o o d Sam aritan (from the Bible, Luke 10.25-37).

The first is an early m odern English translation b y W illiam lYndale, the second is the

Authorised Version, and the th ird is a recent m odern translation. Com pare them to see

how English has changed from the early sixteenth century through to today

A ctiv ities

W illia m Tyndale (1525)A n d beholde a certayne Lawere stode v p and tem p led h im sayinge: M aster w hat shall I do

to inhere t cternall life? He sayd vn to h im : W h a t is w ritten in the lawe? H o w redest thou?

A n d he answered and sayde: I.oue th y I.orde G o d w ith all thy hert a n d w ith a ll th y soule

and w ith all th y stregthe and w ith all th y m ynde: and thy neghbour as thy sylfe. A nd

he sayde v n to h im : T h o u hast answered r ight. T h is d o and thou shall live. He w illinge

to iustifie h im silfe sayde v n to lesus: W h o is then m y neghbour? Iesus answered and

sayde: A certayne m an descended fro H ierusa lcm in to H ierico and fell in to the hondes

o f theves w h ich robbed h im o f h is raymet and w ounded h im and departed levynge

h im hälfe deed. A n d b y chaunce ther came a certayne preste that sam e waye and when

he sawe h im he passed by. A n d lykewyse a Levite w hen he was com e nye to the place

wet and loked o n h im and passed by. Then a certayne Sam aritane as he iornyed came

nye v n to h im and w hen he sawe h im had com passion on h im and went to and bounde

v p h is w oundes a n d poured in oyle a n d w yne and put h im on h is awne beaste and brought

h im to a com en ynne and m ade prov is ion for h im . A n d on the m orow e w hen he departed

he toke o u t tw o pece and gave th em to the host a n d sayde v n to h im . Take cure o f h im

a n d whatsoever th ou spedest m oare w hen 1 com e agayne 1 w ill recompence the. W h ich

now o f these thre thynkest thou was ne ighbou r v n to h im yt fell in to ye theves hondes?

A n d he sayde: he that shewed mercy on h im . T hen sayde Iesus v n to h im . G o o and do thou

lyke wyse.

K in g Ja m e s (A u th o rise d ) V ersion (1611)A nd , behold , a certain lawyer stood up, and tempted h im , saying, Master, w hat shall I d o to

inherit eternal life? I le said un to h im , W h a t is written in the law? how readest thou? A n d he

answ ering said. T hou shalt love the Lord thy G o d w ith a ll th y heart, and w ith a ll th y soul, and

w ith all th y strength, and w ith all th y m ind ; and thy ne ighbour as thyself. A n d he said unto

h im , T hou hast answered right: th is do . and thou shalt live. But he, w illing to jus tify himself,

said u n to Jesus, A n d w ho is m y neighbour? A n d Jesus answering said, A certain m an went

d ow n from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell am ong thieves, w h ich stripped h im o f h is raiment,

and w ounded h im , and departed, leaving h im ha lf dead. A n d by chance there came dow n a

certain priest that way: and w hen he saw h im , he passed by o n the o ther side. A n d likewise a

Levite, w hen he was at the place, cam e and looked on h im , and passed by o n the other side.

But a certain Samaritan, as he journeyed, came where he was: and w hen he saw h im , he had

com passion o n h im . A n d went to h im , and b o u nd up his wounds, pouring in o il and wine,

and set h im o n his ow n beast, and brought h im to an inn , a n d took care o f h im . A n d on

the m orrow when he departed, he lo ok o u i two pence, and gave them to the host, and said

un to h im . Take care o f h im ; and whatsoever th ou spendest more, w hen I com e again. I will

repay thee. W h ic h now o f these three, th inkest thou , was ne ighbour u n to h im that fell among

the thieves? A n d he said . He that shewed mercy on h im . Then said Jesus un to h im , G o , and

d o th ou likewise.


Today's N e w In te rn a tio n a l V ersion (© C o p y r ig h t 2001, 2 0 0 5 b y B ib lic a )O n one occasion an expert in the law stood u p to test Jesus. 'Teacher,' he asked, ‘w hat must

I d o to in h e r it eternal life? ' ‘W h a t is w ritten in the Law?' he replied. 'H o w do you read it?‘

He answered, ‘ "Love the Lord your G o d w ith a ll your heart and w ith a ll your soul and

w ith all y o u r strength and w ith a ll your m in d “; a n d , "Love yo u r ne ighbou r as yourself " '

‘You have answered correctly,’ Jesus replied. ‘D o th is and you w ill live.’ Hut he wanted to

jus tify him se lf, so he asked Jesus, 'A nd w ho is m y ne ighbour? ' In reply Jesus said: Ά m an

was go ing d o w n from Jerusalem to Jericho, w hen he fell in to the hands o f robbers. They

str ipped h im o f h is clothes, heat h im and went away, leav ing h im h a lf dead. A priest

happened to be go ing dow n the same road, and w hen he saw the m an , he passed b y on

the other side. So loo , a Levite, w hen he came lo ihe place and saw h im , passed by o n the

o ther side. But a Sam aritan , as he travelled, came where the m a n was; a n d w hen he saw

h im , he lo ok p ity o n h im . He w en t to h im and bandaged his w ounds, po u r ing on o il and

w ine . T hen he put the m an on h is ow n donkey, b rough t h im to an in n and to o k care o f

h im . T he next day he took o u t two denarii and gave th em to the innkeeper. 'L ook after

him ,' he said , ‘and w hen 1 return , 1 w ill reimburse you for any extra expense you m ay have.’

'W h ic h o f these three do you th in k was a ne ighbou r to the m an w ho fell in to the hands o f

robbers?’ T he expert in the law replied, ‘T he one w h o had m ercy o n him .' Jesus lo ld h im ,

'G o and do likewise.’

A ctiv ity 4.5.2

Some words have been borrowed m any limes, through various roules, in lo English. Look up

the etym ology (or ig in ) o f the fo llow ing words in a good dic tionary (‘concise’ or larger) and

determ ine w h ich La tin word lies at the orig in o f them all:

tenacious, tenant, tenement, tenet, tenon, tenor, tenure

A ctiv ity 4.5.3I f you have access to it. use the Oxford English D ictionary to lo ok u p ihe fo llow words and

notice how ihe ir m eanings have developed in English, som etim es diverging considerably

from the m ean ing o f the word in their orig inal language.

b a m b o o , c o a c h , e q u a t o r , g r a f f i t i , g u n g - h o . n i c e , s h e r b e t , z e n i t h

Access lo ihe on line O E D (www.oed.com) is possible through universities and colleges, and

through local pub lic libraries in m any areas o f the UK. I f you don 't have access to the O ED ,

use a large (desk-size) d ic tionary o r an etymological dictionary.

http://www.oed.com

F u rth e r R e a d in g

Further reading________________________________O i l lhe gene ra ! d ev e lo pm en t o f E n g lis h , a n d w ith a g o o d sec tion o n A m e r ic a n E n g lis h , th e classic te x tbook w it h a w ea lth

o f d e ta il is B a u g h a n d C ab le (2002). A n e n g ag in g acc o u n t o l lh e h is to ry o f th e lang uage can b c fo u n d i n G ra d d o l

c t al. (2006). M c C r u m e t al. (2 0 02 ) is exce llent o n la te r E ng lish . P y le s a n d A lg c o (2004 ) a n d G o i la c h (19 97 ) trace the

spec ifica lly lin g u is tic (p h o n o lo g ic a l, g ra m m a t ic a l, lex ica l) d eve lo pm en ts , w h ile L e ith (1997 ) is a g o o d in t r o d u c t io n to

a soc ia l v iew o l E n g lis h lang uage h isto ry , a n d dea ls w ith th e im p o s it io n o f E ng lish o n Celtic-speakers in th e B ritish

Isles S pec ific tre a tm en ts o f E ariy M o d e m E n g lis h a n d Late M o d e rn E ng lish can b e f o u n d i n N ev a la in e n (2006 ) and

V an O s ta d e (2009 ) respectively. G o in g b e y o n d th e tr a d it io n a l w e ll-w orn pa th s o f th e sub je c t are C rysta l (2005 ) and

W atts a n d T ru dg il l (2002 )

T h e d ev e lo pm en t o f th e w r it in g system is covered by th e re adab le fackson ( 1987). a n d S c ra g g (1971 ) is g o o d specifica lly

o n th e h is to ry o f s p e ll in g Syn tac tic c h ange is covered com prehens ive ly b y T raugo tt (1972). A dvanced d isc uss ion s o f

th e w h o le enterprise o l h is to rica l lin gu is tic s are co n ta in ed in R is sancn e l a l (1992 ) a n d [ones (1993 )

F o r O ld E ng lish . H o g g (20 02 ) a n d S m ith (2 0 09 ) are go o d in tro d u c t io n s . Q u i r k a n d W re n n (1958 ) is a c le ar g ra m m a r o f

th e language , a n d C la rk - H a ll (2009 ) is a co n v en ie n t d ic tio n a ry . H a m e r (2006 ) co n ta in s pa ra lle l vente trans la tio ns o f

th e best O ld E ng lish p o e try W h i ld o c k (19 91 ) is a fa sc in a tin g read o f A n g lo S axo n soc ia l h is to ry O ld E ng lish texts arc

ava ilab le o n l in e fro m : The O n lin e C o rp u s o f O ld E n g lis h Po e try h iip .Z /w w .o e p o e try . cn/.

O n M id d le E n g lis h . H o ro b in a n d S m ith (2IKI2) is a n in tro d u c t io n . M a y h e w (2006 ) is a d ic tio n a ry . C hau ce r and

M a lo ry are g o o d p laces t o start w ith M id d le E ng lish po e try a n d prose 'G aw a in a n d th e G re en K n ig h t ' is e d ited in a

co lle c t io n b y C a w le y (1976 ) A n o n l in e co rp u s o f M id d le E ng lish prose a n d verse is ava ilab le a t h u p M iiio iI.lib .iw itc h .

edu/c/cm e/.

T he c o m p le te O x fo rd F itg titk D tc lw u iiy is in d isp ens ib lc in h is to rica l lin g u is tic s , b u t th e Concise O x fo rd D ittim ta ry o f

b ig lis b E tym o logy ( H o a d 1993) a n d th e D ic t io n a ry o f B r it ish P lace-N am es (M i l ls 2003 ) are a ls o v e ry u se fu l T he re are

n u m e ro u s lo c a l h isto ries th a t d ea l w ith y o u r o w n p a r t o f th e country .

T he ques tio n o f a ttitudes to lin g u is tic decay a n d prescrip liv ism is addressed very readably b y A itc h ison (2000). M ilro y and

M ilr o y ( 1998) is a n e legant a n d scholarly v ie w o f th e n o t io n o f a u th o r ity in language a n d linguistics. C row ley ( 1991 ) is a

co llection o f o rig ina l essays a n d extracts o n Eng lish f ro m th e seventeenth century to the present, w h ich m akes fascinating

reading

Suggested projectsT he lang uage o f th e w o r ld a ro u n d bears th e im p r in t o f us h is to ric a l deve lo pm en t. A g o o d e tym o lo g ica l d ic t io n a ry

( th a t is . o n e w h ic h gives th e first recorded appearance o f a w o rd a n d its c h a n g in g fo rm a n d m e a n in g over t im e ) is an

essential to o l fo r th e s tu d e n t o f h is to ric a l lingu istics .

T h e h is to ry o f th e lang uage is m o s t accessible i n o ld d o c u m e n ts » t ill in p r in t These w ill le n d to b e v a lue d texts such

a s lite rature , a n d y o u can f in d exam p les o f lang uage fro m B e o w u lf t o D ickens O ld d ic tio n a r ie s a n d g ra m m a rs , c-ssavs.

s e rm o n s a n d po lit ic a l w r it in g a ls o su rv ive . T h e m o s t d iff ic u lt t h in g in s tu dy in g th e h is to ry o f th e lang uage is b e in g ab le to

n a r ro w d o w n t o exam ine a n area M iiall e n o u g h lo b e m anageab le D o n t , for exam p le , try t o w rite a b o u t th e e n tire history

o f A m e r ic a n E ng lish , o r th e w h o le g ra m m a r o f O ld E ng lish

T here are , in genera l, tw o w ays o f ap p ro ac h in g th e h is to rica l s tudy o f language. T h e lirs t is to fo cu s o n a p o in t in

t u n e a n d exam ine a feature o f language in its c o n te m p o ra ry se tting . E ssentia lly th is is h is to ric a l soc io lingu is tic s , a n d is


l ik e e x a m in in g a S n a p s h o t o f a m o m e n t m t im e a n d th e lang uage used. T he second approach is to fo llo w a language feature

th ro ug h it* d eve lo pm en t across tim e , tra c in g changes a n d d ifferences in usage by d ifferen t generation*

1 A n exam p le o f th e first ap proach w o u ld be t o d iscuss d ia le c t v a r ia tio n m O ld Eng lish . I n S ec tio n 4.2.1 there is a p a ir o f

text* in d iffe re n t d ia lects Y o u c o u ld take s im ila r pa irs a n d id e n t ify d ia le c t features Y o u c o u ld trace ih e subsequen t

h is to ry o f s o n ic o f th e w ords t o see h o w m a n y fro m e ach text su rv ived in to M id d le a n d M o d e rn E ng lish , a n d thus

d e te rm in e w h ich d ia le c t becam e m o re prestigious.

2. A n o th e r exam ple o f ih e first a p p ro ac h w o u ld b e t o p lo t th e o r ig in s o f p lace n am es o r fa m ily n am es Fo r exam p le , you

c o u ld take a r a n d o m s am p le o f , say. a h u n d re d n a m e s fro m y o u r lo ca l te lep ho ne d irectory . O rg a n iz e th e m in t o catego

ries su ch as occupation, fatuity trail. place of origin, ethnic background, a n d s o o n . B ased o n th e pa tte rn o f d is tr ib u tio n ,

y o u c o u ld th e n specu la te o n th e m ig ra t io n pa tte rns o f y o u r lo ca l area. Y o u c o u ld lo o k u p ih e o r ig in s o f th e co m po n en t

w ords o f su rn a m e s lo see h o w the y have ch ang e d a n d w h e n the y appeared.

3 . A n exam p le o f th e se co n d approach w o u ld b e t o investigate th e lang uage ch ange co n ta in ed in a n y sho rt m o d e r n text.

U se a n e tym o lo g ica l d ic l io n a r y (such as ih e Oxford I'jtgM t Iheiw/utry) t o trace ih e h is to ry o f e ach w o rd b ack l o its fn s l

recorded appearance . Y o u w o u ld f in d o u t w h a t th e o r ig in a l sense o f th e w o rd was, a n d w he the r i t h a d g o n e th ro ug h a

series o f ch anges in m e a n in g over th e years. In te ie s tm g texts to choose w o u ld b e those w r it te n b y In d ia n tn g l is h or

C a r ib b e a n E ng lish speakers, o r texts u s in g so m e sort o f n o n s tand a rd d i a l e d '

4 O n e w a y o f investiga ting lang uage ch ange is lo ta lk to th e o lde s t speakers in y o u r area. O ld peop le w ill have le a rn t to

sp e ak 7 0 , « 0 o r even 90 years ag o , a n d the ir v o c a b u la ry a n d g ra m m a r m ig h t b e q u ite d ifferen t f r o m th a t o f y o u n g

peop le T hey m ig h t a ls o k n o w lo ca l la n d m a rk s b y d iffe re n t n a m e s Record a conversation w ith a n o ld pe rson , try in g

lo get th e m invo lved i n th e s to ry w h ile y o u are ta k in g no te o f th e ir language.

3 You m ig h t a ig u e a p a r t ic u la r case w ith s u p p o r t in g lin g u is t ic ev idence . F o r exam p le , y o u m ig h t take th e p o in t that

Sco ts ou g h t t o b e conside red a separate lang uage fro m E n g lis h , o n th e basis lh a l i l d eve loped fro m ih e N o r th u m b r ia n

d ia le c t o i O ld E ng lish rather t h a n th e W est Saxon as d id M o d e rn S ta n d a rd E ng lish . A s ev idence , y o u m ig h t u se e x am

ples o f lite ra ture w ritten in Scots f ro m th e M id d le Ages t o m o d e r n w riters try in g t o r e c la im the ir vernacu lar

language

Language Acquisition and Development

Chapter Outline5.1 G ro w th o f la n g u a g e stru ctu re s 138

5.2 D e ve lo p m e n t o f la n g u a g e fu n ctio n s 142

5.3 L a n g u a g e in t h in k in g a n d co n c e p tu a liz in g 143

5.4 L a n g u a g e a n d the d e v e lo p m e n t o f co m m u n ica tio n 144

5.5 S c h o o l y e a rs : re a d in g a n d w rit in g 145

5.6 F in d in g o u t a b o u t la n g u a g e a cq u is it io n 147

5.7 A c q u ir in g a s e co n d la n g u a g e : b ilin g u a lism 148

A c tiv it ie s 150



W e saw in Chapter 2 just how w onderfu lly complex the system ol a language (e.g. Eng lish) is.

O n e o f the remarkable th ings about us as h um an beings is how in a relatively short space

o f tim e - 4 to 5 years - we acquire o u r language. O r, i f we are brought up to speak two

languages, as b ilinguals, wc acquire tw o language systems simultaneously. This chapter looks

at some o f the m a in features o f the language acquisition process.

By the tim e ch ildren start school between the ages o f four and live: they arc able to

articulate m ost o f the sounds o f English speech; they are able to produce appropriately

structured sentences, hav ing acquired the essentials o f the gram m atical system; they are able

to operate as turn-takers in a spoken discourse; and they can use their language knowledge

for a diverse range o f purposes - to express their feelings, to get th ings done, to f in d out about

the world, to m ake personal contact, and so on . A n d they understand far more language than

they can themselves use.

In th is chapter, we shall be concentrating o n the early, pre-school, years; though we will

also say a little (Section 5.5) about learn ing to read and write.

5.1 Growth of language structures

C h a p t e r s · L a n g u a g e A c q u is it io n a n d D e v e lo p m e n t

In th is section we w ill look in «urn at the development o f the acquisition o f sounds,

inflections, gram m atica l structures and vocabulary.

5.1.1 SoundsT he first evidence for parents that the ir ch ild is beg inn ing to acquirc language is w hen the

ch ild begins to m ake sounds that can be identified w ith the phonem es o f the parents’

language and w h ich they can associate w ith some m ean ing . Before that happens, from

around the age o f three m onths, the ch ild goes th rough a process o f play ing w ith sounds, in

w h ich they appear to be try ing out the ir articu latory organs. D u r ing th is tim e, kno w n as the

b a b b lin g pe r iod , the sounds that the ch ild produces appear to have no intended meaning;

they are m ade purely for the pleasure o f it.

By the age o f one year, ch ildren seem to be able to recognize some o f w hat adults are saying

(o them . But their ow n production lags some way beh ind . It is not entirely clear in what order

ch ildren acquire sounds. T he first phonem ic contrast appears to be that between oral (e.g.

lb /) and nasal (e.g. /m /). Just before the appearance o f the first recognizable words at around

this age, certain phonem es begin to establish themselves as p redom inan t in the child's speech:

plosives /b d g/ and nasals /m n /. At the same tim e ch ildren seem to begin to intentionally

vary the pitch and rhythm o f their voices, som etim es copying the pitch patterns o f adult

speech.

C h ild ren seem to acquirc the vowel system (by age three) before they have completed the

acquisition o f all the consonants, w h ich may not happen u n til the age o f five or six. O ne

o f the frictionless con tinuan t phonem es is acquired at an early stage, usually /l/; b u t the

phonem ic distinctions am ong plosives and nasals are likely to be established before the

first fricative consonant appears. The last consonants to be acquired are the dental fricatives

/Θ Ö/, though in som e accents (e.g. East London/Essex) these arc never acquired, such

speakers us ing the lab io dental fricatives / f v / instead.

W e cou ld have said: ‘con tinu ing to use the lab io dental fricatives'; since it is / f v/ that

ch ildren usually use instead o f /Θ d / un til they have acquired the latter. This brings us to

the general po in t that, u n til ch ildren have acquired the fu ll system o f consonants, certain

substitutions and o ther adjustments take place w h ich d is tingu ish their p ronuncia tion o f a

w ord from the adu lt model. Crystal (1997: 240) notes the fo llow ing tendencies:

- replacement o f fricatives by stops (i.e. plosives), e.g. saiv is pronounced f ix i

replacement o f velar consonants by alveolars, e.g. gone is pronounced /don/

- simplification o f consonant clusters, e.g. snow becomes /nou/, please becomes /pi:z/

- consonants at the end o f words arc omitted, e.g. mat becomes /m i/

- unstressed syllables may be omitted, e.g. banana becomes /nu:no/

G ro w th o f L a n g u a g e S tru ctu re s

- as words bccomc longer, consonants and vowels may 'harmonize', e.g. i f dog is pronounced /gng/ or

/dod/, window is pronounced /wouwou/

/w/ and 1)1 are preferred over IV and ft/, e.g. leg becomes /jeg/.

W c m ay also notice the tendency to swap the positions o f sounds (called ‘metathesis’ ),

e.g. /w ops/ for wasp, /pu :ku :k / for car park.

5.1.2 Inflections

A s w e saw in Section 2.2.2, Eng lish words have relatively few inflections: possessive and

p lura l on nouns; th ird person singular present tense, past tense, present and past participles

o n verbs; com parative and superlative on adjectives. The acquisition load is no t great by

com parison w ith other languages.

The first inflections to be acquired are the present participle (-ing) form o f verbs, w h ich

has no variant forms; then the plural o f nouns, w h ich has a sm all num ber o f irregular

variants, besides the three phono log ically determ ined regular form s /s, z, iz / {bits, bobs,

pieces); then the possessive o l nouns, w ith the same regular lorm s as the p lura l and no

irregular variants. These inflections are often present d u r ing early syntactic development,

Irom around the age o f 18 m onths. The past tense in flection and the th ird person singular

present tense fo llow on later.

Three stages have been identified in the acqu is ition o f inflections (C ru ttenden 1979: 59).

In the first stage, a word that w ould be inflected in adu lt language m ay occur variably either

w ith or w ithout the in flection . In the second stage, the appropriate in flection is always used,

b u t no t necessarily the correct variant, il that is relevant to the case. In the th ird stage the

adu lt target has been achieved. The transition from the second to the th ird stage m ay take

several m onths. W here a word has an irregular in flection , a ch ild in the second stage o f

acqu is ition w ill usually substitute the regular variants, so mouses fo r mice, foo ls (or feet, seed

for srtw. breaked for broke. G radua lly the exceptional, irregular form s are acquired, bu t there

is usually a long period in w h ich both regularized and irregular form s m ay occur variably

for the sam e word. In som e dialects, som e o f the regularized fo rm s are the no rm in any case,

e.g. buyed (bought), seed (saw), spilled (spal).

5.1.3 Gram m atical structures

W e can begin to speak o f structures, and so the beg inn ing o f syntax, once ch ildren start to

form utterances o f two words. This usually happens from around the age o f 18 m onths.

Incidentally, any such ind ications o f age shou ld be treated w ith caution, because children

develop linguistically in different ways and at different rates, and there is a fair variation in

w hat is regarded as norm a l language development.

Attempts have been m ade to provide coherent analyses o f children’s two-word utterances,

b u t they are not always am enable to such analyses. F rom a semantic perspective, a lim ited


num ber o f structures can be identified (C ru ttenden 1979: 37): possession (D addy sock),

a ttribution (red bus), n om ina tion (that m an ), recurrence (more drink), location (N anny

home), negation (allgone drink), exclamation/greeting {byebye Susan)·, action , subdivided

into: agent-action (M um m y push), agent-goal (Susan (eat) tea), action-goal (fill cup). From

a syntactic perspective, the words occurring in such utterances have been d iv ided in to a

sm all class o f 'pivot' words (e.g. more, allgone, that) and a larger class o f open words, with

structures typically consisting o f one pivot and one open word.

Alternatively, the syntax o f such utterances can be described in terms o f Subject, Verb,

Object, and so on . A t the two-word stage, com b inations such as the fo llow ing occur:

Subject + Verb (Mummy go)

Verb + Object (love Susan)

Subjccl ( Complement (teddy happy)

Subject + Object (Mummy Intake) cake)

Adverbial + Other (Mummy kitchen, go home, where car?)

I t i s a t t h e t h r e e - w o r d s t a g e t h a t f u l l s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e s b e g i n t o a p p e a r :

SVC (Mummy looks sud)

SVO (Susan played tig)

SVA (Jimmy goed shops)·,

but also structures such as:

V O O (gave him ball)

VOA (sent her shops).

From aro und the age o f tw o, ch ildren begin to produce three and four word utterances,

w ith more variation o f gram m atica l structure and the appropriate inc lusion o f in flections as

well. Q uestions and com m ands begin to be used, in add itio n to statements, e.g. Where

M u m m y gone? Go there now ! W h a t is strik ing about early gram m atical structures, by

com parison w ith adu lt language, is the om ission o f m any func tion words (determiners,

prepositions, aux iliary verbs), w h ich has led some to characterize especially the two-word

stage as 'telegraphese. Towards the age o f three, these item s (such as the, is) are beginning

to be regularly used.

From about the age o f three, sentences w ith more than one clause begin to be produced,

e.g. in fin itive clauses as syntactic objects o f verbs such as like or want, e.g. w ant to go to bed.

There is also the occasional occurrence o f adverbial clauses w ith because (cos) o r if, and

the coord ination o f clauses w ith a n d o r but. Later on , ch ildren w ill produce embedded

«»-clauses, wh-clauses and relative clauses (see Section 2.3.5). D u r ing th is tim e, children

have also acquired how to fo rm various k inds o l question, w ith appropriate syntax and

in tonation , and how to m ake sentences negative, proceeding from structures like No smack

m e to I don ’t want no/any tea.

Asking a question in English involves no t o n ly the use o f the appropriate in tonation ,

but also syntactic m an ipu la tio n o f the sentence and the use o f aux iliary verbs, specifically the

G ro w th o f L a n g u a g e S tru ctu re s

inversion o f Subject and first auxiliary verb (com pare They have come hom e - Have they come

home?). Crystal (1997: 243) notes three stages in ch ildrens acquisition o f questions. In the

first stage, du r ing the two-word utterance period, children just use in tonation : a h igh rising

tone indicates that a question is be ing asked (M u m m y come?). In the second stage, during

their second year, ch ildren begin us ing question words, first o l all w hat and where, then why

how and who appearing later. The questions retain the statement form : Where teddy gone?.

W hy you laughing? In the th ird stage, the acquisition o f auxiliary verbs (be, have, do) means

that the ch ild can begin the appropriate syntactic m an ipu la tion : Is Susan crying?, Has the

postman come? However, w ith questions con ta in ing a question w ord (where, what, why, etc.),

where the question word is already a marker o l the interrogative, there is a longer transition

to the adu lt syntactic form . So, W hy M um m y is laughing? gradually develops into W hy is

M u m m y laughing?

5.1.4 Vocabulary

The grow th in a child's vocabulary is perhaps the m ost d ifficu lt aspect o f language

acquisition to ascertain and yet one o f the m ost remarkable and one o f the m ost obvious.

It has been estim ated that a ch ild ’s vocabulary grows from aro und 100 to 200 words at age

18 m onths to aro und 500 words at age two, and then by the age o f five a ch ild is probably

using around 2000 words, a figure that doubles by the age o f seven. Notice that we are talking

here about a ch ild ’s active vocabulary, the words that they can be observed using. It is certain

that a ch ild ’s 'passive vocabulary - the words that they understand - is far greater. W h en

we talk about the words that a ch ild know s or uses, we m ust bear in m in d the discussion

(in Section 2.2.1) o f w hat we m ean by a ‘word’. Incidentally, it has been estimated that an

educated adu lt ‘knows’ at least 50,000 words and m ay know as m any as 250,000: there is still

a lo t o f vocabulary learn ing to be done after the age o f seven. Indeed, th is is one aspect o f

language acquisition that carrics on th roughout life.

C h ild ren ’s words d o not necessarily m ean the sam e as the equivalent items in adult

language. A child 's lim ited vocabulary means that they som etim es overgeneralize or over

extend the m ean ing o f a word, app ly ing it to a range o f th ings that they perceive as hav ing

some feature in com m on . For example, the w ord car m ay be app lied to all vehicles, the word

cat to all an im als, and so on. As a ch ild ’s vocabulary grows, new words arc acquired lo fill the

lexical gaps, so that the m ean ing o f the first-acquired word in the field o f m ean ing narrows

to conform to the adu lt norm .

The opposite tendency also occurs in early ch ild vocabulary: children undergeneralize

o r underextend the m ean ing o f a word, so that it has a narrower m ean ing th an in adult

language. The word cat o r pussy m ay be applied only to the fam ily ’s cat, as a k ind o l proper

nam e, and not generalized to all cats.

A t a later stage (age five to seven) children, having learned to m ake the appropriate

differentiations between words in an area o f m ean ing , are then able to group th ings together


o n the basis o f com m on features and so understand and use ‘abstract’ words. For example,

us ing an abstract noun like fu rn itu re requires both know ledge o f the words inc luded in its

m ean ing (chair, table, stool, sofa, bed, etc.) and perception o f some com m on feature {items

that equ ip a house).

A itchison (2002) identifies three tasks facing a ch ild acquiring the vocabulary o f a language,

w h ich she calls labelling, packaging, and ne tw ork bu ild ing . Labe lling involves us ing sequences

o l sound as names for th ings, associating a pronuncia tion w ith an object in the environm ent.

T h is is a task that ch ildren begin som etim e after the age o f one , and it is qu ite a sophisticated

sk ill. In itia lly , the c h ild is like ly to underextend and use a word for an object on ly in a par

ticu lar s ituation, gradually generalizing lo the occurrence o f the object in o ther contexts.

Packaging involves discovering what the range o f reference o f a word is: w hat objects can

bc packaged under that label. Both undcrextcnsion and overextension m ay occur, u n til the

adult no rm o f packaging has been achieved. Even then , as adults, we m ay argue over whether

a particu lar p lan t shou ld be called a shrub o r a bush. Network bu ild in g is about m aking

connections between words: w ork ing o u t w h ich words are included in others, e.g. that robin

is a k ind o f bird, w h ich words are synonym s and antonym s o f each other (see Section 2.2.6);

discovering the, often subtle, differences between semantically related words (e.g. say and

tell); and f in d in g out w h ich words collocate (see Section 2.2.7). This is a slow and laborious

task that continues in to adu lt life.

5.2 Development of language functionsC h ild ren d o no t acquire language to n o purpose. They acquire language because it serves

various social and personal functions. It is, fo r example, a m ore sophisticated way o f m ak ing

needs and wants know n than crying, m oan ing , g run tin g o r po in ting . You can be more

specific about what you want, and perhaps m ore insistent too.

A study undertaken by the linguist M ichael Halliday in the 1970s (H a lliday 1975)

identified seven types o f func tion that language serves for ch ildren in the early years, as they

attempt to find out about their env ironm ent, contro l it , interact w ith other h um an beings,

and com m en t on their env ironm ent and their experience.

T he first such func tion identified by H alliday is the instrum enta l. This is the ‘I w ant’

func tion , where a ch ild makes kno w n their desires and needs (G im m e sweetie). The second is

the regulatory or 'D o as I tell you ’ func tion , where a ch ild is exercising control o f people in

their env ironm ent, te lling them w hat to do ( Wash hands). T he th ird is the interactional or

'Me and you ' func tion , where a ch ild uses language to establish personal contact and enter

in to social relationships (Love M um m y). The fourth is the personal or ‘11ère I come' function,

where the ch ild uses language to assert their ind iv idua lity and to express their identity and

feelings (Jim m y good boy).

L a n g u a g e in T h in k in g a n d C o n c e p tu a liz in g

In these first four functions, language is used to enable a ch ild to satisfy their physical,

em otiona l and social needs. The next tw o functions concern the use o f language by the ch ild

in relation to their environm ent. The fifth func tion is the heuristic o r ‘Tell m e why’ function,

where the ch ild uses language to explore their environm ent, to f in d out about the reality that

they in h ab it ( W hy the bus stop here?). The sixth is the im aginative o r ‘let's pretend' function,

where a ch ild uses language to create their ow n im ag inary env ironm ent or where they simply

use language playfully (e.g. in rhymes or riddles).

The last func tion identified by Halliday. and probably the last acquired by children, is the

one m ost readily associated w ith adu lt language: the representational or Tve got som ething

to tell you' function, where language is used as a means o f com m un ica ting in fo rm ation or

expressing propositions. It is a later development fo r a ch ild to realize that others (adults,

inc lud ing parents) do no t know som eth ing and need to be to ld it, or lor a ch ild to discern and

so com m unicate w hat is ‘newsworthy’. These are judgem ents that adults routine ly m ake in

their linguistic interactions.

5.3 Language in thinking and conceptualizingDoes the acquisition o f language precede that o f thought? Is though t dependent on language?

These are questions that have troubled philosophers, psychologists and linguists for centu

ries. They have a bearing on ou r v iew o f how ch ildren acquire language. D o ch ildren have to

develop cognitively to som e extent in order to acquire language? O r d o ch ildren have to

acquire language in order to develop cognitively? O r are the tw o types o f development quite

unrelated?

Psychologists and linguists w ho subscribe to ‘behaviourist’ theories believe that thought is

‘ internalized speech’, s im p ly speech that is no t spoken out loud. They also believe that all

learning takes place through interaction w ith the environm ent. A ccording to th is theory,

no thought occurs w ithout language. T h in k in g is entirely dependent on language, and so

cognitive developm ent is subservient to linguistic development. This view is particu larly

associated w ith the psychologist B. K Skinner and the lingu ist Leonard Bloom field.

There are several reasons why such a view is unlikely to be the case. First o f all, as we have

seen, ch ildren understand far m ore th an they can articulate, w h ich could no t be the case il

thought depended entirely on language. Secondly, there is evidence that people w ho are

unable to speak, for whatever reason, can still understand language spoken to them and

can o ften com m un ica te in other ways (e.g. by s ign ing). A n d th irdly , we have all had the

experience o f ta lk ing abou t one th ing and th ink ing about som eth ing quite different!

Another view am ong psychologists and linguists is that the development o l language is

separate from and parallel to o ther k ind s o f development. H um an beings are un ique ly

and innate ly p rogram m ed to acquire language. Part o f a ch ild ’s mental equ ipm ent that they


are born w ith is a language acquisition device (L A D ), w h ich provides the parameters and

contro ls for the acquisition o flanguage. O n this view. language can be seen as the expression

o f though t, b u t the development o f one is not dependent on the development o f the other.

This v iew is particu larly associated w ith the linguist N oam Chom sky , w ho presented a

trcnchant critique o f the behaviourist position.

Part o f the problem in decid ing th is question is that m uch o f o u r evidence for the

development o l cogn ition is derived from language, w hat ch ildren say and are observed to

understand. Independent evidence derives from w ork undertaken by the Swiss psychologist

Jean Piaget in to ch ildrens cognitive development. To test their cognitive development, Piaget

set ch ildren certain types o f task to do. O ne o f the m ost famous is the ‘conservation task,

w h ich requires a ch ild to judge whether water tipped from a short, w ide conta iner in to a

tall, narrow conta iner has the sam e volum e. Paigct sees the first 18 m onths o t life as the

development o f a ch ild ’s ‘sensori-motor intelligence’. Towards the e n d o f this period , a child

begins to be able to ta lk about the ir actions before they perform them . Language, then , is

a means by which a ch ild can th in k about reality, b u t it depends on the ch ild ’s prio r concep

tualization o f that reality. This im plies that the development o flanguage is, at least to some

extent, dependent o n general cognitive development.

T h is question is by no means completely resolved yet. O n present evidence, however, it

w ou ld appear reasonable to accept that the development o f thought, o r general cognitive

development, is independent o f the acquisition o f language. The acqu is ition o f language,

though , does presuppose other, general, physical and m en ta l developments. There may

also be some specific innate characteristics that constrain the form that any language may

take, in term s, for exam ple, o f its phono logy and gram m ar. Language develops to serve as

a too l for expressing thoughts, fo r representing constructions o f reality and for engaging

in social interaction. Som e linguists w ould argue that a social perspective o n language (as

in Section 5.2) is a m ore productive way o f investigating language th an a psychological or

cognitive one.

5.4 Language and the development of communication_________________________________I f wc take the social perspective and see language prim arily as a means o f establishing and

m a in ta in ing social relationships and o f in teracting w ith o u r fellow hum an beings, then it

is an interesting study to trace the development o f com m un ica tion skills o n the part ol

children. This is now referred to as pragm atic development (see sections 1.3.8 and 7.1).

From the day that a baby is born , parents, and especially mothers, treat the ch ild as a per

son w ith w hom they m ust interact. For example, in attending to the ch ild ’s needs, parents talk

to the ch ild and act as if they are hav ing a conversation, even to the extent o f leaving pauses

(or the baby to reply. Gradually , as the baby becomes m ore responsive, parents im pu te turns

S c h o o l Ye ars: R e a d in g a n d W rit in g

lo the baby and construct a conversation w ith their child , often w ith extended contributions

o f their own. In due course babies begin to attend to adu lt conversations go ing o n around

them , d irecting the ir attention to the person currently speaking. ‘By the tim e their first words

appear, babies have learned a great deal, b o th from observation and from practice, about

w hat a conversation is and how to participate w ith in it.’ (Crystal 1997: 239)

It is well know n that parents adapt their speech w hen ta lk ing to very young children. The

term 'motherese has been co ined to refer to this phenom enon , though 'parentese m igh t be a

more appropriate term these days. They use a sm aller vocabulary, s im plify gramm atical

structures, ta lk m ore slowly, and repeat the ch ild ’s utterances w ith expansion. A ll this

contributes to a ch ild ’s general acquisition o flanguage . Parents also ask their ch ild a lot o f

questions, in order to engage their ch ild in conversation and encourage them to speak. It

becomes clear to the ch ild that us ing language involves interaction and that there arc ‘rules’

o f conversation. H ow to engage in conversation needs to be learned and refined, just as p ro

nunc ia tion , g ram m ar and vocabulary do.

Between the ages o f two and four, a child's conversational skills develop considerably.

Before that, it has been the parents w ho have ensured that a conversation keeps go ing and

w ho have provided the m ajor in pu t to verbal in teraction w ith the child . N ow , ch ildren become

full participants: they learn to in itiate in teraction and introduce topics o f conversation; they

become sk ilfu l in turn-taking; and they respond appropriately to questions and requests that

are p u t to them .

As ch ildren approach school age, they become aware o f various social factors affecting

com m un ica tion , such as the age and status o l the person you arc ta lk ing to, w h ich may require

you to use language that reflects your deference or m ay need you to attempt to he polite, by

contrast w ith interaction w ith your peers. There is still m ore to learn: how to interact in the

context o f school, in the larger groups o f peers in the playground; and then later o n in more

form al discussions, meetings and debates.

5.5 School years: reading and writingGeneral language acquisition does no t stop w hen a ch ild begins school. The phonological

system m ay be m ore or less in place, although m any ch ildren still have some refinements to

acquire, as well as learn ing to exploit rhythm and pitch in the course o f spoken interaction.

The gram m atical system is largely acquired as far as the essential elements are concerned, but

there is still m ore to learn, b o th in refin ing w hat has already been acquired (e.g. irregular

in llections) and in acquiring more complex gram m atical structures (e.g. em bedded clauses).

Vocabulary continues to develop, as it w ill d o th roughout the school experience, as a ch ild is

in troduced to new areas o f know ledge and becomes a reader o f books. C h ild ren ’s c o m m u n

ication skills w ill also continue to develop, as they interact in an increasingly diverse range o f

contexts and w ith a greater variety o f people , beyond fam ily and the im m ediate peer group.


T he process o f acqu is ition continues, then , especially th rough in fan t and in to jun io r

school. However, school brings a further aspect o l language learning: read ing and writing.

As educated people , we take reading and w r it in g for granted; but they are no t ‘naturally ’

acquired. Left to ourselves, wc w ou ld not acqu irc the skills o f read ing and writing. W e have

lo be taught them . In that sense, learn ing to read and w rite is d ittercnt iro m acquiring

the skills o f listening a n d speaking. C h ild ren d o no t have to be taught how to speak: given

the s tim u lus o f spoken language a ro und them , they canno t b u t help acquire language

through speech. T hey are greatly he lped b y the in pu t o f parents, w ho d o correct and improve

on the ch ild ’s language. But their ’teaching’ is no t o f the same k in d as is needed for reading

and writing.

W riting is an alternative m ed ium o f language to speech. It has developed its own

conventions, and to some extent its ow n g ram m ar and vocabulary, in the sense that there

are some o f the more complex gram m atical structures that w e w o u ld rarely use in speech

and some (e.g. technical) words that we almost only ever encounter in the w ritten fo rm o f the

language. T he written language is, however, at the centre o l education, and learn ing to read

is a necessity fo r participating in education. Equally, education utilizes the ab ility to listen

and to speak: in fo rm a tion is transm itted both by the spoken and the written m e d ium , and

critic ism , debate and reflection occur in both m odes. Schools, therefore, have the task both

o f developing children’s skills in listen ing and speaking and o f teach ing ch ildren how to read

and write. A ll four skills are attended to in the national cu rricu lum for English.

W h a t is involved in learn ing to read and write? Read ing involves m ak ing sense o f quite

sm all marks o n (usually) paper and relating these to language that is usually already known

through speech. It involves, as far as English is concerned, the recognition that w riting

proceeds from left to right o n a line , and from top to bottom on a page. It involves relating

visual shapes (o f words) w ith patterns o f sound, and may also involve relating ind iv idua l

letters o r pairs o f letters w ith ind iv idua l sounds. For English, as we have seen (Section 2.1.5),

there is n o one-to-one m atch between letter and sound. Read ing means be ing able lo make

an interpretation o f the language o n the page, to assign an in tonation to w hat is read, so

that it makes sense. Read ing uses a complex o f skills, i f w hat is read is to be m ean ing fu l to

the reader.

In learn ing to write, a ch ild has to acquire the skill o f us ing an ins trum ent penc il or

pen - lo make letter shapes, and then to com bine these letler shapes according lo ihc

spe lling conventions o f Eng lish, to produce the written equivalent o f words that are

fam iliar Irom speech. T he ch ild also has to learn other conventions o f writing: spaces between

words, the notion o f a sentence, capital letters, full-stops and other punc tua tion marks, and

eventually paragraphing. Initially, it is a matter o f translating speech into the new m edium ;

later, the specific characteristics o f w riting and the construction o f texts (see Chapter 3)

need to be learned, inc lud ing being able to make a text cohesive a n d coherent, by prov id ing

appropriate connections between sentences and paragraphs. Learn ing the conventions of

w r it in g is a lm ost like learn ing another language.

F in d in g O u t A b o u t L a n g u a g e A c q u is it io n

Learn ing to read a n d write requires a certa in awareness o f language on the part o f

ch ildren: the d is tinc tion a n d re lationsh ip between sounds and letters and between the

spoken and w ritten shape o f words; the no tio n o f a w ord and o f a sentence; the difference

between statements and questions; the fu nc tio n o f p u nc tua tio n to structure language;

and so on. Learn ing to read and write makes some know ledge about language explic it in a

way that the acqu is ition o f the spoken language does not. Read ing and w r it in g make

a greater d em and o n cogn itive a n d m o to r skills th an d o lis ten ing and speaking. W riting

inev itab ly requires you to th in k about w hat you w ant to com m un ica te , as you construct

sentences and texts, m ake corrections a n d am endm ents, before you send your c o m m u n

ica tion to the receiver.

W e have not said any th ing about approaches to the teaching o f reading and w riting here.

That is really beyond the scope o f this book . W c have locussed in th is section o n the nature

o f reading and w riting , and especially on the learn ing task that a ch ild faces w hen entering

school, learn ing that goes beyond the acquisition o f the spoken language. I n Section 7.2 we

go o n to consider the social im portance o t literacy.

5.6 Finding out about language acquisition_______

In the first two activities o f th is chapter, you were asked to make a record ing o f child

language, in order to ob ta in a sm a ll am oun t o f data to analyse. As you w ill have found , th is is

n o t an easy task: you have to f in d your subject, set u p your record ing equ ipm ent, hope that

the ch ild produces enough data; then you have to listen to the tape, probab ly several times,

and attem pt to m ake a transcript, w h ich m ay inc lude vary ing degrees o f detail. AH this is

very tim e-consum ing and laborious. W h a t you have done is to collect what is called a

'naturalistic sample’.

I f you w anted to trace a ch ild ’s language deve lopm ent over tim e, you w o u ld need to

m ake a series o f such recordings at regular in tervals, in order to m ap the progress made. As

the ch ild got older, you w o u ld w ant to record th em in contexts that invo lved interaction ,

n o t just w ith the ir parents o r s ib lings, but w ith the ir peers, perhaps w ithou t any adult

present. G o rd o n Wells, at the Bristol Language Project (Wells 1985), d id th is by strapping

rad io m icrophones to ch ildren w h ile they were at schoo l, p lay ing o u t w ith Ir icnds and

so on.

T he size o t the samples that you take (h a lf an hour o f recording, say) w ill depend on the

purpose o f the sam pling. I f it is to investigate a ch ild ’s phonological acquisition, the sample

can be fairly sm all, because a sm a ll sample is likely to conta in most, if not all, the phenom ena

that you w ould w ant to find . For a gram m atical investigation, the sam ple w ou ld need to bc

som ew hat bigger, and for a lexical investigation bigger still.

A n alternative, o r a com plem ent, to naturalistic sam pling is e licitation by experim ent. The

investigator sets up an experiment, either by in itia ting a contro lled dialogue, o r by getting


a ch ild to undertake a series o f tasks or to respond lo pictures, or, i f they are o ld enough, to

read a list o f words o r a text. Such experiments w ill be geared to elicit certain types o f response

from the ch ild , so that particu lar features o f the ch ild ’s language can be investigated, e.g.

specific phonem e contrasts, gram m atica l structures, discourse strategies.

E lic ita tion experim ents arc valuable i f the area o l investigation is specific and c irc um

scribed. They also enable data to be collected fro m a range o f subjects, w h ich can then be

tested statistically for validity. A num be r o f s tandard ized tests have been developed to elicit

in fo rm a tio n o n a variety o f language areas, w h ich are readily available and routine ly used

by psychologists and speech and language therapists. Such a test is the British P icture

Vocabulary Scale, w h ich requires ch ild ren to po in t to pictures in response to a verbal

s tim u lus a n d is used to pos ition ch ild ren on a standard scale o f passive vocabulary acqu is i

tion . However, experim ents require an in trus ive experim enter, they take place usua lly in

an unna tura l env ironm ent and w ith experim enta l props, all o f w h ich m ay have effects on

the responses o f the subjects. It is often possible , however, to take account o f these effects

in assessing the results.

T he next step is to m ake sense o f the data that you have collected. You need to have

some question is m in d that you arc try ing to answer, e.g. ‘W h a t stage has th is ch ild reached

in acqu ir ing the verb in flec tions o f English?’, ‘Does th is ch ild have a vocabulary w ith in

th e range for the ir age?', 'H o w far has th is ch ild progressed in the acqu is ition o f English

consonants?’ The question that you have form ulated m ay lead you to choose one o f the

standard ized tests, and the in terpreta tion o f the score is m ade against the standard scale

prov ided by the test. I I you have m ade u p your ow n c lic ita tion test, for exam ple, to find

o u t about a child's acqu is ition o f consonants, you can chart the consonants that you have

fo und and note the substitu tions that have been m ade . I f y o u have collected naturalistic

data, for exam ple to investigate acqu is ition o f g ram m atica l structures, a fo rm o f p ro filing

m ay be appropriate , such as the Language Assessment, R em edia tion and Screening

Procedure (LARSP), used by spccch and language therapists (see Crystal 1997: 233,

Fletcher 1985: 52-6).

5.7 Acquiring a second language: bilingualism

A m inority o f ch ildren in the U K acquire tw o (or perhaps even three) languages in the course

o f the ir ch ildhood . You m ay be one o f these fortunate few. For most o f us, access to a second

language on ly conies at school, a n d usually no t un til secondary school, w hen it then involves

a conscious learn ing effort and a rather less th an perfect grasp o f the language.

A ch ild may acquire tw o languages in one o t tw o ways. In a sm all num ber o l fam ilies, the

parents m ay speak different languages, and they m ay choose to speak to their children, from

b irth , in their preferred language. For example, one parent m ay be an English speaker.

A c q u ir in g a S e c o n d L a n g u a g e : B ilin g u a lism

and ihe other a Polish or U kra in ian or Greek speaker. T hus the ch ild ren are exposed lo two

languages from the start, and they develop s im ultaneous' or ‘in fan t' b ilingualism .

Alternatively, and m ore com m only , the language o f the home, spoken by bo th parents,

m ay bc different from the language o f the co m m un ity at large. In th is case, the children

acquirc the hom e language lor ihe first lour years o r so o l life, and then , when they enter the

education system, at nursery or in fan t school, they are exposed to the d om in an t language

and begin to acquire this alongside the ir hom e language. For example, the language o f

the hom e m ay be Pun jab i o r Bengali o r Cantonese, to pick on ly three o f the more than

100 m ino r ity languages spoken in the U K , w h ile the language o f the co m m un ity at large is

English. Such ch ildren are exposed to two languages du r ing ch ildhood , but w ith one

language substantially acquired before they are exposed to the second; they develop ‘con

sécutive' o r ch ild ’ b ilingualism .

There has been m uch debate about the effects o n ch ildren o f acqu iring two languages,

w h ich is. incidentally, the co m m o n experience o f the m ajority o f the w orld ’s children.

U p un til the 1960s, the com m on o p in io n was that ch ildren w ho were exposed to more

than one language were at a disadvantage in term s o f their linguistic and general intellectual

development. M ore recent studies support the view that there are certain d is tinc t advantages

to be ing brought u p bilingually . Such advantages include: developing a greater awareness o f

language, be ing able to th in k more creatively and divergently, being able to conceptualize

m ore easily, hav ing a greater social sensitivity. Sec Saunders (1982), Chapter 1, fo r more

detailed discussion o f this po int.

In itia lly the im pression m ay bc given that a ch ild brought u p b ilingua lly is linguistically

confused. Crystal (1997: 363) notes the fo llow ing stages through w h ich such a ch ild may

pass (Crystal appears to be relerring to sim ultaneous bilinguals, b u t it applies to an extent to

consecutive b ilingua ls as w ell): in the first stage, a child's vocabulary consists o f words from

bo th languages, and the words are not usually translation equivalents; in the second stage, as

the ch ild moves in to two-word utterances, words from both languages m ay bc used w ith in

the same utterance, bu t the rate o f m ix ing declines rapidly d u r ing the th ird year; in the th ird

stage, translation equivalents begin to develop, as the vocabularies o f the tw o languages grow,

b u t the developm ent o f separate gram m atical systems takes a little longer. By th is stage, in the

fo u rth year o f life, ch ildren becom e aware that they are speaking two different languages.

O n e o f the advantages o l acqu iring a language du r ing ch ildhood is lhat you w ill have a

native pronunc ia tion , som eth ing that is very hard to achieve i f a language is learned later

(from teenage years on). K now ing tw o languages gives access to tw o cultures. As a child

grows up, it is likely that one o f the languages w ill become dom inan t for them , and they may

develop a greater facility in th is one. From the beg inn ing , the languages may be used for d if

ferent purposes or in different contexts: hom e as against school, for example. Consequently,

the vocabulary acquired in the tw o languages w ill be different, reflecting the purposes and

contexts in w h ich each language functions.

Activities


A ctiv ity 5.1.1

Record the speech o f a ch ild aged between tw o and four.

N ote dow n the ways in w h ich the ch ild ’s p ronuncia tion o f words differs fro m your own,

adult, pronunciation .

Can you detect any regularly occurring adjustments?

A ctiv ity 5.1.3

W e have been able to indicate on ly some o f the m a in developments in gram m ar. Specialist

textbooks and your ow n observation can teach you more.

Try and record the speech o f a 2 year o ld ch ild and o f a 4-/5 year o ld child . M ake a transcript

o l pa r i o l cach recording and com pare the gram m atical structures and inflections used.

Com pare notes w ith fellow students.

A ctiv ity 5.1.4

From the recordings that you m ade for the previous tw o activities, make a list o f one

child's vocabulary, arranging the list in areas o f m ean ing (called sem antic fields’), e.g. food,

c lo th ing , an im als, body parls (see Crystal 1997: 244).

W h a t does your listing tell you about the size o f the ch ild ’s vocabulary and the range o f

m ean ing that it covers? It is, o f course, d ifficu lt to m ake estimates o i overall size o f vocabulary

o n th e basis o f a sm all sample.

A ctiv ity 5.2

Listen again to your recordings o f ch ild language, o r look again al your transcripts o f the

recordings, and attem pt to identify the func tion that each ch ild utterance has. according to

I lalliday's scheme outlined above.

D o one or two functions predom inate in the child's language? Is th is related to the context in

w h ich you m ade your record ing and the activ ity that the ch ild was engaged in at the tim e? O r

is il related in pa r i lo the age o f ihe ch ild and therefore the lim ited functions thal language is

called upon to perform?

A ctiv ity 5.4Com pare the com m un ica tio n skills o f a ch ild illustrated in the tw o extracts below, taken from

Fletchcr (1985). In the first, ihc ch ild is aged 2 years 4 m onths. In the second, she is 3 years

I I m onths. She is in teracting w ith her mother. 'M ’ - mother, ‘C ’ - child.

A ctiv ities

M: w h a t 's w h a t lo v e y

C : m e w a n t th a t

M w h a t is it

C (s i:n l

M : P lastic in e

C m m

M w h a t 's it for

w h a t a rc y o u g o in g to m ake

C s e e J a c k . A m y se e m e se e m e. n o t Ja ck

M : m m

C : n o t la c k , o n ly m e

M : o n ly yo u

c y o u ta k e a btssy

M : c o s 1 w a s h u n g ry

C : m e w a n t a b issy

M th e 'e y o u are y o u b a v e a btssy too

M - n o y o u d id n ’t d istu rb m e d id y o u h a v e a n ic e t im e th o u g h

C m m

M g o o d , w h a t d id y o u do

C h o rr ib le th in g s

M . 1 d o n 't b e lie v e y o u y o u a lw a y s s a y that

C . 1 . . . d id

M : d id yo u

C : 1 h a d t o lo o k a fte r Q u n it y t o g e t h im in s id e

M : w h y

C : ju s t d id

M w h a t , w h e n y o u w e re p la y in g o u ts id e

C m m . 1 t o o k 1 h a d to g e t h im inside

M: d id y o u m a n a g e

C h e 'll g o a d iffe re n t w a y t h a n m e

M o h d e ar, d id y o u m a n a g e in th e e n d

C yes

M is h e a n a u g h ty b o y

C n o h e w a s n 't , h e g o t in th e e n d w it h m e

M: o h . g o o d

C w h e n th a t . . m u m m y here's a n o t h e r d o g c o m in g a lo n g , a s m a lle r d o g . o n e . tw o , let's see

t h a ï nose.

A ctiv ity 5.5

W ith a sm all group o f fellow students, continue the discussion o f w hat is invo lved in learning

to read and write, draw ing on your ow n experience and on that o f young ch ildren that you

know, w ho arc in the early stages o f literacy. M ake a list of the skills that arc needed, and ot

the k ind s o f know ledge that need to be taught, so that som eone can becom e a successful

reader and writer.


O ne way o f m ak ing the skills m ore obvious is to try and read som eth ing presented in an

un fam ilia r way, e.g. by ho ld ing a text u p to the m irror. O r try reading the fo llow ing sentences

and reflect o n what you have to d o to m ake sense o f it:

s ’t l s e m iie m o s t h g u o h t \ah\ e h t h y l g n f levo n tn e w o tn i a e n ilc e fl re tta e h t d n o c e s d !ro w raw

g n id r o c c A o t e m o s sn a i'O ts ih , ti s a w rveht ia h t h s iig n F s r e t iw d e c n u o o e r n o it ib m a , s s e n g ib d n a

n io ta tn e m ire p x e n i r u o v a f fo a la ic n iv o rp , q n ik o o i-d r a w k c a b a ig ia tso n

A ctiv ity 5.6

Construc t an experim ent to test a 4-/5-year-olds acqu is ition o f fricative consonants in

Eng lish. You can assum e that the ch ild w ill be able to read sim ple words from a list.

M ake sure your list o f words includes each fricative in at least in it ia l a n d f in a l position

in the w ord . For exam ple, 'sh ip ' and 'rush' w ou ld attem pt to e lic it the voiceless palatal

fricative.

Your list shou ld also include so-called d istractors, words w ithou t any o f the targeted

consonants in , so that the ch ild doesn’t realize what sounds you are concentrating on.

You need to balance the desirability o f a ttem pting to elicit each sound at least tw ice w ith the

danger o f tiring the ch ild w ith too lo ng a list and consequent flagging concentration.

A ctiv ity 5.7F in d someone, i f you can, w ho acquired tw o languages du r ing ch ildhood . A sk them about

their m em ories o f d o ing so, and find o u t w hat their present experience is o l using the

two languages. In what contexts d o they use each language, for w hat purposes and for

com m un ica ting w ith whom ?

W rite u p your find ings in a report. Com pare your find ings w ith those o f your colleagues who

have talked to different in fan t/ch ild bilinguals.

Further reading________________________________T h u chapte r has d e p en d e d espec ia lly o n ih c fo llo w in g W orks: C ru t te n d e n (1979 ) a n d C ry s ta l (201)3), w ith s u p p o r t f ro m

F lc tchc r (1985), I la l l id a y (1975), S te in be rg a n d S c ia r in i (2006 ) a n d A itc h is o n <2002)

T h e lite ra tu re o n la n g ua g e a c q u is it io n is n o w q u ite extensive. In tro d u c to ry p sy ch o lin g u is t ic s tex tbooks w ill c o n ta in a

ch ap te r o r m o re o n th e top ic . See also: A itc h tso n (2007 ), G o o d lu c k (1991 ), In g ra m (1989 ), Peccei (2005 ). W e lls

(Ι98ϋ> .

O n the d ev e lo pm en t o f b il in g u a lis m , y o u s h o u ld read B ake r (2007), D e H ouw e r (2009 ) o r C h in a n d W ig g le sw o rth (2007).

A n acc o u n t o f ch ildren 's experience o f b e in g m u lt i l in g u a l is f o u n d in S im p so n a n d W ig g le sw orth <2008)

S u g g e s te d P ro je c ts 153Suggested projects_____________________________Λ n u m b e r o f cho ices p ie sen t them se lves. a n d w h ich o p t io n * y o u lake w i l l d e te rm in e h o w y o u u nde r take a pro jec t m the

area o f c h ild lang uage a c q u is it io n C lear ly y o u n e ed t o have access to o n e o r m o re c h ild re n o l the ap p rop r ia te age. H ere are

th e d éc is io n s th a t y o u n e ed t o m ake

1 W i l l y o u investigate th e lang uage o l a s in g le c h ild o r m ak e a c o m p a r iso n b e tw een c h ild re n o f . say. d iffe re n t ag es '

2. W i l l y o u investigate so m e q u ite spec if ic area, su ch as th e a c q u is it io n o f co n so nan ts , o r w ill y o u lo o k m o re genera lly at

th e stage reached i n th e a c q u is it io n o f language?

3. W il l y o u constru c t a n expe r im en t t o e licit ih e features o f la n g u a g e th a t y o u in te n d lo investigate , o r w ill y o u co llect a

n a tu ra lis t ic s am p le b y m a k in g tape- reco id ings’

Y our answ er (o e ach o f these ha s im p lic a t io n s fo r th e o th e rs Γ-or exam p le , if. in answ er t o I , y o u d e c id e to s tu d y a

s in g le c h ild , y o u w o u ld p ro b ab ly w a n t to investigate , i n answ er t o 2 , o n a m o re g e n e ra l level, say th e s o u n d system o r the

g ra m m a tic a l system 01 th e vo cabu la ry : a n d i t w o u ld p ro b a b ly invo lve y o u i n n a tu ra lis t ic s a m p lin g , in answ er to 3. O n

th e o th e r h a n d , i f y o u d e c id e to investigate a spec if ic la n g ua g e fea tu re , y o u m ay p re fe r lo c o n s tru c t a n ap p rop r ia te experi

m e n t a n d have a n u m b e r o f c h ild r e n p a r t ic ip a te in it , p e rh a p s a t d iffe re n t ages, s o th a t y o u co u ld trace a d eve lo pm en t

over tim e .

W ith in these param eters , there is a large n u m b e r o f pro jec ts th a t y o u c o u ld devise. H ere a rc three suggestions

1. C o m p a re th e a c q u is it io n o f c o n so nan ts by a s m a ll g ro u p o f 2-year o ld s w ith that o f a m atched g io u p o f *1 - o r 5-year uldv.

You w o u ld need t o c o n s tru c t a n approp ria te exp e r im en t, re m e m b e r in g that y o u c a n n o t assum e re ad in g sk ills th e e lic i

ta t io n w ill n e ed to b e oral.

2. A sce rta in th e g ra m m a tic a l c o m pe tence o f a 3-vear-old c h i ld b y re co rd ing na tu ra lis tic s a m p le t a n d p io f i lm g th e stru»-

tures used , n o t in g th e fre q uency o f t h c ii occurrence I f y o u u se th e L A R S P pro file , y o u c a n see h o w th e c h i ld com pares

w it h a s tand a rd ize d measure.

3. A sce rta in th e vocabu la ry o f a 5-year-old c h ild . Y o u m ay d o th is e ith e r b y u s in g o n e o f th e s tand a rd ize d vocabu la ry tests.

i f o n e is ava ilab le t o y o u , o r b y ta k in g na tu ra lis tic sam ples M a k e a l is t o f th e sem an tic f ie ld s represented b y th e v o c a b u

lary, a n d no te th e d is tr ib u tio n o f w o rd s a m o n g th e fie lds

Language Variation

Chapter Outline6.1 S o c io lin g u is t ic s 155

6 .2 A c c e n t a n d d ia le c t 156

6 .3 E n g lis h a s a w o r ld la n g u a g e 163

6 .4 M u lt ilin g u a lism 167

6 .5 L a n g u a g e a n d d isa d va n ta g e 169

6 .6 A tt itu d e s a n d co rre ctn ess 172

A ctiv it ie s 173



In Chapter 4, we looked at how the language has changed as society has changed over time,

and in the previous chapter, we followed through how ind iv iduals acquire language from

(heir env ironm ent in lhe firs! place. The rest o l th is book w ill look at language in its social

setting. I n the fina l chapter, we discuss the m any varieties o f language and how the forms

o f English relate to meanings and usage. In this chapter, we exam ine how language operates

in society. The chapter outlines the m a in factors w h ich affect the fo rm and function o f

language, and it discusses reasons for the variations.

6.1 SociolinguisticsT he branch o f linguistics to w h ich this chapter belongs is soc io lingu is tics . It is concerned

to relate variations in language usage w ith social factors that expla in the variation (see

Section 1.3.7). Examples o f such factors are the social class o f the speakers, their age. gender,

where they live, w ho they generally com m unicate w ith , and what the content is o l the ir talk.

A ll o f these factors are discussed in th is chapter.

C h a p te r 6 · L a n g u a g e V a ria tio n

However, people also often have strong ideas about the status o f the ir own and others’

language usage, and the socio linguist m ust take these attitudes in to account as part o f the

description o f the language. The reason for th is is that, as was discussed in Chapter 4, the

attitude o f people to aspects o f language can have an effect in chang ing the form s and usage

o l the language. Som e people can express their sense o f group-solidarity by language loyalty,

or they can disparage the language o f others to w hom they m ay be opposed cultura lly or

politically. These attitudes, o f course, ough t no t to be he ld by the sociolinguist, but the fact is

that they exist, they are a m ajor explanation for the w ay language is, and they ough t therefore

to be exam ined as part o f sociolinguistics.

6.2 Accent and dialectW ith in the English language, the m ost obvious variations across speakers in society arc the

differences in how people pronounce words, how their in tona tion and pitch varies, and

how different words, phrases and constructions m igh t be used in the ir everyday speech. It is

usual in linguistics to d is tingu ish between accent and dialect. Accent refers to the sounds

that speakers produce: the vowels and consonants in the words they use w ill be placed in

particu lar patterned ways; the speed o l their talk, the ir in tona tion to express statements,

questions, scandal, surprise, annoyance and so on , and where they characteristically pitch

their voices w ill a ll contribute to a recognizable pattern.

D ialect refers to the structural content o f speakers’ language: the particu lar words used,

characteristic syntactic constructions, certain ways o f expressing negatives, plurals, tense,

and so on . Dialects must no t bc so different trom one another that they arc considered lo bc

m utua lly unintellig ib le ; in that case, they are separate languages.

It is im portant to rem em ber that it is the pattern o f features that constitute the dialect,

rather th an any single feature m ark ing the variation . For example, the Tyneside dialect shares

som e features w ith Scottish Eng lish, such as divven as the assim ilated negative fo rm for do

not. But it does no t have the syntactic form for the con tinuous present: Scottish English has

this needs washed for the Tyneside English this needs washing.

O f course, all dialects share m ost features o f English in com m on ; th is is w hy they are

classed as dialects rather th an separate languages. Certa in differences from Standard English

(SE, w h ich is discussed further below) recur in a variety o f non-standard dialects. A m o ng the

m ost com m on are the following:

- Multiple negation (or, negative concord) for emphasis: I don't want none for the SE / don’t want any.

- Variation in negative marker: D id you do it? No, I never lor SE D id you do it? No, 1 didn't.

- Non-standard adverbial usage: He ran in slow lor SF He ran in slowly.

- Non-standard plural o f demonstrative determiner: Next to them people l’or SE Next to those people.

- Non-standard past forms: We was only playing. It weren't my fault. It was him as done it for SF. We

were only playing. It wasn’t m y fault. It was him who did it.

A c c e n t a n d D ia le ct

T hough the d is tinc tion between accent and dialect looks clear enough, in practice it is

not so easy. For exam ple, some speakers o f w hat has been called Black English Vernacular

in the U S regularly and systematically d o no t pronounce /d /, /$/ and l? J on the ends o f

words like old, cold, glasses, dog's legs, and he runs. Is th is sim p ly a difference in their accent,

o r do they have a d illc rcn t dialectal means o l expressing certain words, possession, plurality

and the th ird person verb ending? Furtherm ore, som e com m un ities w ill deny be ing able

to understand another group, pure ly o n the basis o f a desire to d istance themselves from

th a t group. T hus G erm ans and D u tch a long the border between the tw o countries w ill

deny that their respective dialects are observably very s im ilar to each other. Early British

c inem a audiences c la im ed no t to be able to understand Am erican voices in the first ‘talkies’,

because they had never been exposed to th em before. Language loyalty and custom is clearly

a factor here.

6.2.1 R egional geographyBecause Brita in was invaded and settled so m any times, and because o f a longstanding

village structure, and because o f a relatively non-centralized state, there is a great deal o f

linguistic variation across the islands. Regional dialects in B rita in are usually associated

w ith particu lar regional accents. For example, it w o u ld seem odd, th o u g h no t impossible,

to hear the Tyneside dialect spoken in a C o rn ish accent. In the last tw o centuries o r so,

however, one dialect - n o w called S tandard Eng lish - has com e to be regarded as neutral

w ith respect to regional o rig in . This is the d ia le d that emerged am ong the educated

speakers o f the southern east m id lands , and was cod ified in g ram m ar books and d ic tionar

ies. It is prom oted by the governm ent and the education system as the national variety o f

English.

SE is regularly spoken w ith a regional accent. It is the d is tinc tion between accent and

dialect that allows SE to bc a useful means ot com m un ica tion across regions o l the country.

It shou ld be em phasized that everyone speaks w ith an accent; it is as impossible to speak

w ithout an accent as to speak w ithout m ak ing sounds. W h en people deny they have an accent,

this is a statement o f social prejudice and not linguistics.

There is a prestige fo rm o f p ronunc ia tion in B rita in kno w n as Received P ronunc ia tion

(RP). T h is is the accent w h ich is aspired to in e locution lessons, on the W orld Service

a n d in London-based B B C News (tho ug h reg ional accents are increasing ly being

heard here). M any people regard th is prestige accent as ‘properly spoken’ Eng lish, or

‘Q ueen ’s English’, though in fac t on ly about 3 per cent (a n d fa lling ) o f the British p o p u la

tion speaks w ith an RP accent, a n d the Q ueen speaks in a particu larly 'advanced' fo rm of

upper-class RP.

A s w ith perceptions o f SE users, speakers o f RP tend to be regarded as h igh ly educated,

honest and trustworthy. In tests o f accent preferences, RP, Scottish and W elsh accents are

h igh ly regarded, whereas B rum m agem (B irm ingham ), Scouse (L iverpool) and particu larly


Cockney accents are disliked. The latter tw o accents are often taken, qu ite irrationally, to

signify speakers w ho are violent or dishonest.

Accents can be differentiated from one another m ost obviously in the different

realizations o f the sounds o f words. For example, some accents (such as casual Cockney)

o m it final /t/ in words like po t, or pronouncc / !/ m edially in butter as a glotta l stop. Vowel

variations tend to m ark o u t different accents even more obviously. The first vowel in butter is

p ronounced in three different ways if uttered by an RP speaker (/a /), a Cockney speaker

(/a/), and a Geord ie speaker (/u /).

In to n a tio n is a lso a strong reg iona l m arker across accents. A G eord ie accent is easily

recognized by the characteristic r is ing in tona tion in m o s t utterances, w hether questions

o r no t. A B irm ingh am accent is recognizable in the m ore narrow range o f the in tona tion

pattern across utterances. I t has on ly been in the past few decades, th anks to easily

portab le record ing equ ipm en t, that lingu ists have been able to s tudy accent in its natural

soc ia l setting.

6.2.2 The lin gu istic variab le

In order to investigate differences between accents, linguists have used the no tio n o f the

linguistic variable as a marker o f accents. O n e sound is selected, and used as the dependent

variable w h ile o ther factors {such as social class, age, gender, region, ethnic group, and so on)

are varied, w ith a view to discovering correlations between the occurrence o f the sound and

these social and personal lactors

For exam ple, one very noticeable linguistic variable in accents o f the English language is

rhoticity. This refers to the pronunciation (or no t) o f /r/ w hen it does no t occur before

a vowel (as in cur, carl, burn). In the British Isles, rhoticity differentiates Scottish, Irish,

C orn ish , rura l East A ng lia n and N orthum brian accents from m ost M id la n d and southern

accents. In Britain , rhotic ity is regarded as a low-prestigc feature, associated w ith rural,

‘backward’ areas. I he fact that th is is a local prejudice is illustrated by the fact that the

opposite ho lds in m ost o f the US, where rhoticity is prestigious and its absence is

stigmatized.

T he linguistic variable has been the basis o f m uch o f m odern sociolinguistics. A n y feature

o l language can be set against a social factor: a particu lar in tonation , syntactic pattern, use

o f a particu lar w ord , and so on . However, there are problems in co llecting data such as

this for study. It is d ifficu lt to set u p a natural s ituation in w h ich m any people w ill say a

particu lar word several tim es, o r use a particu lar syntactic construction , w ithout them

realizing that they are being observed. The fact that people change the w ay they speak when

they are aware o f being watched is know n as the observer's paradox', and data collected in

such circumstances must be regarded as suspect.

For th is reason, m any sociolinguistic studies have used variations in single sounds as

the linguistic variable. People are less aware o f ind iv idua l sounds, there is a h igh chance o f


hearing lhe feature several lim es in a variety o f words, and the sound can occur w hen the

content o l the ta lk is form al o r casual, friendly, hostile , careful o r everyday, and so on . Groups

o f speakers w ill o ften share the feature, m ak ing its s tudy genuinely social, rather th an sim ply

part o f the ind iv idua l’s speech style, w h ich is kno w n as their idiolect. Two studies w h ich use

this approach arc described below.

6.2.3 A ge and lan gu age loyalty

O n e o f the m ost famous sociolinguistic studies was conducted by W illia m Labov on the

Massachusetts island o f M arthas V ineyard in the US. There are a ro und 6,000 native

inhabitants, but every year tens o f thousands o f tourists descend upon the island; the locals

refer to these as the sum m er people’. They have bough t property and la n d in the east o f the

is land, and a seasonal tourist trade has becomc dependent o n them . T h is area, incidentally,

was used as the setting for lhe f i lm laws. T he west o f the island, around C h ilm ark , is still

ru ra l, and the remains o f the dec lin ing fish ing industry operates here.

As a linguistic variable. Labov selected the way people pronounced the d iphthongs [au]

and |ai| in such words as house and night respectively. It had been observed that islanders

tended to pronounce these sounds more centrally on the tongue (as (3u) and [ail), though a

previous study had fo und that. 30 years beforehand, th is centralization had been dy ing out.

Labov interviewed about 60 people fro m all over the island. Surprisingly, he found that the

use o f a centralized d iph thong was actually o n the increase, and was especially noticeable in

the speech o f fisherm en aged 31-45 liv in g in Ch ilm ark .

Labovs explanation for this is that those islanders w ho were com m itted lo island life

wanted to m ark themselves as being real islanders, separate from the ‘sum m er people'. Their

centralized d iph thong was the m eans of conveying this, and had been exaggerated by some

o f the islanders. Labov produces results that indicate a correlation between centralization

and whether in form ants had a positive o r negative attitude to island life. Those people

who centralized the most tended to be those who liked M arthas Vineyard, while those who

centralized least were those w ho had a negative view o f the island.

Furthermore, th is language loyally was apparent in certain age groups more than others.

W h en the use o f the centralized pronuncia tion was set against age bands, a definite

generational pattern emerged. M iddle-aged m en presented the feature m ost often, closely

followed by those young people w ho had been away to study o n the m a in la n d but had

m ade a conscious decision to return to the island. This generational 'snapshot' allowed

Labov to discuss how the use o f the feature was chang ing over time.

Hie M artha’s V ineyard study indicates several im portant areas in w h ich sociolinguistic

m ethods can provide insight. Labov was able to observe language change by analysing

its effects. He was able to lin k language use w ith subjective attitudes, and illustrate that

this correlation was not random but princ ip led. A n d language use was seen to be patterned

according to age, attitude and social s ituation in ways that can be quantified.


6.2.4 So cia l class

A no the r social factor available fo r study is class stratification, the perception o f a social

h ierarchy based o n wealth , fam ily status, attitude and occupation . Peter Trudgill, in a study

in N orw ich in the 1960s, set a variety o f lingu istic variables in p ronunc ia tion against

both the social class and the gender o f the speaker. U sing local counc il wards as the unit

from w h ich in fo rm ants were derived, he categorized people’s social class o n the basis o f

incom e, house and the occupation o f the father o f the family. H e had the in form ants

speak in a casual, relaxed situation , followed by a m ore form al, interview-style setting. He

then got them to read a passage that contained m any o f the sounds he was interested in.

Finally, he had them read lists o f words, m any o f th em in pairs that contrasted w ith each

other. By th is m e thod , he was able to ga in examples o f the linguistic variable from a

c o n t in u u m o f casualness to formality . He also ensured that in fo rm ants first spoke w ithout

be ing aware o f w h ich parts o f their speech were be ing analysed, and then gradually became

acutely self-conscious.

Figure 6.1 shows a table w h ich contains a large range o f in form ation . T he social class

bands are shown, from M idd le M idd le Class, th rough Lower M idd le Class, U pper W ork ing

Class, M idd le W ork ing Class, to Lower W ork ing Class. These bands are further divided

according to gender. The in fo rm ants were then recorded for their use o f the variable /η /. For

example, in a word like singing, the final sound m ay be pronounced either /η / o r /n / . Such

words were placed in to various styles: W o rd List Style, Reading Passage Style, Formal Style,

and Casual Style, in order to vary the awareness o f the speaker regarding his/her own

language use. Figure 6.1 shows the percentage o f people in each group w ho used the / n/

pronunciation .

Social Class Sex WLS RPS FS CS

M M C M 000 000 004 03 1F 000 000 000 000

L M C M 000 020 027 017

F 000 000 003 067

uw c M 000 018 081 095

F 011 013 068 077

M W C M 024 043 091 097

F 020 046 081 088

L W C M 066 100 100 100

F 017 0 5 4 0 9 7 100

|N o te : M M C = M id d le M id d le C la s s . L M C = L o w e r M id d le C la s s .

U W C = U p p e r W o r k in g C l a s s . M W C = M id d le W o r k in g C la s s . L W C = L o w e r W o r k in g C la s s . ]

Figure 6.1 The M Variable in Norwich (following Trudgill (1983: 94».


This table clearly shows that the low-status pronuncia tion o f /n / generally increases in

frequency the lower dow n the social scale is the speaker. So, the M M C alm ost always use

/n /. whereas the I.YVC almost always use I n i as the final sound o f words like singing. It

also shows that people are aware o f the prestige value attached to these form s, since generally

they tend to m ove towards the higher status lo rm w hen they are m ore aware o l the ir own

language use.

6.2.5 Gender

M ore interesting th an these general trends, though , are the different results fo r m en and

w om en o f the sam e social class. W om en tend more towards the h igher· prestige fo rm than do

m en. Conversely, m e n seem to inc line towards the lower-prestige pronuncia tion . A im in g for

high-prestige (a n d som etim es over-judging the matter) is know n as hypercorrection (already

referred to in Section 4.4.1 as a factor in language change). A im in g for low-prestige is called

covert prestige by TrudgUL Notice in the table how L M C m en use the lower status feature

more w hen they become aware o f it ( in Form al Style) th an in the ir everyday, vernacular

speech (Casual Style). A lo ng w ith o ther sociolinguists, T rudg ill suggests that w om en tend

to be socially aspirational since they are o ften prejudic ia lly assessed on the basis o f their

accents, and that therefore they are linguistically insecure. M en, o n the other hand , desire to

be though t o f as 'tough' and ‘down-to-earth', and so aim for the lower-class speech patterns,

even i f they are themselves m idd le class. In support o f this, T rudg ill also observes that, when

asked subjectively about their accents, w om en tend to c la im they have a higher-prcstige

accent th an in fact they use. Hqually, m en c la im to use m ore lower-prestige form s than they

are actually observed using.

There has been a great deal o f interest in the issue o f whether m en and w om en use

language differently. In the 1970s and 1980s, prescribed changes to the language were

advocated by m any fem inists in order to m ake the language system itsell less sexist.

Examples include us ing M s in preference to M iss o r Airs; d ro pp ing the gender qualification

in lady doctor, fem ale executive, career w om an and also male nurse; and us ing neutral

terms such as personpower (for manpower), chair/person (for chairm an), herstory (history),

h im m icane (hurricane), w im m in/w om yn (women) and mistress copy (for master copy). The

argum ent was that language is sexist because it is mflH-made, and m en determ ine meanings

because they are largely in contro l in society.

Such prescriptive recom m endations have had lim ited success, in large part precisely

because they are prescribed. There are, in any case, tw o serious flaws in th is position. The

first derives fro m the assum ption that language is contro lled and fixed by a dom inan t

g roup (m en), and on ly they can exercise this power. Therefore, any fem in ist prescriptive

intervention is futile since w om en, it is c la im ed, do not have the sam e socio-political power.

This particu lar fem in ist pos ition is based on the idea that linguistic expression strongly

determines patterns o f thought. But i f this was the case, then deterministic feminists would


no t even he able to discuss the issue in Eng lish, since they w ou ld , on their ow n argum ent, be

unable to th in k about it.

Λ second counter-argument is that the position is based on ignorance o f linguistics, particu

larly o f etymology and language change. For example, the in itia l m orphem es in history and

hurricane have nothing , historically, to do w ith gender pronouns. W oman is not (as has been

claimed) the woe o f m an , but a derivation o f w ifm an , where m an was sim ply O ld English for

person. Males were s im ilarly distinguished by prefixes: werman o r waepman. In fact, in Anglo-

Saxon society, w om en were allowed property rights, w h ich were no t regained un til 1922!

It was through the medieval period that w if narrow ed its m ean ing to its current sense, and

later prescriptive authorities’ decided that m an should bc both malc-spccific and also generic

(a position actually em bod ied by an Act o f Parliam ent). This produces odd ities like:

Fa rly m a n d e v e lo p e d a la rg e s k u ll w h ic h c a u s e d h im p ro b le m s in g iv in g b ir t h a n d t h u s s h o rte n e d h is

g e sta tio n p e rio d

Clearly, whatever the shortcom ings o f the prescriptive approach, there is som eth ing bizarre

to be accounted for here.

A m ore recent, less determ in istic pos ition claim s that differences are the products o f

the different uses m en and w om en make o f language, rather th an language be ing itself

inherently sexist. Language sim p ly reflects social discrepancies, and m en and w om en have

their ow n 'genderlects’. Language, from this v iew poin t is o n ly one part o f an individual's

social experience, and men cannot fix meanings because meanings cannot be fixed. Language,

therefore, can express the needs and experience o f w om en just as well, and linguists must

consider the social a n d po litica l uses oflanguage.

For illustration , it has been shown that m any words w h ich arc supposed to have com m on

gender (i.e. are gender-neutral) are in fact used in ways w h ich exclude women:

readers c h o o s e re so rts b y a s k in g th e ir w iv e s w h e re th e y w o u ld like to go .

Consider also the connotations o l the follow ing pairs o l words and associated phrases. A

waiter works in a h igh class restaurant, a waitress in a lower class cafe. Compare: head waiter and

?hetid waitress (the ? indicates doubt over the valid ity o f the phrase). A master is in control, but a

mistress is kept for sex. Compare: o ld master and ?old mistress. A bachelor is an approving term,

but a spinster is a sad th ing to be. Compare: bachelor p a d and hpmster pad . A patron is a business

client, but a matron is an o ld nurse. II a man has a client, he is a businessman; il a w om an has a

client, she is a prostitute. I f a m an is a pro, he is competent; i f a woman is a pro, she is a prostitute.

I f a m an is a tramp, he is a homeless scruff; il a w om an is a tramp, she is a prostitute.

It has often been noted that, in m ixed groups, m en and w om en appear to use different

sets o l politeness strategies, in tona tion markers and turn-taking supports and challenges in

conversation. Studies o n schoolchildren illustrate that boys' m onopo liza tion o f classroom

resources and playground space also extends to their d om ina tion o f linguistic space. This

E n g lis h a s a W o rld L a n g u a g e

early socialization is carried o n in to later life. Generally speaking, there is evidence to show

that m en in m ixed groups speak m ore than w om en. W h en m en speak to m en , topics tend to

be com petition , teasing, sports, aggression and do ing things, whereas w om en tend to talk

about self, feelings, relationships and ideas.

In m ixed groups, m en have been found to initiate exchanges m ore, and w om en to support

and reply. However, there is some accom m odation and convergence for the other gender in

each case: m e n speak less o f 'their’ topics and wom en less o f 'theirs! This also seems to be

culture-specific: in the US, w om en sh ift their topics m ore towards the m en; in Britain , it is

the m e n w ho tend to converge m ore towards the w om ens topics.

Generally, though , w om en tend to apologize m ore, m en explain th ings to w om en, men

interrupt and w om en give way. I n s im ultaneous talk, m en persist longer and so more

often w in the floor. W o m en ask m ore questions and m ake more supporting sounds and

com m ents . M en tend to use assertive form s w h ile w om en use the m ore suggestive c o n

structions o f interrogatives and supposition.

It has been suggested that these differences arc because m en and w om en are socialized into

different understandings o f the rules and functions o f language. For example, when wom en

talk o f dom estic matters and m en o f business matters, they all may be app ly ing the same rule,

talking about work. However, traditionally, men’s w ork has been external to the hom e while

women's w ork has been internal, and so the topics o f ta lk seem to vary. Alternatively, w ith

interrogatives, w om en m ay perceive the function o f questions to bc the maintenance o f con

versation, draw ing the other person into the discussion, wh ile m en perceive the func tion as

the elicitation o l in form ation , and act accordingly. W o m e n m ay regard forccfulncss as hostile

personal aggression, while m e n regard it as part o f norm al conversational organization.

O f course, the fact that cultural differences exist, and that usage has changed over time,

suggests that there is no th ing inherently m ale or female in any o f the above patterns o f use.

A n overrid ing consideration is the balance o f power between participants in discourse. 'Hie

so-called ‘female gendcrlccts have been found in the stylistic choices o l powerless men, and

m any w om en in positions o f power tend to use the language o f power as well. That power has

in the past been associated very m uch w ith m en goes a long way to explain w hy these particular

patterns o f language use have been seen as ‘male. However, the pace o f social change over the

past decades has already rendered m any o f the classic linguistic studies dated and obsolete, and

genderlects need to bc re-cvaluated as linguistic choices to express and manage power.

6.3 English as a world languageBecause o f British co lon ia lism and , more recently, the prom inence o f A m erican culture

globally, the English language is now the most w ide ly spoken across the world. Perhaps more

im portantly, it is the w orld ’s m ost frequent second language. Eng lish is the language most

likely to be used as a lin g u a franca (a com m on means o f com m un ica tion ) when two

d ifferent language speakers first meet.


However, English is not the sam e across the world. There are as m any varieties o f English

as there are needs lor different form s o f the language. English n o longer 'belongs' to the

British, o r even to the Am ericans, but is a resource for speakers w h o have developed their

ow n proper varieties fo r their ow n circumstances. Every English speaker’s language is

perfectly adequate for their requirements; as new needs arise, so the language changes lo

accom m odate and express them . T he jo b o f the lingu ist is not to prescribe a m odel form

o i English {though there is a debate around w h ich variety o f English ough t to be taught

to foreign learners); it is to describe w orldw ide usage as it exists in its local form s, and to

theorize about orig ins and effects.

T he appearance o f varieties o f Eng lish a ro und ihe w orld is a lm ost entire ly a result o f

trade, backed u p by B ritish m ilita ry and naval power. In the cases o f N o r th A m er ica and

Australia , native E ng lish speakers fo rm ed the m a jo r ity o l th e established settlers. In the

cases o f A fr ica a n d In d ia , Eng lish becam e associated w ith pos itions o f governm en t and

power. M a n y n a tions , furtherm ore , u p o n th e ir independence from B rita in , kept English

as a m a in language to avoid p r iv ile g ing the language o f any one tr ibe or reg ional group.

Eng lish thus stayed o n as a useful neu tra l com prom ise , as well as an in terna tiona l la n

guage used in trade.

6.3.1 Am erican EnglishA m erican Eng lish now dom ina tes the world . It is often S tandard A m er ican Eng lish w h ich

is taugh t lo foreign learners wherever the in fluence o l ih e U S is strong, and so it is

no t unusua l to f in d people from ihe Pacific, the Far East and also G erm any speaking

Eng lish w ith an A m erican accent and u s ing A m erican id iom s. Since the Second W orld

W ar, A m erican Eng lish has consolidated its position ih ro ug h its dom in an ce o f ih e enter

ta inm e n t industry.

A parl from differences in pronuncia tion , ihe m a in feature o l A m erican English in

contrast w ith S tandard (British) English is in lexical variation. M any words have been

borrowed Irom the languages o f non-English speaking im m igrants , as well as from Ihe

ind igenous peoples: so moccasin, ja z z , zucchini, burger, bagel and kosher can a ll now be heard

in Britain . Som e recognizably British words have developed variant m eanings such as

m tu l (-angry), are you through? (-are you finished?) and bad/w icked (-good). Am erican

technological innovation has also given us program (spelt th is w ay in com puters), telephone,

typewriter, as well as lynch, blizzard, joy-ride and pra irie to express a culture and environm ent

different from the British.

So, i f you take a tra in journey in Britain , your railway tra in has a driver, a guard and

perhaps a guard's van. You have luggage and your tra in m ay pass goods Irains, level crossings

and points. I f you were in Am erica, your railroad tra in w ou ld have an engineer, a conductor

and a baggage car. You w ou ld pass freight trains, grade crossings and switches. I n your

autom obile you fill u p w ith gas, w ipe yo u r w indshield , check your hood a n d trunk are shut.

E n g lis h a s a W o rld L a n g u a g e

and drive dow n the freeway, expressway o r div ided highway, overtaking trucks. At hom e , you

take the elevator to your apartment, read your m ail, change the baby’s diaper, and pu t in a

trun k call to your foreign friends, m ak in g the call collect i f you arc mean. Finally, you drink

a root beer that you’ve seen in a com m ercia l wh ile watch ing TV.

O l course, there is variation w ith in the USA as well. M os t dom estic dialectal variation is

based not so m uch on region as o n divisions between urban and rura l areas, and between

e thn ic groups. Som e regional variations inc lude the Boston tonic (soft d r in k ), and in

Ph ilade lph ia a square is w hat a block is in New York. People park cars in Los Angeles, in

Trenton they rank th em and in Delaware cars are filed .

However, there are also gram m atical d illcrcnccs in word fo rm ation and syntax that seem

to be spreading. The suffix -ize is very useful in m ak ing verbs o u t o f nouns, though there

arc plen ty o f British newspaper letterwriters w ho com p la in about English fratern izing and

be ing terrorized by words like hospitalized, prioritized and especially burglarized. However

(apart from the last example), British Eng lish can on ly express these concepts in a more

roundabout way.

Syntactic variation tends to reveal the linguistic ignorance o f such purist letterwriters.

since m any A m erican variants arc actually o lder British form s w h ich have not changed in

America. Verbal auxiliaries like gotten and done are acceptable in ways that w o u ld be regarded

as ungram m atical in Britain . A n d m any variants (such as dove (d ived) and hung (hanged))

arc A m erican regularizations o f British English oddities.

6.3.2 A rtific ia l varieties of EnglishThere are som e varieties o f English that are designed specifically lo r particu lar uses, and

E ng lish for Specia l Purposes (ESP) is the area that studies and promotes these as codified

and conventional lingua francas. For example, M a r it im e E ng lish (or Seaspeak) has been

developed specifically to enable ships’ navigators to com m unicate w ith each other regardless

o f the ir respective nationalities. Sim ilarly, a reduced form o f English is used by air-traffic

controllers across the w orld to ensure precise and clear com m un ica tion , know n as Airspeak.

T he p ilo t o f an Italian je t land ing at M ilan a irport w ou ld nevertheless speak to the Italian

controller in English. Business English is another example o f an artific ia l variety to be used

in in ternational trade.

Such artificial varieties, often sponsored and com m issioned by regulating bodies,

serve such a narrow func tion that they can exist in h igh ly s im plified forms. This no t only

makes them easier to learn, but it also reduces the po ten tia l for ambiguity. Technical

words are p rom inen t, w ith specific jargon for particu lar industries fo rm ing dialects w ith in

Business English.

O f course, for the purposes o f accuracy and safety, and because artificial varieties have no

native speakers, they exist in a frozen form . Innovation tends to bc introduced on ly by some

sort o f statute, rather th an by ind iv idua l creativity.


6.3.3 P idgins and Creoles

W here several languages com e together, often in trad ing ports, refugee cam ps and slave

markets, and com m un ica tion is essential, a hybrid language m ay develop to be used in a

few specific contexts. S ince its functions arc lim ited , such a p id g in is usually a restricted

language system. I f derived from Hnglish, the p idg in Eng lish w ill often have sim ple clauses,

few prepositions and a sm a ll range o f vocabulary (w h ich is often m a in ly drawn from the

other, non-English language). However, p idg ins are not s im p ly te legrammatic ‘broken

English’; they have to be learnt just as any o ther language, and are incom prehensible to the

m ono lingua l English speaker. A p idg in , by defin ition , has no native speakers.

If, however, a p idg in persists in a particular region, it m ay extend its social functions and

become the first language o f the new generation. At this po int, the language becomes a creole: a

fully fledged language in its ow n right. Development at this po in t is often rapid, w ith an increase

in complex clauses, in phonetic range, w ith extra lexical items, synonymous terms, a tense and

aspect system and other complex gramm atical lorms. Standardization o l pronunciation and

spelling often follows, and codification in dictionaries, grammar books and through education.

N ot all lingua francas develop in to pidg ins, and not all p idg ins develop in to creoles. A nd

not all p idg ins and creoles derive from English, either. A ll the languages o f the o ld European

im peria l powers are represented in pidgin/creole languages, w ith on ly a quarter being

English based. M any p idg ins and creoles exist side by side, such as in Sierra Leone where

West A frican p idg in and K rio are spoken regularly in everyday life.

O n e o l the most well-documented examples o f a p idg in is Tok Pisin (=p idg in talk) in Papua

N ew G u inea . This language (also called New Guinea Pidgin, Melanesian Pidgin , and Neo-

Melanesiati) has existed since the end o f the last century. Then. G e rm an planters shipped

workers in to Sam oa to p ick coconut and cocoa. T hough a quarter o f them died, 6000 were

eventually repatriated to New G u in e a on English ships where a lingua franca developed.

Back in N ew G uinea, w ith its 700 languages, the lin g ua tranca con tinued to be used and

becam e Tok Pisin p idg in .

Some o f the Eng lish orig ins o f Tok P isin can still be seen in some words: p ik (pig), dok

(dog), het (head), luk im (see/look), spa ida (spider), kol (cold) and sikis (six). M any o f these

result from the sim plified sound system, w ith on ly five basic vowels available. New words are

o ften lo rm ed by m etaphor or com pound ing . Thus, gras bilong het is hair. It aits bilong spaida

is a web, and haus bilong p ik is a pigsty. A p lan tihan is a centipede (p lenty hands), haus sik

is a hospital, haus pepa (paper house) is an office. Intensification can be expressed by

repetition: thus, look means look b u t looklook means stare.

Tok Pisin has for a long time been in the process o f creolization; that is, it has native speakers

for w hom it is a first language. This process is very rapid once begun, since children quickly

innovate new words and structures to express every facet o f their lives. H ie language comes to be

used in all contexts, w ith a corresponding increase in available forms and potential functions.

Particularly im portant in the process is the co d ific a tio n o f the language, he lped by

linguists w ho were orig inally concerned sim ply to provide a descriptive account o f Tok Pisin.

M u lt il in g u a lism

The linguistic account o f the language, since it is written dow n , becomes the ‘stable form

w h ich can then be taught in schools as a national standard. This in tu rn confers authority on

the language as hav ing prestige, and so m any more people are w illing to learn it. This both

encourages a n d is supported by literary activ ity in the language, w ith o rig ina l fiction written

in Tok Pisin, and the Bible being translated in to the language (the N ew Testament in 1969

and the complete Bible in 1989). Tok Pisin is now regarded as a fu lly fledged language in its

ow n right.

Som e creoles (such as in Jamaica w ith the creole know n as Patois) are in a post-creole s itu

ation , w ith the pressure o f English through the education system being felt very strongly. W ith

m uch word-borrow ing occurring especially in h igh ly influentia l areas like law, government

and advertising, several varieties o f the language are emerging, spread out through society.

The full creole version (the basilect variety) tends to be spoken by those w ho have received

very little formal education. W ith in the education system, a variety o f Patois is spoken that is

b eg inn ing to be influenced very strongly b y Eng lish (this is kno w n as the acro lect). Between

these varieties are a variety o f m cso lects w h ich share features o f the creole and o f English.

For example, the acrolectal I to ld hint is identical to S tandard English, b u t the basilectal m i tel

a m obeys different rules. A whole range ol mcsolectal versions ( a tel im , m i tel i and so o n ) lie

in between.

Sim ilarly, it is rare to hear acrolectal speakers o f Tok Pisin using the full phrase Tain i bilong

sat I i godoun (the tim e o f the sun going dow n). Instead, it is likely that you would hear sim ply

sikis klok (6 o ’c lock). Sim ilarly, words like sandwich, lunch and tea have been im ported from

Australia. If the use o i the acrolect becomes m ore widespread in the future, Tok P isin or

Patois m ay become completely decreo lized and English m ay become dom in an t altogether.

Against this, language loyalty could w ork to save the creole.

6.4 Multilingualism

The term m u lt il in g u a lism is generally used in tw o senses. First, an ind iv idua l can be said

to be b ilingua l o r m u ltilingua l i f they are able to speak two o r m ore languages reasonably

fluently. Secondly, the term 'm u ltilin gua l’ is used o f whole speech com m un ities (or regions,

areas or nations) in which tw o or more separate languages arc used regularly by most o l the

popu lation in everyday life.

At first glance these tw o uses o f the term m igh t seem to be inclusive o l each other, and

therefore the same. However, in m u ltilingua l speech com m unities , a ll ind iv idua ls w ho are

m embers o fth a t co m m un ity w ill be m u ltilingua l; whereas an ind iv idua l m ay be m u ltilingua l

w ith in a m ono lingua l com m unity . It is also often the case that the m ono lingua l com m un ity

w ill generally v iew the m u ltilingua l ind iv idua l in particu lar ways that m ay be prejudicial to

that ind iv idua l. It is therefore useful to keep the tw o senses o l the term separate.

There is a popu lar conception in W estern societies that the m ono lingua l s ituation is

reproduced th roughout the w orld . It is a be lie f w h ich the increasing num bers o f Spanish


speakers in the U SA , a n d Asian language speakers in the U K are beg inn ing to render false. In

the m o no lin gua l outlook , the m u ltilingua l ind iv id ua l is often regarded w ith e ither suspicion

o r adm ira tion , but in both cases as som eone unusual. In fact, m u ltilingua lism is the norm

rather than the exception th roughout the world , and it is m o no lin gua l com m un ities which

occur less frequently.

O ne o f the m ost obvious examples o f m u ltilingua lism w ith in Europe is in Switzerland. Swiss

varieties o f G erm an, French and Italian are regularly encountered, w ith almost all speakers hav

ing native competence in tw o or more o f these languages. All three variants are recognized by

government and represented in official documents, roadsigns and o n television. I n practice,

there are areas where one of the languages tends to dom inate in usage, but these areas often blur

in to each other across the country. To complicate the picture, languages and dialects other than

these three official' languages arc also used by m ino r ity groups throughout Switzerland.

Though linguists make a d is tinc tion between linguistic term s such as speech community

and geographical/political terms like nation , ethnicity, and so on . in practice people often use

language as a symbol for po litica l identity and cohesion. H istorica lly linguistic oppression

(such as o f Irish Gaelic and W elsh by the Eng lish) has been seen as an im po rtan t part o f

territorial invasion. Resurgent nationalist movem ents have subsequently allied themselves

w ith the native languages as a sign o f resistance and identity. Thus Irish Gaelic, although

spoken by on ly a t in y m inority o f the popu la tion , has been the Irish Repub lics official

language since the 1920s and is taught in schools. A n d in Wales, though there are virtually

n o m ono lingua l Welsh speakers, W elsh is now officially’ sanctioned in schools, o n roadsigns,

television, and in the courts, largely as a result o f cam paigns by the Welsh Language Society

and Plaid Cym ru , the nationalist party, and now a ided b y the Welsh Language Hoard (Bwrdd

Yr Ia ith Cym raeg), w h ich was created by the Welsh Language Act o f 1993.

Even England itself, o f course, has on ly been generally m ono lingua l fo r the past 700 years,

fo llow ing lo ng periods o f English/French and Anglo-Saxon/Latin b ilingualism .

6.4.1 Code-sw itch ing

W here tw o or more languages are w idely used in everyday life, the choice o f which language

is spoken in any specific circumstance is usually a h igh ly princ ip led matter o f social rules. For

example, one language may be regarded as being more casual than another, or m ore appro

priate to the written form , or more polite, or to be used o n religious occasions, and so on . It

can then happen that a speaker may m ove from one language to another fairly suddenly,

som etim es even w ith in an utterance. A ny such rap id m ovem ent between one variety o f

speech and another is called code-switching.

This behaviour involves two factors: the language used and the context o f utterance (the

situation). Two types o f code-switching can thus be described: in 'situational' code-switching,

the context determines a change in language (for example, entering a Catholic church 50 years

ago w ou ld prescribe a sw itch from English to Latin); in ‘m etaphorical’ code-switching.

L a n g u a g e a n d D is a d v a n ta g e

a change in the topic o f conversation, in the language itself, serves to redefine the social set

ting {for example, an offic ia l sw itching from a polite language to a casual one w ill thus signal

an end to offic ia l business).

The social rules which govern code-switching can be very subtle and complex, to the extent

that speakers arc often unaware o l what they are doing. For the linguist, it is fairly easy lo observe

switches between different languages by m ultilingual speakers. It is m uch more difficult in

observing m onolingual speakers w ho code-switch by means o f dialect, register and accent varia

tion. In these cases, though, the fundam ental phenom enon o f code-switching is the same as for

the multilingual. People w ho adopi a 'telephone voice that comprises the use o f a more presti

g ious accent, m ore lorm al words and more polite gram m ar can be said to be code-switching.

T he term s m u ltilin gua l and b ilingua l are o ften used to m ean people w h o are equally

com petent in tw o o r m ore languages. Such genuine m u ltilin gua lism is rare in Britain;

speakers tend to see themselves as hav ing a particu lar language first <1.1 ) and other

languages second (L2). In m any cases, particu larly for those ch ild ren recently arrived in

the country for w h o m English is very m uch an L2, ihe assum ption o f b ilin g ua l equal

com petence can be h a rm fu l a n d pre jud ic ia l. It is therefore usefu l to d ifferentiate m u lt i

l in g u a l speakers from speakers o l Eng lish as a second language (ESL ) and speakers of

English as a foreign language (E FL ), w h ich provides a gradation o f competence in English

relative to the other language spoken.

II has also recently been recognized that ih e problems encountered by ESL and EFL speak

ers are not always strictly linguistic ones. Ind iv idua ls from Asia. A frica, South Am erica and

the Caribbean, as well as Eastern Europe, often fin d that cultura l differences that arc encodcd

in language are so different that in ferred or obscure m eanings can easily elude them . Irony,

id iom s and jokes are particu larly d ifficu lt. Clearly, o ther sorts o f knowledge in add ition to

g ram m ar and vocabulary need to be mastered. Learn ing ihe culture seems to be a necessary

com plem ent to learn ing the language.

6.5 Language and disadvantage_________________It is w ith in the field o f education that sociolinguistic approaches to language study have been

m ost strongly debated. A rgum ent has often centred o n the issue ol how language skills aflect

students' perform ance across the cu rricu lum . C om p la in ts th roughout th is century about

school-leavers’ po o r spelling, gram m ar and general com m unicative skills have led politicians

and journalis ts to call fo r changes in the way language is taught in schools. The strongest

fo rm o f th is position is that po o r linguistic expression is a sign (and even a cause) o f low

intelligence, racial in feriority and crim ina l tendencies.

There are tw o facts w h ich are docum ented and w idely accepted: first, the language o f

middle-class and working-class ch ildren is different; and secondly, working-class ch ildren do

less well al school than middle-class children. A theory o f language and education w ould


link these facts, hu t there are a variety o f possible connections. It cou ld be that the language

o f working-class ch ildren is no t good enough to enable them to d o well at school. This is

a ‘deprivation theory, c la im ing that language differences entail cognitive differences.

Alternatively, a 'difference' theory w ou ld argue that there is an intolerant attitude to working-

class language so that it is im p lic itly d iscrim inated against in schools. Or, working-class

language could sim ply be one part o f a culture that regards the middle-class education system

as a lien and this also could cause those ch ildren not to engage in schoolwork.

A fam ous deprivation theory was put forward by the sociologist Basil Bernstein. He

c la im ed that there are tw o patterns o flanguage used by children: 'restricted' and elaborated’

codes. I le said that middle-class ch ildren use b o th codes in different contexts, but lower

working-class ch ildren on ly have access to the restricted code. This lim its the latter’s abilities

o i expression and ab ility to fo rm concepts, and they arc disadvantaged bccausc ‘schools arc

predicated upon elaborated code’.

Elaborated code typically features the following:

accuiate grammatical order and syntax

- complex sentences: coordination and subordination

- frequen t use o f p repos itions , s h o w in g log ica l structure

- im p e rso n a l p ronouns

- passive constructions

- u n u s u a l ad jectives a n d adverbs.

It is thus universalisée and context-free (that is, it makes sense w ithout im m ediate reference

lo the context o f utterance).

Restricted code is com prised of:

- u n f in is h e d a n d sho rt sentences

- s im p le clauses

- commands and questions

- categoric statements

- repetition o f conjunctions

hesitancy

- rigid and limited use o f adjectives and adverbs

- co n fu s io n o f reasons a n d conclus ions

- sympathetic circularity (‘you know').

In relying o n im p lic it m ean ing it is thus particularistic, and dependent o n the context.

Bernstein em phasized that these codes are not the sam e as dialect; both can be expressed

in SE. They do. though , appear to present a linguistic explanation o f educational failure.

Various studies were produced to support the theory. M others reported how they talk to

their children, and working-class m others were observed to use on ly restricted code, whereas

middle-class m others used b o th codes. The former gave com m ands where the latter gave

L a n g u a g e a n d D is a d v a n ta g e

reasons for decisions. The w ork ing class were said to m an ipu la te the env ironm ent physically

where the m idd le class use language to alter the ir environm ent.

In a fam ous study, 300 ch ildren were show n a picture sequence, and asked to tell the story

verbally. F rom the results, two 'slightly exaggerated’ versions were produced as typical o f

middle-class and working-class ch ildren respectively, as follows.

a) Three boys are playing football and one boy kicks the ball and il goes through the window the ball

breaks the window and the boys are looking at it and a man comes out and shouts at them because

they’ve broken the w indow so they run away and then that lady looks out o f her window and she tells

the boys off.

b) They’re playing football and he kicks it and it goes through there it breaks the window and they're

looking at it and he comes out and shouts at them because they’ve broken it so they run away and

then she looks out and she tells them off.

The first version, w ith 13 nouns and only 6 pronouns, is conlext-free and explicit, whereas

the second, w ith o n ly 2 nouns but 14 pronouns, is context-bound and needs the pictures

to 'decode' the m ean ing . It is argued that these 'considerable differences’ 'm ay well have

im portant cognitive consequences'. This is based o n the fact that the second version has

lim ited scope for descriptive adjectives (p ronouns can’t usually be m od ified by adjectives).

Such unders tand ing o f differences w o u ld natura lly lead to advocating some fo rm o f c o m

pensatory education scheme. Indeed, Bernstein’s work has been used to argue both for

and against comprehensive education, g ram m ar versus creative w riting leaching, and the

N ationa l C u rr ic u lum through the closing decades ol the tw entieth century!

There has been m uch debate and criticism o f such research. First, there has been little

practical p ro o f o f the assertions. Experim ental results are ind irect (based o n mothers’ reports

rather than their actual observed behaviour) o r invented (w hich seems suspicious given

that 300 real stories were collected!).

Methodological procedure is also high ly unsystematic. In the ‘picture’ experiment reported

above, the restricted code users are condem ned because they act as if the listener can see

the pictures. But, o f course, this is precisely the case, and it can thus easily be argued that in

l a d it is the restricted code users w ho act w ith language appropriate to the s ituation. The

elaborated code version is largely redundant in terms o f in fo rm ation conveyed. Moreover,

the interview setting is inappropriate to test the natural language o f 5-year-olds.

Finally, m any o f the linguistic assum ptions m ade are h igh ly contentious. The direct link

between linguistic expression and cognitive capacity is far from proven, and ignores, for

example, the possibility that restricted code users m ay know elaborated code (part o f their

competence) b u t sim ply choose not to use it in most circumstances (as part o f their actual per

form ance). There is also o ften a naivety in associating linguistic forms w ith their functions. For

example, it has been cla im ed that the m idd le class use more complex sentences o f the i f . . . ,

th en . . . type, as a means o f rational argum ent: I f you eat that now, you w on t want your dinner.

However, a non-reasoned threat has the same structure: I f you d o that again. I ’ll h it you.


In response to criticisms, Bernstein’s theory has becom e more abstract. He m oved to

regarding codes as high-level sym bolic orders, w h ich children use to organize experience,

and he w ithd rew from equating linguistic fo rm w ith cognitive capacity. So, later versions o f

the theory present codes as abstract fram eworks at a psychological level o f verbal p lann ing .

Bernstein also becam e interested, n o t s im p ly in the rough working-/middle-class d istinction,

but in the types o f fam ily from w h ich children came. At this po in t it becomes more o f a social

theory and entirely non-linguistic.

However, there are clearly political and educational consequences to ib is debate. We

believe that it is im portant that teachers (especially English teachers) have a know ledge o f

linguistics. I Iowcvcr, such a view risks be ing discredited if Bernsteins analysis is teachers'

p r im e example o f linguistics. There is also an anxiety that the em phasis placed o n SE as

correct' English, backed by the authority conferred by governm ent and the N ational C u r

r icu lum requirements, is heavily influenced by the assumed direct link between linguistic

performance and cognitive capacity and achievement.

6.6 Attitudes and correctnessA ny language or dialect is perfectly adequate for the needs o f its speakers. There is no such

th ing as a language or dia lect that is inherently better th an any other. I lowever, as we have

seen already, social attitudes vary towards different dialects. In modern-day Britain, m any

people still have a perception o f a SE speaker as someone w ho is educated, trustworthy,

honest and civilized. SK can be sa id to be a 'prestige' dialect, and is even seen by some as the

on ly good ' and ‘proper’ variety o f English. The w ord 'standard' here is understood to mean

a level to aspire to, an ideal m odel. By contrast, linguists use the word to mean s im ply the

variety o f English in w h ich m ost books and newspapers are written.

Certa in other dialects in B rita in have very low prestige. T he dialect o t the London inner

city. Black English. Merseyside Eng lish, West M id lands English, for example, are often

perceived as be ing ‘poor' o r 'bad ' varieties, betraying low social class and low education. This

is especially true when these dialects are spoken in the accents w h ich characteristically

accom pany them (Cockney, Jam aican British, Scouse, Brum m y).

F rom a descriptive lingu istic po in t o ! view, such judgem ents are part o l the system ol

pre judice and stereotyping in society. L ingu ists prefer to talk, n o t o f good and bad English,

but o f ‘appropriate ’ English; that is, a variety o f English w h ich fits the circum stances o f its

use. So, for example, in a form al jo b interview, it is probable that SE w ou ld be the most appro

priate fo rm o f Eng lish to use. This w o u ld also be the case in various o the r form al contexts:

textbooks, after-dinner speeches, business letters, newspaper stories and m ost w ritten con

texts. However. SE w ou ld probab ly be inappropriate o n the football terraces, in a pub, when

telling a joke, in casual conversation, in private letters, and so on. In these contexts, the no n

standard dialect o f the speaker/writer is m uch m ore likely to be used, and is entirely

appropriate.

A ctiv ities

The pressure towards a standard tends to take tw o forms. First there is pressure from

usage. Historically, increased social and geographical m obility, mass transport and m edia

have encouraged the standard ization o f dialects as a matter o f com m unicative convenience.

Secondly, there is often pressure towards standard ization by directive, either from authority

figures such as teachers, journalists and writers, or from government.

Most people have an instinctive feeling for what is good ’ Eng lish. This feeling tends to be

conservative, in that people like to look back at a version o f English they learnt by relatively

clear and fixed rules. However, descriptions o f th is variety o f English tend to be expressed

in terms o f what is no t allowed: double negatives, en d ing sentences w ith prepositions, split

in fin itives and incorrect subject-vcrb agreement are a ll am ong the m ost frequently m e n

tioned sins. Spelling words to a standard d ic tionary fo rm is also h igh ly im po rtan t socially

today (such un ifo rm ity is a relatively m odern obsession). A lthough , as wc have seen from

Chapter 4, these features all have historical explanations, the fact that attitudes against

them are so widespread means that a speaker/writer w ill be stigm atized for us ing them ,

however well-educated and intelligent they are. It is a fact that linguists m ust recognize,

especially w hen concerned w ith teaching English as a foreign language, that these cultural

attitudes arc as m uch a part o l m astering the language system as learn ing to say the ‘right’

words in the correct’ order in a good ' accent.

Activities

A ctiv ity 6.2.1

Try to give a linguistic account o f your own accent and dialect. You shou ld b e as objective and

neutrally descriptive as possible: that is, you shou ld avoid any evaluative words o r im pres

sions such as flat, rough, sing-song, good. For accent description, it is often very illum ina ting

to record yourself and exam ine the vowels, consonants, in tonation , pitch and stress sepa

rately. D o you alter certain sounds in rap id speech, or change in form al or casual situations?

Sim ilarly, describe your dialect under the headings o f le x ic a l v a r ia t io n (e.g. non-standard

words such as Yorkshire neb fo r nose) and syntactic va r ia tio n (e.g. E. Lancashire I ' l l be here

w hile ten o'clock for SE I ' l l be here u n t i l ten o'clock).

It m igh t be he lpfu l to contrast your variety w ith RP and SE, unless you naturally speak these

yourself. Are there any features in your own accent and dia lect that m igh t be confus ing to

speakers w ith a different accent o r dialect?

A ctiv ity 6.2.5

Exam ine the fo llow ing flyer for a restaurant. C onsider the ideology (that is, the set o f

ideas and general assumptions) that is encoded by the dilferent sections o f the advertisement.

Discuss w ho is the narrator o f the text, and to w h o m the different parts are addressed.

W h a t sort o f reader does the text construct or im ply? Is it possible to reverse or equalize the


gender-positions suggested by the text, w h ile retain ing the basic message o f the advert? O r is

there som eth ing inherently sexist in the actual message that is ideologically loaded below the

level o f language and regardless o f the fo rm o f expression?

TOE

THE ONLY RESTAURANT ON THE FYLDE COAST TO SATISFY YOUR EVERY NEED!

- - - - L A D I E S - - - -Fin ish lh a i Du*y s t o p p in g u ip w .:h lu n c h In C h a s e « Bar

rtV* ( o u t ihm tu n t s tte t * tt lfm

* * *

Treat the la n k ly to ο υ ' supo* S u n d a y lunch I ? n o o n 10 5 3 0 o .m . - £6.95

iVto d o the v n th in g υρ )

* * *

Had a h a rd D a y 'C o m · and e n jo y ou r E a r ly E v e n in g S n a c k 5 3 0 |xm - 7 3 0 p m

Tu esd ay Sa tu rd a y Iro m C I S 5

* * #

F a m ily B»rthdey t A n n iv e rsa ry ? W a d d in g f O n s le m n g ? S e e o u r S p e c ia l P a rty M enu Brochure

- - - - G E N T L E M E N - - - -B u s i n · · · lu nch In the p riv a cy o f o n e o f o u r u p sta irs lo o m s

f J m t fhe th in g to cknch the t JmS)

Rom antic dinner fo r 2 in llie cu d d ly nook (W ho AnoMf ith e rr it m ig h t le+dl

* * *

W ant lo p a l earty f O u r e .c cK e n t & course Teble D Morte M enu C8.85

fro m 5 3 0 p m to 7 3 0 p m Tuesdey Sunday.

A c tiv it ie s 175

A ctiv ity 6.3.1

List as m an y A m er ican words, phrases and construc tions as you can that d iffe r from

S tandard (B ritish ) Eng lish. A re there any areas o f confus ion o r m isunderstand ing? Is

A m er ican Eng lish a d ia lcct, a language o r some o ther k in d o f variety o f Eng lish (is it,

for exam ple, legitim ate to ta lk o f na tio n a l varieties o f Eng lish , each w ith the ir ow n stan

dard )? H o w m any Americanisms have now passed in to British English a n d are acceptable

in the UK?

A ctiv ity 6.3.2

I.ook at the fo llow ing exam ple o f seaspeak (from M cA rthu r 1992:913). W h a t are the repeated

words and phrases that constitute the vocabulary o f th is restricted language?

Ship. La n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a rd , La n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a r d T h is is S u n D ra g o n , S u n

l> ra g o n O ver.

Coastguard S u n D ra g o n , th is is La n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a r d . S w it c h t o V H h c h a n n e l o n e -o n e Over.

Ship. L a n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a r d . T h is is S u n D ra g o n . A g r e e V H P c h a n n e l o n e -o n e . O ver.

Coastguard. S u n D ra g o n . T h is is La n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d o n c h a n n e l o n e -o n e . O ver.

Ship. L a n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a r d . T h is is S u n D ra g o n . In fo rm a t io n : I a m re tu rn in g to M o u n t's

B a y R e a so n : n o rth -w e s t g a le a n d v e ry h e a v y se as. O ver.

Coastguard. S u n D r a g o n T h is is La n d s E n d C o a s tg u a r d In fo rm a t io n re ce ived : y o u a re re tu rn in g

to M o u n t’s Bay. R e a so n · n o r th -w e s t g a le a n d v e ry h e a v y se a s Q u e s t io n · d o yo u

req u ire a ss is ta n c e ^ O ver

Ship. L a n d 's E n d C o a s tg u a r d T h is is S u n D ra g o n . A n s w e r : n o a s s is ta n c e re q u ire d , th a n k

y o u . N o t h in g m o re O ver.

Coastguard S u n D ra g o n . T h is is La n d 's E n d C o a s t g u a r d N o t h in g m o re O u t.

A ctiv ity 6.3.3

Look at the fo llow ing version o f the Lord ’s Prayer in Tok P isin and w ork out how it corre

sponds to a m o de rn SE version (the reference is M atthew 6.9 13).

P a p a b t lo n g m ip e la . y u s ta p lo n g h e ve n ,

n e m b ilo n g y u i m a s i s ta p h o li.

K in g d o m b i lo n g y u i m a s i k a m .

M ip e la i m a s b ih a in im la ik b i lo n g y u lo n g g r a u n o ls e m o l i s a v e b ih a in im lo n g h e ve n .

N a u y u k e n g iv im m ip e la k a ik a i m a p lo n g d is p e la d e

N a y u k e n lu s im o l r o n g b ik m g m ip e la ,

o lse m m ip e la i sav e lu s im o l r o n g o l a ra p e la i m e k im lo n g m ip e la

N a y u n o k e n la r im o l tra^m i k a m a p lo n g m ipela,

ta so l y u k e n te k e w e m ip e la lo n g o l s a m t in g n o g u t


A ctiv ity 6.6

T he sociolinguist Roger Bell (1976) has provided seven criteria w h ich can be used to describe

the prestige o f a language variety, whether an accent, a dialect o r an entire language. These

arc as follows:

Vitality (whether «here is a living community o f speakers, e.g. British English).

Historicity (whether the speech community has been historically defined by their language use. e.g.

the French, but not Gaelic-speaking Irish, who live today alongside monolingual English-speaking

Irish people).

Autonomy (the sense speakers have o f their own linguistic independence, e.g. Afrikaans speakers'

p e r c e p t i o n o f D u t c h , t o w h i c h i t i s c lo s e ly r e la t e d ) .

Reduction (the sense speakers have that their speech pattern is limited to certain functions, and that

other dialects exist to be used in different contexts, e.g. speakers o f pidgin languages).

Mixture (the speakers' sense o f the purity o l their own variety, or whether they think it has low status,

e.g. the perception o f pure' Cockney).

De facto n o rm (whether there is an unofficial, non-codified, non-dictionary sense o f proper usage, e.g.

speakers point to an old speaker who is seen to use a more 'pure variety).

Standardization (the adoption o f one variety as standard, which is then codified in dictionaries,

grammar books and the education system, e.g. the south east midland dialect which became

Standard English).

Take examples o f a local dialect close to where you live, or a language you speak, and test

its prestige value by discussing the variety in terms o f Bell’s factors above. You shou ld decide

w h ich features are descriptive and w h ich depend on the attitude o f the speakers and listeners

o l the variety.

Further readingT he re are several v e ry g o o d in tro d u c t io n s t o so c io lin g u is t ic s w h ic h c o n ta in m a n y usefu l pas-sages a n d exam p les fro m

a r o u n d ih e w o r ld . W a rd h a u g h (2009 ) a n d H o lm es (20 08 ) p ro v ide ih e m o s t d e ta ile d in tro d uc tio n s , w h ile T rudg ill

(2DI>0) is easier a n d c o n ta in * h i* N o rw ic h * lu dy . M o n tg o m e ry (2008 ) is a lso a g o o d s ta r t in g p lace , a s is R o m a in e

(2000 ), w h ile H u d s o n (1996 ) is a m o re advanced text A ll o f these d ea l w ith ac c en t a n d d ia le c t, b u t m o re d e ta il can

b e fo u n d in T r u d g il ls su rvey o l E n g la n d (1999 ) a n d T ru d g il l e t al. <2005». D ia le c t m aps (such as O r to n . S ande rson

a n d W id d o w s o n I19H5) o r l lp t o n e l al. I 1987)) are in te re s tin g to c o m p a re w ith y o u r o w n exper ience A ccen t is c o m

prehens ive ly covered b y W e lls (1982 ). a n d m o re co nc ise ly b y T ru dg il l e t a l (2005 ), w h ic h is a c c o m p a n ie d b y a CD-

R O M o i ac c en t a n d d ia le c t sam p les . M u c h s e m in a l w o r k i n s o c io lin g u is tic s is c o n ta in e d in 1-abov (1972 ). th o u g h ih is

c a n h e very te chn ic a l fo r th e b eg in n e r

T h e so c io lin g u is t ic s o l g e n d e r h a s been w ell s u p p o r te d by w r it in g . C a m e ro n (19 90 , 2008), C o a te s a n d C a m e ro n

(19881, T a n n e n (1992 ), G ia d d o l a n d S w a n n (1 9 8 9 ) , L a k o l ï (1 9 90 ) a n d P o y n to n (19891 are a ll essen tia l re ad ing .

C a m e ro n (2 0 0 3 ) a n d C oa te s (20 04 ) are p ro b a b ly th e best p lace s to s ta r t , s ince the y survey d e v e lo p m e n ts in the

f ie ld as w e ll a s p r o v id in g a n in te l lig e n t a n d p ro v o ca tiv e d isc u ss io n them se lves , a s d ocs C a m e ro n (2008 )

S ug g e s te d Pro jects

E n g lis h a ro u n d th e w o rld is described a n d su rveyed b y T iu d g il l a n d H a n n a h (2008 ). a n d d e ta ile d d isc u ss io n is p rov ided

by Jenk in s <2003) a n d K ach ru (1992). C h a p m a n a n d K ip fc r (2008 ) o u t l in e ' th e in flue nce o f A m e r ic a n s lang , and

M u fw c n c c t a l (1 9 98 ) p ro v ide a d e ta iled trea tm en t o l A fr ican- A m erican E ng lish M a n y classic case s tu d ie s fro m

a r o u n d th e w o r ld are c o n ta in e d i n P ride a n d H o lm e s (1986 ). F is h m a n (1971-2 ), a n d G u m p e iz a n d H y m e s 11972).

P id g in s a n d C reo les are described in d e ta il b y R o m a in e 11988) a n d S eb ba (2003). th o u g h these are m o re advanced

B e rn s te in s w o rk is in te llig e n tly described a n d eva luated b y S tubbs (1990). B aker (2006 ) d iscusses b ilin g u a lis m a n d é d u c a

t io n T h e classic trea tm ents o f B lack E ng lish i n B r ita in are E d w a rd s (1986 ) a n d Sutc liffe ( 1982). Language use in the

e du ca tio n system is d iscussed b y S tubbs (19 88 ), a n d exce llent m ateria ls t a n b< fo u n d i n C arte r < 1991 ) I h e S i:. debate

is w e ll d iscussed by W ilk in s o n (1995 ) a n d M ilr o y a n d M ilr o y (1998 ), a s w ell as th e co lle c t io n o l artic les in B e« and

W atts (1999 ): a n d m o re con trove rs ia lly b y H o n e y (1997).

Suggested projects_____________________________T he so c io lin g u is lic s tudy o f language involves co lle c ting real, na tu ra l exam ple« o f lingu is tic d a ta a n d ana lys ing th e m i n terms

o f o n e o f th e fram ew orks m en tioned i n th is chapte r I h e m o s t e ffic ient w a y o f e n su r in g th a t you g a in g o o d examples o f la n

guage use is t o se t u p a s itua tio n th a t encourages peop le to say ih e sorts o i th in g s you w a n t them to say. I n o th e r w ords , th ink

o f a lin g u is tic variab le t o investigate, a n d a soc ia l factor (e thn ic ity , gender, reg ion , a n d so o n ) to se t aga inst it . a n d f in d people

w h o fit th e descrip tion T he n , e ith e r b y In te rv iew ing th e m , o r ge tting them t o d iscuss a n issue, record w h a t the y say

The easiest linguistic variable to use is a phonological one. since it is quite difficult to set up situations in which

you can guarantee people will unselfconsciously use a particular word or pattern of grammar You will begin the

study with expectations (a hypothesis) as to what you think people arc likely to do. and your experiment will confirm

or reject these.

1 G e n d e r d ifferences can b e at th e p h o n o lo g ic a l level (as T rudg ill f o u n d ) , b u t m a n y o f th e m o s t in te resting features fo rm

w h a t have b ee n c a l le d genderlec ls . D o w o m e n really s u p p o r t o th e rs in conversa tio n , are m e n rea lly m o re aggressive in

d o m in a t in g the floo r» Y o u c o u ld record real exam ples o f s ing le sex ta lk a n d m ix e d g ro u p ta lk t o »ee i f th e pa tte rns or

c o n te n t o f th e conversation is d iffe re n t a lo n g g e n d e r lines.

2. In s te ad o f g o in g o u t in to th e w o i ld a n d co lle c t in g f ie ldw ork data , y o u c o u ld b e a n a rm c h a ir soc io lin gu is t b y co lle c ting

d a ta f ro m th e te lev is io n o r rad io . Recorded m uvic b y B ritish . A m e r ic an a n d A fr ic a n b a n d » c a n a ls o p ro v ide soc io lm

g u is tic d a ta Y o u c o u ld e x a m in e re g iona l o r class accents b y c o m p a r in g lo ca l r a d io w ith R a d io I o r R a d io 3 a n d 4. You

c o u ld lo o k a t th e in flue nce o f B la ck E ng lish o n th e ly rics o f μ /ι . s o u l, b iues o r r a p m u s ic , o r h o w even B i itish-bot n

w h ite ro ck singers ad o p t A m e r ic a n accents. Perhaps the y even h y p e rc o m c t»

3 C rc o lt /a lio n is a te rm usua lly a p p lie d t o recently em erged languages o r ig in a t in g in th e con tact w ith (he spccch o f th e

co lo n ia l powers. A s such , y o u m ig h t argue th a t i t is ideo log ica lly lo aded . C o u ld y o u m ak e a case, w ith ev idence , that

hng lish itse lf is a c reo le language, based o n G e rm a n ic b u l w ith a vocabu la ry co llected fro m French , L a tin a n d D a n is h '

4. F in d som eo ne y o u k n o w w h o speaks m o re th a n o n e lang uage D o the y ever codc-sw itch ’ You c o u ld e ith e r secretly

o b se iv e o r r e c o id th e m to d iscover th e ir a c tu a l lin g u is tic b eh av io u r , o r y o u c o u ld in te rv iew th e m o r use a q u e s t io n

n a ire t o f in d o u t w h a t the y l ln n k the y d o w he n the y code «w ilch You m ig h t d o h o th to see i f there is a d isc repancy

b e tw een w h a t the y a c tu a lly d o a n d w h a t the y th in k the y do . A n y d iffe rence is like ly t o b e exp la inab le w ith reference to

lang uage loya lty a n d lang uage prestige.

Language in Use

Chapter Outline7.1 P ra g m a tic s 1 7 9

7 .2 I h e a n a ly s is o f d isco urse 187

7 .3 L a n g u a g e a n d id e o lo g y 195

7 .4 Sty listics 1 9 9

A c t iv it ie s 206



So far in this book , we have looked al the structure o f the English language and the rules

under w h ich it is arranged to bc m ean ing lu l. W e have followed its development through time

and through the early stages o f acquisition b y the ind iv idua l. In the previous chapter, we

exam ined how groups o f people em ploy language to deline themselves w ith in society. In this

final chapter, we consider the social uses to w h ich language is put, and how those functions

and contexts affect the fo rm o f expression o f particu lar texts and discourses. In short, what

we w ill be d o ing is locusing on the lo rm o l the language rather th an its content. So we

w ill discuss not on ly single utterances but the social force o f w hat is said; how conversation

structure can bc as m ean ing fu l as the content o f dialogue; how the assum ptions and world

v iew o f the speaker are encoded in discourse; and how all o f th is linguistic know ledge you

have gained can be applied to the stylistic s tudy o f any k in d o f text in context.

7.1 PragmaticsSemantics is the branch o f linguistics that is concerned w ith the m eanings o l words and

sentences. However, often the m ean ing o f particu lar utterances o r whole exchanges between

people depends as m uch on the context o f the speech and the purpose o f the speakers as on

C h a p te r 7 · L a n g u a g e in U se

the literal m eanings denoted by the sentences themselves. To account tor such use o f

language in context, the discip line o f pragmatics has developed.

7.1.1 Speech acts and conversational m axim s

O ne of the central frameworks w ith in pragmatics is the treatment o f speech acts. This is the

no tio n that utterances not on ly conta in a message b u t have a social force in themselves; they

perform a social act. So, saying I prom ise I'll be there no t o n ly conveys in fo rm ation but itself

constitutes the act o f promising.

W henever a speaker makes an utterance, they perform a lo cu t io n a ry act: that is, a sequence

that conform s to the phono log ica l and gram m atical conventions o l the language. Otherw ise,

the utterance w ill be regarded as nonsense (as i f you said, aarggh glopus f in t in p lu rp , which

w ou ld no t be fe lic itous to the rules o f English). Locutionary acts are hand led by semantics.

Pragmatics is further interested in illo c u tio n a ry acts: that is, the com m unicative purpose

that is in tended or achieved by the utterance. You m ig h t promise, threaten, inform , question,

greet, and so on. This d is tinc tion is useful because there is no t always a one-to-one corre

spondence between syntactic form s and illocutionary acts. A ll o f the fo llow ing various forms,

for example, can be intended or taken as questions:

Iv r ta l time is it. please (in te rro g a tiv e fo rm , d ire c t)

c an you pass the sail (in te rro g a t iv e , th o u g h ap p are n tly

a s k in g a b o u t a b il ity ra th e r t h a n fo r th e s a lt itself)

you're the teacher (d e c la ra t iv e s ta te m e n t, w h ic h lo o k s

a s i f th e s p e a k e r is in fo rm in g )

Wednesday ( in c o m p le te s e n te n c e . in to n a t io n a s a q u e stio n )

7o be or not to be (th a t is th e q u e s t io n , th o u g h it h a s

n o m a in v e rb a n d s o is in c o m p le te , a n d . o f co u rse , is rh e to ric a l in c o n te xt)

Obviously, hearers infer the likely in tended purpose from contextual clues such as the

previous utterance, facial expression and situation, as well as the in tona tion o f the speaker.

There is a special class o f illocutionary acts called performatives, h ike the promising

example above, these contain a verb w h ich enacts the social force o f the utterance. I baptize

this ch ild Mary, I sentence you to prison, You're sacked, I ’m writing to you to complain about bad

language on television, are all examples o f performatives. A ll speech acts (and especially perfor

matives) depend for their effectiveness o n various fe licity cond itions being satisfied. In other

words, the utterance must be said by the right person to the right person in the right place at the

right time in the right m anner and so on. The effect o f inappropriacy is often sim ply funny: a

gardener cannot ord inarily baptize a baby w ith a hosepipe; you cannot send your dog to prison;

a caretaker cannot fire a headteacher; and you cannot write a letter o f com plaint by standing on

the top of a m ounta in painted blue w ith tw o semaphore flags, for example.

The fact that hum orous, even surreal, effects can be generated by be ing infelicitous

illustrates an im portant po in t about pragmatic rules. This is that they operate as norm al

P ra g m a tic s

conventions w h ich are often broken in everyday talk. The po in t is that it is rare that dialogue

breaks dow n every tim e th is happens; it is m ore likely that the listener w ill try hard to infer

an in tended message from an utterance that seems, on the surface, som ehow odd . Labelling

any o f the above examples as in ten tiona l irony, h u m o u r o r avant-garde art, fo r example,

is a com m on way ol preserving the assum ption that the speaker m eant som eth ing by what

they said.

U nderly ing all this is what has been called the ‘cooperative princ ip le . The assum ption in

com m un ica tio n is that speakers in tend to m ean th ings a n d hearers accept this in try ing to

w ork o u t in tended meanings. This is essential when, as o ften happens, the inferred m eaning

o l an utterance is ind irect or apparently a long way from the literal m ean ing o f the sentence.

Such ind irect inferences can be accounted for b y im ag in ing that there are conversational

m ax im s that arc assumed by interlocutors w hen they talk.

There are four such m ax im s, suggested by the ph ilosopher Paul Grice, that constitute the

cooperative principle . The m ax im o f ‘quan tity ’ dictates that you shou ld no t say too m uch

or too little for the circumstances. The m ax im o f quality ’ states that you should tell the

truth . The m ax im o f 'm an n e r ' insists that you m ust not be obscure, am b iguous o r ram bling.

A n d the m ax im o l 'relation' tells you to say th ings that are relevant to the conversation

and context.

Clearly, people rarely keep to these m ax im s in norm a l conversation. However, the po in t

o f this fram ework is that these arc norm s that are supposed to be broken (that is why they

are called m ax im s rather th an rules o r laws). W h en the m axim s are broken, then the

hearer understands that certain im p lica tu re s m ust bc interred from the utterance. Speakers

can ostentatiously flou t the maxims, to indicate to the hearer that an im plicated message

m ust be derived.

For example, i f in response to a request as to the effectiveness o f a cold remedy, the

pharmacist s im p ly tells you that it tastes nice, then the m ax im o f quantity has been flouted

in order to generate the im plicaturc lhat it is not m ed ica lly m uch good. The nicknam es Little

John o f a ta ll m an . Cary G ran t app lied to an unsophisticated slob, Curly for a ba ld person, or

Flash for a tortoise are such outrageous floutings o f the m ax im o f qua lity that the hearer must

im plicate an in tended irony, and so on.

7.1.2 The superm axim o f relevance

It has been proposed that all o l these m ax im s can be subordinated to overrid ing maxims,

such as Be Polite (about w h ich m ore later, in 7.1.3). It has also been suggested that the m ax im

o f relation (Be Relevant) is more im portant than the others in com m unication . Assum ing

that speakers are saying som eth ing relevant to the s ituation prods hearers in to w ork ing hard

to figure out what a speaker meant by what they said.

Relevance in th is Iram cw ork has a very precise m ean ing . A n utterance is relevant i f it can

have a ‘contextual o r cognitive effect’. Hearers assume that all utterances are relevant to the

context (based on the cooperative princip le) and so even obscure utterances are interpreted


as if they mean som ething . There is a trade-off here, o f course, since very obscure or unclear

utterances w ill require a great deal o f b ra in effort in interpretation o n the part o f the hearer.

T he hearer is o n ly likely to be bothered to expend th is effort (on a princip le o f op tim um

efficiency rather th an iust laziness) i f there is some reasonable expectation o f a pay-off in

terms ol a relevant inference.

For an example o f an exchange that requires little processing effort, consider the fo llow ing

genuine conversation, heard next to a ticket vend ing m ach ine in a car park:

W o m a n . Excuse me, do you hôve iw o fifties for ibis pound coin>

W a n I've got tw e n tie s .

Strictly, the m an’s reply docs not explicitly and d irectly answer the w om ans question. The

literal preferred response shou ld either have been yes o r no. However, people d o no t co m

m unicate in this robotic fashion. The m an interpreted the relevance o f the w om ans utter

ance, first, as being a question-type speech act, requiring a response. Further, it is not a

question about the m an ’s possessions s im p ly out o f curiosity, but the prox im ity o f the ticket-

m ach ine determ ines that the w om ans utterance is intended as a request that the m an exchange

any smaller coins he m ig h t have for her larger one, so that she can b u y a ticket. H is reply is

literally irrelevant, b u t it is fairly easy for the w o m an to assume that he is be ing relevant at a

slightly deeper level, and that his declaration o f possession o f twenty-pence pieces can be

interpreted as an offer o f these smaller coins to her. This can be confirm ed by the fact that

this verbal exchange was im m ediate ly followed by the exchange o l coins.

A n exam ple o f a resolution o f relevance that is m ore effortful (and more bizarre when

considered sim ply literally) is the fo llow ing (genuine) exchange. The context is a 16-year-old

try ing , illegally, to buy four cans o f beer in an off-licence:

C u s to m e r : lust these tfease

S h o p k e e p e r: Are you IS?

C u s to m e r : O h , i'm from Middlesbrough.

S h o p k e e p e r: (v e ry b r ie f p a u s e ) OK (se rv e s h im t h e b e e r)

T he preferred response to the shopkeeper’s question is e ith e r ; '« o r (less likely) no, the former

usually supported by some docum ent o f p roo f o f age. However, the shopkeeper is assum ing

a cooperative princip le in the exchange, and so struggles lo resolve a relevant inference

from the customer’s bizarre response. It is impossible here to discover w hat satisfactory

inference she eventually resolved from the reply; she cannot have though t that people from

M idd lesbrough were exempt from the licensing laws. However, the p ro o f that she derived

som e inference o r other is in the fact that she served the 16 year o ld the beer. Perhaps the

assum plion o l relevance is so strong that any reply is assumed to bc relevant and therefore

satisfactory. C learly there was som e processing effort involved (perhaps causing the brief

pause) o n the part o f the shopkeeper. However, there is no explanation for the 16-year-old's

bizarre reply in the first place!

P ra g m a tic s

In order to understand the m echan ism by w h ich a resolving inference is arrived at under

the princip le o f relevance, it is first necessary to discuss how an utterance carries* a set o f

propositions. Λ ‘proposition ’ is the meaning-content o f an utterance or sentence. A n utter

ance involves a set o f propositions that m ig h t be asserted, presupposed, entailed o r loosely

in ierred Irom the 'surface' m ean ing o f the utterance. A n assertion is the easiest to process

since it is the proposition that is literally, explicitly and directly stated by the utterance. A

presupposition is a proposition that is taken for granted in what is said. Here are examples o f

three different types:

a) He realize/I that she had arrived by plane

(presupposes she arrived by plane>

b) The shopkeeper served him the beer

(presupposes ihc shopkeeper exists)

c) The boat which is black will be painted tomorrow

(presupposes the boat is black).

The easy test fo r presupposition is that the presupposition persists even after negation o f

the m a in verb o f the sentence. Thus, H e didn't realize that she had arrived by p lane still

presupposes she arrived by p lane , and s im ilarly w ith the o ther examples. Presuppositions

arc very relevant in the set o f propositions associated w ith an utterance, and require little

b ra in effort to derive a resolution o f meaning. They are likely to be the first resort o f the

effort to resolve m ean ing from a non-literal utterance.

E n ta ilm c n ts are next in ease o f prov id ing a reso lu tion o f m ean ing . These are propos i

tions that logically fo llow o n from the utterance, and can usually be derived by tu rn ing

parts o f the sentence in to m ore generalized factors. T hus The shopkeeper served h im the

beer entails:

The shopkeeper served someone beer.

The shopkeeper served him something,

Someone served him beer.

Some beer was served,

There was ti shopkeeper.

There was some beer,

Something happened, and so on.

F iguring out entailm ents requires a b it o f processing w ork by the hearer.

Finally, and requ ir ing the m ost effort, are inferences. These propositions typically rely

o n the app lica tion o f cu ltu ra l a n d contextual know ledge abou t the w o rld fo r the ir der iva

tion . Thus, o n e o f the inferences o f The boa t which is black w ill be pa in ted tom orrow is

th a t someone w ill p a in t the boat. A hearer know ledgeable about boa t m ain tenance m igh t

also inter that th is means that the person likely to be the pa in te r w ill be unavailable


for o lhe r work tom orrow , and that the regular sa iling w ill tom orrow be cancelled, and

that the dry-dock w ill be occup ied so that he canno t get h is ow n boat in u n til later in

the week.

In context, hearers are likely to 'try out" the easiest resolutions o f utterance m ean ing

first. Thus, it the p la in assertion o l the utterance resolves the search lor relevance, then the

hearer w ill accept that as the intended m eaning. I f not, then the hearer is likely to try out any

presupposed, entailed or inferred propositions as the in tended m ean ing . As an example, i f a

m an says to h is friend, I 'm hungry , th is s im p ly asserts a piece o f in form ation . But where is the

relevance in prov id ing th is? The utterance presupposes that I exist, but th is is hardly directly

relevant and interesting either. The cnta ilm cnts o f the utterance are barely m ore satisfying.

However, an inference m igh t be that the friend possesses food and that the utterance is a

request to eat some o f it. Thus resolved, the friend is likely to respond to the utterance I'm

hungry by offering the speaker some food.

7.1.3 Politeness

All o f the material discussed so far is about how people relate to each o ther and manage

com m un ica tion . It has been suggested that a princip le o f politeness governs a ll o f this

behaviour. T he norm s o f politeness are culture-specific and differ between languages. In

this section, we consider some o f the aspects o f politeness in English.

N a m es a n d A d d re sse sM any languages d istingu ish you w hen it is singular (tu in French) and p lura l (vous in French).

Such languages are said to operate T /V systems o f address. Latin {tu/vos), Russian (ty/vy),

Ita lian (tu/Lei) and G erm an ( du/Sie) are examples o f such languages. Even English, up until

the Renaissance, once had a thou/you d is tinc tion , deriv ing from the O ld English e/ge (see

Chapter 4).

T h is d is tinc tion has a variety o f functions. O r ig in a lly it served on ly to m ark differences in

num ber. Some British dialects retain a T /V differentiation to th is effect (you/youse, you/

you-nll). M any languages have developed their T /V system in to a m arker o f politeness, so

that the T fo rm is used to fam iliars and the V fo rm is used to signify respect. This naturally

developed in to a marker ot social rank, w ith V used to superiors and T to inferiors or those

o f equal status. F ina lly the tw o fo rm s can serve to indicate solidarity or in tim acy . T is used

w ith in the social g roup to establish an affin ity ; V is used to non-group m embers o r even

to indicate outright hostility.

English went through m ost o f these stages so that by the Renaissance, thou/you signified

num ber, politeness and social rank. The lo rm is preserved in 'frozen' language such as the

speech o f Quakers, scripted prayers, w edd ing services and productions o f Renaissance

plays. For example, Shakespeare uses the T /V system to s ignify noble and peasant characters

in A M idsum m er N ights Dream , to show the development o f the relationship between

R om eo and Juliet, and to m ark the fall o f R ichard II by sh ifting from the respectful you to the

inferior thou.

P ra g m a tic s

Since the English language lost the T /V d istinc tion in general usage, speakers have devel

o ped other ways o f s ign ify ing social relationships in their speech. O n e way is by the use o f

titles. O p tio ns available in English are as follows:

T - Title (Airs. Professor; sir)

1:N - First Name (Peter: »tale, pal)

LN Last Name (Stockwell, Jackson)

- No name/avoidance o f address form.

These can. o f course, be used in com b ina tion : Professor Jackson (T LN ), Peter Stockwell

(FN LN ), Father D av id (TFN).

In ou r culture , asym m etric use between participants, w ith one us ing T L N and the other

us ing FN , usually indicates inequality in power. M u tua l T L N can indicate inequality and

un fam iliarity , and is a sale, neutral o p tion . M u tua l FN usually ind icates equality and fam iliar

ity. Sw itches in nam ing strategies are alm ost always in itiated by the most powerful person, as

in the fo llow ing exchange:

A Professai Srockwetl?

B: Please, call me Peter.

O f course, all these "rules', like m ax im s, are norm ative , and other effects are generated when

they are flouted. T alone tends to be reserved for professionals (Doctor, Professor, rather than

Mister in B rita in ), b u t i f it is overused in an utterance, o r receives heavy stress it can be

intended as hostile or sarcastic. Sim ilarly, T L N used in a pub or in an argum en t can indicate

fo rm a lity o r hostility. F N in a job interv iew w ou ld probably be considered too forward.

A sym m etrica l FN is heavily marked for power: in m any schools teachers use FN and receive

T (Sir) o r T LN (Miss Jones) back. Female teachers invariable receive Miss, regardless ot

m arital status.

In English avoidance is allowable in m any contexts (G ood m orning. Thank you) where, for

example, Frcnch w ould require an address form ('Bonjour, M onsieur, Merci, M adam e). In

m any situations in w h ich all o f the other options seem awkward, avoidance is used almost

by dctault. Boyfriends and g irlfriends thus o ften evade n am ing potential parcnts-in-law sincc

T LN m ay seem too fo rm a l, b u t FN alone too forward.

M any other complexities arise, in the n am ing o f pets, for example, depend ing on factors

such as what the pet is d o ing at the time, whether it is in trouble, whether you are being

observed, and so on . N am ing strategies here involve three-way values between the speaker

and the third-party participant, w ith the an im al, o f course, being able to respond to form s ot

address often only by taking in tona tion cues. Such complexities, however, are probably at the

edge o f linguistic analysis!

Face a n d p o lite n e ss stra teg iesCentra l to an understanding ol politeness is the no tio n o( face, w h ich is the sense a speaker

has o f the ir ow n linguistic identity and role. Every speech act is po ten tia lly an im pos ition on


som ebody else’s sense o fface - their desire to be un im peded in their life. Speakers must m it i

gate the force o f these Face T hreaten ing Acts (FTAs), and they have a variety o f strategies at

their disposal in Knglish to accom plish this. They m ay use pos itive politeness in being c o m

plim entary about the addressee before asking them to do som eth ing ('buttering ' them up).

Alternatively, speakers m ay em ploy a variety o f types o f negative politeness strategies to

m itigate the im position:

I ledge - F.r, p l e a s e c o u ld y o u , e t ; p e r h a p s , c lo se I h e w in d o w ?

Indicate pessimism / d o n ' t s u p p o s e y o u c o u ld c lo se I h e w in d o w f o r m e ?

Minimize the imposition - Could you close the window just a tiny bit?

Indicate dcferencc - E x c u s e m e , s ir , w o u l d y o u m i n d i f I a s k e d y o u t o c lo s e t h e w in d o w ?

Apologize - I 'm t e r r ib ly s o r r y b u t c o u l d y o u c lo s e t h e w in d o w p le a s e ?

Impersonali/e - The management requires all windows to be closed.

O f course, the norm ative nature o f these social rules requires particu lar strategies to be

matched to the appropriate circumstances. The fo llow ing two examples w ou ld probably be

considered nervous and rude, respectively:

• Tin sorry to trouble you, I know it's an awful imposition, but I don't suppose I could possibly ask

you, sir, if you could see your way to telling me more or less what time it is at the moment, please?

• Lend me your car.

There is a negotiation that needs to be undertaken in these situations, depend ing o n the

m agn itude o f the im position , and the social position o f the speakers involved.

B R E A K O U T BOX

Jo t d o w n s o m e f a c in g s tra te g ie s o l y o u r o w n ? H o w d o / o u re m a in p o lit e ’ H o w w o u ld y o u c o n stru e

a n im p o lite u tte ra n ce ?

P h a tic to ke n sO ne o f the m ost im portant factors w h ich p lay a part in the decision o f appropriateness is

the relative power o f the participants. This can be seen especially in the ways people greet

each o ther or acknow ledge cach others existence at the beg inn ing o f conversations. Such

utterances, w h ich have m ore social cohesion abou t th em than explicit content, are called

phatic tokens.

There are three possibilities for phatic openings in conversation. Neutral tokens refer to

the context o f the s ituation and are not personal to either participant. The classic example

is British people ta lk ing about the weather Self-oriented tokens are personal to the speaker

T h e A n a ly s is o f D isco u rse

(M y legs weren't m ade fo r these hills). O ther-oriented tokens are personal to the hearer

(D o you come here often?). T he choice o f token is determ ined by power. A superior uses an

other-oriented token such as, Thai looks like hard work. T he inferior w ou ld use a self-oriented

token such as. H ard work, this, in the same situation. In all cases, tokens shou ld bc em o tio n

ally uncontrovcrsial and require a positive response.

There are other factors, o f course, in these delicate social negotiations. Generally, people

m ov ing in to others space in itiate exchanges. This is to m itigate the sense o f spatial im posi

lio n , in the same way as strategies are needed to m itigate verbal im pos ition as discussed

above. T hough these decisions begin to be questions o f psycholinguistics and psychology,

they arc all concerned w ith how Eng lish speakers use their language to negotiate social c ir

cum stances in ways that are necessarily more subtle and complex given o u r loss o f an explicit

T /V system.

7.2 The analysis of discourseM uch ot the work ot the last section has developed in reaction to the old-fashioned v iew ot

language s im ply being a code w h ich is transm itted and decoded w ithout d ifficu lty b y the

hearer. As linguistics has become more holistic in its interests and methods, so there has been

a grow ing interest in whole text exam ination and the analysis o f discourse. This section,

w h ich expands o n the discussion in 3.4, reflects o n some o f the ways that linguists have

talked about these global levels o l language use. Later, wc w ill see how advances in artificial

intelligence research have had im p lica tions for linguistics, and h o w d ia logue a n d large-scale

exchanges have been m ade available to r linguistic study. But first we discuss the fundam enta l

d iv ision o f the whole o f language in to speech and writing.

7.2.1 O racy and literacy

The linguistic study o f literacy has been neglected un til recent times. O n e o f the reasons for this

is that the term covers such a w ide range o f areas. It includes both reading and writing, which

involve psycholinguistics and a study o f the mechanical aspects o f receiving a n d producing

w ritten texts. It covers the whole literary system, m ean ing not just texts w h ich are valued as Art

o r are fictional, but all verbal docum ents and their reception, analysis and criticism.

The term is also no t clearly defined, m ak ing it d ifficu lt to com pare like w ith like in

apparently s im ilar com m unities across the w orld . Dec id ing on a defin ition involves all sorts

o f political and cultura l factors as well as linguistic aspects; the notion o f literacy is perceived

by m any as conferring power and prestige in various ways.

Two o f the so-called ‘three Rs’ o l a basic education, reading and writing, arc encompassed

by the term . However, beyond this it is not easy to form ulate exactly what is m eant by

literacy! For a start, reading and w riting are no t sym m etrically related, though m any

people’s ‘folk-theory’ o f linguistics sees the one merely as the reverse o f the other. In fact.


the tw o processes involve completely different m otor skills (o f the eyes and the hands,

respectively), and also different m en ta l procedures (concerned w ith reviewing, recapping,

anticipation and guessing o n the one hand , against com posing , editing, redrafting, and

selection, o n the other).

Literacy is itself a relative term , determ ined by the context in w h ich it is used. To say lhat

someone is literate can mean either that they are able to read reasonably well, or that they are

well-read in valued texts such as classic prose fiction o f the nineteenth century. It can also be

used to im p ly that som eone is cultivated, civilized, polite and intelligent. Literacy thus relates

a language user to the ir society, and marks a standard in that context. Socio linguistic studies

have show n that language is used in a variety o f ways across the world, and so a blanket,

absolute de fin it io n o f literacy is impossible. In some cultures, a person can be sufficiently

literate if they are able to fill o u t a census form and sign a name. I n C h in a , a person would

need to learn some 3,000 characters to be considered reasonably literate. They w ou ld not be

considered fu lly literate un til around 50,000 characters had been learned.

Clearly then, literacy depends on w hat use it is being put lo in any specific circumstance.

In 1956, U N E S C O (the U nited N ations Educational, Scientific and C u ltu ra l O rgan ization)

adopted a defin ition o f ‘functiona l literacy' based o n the degree o f reading and w riting skill

required for an ind iv idua l to function effectively in the ir ow n society.

M ost people perceive written text merely as a means o f recording and transcrib ing the

spoken form . O f course, it is true that speech is chronologically prior to w riting. W riting

seems to have orig inated in M esopotam ia at some tim e a ro und 3 , 5 0 0 b c , and presumably

speech goes back to the orig ins o f the species. Speech is also prio r to w riting o n an ind iv idua l

basis; unless they are dea f o r have speaking problem s, ch ildren speak lo ng before they can

write. It is therefore argued that the ab ility to speak is b io logically based, since all hum an

com m un ities have speech but not all have a w riting system. Mass literacy is a very recent

occurrence; even in the developed West, by n o means all people are functiona lly literate.

Because of all th is evidence for the sequential prio rity o f speech over w riting, it is assumed

that the w riting system merely represents the sound system (and Eng lish spe lling is often

then criticized for no t representing its sounds very well). W riting has enorm ous social pres

tige in ils o w n right, and thus has a social priority today over speech. The w riting system has

even influenced patterns o f p ronunc ia tion because o f this. Examples inc lude the ‘rule o f not

‘d ropp ing your aitches when the word is spelled w ith h in itially , even though there is a long

trad ition in British accents for do ing precisely that. Spelling has changed the pronunciation

o f words such as often ( in w h ich the /t/ was never pronounced), and diphtheria ( in w h ich the

p h g raphem e is chang ing from a /f/ pronuncia tion to a /p i).

There is a linguistic argum ent that speech and w riting neither represent the other. Rather,

they realize, in d ifferent ways, ihe abstract system o flanguage, and they d o it for functionally

different purposes. Indeed, we have seen so far in th is chapter how the m ed ium itself

can encode social m eaning. Speech tends (other than in unusua l contexts such as rad io or

tape-recording) to occur face to face, spontaneously, and cannot be ‘unsaid’. W riting , o n the


other hand , can he uncertain as to audience, can be displaced in tim e, and can be edited.

Incidentally, it has often been noticed that Bernsteins d is tinc tion between elaborated' and

‘restricted’ codes (see Section 6.5) relate to the differences between the functions o f w riting

and speaking.

Literacy undoubted ly confers power and prestige in the world today. I n the past, the

Protestant m ovem ent, w ith its emphasis o n personal reading o f the Bible, led to higher

literacy rates in Sweden, Scotland and Sw itzerland than in Catholic France and southern

Italy. This, in tu rn led to a perception o f the people in these areas as backward and stupid.

U ntil very recently, there was a literacy test to acquire vo ting rights in the southern US, which

served to d isenfranchise m any black people w ho had been deprived o f the right to schooling.

The claim o f a lin k between literate ab ility and intelligence often accompanies such situations.

M any studies have attem pted to discover whether there is any difference in perform ance on

I.Q . tests by those w ho are able to read and those w ho are illiterate. Several studies show that

readers perform better o n such tests.

However, the relationship between literacy and I.Q . test success m igh t no t be directly

causal. It cou ld be argued that I.Q . puzzles test decod ing ab ility rather than intelligence itself

(the po in t that by learn ing to read it is possible to raise your I.Q . score is further evidence o i

the dub ious valid ity o f supposedly fixed and objective I.Q . tests as well). It is probably also the

case that literate people tend to do better o n such cognitive and reasoning tests, no t because

o f the ir literacy but because o f schooling . In other words, it is the practice o f education that

encourages the sort o f abstract though t that is also co-incidentally associated w ith literacy.

W h y shou ld th is be the case? There is an argum ent that the practice o f education, through

a recordable form o f language (w riting), encourages people to perceive the w orld in ways that

are different from those w ithout schooling and literacy. In o ther words, know ledge itself is

d ifferent because ofliteracy.

The ph ilosopher Karl Popper developed the no tio n o f different 'worlds' o f experience

based on th is d is tinction . W o rld O n e is the objective w orld o f physical objects and material

th ings, w h ich can be experienced d irectly by all sentient creatures. W orld Two is experienced

o n ly through the subjective m ed ium o f the m in d , through consciousness. W orlds O ne

and Two are thus accessible by all h um an com m unities . W orld Three experience, however,

comprises objective know ledge’ as he ld in books, libraries and now electronic databases and

networks. It is realized in statements, theories and verbal models. In order to be objective it

m ust be recorded in language and stored in a w riting system. W o rld Three know ledge thus

exists externally to knowers, and can on ly be accessed by those able to read the system of

storage (writing).

W o rld Three knowledge, in the fo rm o f w riting, e lim inates inconsistency and fosters a

critical attitude to statements and theories, since they can be perceived to exist objectively in

their ow n right. In oracy, there is less emphasis on the differentiation between the speaker

and that w h ich is spoken. O racy encourages the directness o f the relationship between the

w ord and the object it refers to. There can be n o appeal to d ic tionary defin itions, o n ly to


concrete situations. This is not to say that people in oral com m unities are cognitively inferior,

merely that the ir view o f the w orld is d ifferently skewed than for those accustomed to literacy

and schooling.

O racy has m any advantages over literacy. For example, m em orized fam ily and social

histories can encode changing social relationships and norm s by chang ing themselves.

A fam ous example is the G on ja nation o f N orthe rn G hana , w h ich comprises seven tribes,

and an oral legend to ld o f how the o rig ina l founder, Jakpa, d iv ided power am ong his seven

sons. W h en British control was extended to the region, tw o o f the tribes disappeared, and the

legend was then to ld o f Jakpa and h is Five sons. N o m em ory or oral record was kept o f

the earlier version, since the story functioned no t as a historical docum ent but as a socially

cohesive device.

As soon as myths and legends com e to bc w ritten dow n , they become unchangeable.

T he stories and parables o f the O ld and New Testaments o f the Bible, for example, still talk

o f donkeys, goats and sheep, camels, v ineyard workers and sow ing seeds, and are read today

in industria lized societies very different from their orig inal contexts. In th is literate c ircum

stance, relevance has to be m ade by allegorical reading and m etaphorical adaptation , by

glosses, sermons and exegesis. N otions o l docum entary truth and falsity become more

im portant as a result o f the frozen nature o f the written text.

T he standard ization o f pr in t also further fixes the spelling system, m ak ing it resistant to

change in response to accent change. Thus, as in British Eng lish w riting, spelling and

pronuncia tion have diverged. Educational codification further reinforces prejudice against

spe lling innovation , so thut un fm ily a form s liyk th is w ud probly arowz feel ins uv discumfct

in reeduz yoost te u m ore ceudifiyd fo rm u v spellen az lu rn t in skool frum an urly ayj. O u r

spe lling system has changed little in the past 400 years, whereas pronuncia tion patterns have

changed enormously. T he innovative spelling used tw o sentences above corresponds to the

accent o f the writer o f th is chapter. O u r antiquated and frozen spe lling has the advantage o f

not priv ileging any one accent in the w riting system.

O ral cultures, o f course, do no t even encounter the problem : the fo rm o f the story changes

w ith the voice ol the speaker. W here Western literature currently values word-play and self

reference, oral ‘literature (notice the culture-specific nature o f the w ord for verbal art itself)

values sound patterns and rhy thm . In m o d e rn com m unities deprived o f access to schooling,

the everyday ‘literature1 m ore resembles oral patterns than the patterns o l the surrounding,

dom inan t, print-rich culture. The d is tinc tion between speech and w riting for these cultures

is an essential and sell-defining one.

7.2.2 Conversation analysis

The relative status o f speech and w riting can be seen in the fact that we spend far more o f

our tim e speaking and listen ing than either reading o r especially w riting . A n d m ost of

o u r language behaviour takes place in interaction w ith o ther people in the activity we call


conversation. Like any o ther part o f language, the practice o f conversation operates with

rules and conventions and can be analysed. This is the basis o f th is section.

The m ost obvious structural feature o f conversation is that it is based o n indiv iduals

tak ing turns to speak, 'ho ld ing the floor’ w h ile the other participants listen and await their

turn. In form ally structured situations, such as business meetings, televised discussions and

parliam entary debates, turns are allocated by a chair and speakers are nom inated o r bid

to speak. In everyday conversation, however, turn-taking is negotiated by speakers as the talk

develops.

In English-speaking culture, there is an intolerance o f silence in conversation. Turns are

therefore o ften m ade u p o f adjacency pairs’ (see Section 3.4.2), where an in itia tion o r request

fo r in fo rm ation is followed im m ediate ly b y an answer o r response o f som e sort. This is

optiona lly followed u p by feedback Irom the lirs t speaker to con lirm that the response has

been given satisfactorily:

Λ- C a n y o u g iv e m e a h a n d ’

B Sure.

A T h a n k s

8 W h a t d o I do>

A i f y o u c o u ld ju s t p u s h . I ' l l b e a b le t o ju m p -s t a r t it.

B : O K

In th is example, tw o adjacency pairs are connected by feedback to acknow ledge the answer.

O f course, not a ll conversational exchanges are as straightforward as this, and in fact we

missed out a part o f the above example:

A C a n y o u g iv e m e a h a n d ? (B e fo re B h a s c h a n c e to a n sw e r, A s h o u t s a c ro ss th e ro a d to C > B O B 1

A n y c h a n c e o f a h a n d h e re?

C Y e a h , b e th e re in a m in u te

B : W e ll, w il l it ta k e lo n g it 's ju s t th a t I’ m in a ru s h a n d ..

A N o . a c o u p le o f se co n d s . C a n yo u ?

B . S u re . I'v e g o t to b e a t th e s ta tio n so o n .

A : T h a n k s la n d so on).

The adjacency pairs arc still there, but underly ing other material, w h ich has been inserted

in to the conversation. First there is a ‘side-sequence’, as A 'breaks ou t’ o f the first adjacency

p a ir to call across the road to Bob (C ) and begin another adjacency pair. This is independent

o f the first pair, w h ich is interrupted. Secondly, B starts an ‘insertion-sequence’ by asking

a question (w ill it lake long'') w h ich is answered (<? couple o f seconds). 'H ie answer o f the

surround ing adjacency pair is dependent o n th is internal pair. (The beer-buying youth in

Section 7.1.2 above was also involved in an insertion-sequence w ith the shopkeeper). Finally,

the passage has an example o l ‘skip-connecting’, as B begins to explain that he is in a rush, and

returns to th is interrupted topic to com plete h is explanation a few turns later.


A ll o f these features introduce potential for the conversation to break dow n because

adjacency pairs are disrupted, w h ich is a threat to coherence. In each case, the second ha lf

o f the disruptions act as ‘repairs’ to allow the conversation to continue.

O ften , the gaps between speakers in a n o rm a l conversation, w h ile n o one is speaking

at a ll, arc very brief, usua lly Tractions o f a second. People are clearly skilled at an tic ipa ting

the boundaries o f tu rns (see Section 3.4.1) in order to be ready to begin speaking as

soon as the o ther person has apparently fin ished . To c la im the floor, it is c o m m o n to

beg in w ith an in troduc to ry phrase that picks u p o n an item from the previous speakers

sub ject matter.

Sometimes, especially in rap id o r heated conversation, speakers w ish to start ta lk ing betöre

the other person has finished. They m igh t interrupt, w h ich is usually done by pick ing up a

phrase Irom the first speaker and incorporating it in to their own speech. They w ill raise their

voices slightly above the level o f the first speaker. Very often, the first speaker w ill give w ay to

this tactic and the second speaker w ill thus gain the floor.

However, som etim es the first speaker w ill s im p ly keep o n talking, perhaps m ak ing their

speech louder and slower, and s im ultaneous ta lk goes o n un til one person gives in and stops

talking. Such sim ultaneous ta lk is perceived as being rude it it goes o n for m ore th an tw o o r

three clauses. Longer than th is, and very often a specific type o f insertion sequence w ill begin

whereby one speaker w ill step outside the top ic o f the conversation to com m en t o n the tactic

directly. For example: I sing in smokey rooms every n ight and I can keep talking fo r fa r longer

than you can Teresa (singer B illy Braggs response to be ing interrupted b y M P Teresa

G orm an , C hanne l Ί After Dark)·, Stop hectoring m e Tom, let m e fin ish w hat I 'm saying

(interviewee to poet/critic T om Pau lin . BBC2 The Late Show). Such com m entary involves

'metalanguage in that speakers ta lk explicitly about their ow n language. This can seriously

d isrupt the flow o f conversation and the activity is usually followed by lots o f repair work to

re-establish the topic.

People can anticipate the boundaries o f turns in a variety o f ways. Speakers m igh t ask a

direct question o r nom inate the next speaker by nam e. D ropp ing in tona tion often signals

that the po in t has been m ade and ended. Pauses for breath at the end o f a complete clause will

o ften provide an entry po in t for other speakers to c la im their turn. O pen-hand gestures and

catching another speakers eye are often invitations to take a turn.

People w anting to claim a turn can take advantage o f these features to interrupt by

pretending that a genuine mid-utterance pause for breath was actually a signal o f ending.

Skilfu l speakers can prevent others from taking the floor by b lock ing these features: they will

avoid eye contact; they w ill ta lk rapidly w ith few pauses; and w hen they do take a breath, it

w ill be in the m idd le o f a clause rather th an at the end. This latter tactic uses an 'utterance

incom pletor’ to allow the speaker to ho ld the floor. O the r examples w ou ld be to end each

clause w ith a connective such as and , therefore, a n d so, or but, or to begin ta lk ing by saying

/ want to make three points . . . O ften , pauses io r th ink ing are filled in w ith noises {um , er,

well) to keep the turn.


The logical coherence o f conversations helps to m aintain a sense that a single to p ic is being

discussed (see Section 3.4.3). Participants w ill often tolerate am bigu ity or lack o f clarity for

several turns in the hope that all w ill eventually become clear, as long as they are confident that

the topic is being m aintained. Shifts o f topic are usually consensual, and attempts by one speaker

to lorce a change ol topic prematurely w ill often bc regarded by the others as rude or evasive.

Most speakers’ conversation structure is characterized by 'recipient design: that is, it tends to be

organized in patterns and at a level that is understandable and appropriate to the hearer. Much

talk consists o f saying what other people w ant to hear, in the sort o f language that they th em

selves use. Speakers 'tune in ’ to each others’ preferred styles and expressions very rapidly.

In n o rm a l conversation, hearers w ill support the m aintenance o f the conversation w ith

direct feedback to the speaker. C om m en ts such as that's right, I heard that, m e too, yeah,

coun t as feedback rather th an attempts to interrupt o r c la im the floor. Also, speakers may

make ‘backchanne l noise’ th roughout the speaker’s talk. This usually consists o f agreement

noises (conventionally written as uh-huh, hm m ,yeah , yeah) accom panied by nodd ing , which

tell the speaker that the hearer is interested and wants them to continue.

Conversations com e to an end in a variety o f ways. These can be because the situation

around the speakers changes, such as w hen, du r ing a conversation o n a tra in , one participant

comes to their station, and the conversation is brought to a close usually w ith reference to the

interrupting circumstance (such as, well, this is m y stop). Speakers themselves can bring the

ta lk to an end w hen they feel that topics have been exhausted. This can be cued by someone

h o ld in g a silence for longer th an usual, o r p ick ing u p a newspaper, or look ing o u t o f the

w indow , and so on.

There are a variety o f pre-closing signals’ that participants use to b ring a conversation

to an end satisfactorily. Metalanguage can be used to indicate that the topic has closed

( Well, that’s sorted then). Well is a c o m m o n w ord used o n its ow n to signal an end to the

conversation. These signals are usually followed by various phatic tokens (nice to meet you,

we must do this again, see you later) and larcwells. Such in tentional breaks in conversation

can also be repaired, though , i f one speaker decides to pro long the ta lk further (O h . I ’ve just

remembered, there was one other th ing). Such repairs, as in this example, tend to take the form

o f metalanguage.

7.2.3 Coherence and fram ing

So far in this section, we have looked at how people use language to com m unicate w ith each

o ther and ta lk about the w orld around them . But we have left m any assum ptions unexplained

about the precise m echanism s involved in be ing able to d o th is. W h a t is it, fo r example, in the

words and sentences o f conversations and written discourses that allows hearers and readers

to b u ild up a picture o f the subject under discussion? How, specifically, are attitudes and

views expressed in texts and how do readers m ake sense o f them ? In short, how does the

cohesion o f texts contribute to the sense o f coherence in discourse?


W e outlined how the sentences o f a text are connected to each other in section 3.6 above.

This is kno w n as textual cohesion . Sentences can be seen to relate to each o ther by

co-reference, w h ich can be realized as the repetition o f words, synonym s, pronouns, and

so on . In th is way, the same entity that is be ing referred to persists th roughout the text.

Cohesion helps to give a text its ‘texture’, in terms o f the w ay the words and syntactic

constructions relate to each other.

However, texture is a matter o f the structure o f the text, and w hat is at stake in discourse

is the sense a reader/hearer makes o f the process o f reading/hearing. In other words,

cohesion is a structural linguistic issue and coherence is its psychological counterpart: the

perception that the world expressed in the text makes sense.

At th is level o f analysis, the study o f language m ust become less structural and more

procédural: that is, more concerned w ith the ongo ing experience o f reading and hearing.

In the process o f readers and hearers tu rn ing texts in to discourse, a psychologically coherent

'world ' is created. This m en ta l m ode l can be term ed the ‘discourse w orld ’, and readers/

hearers use it to fo llow the way the text develops and progresses. Objects in the discourse

w orld are created by reference, w h ich is usually expressed textually by n o u n phrases. The

relationships between these objects arc expressed by verb phrases, w h ich serve to alter

the reader/hearers discourse m ode l in the course o f reading/hearing.

M any o f the frameworks for understanding the processes involved here were developed in

the 1970s and 1980s as part o f research in to com puter m odels o flang uag e and Artificial

Intelligence. In particular, it is he lpfu l to th in k o f reading/hearing as invo lv ing tw o types o f

process w h ich arc used to check o n cach o ther while receiving discourse. By understanding

the m eanings o f words and sentences, and accum u lating th is in fo rm ation th rough the

discourse, people can use ‘bottom -up processing' to form a cum ula tive m ean ing for w hat has

just been received. W h ile this is ongo ing , people can anticipate the m ean ing o f w hat is to

come by predicting possible likely meanings o n the basis o f the ir cultura l know ledge o f the

world. This is called ‘top-down processing’.

T he problem o f how to account for the app lication o f th is know ledge o f the w orld is

hand led by the notion o t fram es or schem ata. A frame is a w ay o f th in k ing about a m em ory

structure, which consists o f a set o f slots arranged to compose a particu lar frequently

encountered entity. Thus a school w ou ld consist o f such slots as desks, corridors, d in ing area,

teachers, English rooms, and so on, w ith all the attributes that m ake u p a school bu ild in g and

its sta ff and students. Frames represent know ledge not just o f stereotypical entities, but can

be created io r new ly encountered entities as well. In th is way, people learn from experience

and b u ild u p a larger repertoire o f know ledge abou t the world.

T he dynam ic counterpart o f a frame is a scrip t. As it sounds, this is a m em orized

representation o f a typical event. So, wc use a shopping script to know how to go in to a shop,

pick up goods, take them to the till, have a conversation w ith the shopkeeper, pay for the

goods, collect change and leave. W e m igh t have a w riting an essay script that tells us how

to organize the text, p u t together an argum ent, use evidence, and im po rt other sub-scripts

such as the content o f the essay, what the teacher likes, and the m e thod o f hand ing it in .

L a n g u a g e a n d Id e o lo g y

T h ink ing o f background know ledge as a systematic arrangem ent that we can call up when

read ing o r hearing texts goes a long way towards exp la in ing how inferences work, because we

have the connections between propositions already in ou r heads. In the fo llow ing examples,

there is no th ing literally in the texts that account for the norm a l inferencing that readers do

in m ak ing them m ake sense. T he cohcrencc between a and b in cach ease depends upon the

reader supp ly ing the in fo rm ation in c from background knowledge:

a) I spent most o l ihc time on the bcaeh.

b) The sea was really warm.

c) (Beaches are next to the sea).

a) The restaurant was great.

b) But the waiter was very rude.

c) (Restaurants have waiters).

a) Help yourself to the vegetable garden.

b) The radishes are lovely.

c) (Radishes are vegetables).

a) Two cars were chasing each other.

b) The Mercedes nearly crashed into a wall.

c) (A Mercedes is a type o f car).

In each case, the use o f the definite article (the) in the second sentence is a defin ite reference

to the slot in the relevant script in the discourse w orld called up by the first sentence.

7.3 Language and ideologySo far th is chapter has been concerned largely w ith the organization o f texts and discourses,

and how language users are able to resolve m ean ing Irom them . It w ou ld be easy to th in k ol

the fo rm o f expression as be ing separate from the conten t o f the text. T h is view w ould

regard the structure o f texts as if it were mere 'decoration' for the m ean ing carried by the

language. However, th is w ou ld be a false perception. The study o f pragm atics has shown

that d ifferent fo rm s o f politeness, phatic token and speech act, fo r example, can generate

d ifferent effects in the receiver. In other words, the content and the style o f texts arc in fact

interdependent.

A no the r way o f th in k ing about th is aspect o f discourse is to understand that a ll texts

encode an underly ing ideology. T h is m eans no t just a political ideology, bu t an idea-system

o r set o f assum ptions o n w h ich the discourse is based. N o text is neutral w ith respect to

ideology. A useful analogy w ou ld be to th in k o f texts as photographs: a picture must always

be taken from a particular po in t o f view. Very often, the ideological background o f texts

is im p lic it and can be revealed by linguistic analysis. Some o f the features through w h ich the

ideological background o f texts can be uncovered are presented in th is section.


7.3.1 Lexical choice

Λ text is produced by selection a n d com b ina tion , w h ich can be im ag ined as tw o axes w h ich

intersect. W ords are com b ined in to syntactically appropriate chains to fo rm a sentence in

English. In to each lin k in the chain, a word is selected Irom a whole bank o f possible other

words w h ich m igh t have gone in its place. The ideolog)' o f the text is reflected by which

words arc selected th roughout the text. Thus, the lexical choice o f the text gives an insight

in to the idea-system w h ich underlies the discourse.

There are some obvious n am ing strategies w h ich encode ideology, such as newspapers

choosing to refer either to terrorists or rebels, and po litic ians ta lk ing abou t weapons o f mass

destruction or nuclear missiles or weapons systems. The forced displacem ent o f people on the

basis o f culture is rendered less objectionable b y ca lling it ethnic cleansing. In fact, refuse

disposal and street-cleaning in m ajor towns and cities is now routine ly called cleansing, which

gives it a far more professional and pu rify ing image. The basis o f this selection is euphem ism .

This involves the selection o f a synonym ous term w h ich denotes alm ost the same th ing but

has very different connotations.

Usually, a text w h ich is consistent and coherent w ill have words selected from the

sam e ideological dom a in . Λ review, for example, w ould 'read' badly i f it referred to ageing

musicians who are clearly past their sell-by dates in the same text as guitar-players matured

and refined by experience. The ideological set o f lexical choices in published texts tends to bc

consistent because it usually expresses a particular w orld view’ (or mindset) o f the author.

7.3.2 AgencyT he com b ina tion o f words often encodes the agency o f events: basically, w h o does what to

w hom . The people o r groups carrying o u t actions can be blam ed or absolved o f b lam e by the

arrangem ent o f the syntax o f the sentence. For example, Soldiers shoot demonstrators after

rio t lays the blam e clearly o n the soldiers by m ak ing them the active agents o f the shooting.

Λ v iewpoint sym pathetic to the authorities w ou ld read. Demonstrators shot in riots, deleting

the agents o f the verb altogether. Even a headline that added by soldiers after this last passive

verb w ou ld not bc as strong a statement as the first example. Passivization is thus one way ol

deleting the agent o f the action to express ideological v iewpoint.

A no the r way o f accom plish ing a s im ilar effect is to ‘nom ina lize ’ the action w h ich was

expressed by the verb. Shooting in rio t leaves demonstrators dead deletes the soldiers again.

Demonstrators die in shooting is s im ilar b u t a lm ost blames the dem onstrators by m ak ing

them the syntactically active agents in the sentence, as well as n o m in a t in g the action o f

shooting . The psychological im pact o f the first element o f an utterance (the them e o f the

sentence) is always stronger th an the rest o f the in fo rm ation in the sentence (the rheme).

A special case o f nom ina liza tion is personification, in w h ich an action o r state is given

w ilfulness and thus blame: Death meets demonstrators after rio t or Riot causes shooting of

demonstrators w ould encode this world view. There is a d ifficu lty even w ith the ideological

L a n g u a g e a n d Id e o lo g y

basis o f ih e term ino logy we are us ing here, since to ta lk o f events be ing passivized or

nom ina lized o r personified im plies a neutral and objective state before the passivization

and so on . This is not the case. A ll possible lexical and syntactic selections and com binations

are ideologically loaded one way o r the other. Neutrality is s im p ly no t possible in language.

7.3.3 M odality

W e have been discussing the world view o f texts, but readers routinely act as if this world view is

that o f the author o f the text. Usually, this is a reasonable assumption to make, though fictional

texts, perhaps with an invented narrator, present special problems. The parts o f texts that seem

to encode the author’s attitude to the content o f the text is know n as the modality o f the text.

T he m ost obvious examples o l m oda lity can be seen in explicitly evaluative adjectives and

adverbials. C a lling som eth ing lovely, evil, enticing, tasteless or clueless clearly conveys what

the au tho r th inks o f it. Describ ing an action completed quickly, with grace, in a n efficient

manner or with feeling also encodes the perception o f the author.

However, there are a whole variety o f gram m atica l ways in w h ich the m oda lity o f the

au tho r can bc understood. The com m itm en t o t the au tho r to the tru th or reality o t the event

is part o f the attitude encoded in the text. There is a b ig difference in co m m itm e n t between

categoric, generic sentences such as A ll officials are corrupt and sentences w h ich use a range

o f m o d a l auxiliaries to ‘tone dow n the com m itm en t to the assertion: You m ust agree that

a ll officials are corrupt. You m ight say that a ll officials are corrupt, You could say th a t a ll

officials are corrupt. It is possible that a ll officials are corrupt, I w ish I could say that a ll

officials are corrupt, a n d so on . Verbs o f know ledge, prediction a n d evaluation all encode

au tho ria l modality.

7.3.4 Point o f v iew

A ll o l th is discussion is concerned w ith the po in t ot view convcyed by the text. It is useful

w hen considering this to d is tingu ish between the author o f the text and the narrator. O ften ,

fictional texts im ag ine an invented narrator w h o tells the story in the first person, though

the whole text has in reality been written by an author w ith a different personality from the

im ag ined narrator. I n non-fictional texts, such as instruction m anuals o r press agency reports,

the authoria l voice is likely to be ind istingu ishab le from the narratorial voice. Such texts are

usually in the second person (im perative and instructional) and th ird person (claim ing

objectivity) respectively. It is informative, w hen considering po in t o f view, to ask the

questions W ho speaks? and W ho is addressed? in the text.

There are essentially three possible options for po in t o f v iew in texts. First, a personal

narration presents a direct relationship between the first person (/) narrator and the reader

who is addressed. Such narratives are likely to have a h igh ly direct and explicit m oda lity to

express personal perception and o p in io n . Evaluations, thoughts and feelings are typically

presented in th is style.


A second type o f p o in t o f view is the impersonal narration, w h ich typically appears in the

th ird person {he/she/it/they). This appears less intrusive and is often accom panied by less

personal modality . Sentences are likely to be more categorical and assertive.

T he th ird type o f po in t o f view is the authoria l voice, w h ich again is usually in the th ird

person. However, authors can pretend to be om niscient: that is, they can present the internal

thoughts o f a ll o f the characters in a text. Alternatively, they can present the story sim p ly as

reportage, piecing together the tacts im personally w ithou t c la im ing special insight. W ith the

authorial voice, it is som etim es illu m in a tin g to ask no t on ly W ho spooks? but also W ho sees?,

s ince om niscient authors can present even th ird person narration through the eyes and

perception o f a fictional character. This is called 'localization , and an author can use it either

consistently b y fo llow ing the narrative through a single localizer, or can present a variety o f

perceptions by sh itting focalization th roughout the text.

In a previous section (7.2.3 above), we outlined the im portance for interpretation o f the

high-level, g loba l decisions provided by receivers' scripts. The perception o f the ideology of

a d iscourse is also dependent o n the sort o f text that the receiver expects to process when

they encounter a new piece o f language. As experienced users o f m any different varieties o f

language, people bu ild up expectations o l the features o l a range o f d ifferent types o f text

(or genres, see Section 3.3). As w ith top-down and bottom -up processing, there is a two-way

interpretative procedure at work here. Early features o f the text be ing received help to cue

u p a particu lar text-type that the text in question seems to belong to, and at the same time,

the perception o f that text-type helps the receiver to make interpretative decisions about the

text. The pragm atic circumstances also p lay a part in this.

Consider, as an example, the fo llow ing tw o sentences:

a) The council refused the women a permit because they feared violence.

b ) T h e c o u n c i l r e f u s e d t h e w o m e n a p e r m i t b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e c o m m u n i s t s .

M ost British speakers o f English w ou ld take they in a) to refer to the counc il and they in

b ) to refer to the w om en. However, there are ideological assum ptions involved here. The

interpretations o f a) and b ) here depend on a perception o f offic ia l fear o f disorder, and

an understanding that councils issue perm its for things such as dem onstrations, w h ich some

times become violent. However, the interpretations become different i f a different ideological

background is assumed. Im agine that the council in a) is strongly in favour o f boxing matches

and the w om en are pacifists. O r im agine that b ) is uttered not in B rita in bu t in C h in a . The

sorts o f narratives that these sentences m igh t belong to change their character w hen such

re-intcrpretation happens.

As a further example, try reading the fo llow ing short text, first assum ing the po in t o f view

o l a land developer w ho wants to bu ild a supermarket, and secondly Irom the po in t o l

v iew o f a conservationist interested in a fieldwork study o f the an im als and birds o n the site.

T h e a re a i$ s it u a te d c lo s e to a s u b u rb a n ra ilw a y s ta tio n a n d is o n ly h a lf a rrnie fro m th e m a in s h o p

p in g ce n tre a n d c e n tra l h o u s in g H o w e v e r, th e tre e s a t th e p e r ip h e ry o f I h e s ite a re tall a n d d e n se

Sty lis tics 199a n d se p a ra te t h e a re a e ffe ct iv e ly f ro m th e re sid e n tia l z o n e . Λ d is u s e d q u a rry h a s le ft se v e ra l la rg e

re ce sse s w h ic h h a v e f ille d w it h w ate r, a n d s m a ll rs la n d s co v e re d in h u s h e s a n d sm all v e g e ta t io n

b re a k th e se s h a llo w la k e s E x ce ss w a t e r d ra in s n to t h e n e a rb y r iv e r o v e r sh a le a n d a lig h t to p so il.

T h e r e 15 an e le c tr ic a l s u b -s ta t io n to th e n o rth o f th e W te. b y t h e a c c e s s ro a d le ft b y th e q u a rry

w o r k in g s . T h e ro a d c o n t in u e s fo r a m ile in to th e a re a , th o u g h m o st o f it is o v e r g ro w n Th ere

a re t w o p a th s th ro u g h th e s it e , o n e o f w h ic h is a r ig h t o f w a y u s e d b y c h ild re n a t th e sc h o o l in

t h e to w n

It is likely, not only that d ifferent interests determ ine w h ich sentences are m ost and least

relevant, b u t that the same sentences have different interpretations. For the la n d developer,

the text functions as a report o n the com m ercial v iab ility o f bu ild ing o n the land and the

prox im ity o f amenities. For the conservationist, it is a description o f an area suitable for study

over several days, com pris ing useful in fo rm a tion o n the sorts o f llo ra and launa likely to bc

found , and how m uch disturbance the researcher can expect.

7.4 Stylistics__________________________________

In th is chapter, we have looked at the three m ain functions o f texts and discourse. In discussing

pragmatics and conversation analysis, we added to the discussions o f the first three chapters

in g iv ing features related to the ‘textual’ func tion o l language. T h is is to d o w ith how texts

are organized and have texture. W e also explained m ean ing in terms o f the ‘interpersonal’

function o f language, w ith discussions o f how meanings are negotiated in real talk, to go w ith

the sociolinguistic discussion o f Chapter 6. Finally, we addressed the ‘ideational’ func tion o f

language in discussing the ideological basis o f all discourse.

A book such as this can on ly ever be the merest in troduction to the study ot language.

However, we have covered a great deal o f m ateria l and provided discussions from the range

o f frameworks and approaches available w ith in the field o f linguistics as it currently stands.

O n e o f lhe advantages o f being a student o f language is that you are already a native speaker

o f at leasl one language, and you can begin to f in d o u t new and interesting th ings about

language as soon as you begin to analyse it. A lthough answers arc provided lor some o t the

Activities in this b o o k to check your own progress, m any Activities have n o right or wrong

answers. They are there s im p ly to he lp you to th in k about language and its use. W e hope that

they w ill lead you to w onder further about language, and develop your ow n frameworks to

discuss the issues you th in k are im portant.

Linguistic frameworks arc tools developed by researchers to he lp us understand how

language works. You can apply what you have learned from th is book , and by fo llow ing the

lurther reading, to any o f the enorm ous range o f texts that have been written, spoken or are

yet to be m ade in the world . K now ing about linguistics can he lp you to be a m ore reflective

and efficient writer, and it can he lp you to negotiate your way a ro und the w orld o f m eaning.

The world can be seen as a series o f interconnected discourses w ith language (broadly

conceived) as the basis. D ifferent types o f text write the reality1 o f different parts o f life, and


systematic know ledge o f the analysis o f texts and how hum ans com m un ica te can thus be

liberating and endlessly interesting.

The analysis o f the language o f texts and discourses is know n as stylistics, and it can bc

applied to any artefact m ade o flanguage. The rest o f th is section gives some examples o f texts

for you to see w hat systematic stylistic exam ination can do.

7.4.1 A nalysing types o f text

To end the book , we w ill s im p ly provide some examples o f different types o f text. You can

find your ow n examples from the m illio ns more out there in the world. For each, ask the

questions that have been raised in this chapter, and apply your linguistic know ledge gained

from previous chapters. Above all, you shou ld bc as systematic and descriptive as you can,

and as an experienced user o flanguage , trust yourself.

A S c ie n tif ic TextT he fo llow ing is an example o f text written by a biologist. It is intended as popu lar science as

well as a con tribu tion lo orig inal know ledge. T he author is concerned, therefore, to pu l an

argum ent forward and be persuasive about it. H ow does he go about this? Can you construct

an authorial voice from the text, by lo ok ing at the m oda lity and po in t o f view encoded here?

W h a t is the ideology involved? H ow is it expressed?

A l l o r g a n is m s lh a t h a v e ewer liv e d - e v e ry a n im a l a n d p la n t , a l l b a c te r ia a n d all fu n g i, e v e ry c re e p in g

th in g a n d all re a d e rs o f th e se w o r d s - c a n lo o k b a c k a t th e ir a n ce sto rs a n d m a k e th e fo llo w in g

p ro u d c la im N o t a s in g le o n e o f o u i a n c e s t o r d ie d in in fa n cy . T h e y all re a c h e d a d u lth o o d , a n d e ve ry

s in g le o n e s u c c e s s fu lly c o p u la te d . N o t a s in g le o n e o f o u r a n ce sto rs w a s fe lle d b y a n e n em y , o r b y a

v iru s , o r b y a m is ju d g e d fo o tste p o n a c li f f e d g e , b e fo re b r in g in g a t le a s t o n e c h ild in to th e w o r ld

T h o u s a n d s o f o u r a n c e s to rs ’ c o n te m p o ra r ie s fa ile d in a ll th ese re sp e cts , b u t n o t a s in g le s o lita ry one

o f o u r a n ce sto rs fa ile d in a n y o f th e m , th e se s ta te m e n ts a re b lin d in g ly o b v io u s , ye t fro m th e m m u ch

fo llo w s : m u c h th a t is c u r io u s a n d u n e x p e c te d , m u c h th a t e x p la in s a n d m u c h th a t asto n ish e s .

S in ce a ll o r g a n is m s in h e r it a ll th e ir g e n e s fro m t h e ir s u c c e s s fu l a n c e s to rs , a ll o r g a n is m s te n d to

p o sse ss s u c c e s s fu l g e n e s . T h e y h a v e w h a t it ta k e s to h e c o m e a n c e s to rs - a n d th a t m e a n s to su rv iv e

a n d r e p ro d u c e T h is is w h y o r g a n is m s te n d t o in h e r it g e n e s w it h a p ro p e n s it y t o b u ild a w e ll-d e -

s ig n e d m a c h in e - a b o d y th a t a c t iv e ly w o r k s a s i f it is s tr iv in g to b e c o m e a n a n c e s to r T h a t is w h y

b ird s a re s o g o o d a t f ly in g , f is h s o g o o d a t s w im m in g , m o n k e y s s o g o o d a t c lim b in g , v iru se s so

g o o d a t s p re a d in g T h a t is w h y w e lo v e life a n d lo v e s e x a n d lo v e c h ild re n , it i s b e c a u s e w e a ll.

w it h o u t a s m g le e x c e p t io n , in h e r it a l l o u r g e n e s f ro m a n u n b ro k e n lin e o f s u c c e s s fu l a n c e s to rs . Th e

w o r ld b e c o m e s fu ll o f o r g a n is m s th a t h a v e w h a t it ta k e s t o b e c o m e a n c e s to rs . T h a t, in a se n te n ce ,

is D a rw in ism .

(F ro m R ich a rd D a w k in s (1 9 9 5 ) Rnvr Out o f Iden. W e id e n fe ld & N ic o lso n .)

A n E n g in e e r in g In stru c t io n a l TextT he fo llow ing is from the installation instructions for a lever contro l to operate forward

and reverse o n a boat. W h a t sort o f discourse world does il encode? W h a t sort o f script

Sty listics

know ledge is needed and assumed here? W h a t is it about the syntax o f the text that tells you

it is instructional? Look in particu lar at the cohesive features o f the text that make it ditferent

from any o ther sort o f text. W h a t is the p o in t o f view and modality?

IN S T A L L IN G T H E C O N T R O L

1 . P la c e th e c o n tro l in p o s it io n a llo w in g c le a ra n c e fo r fu ll m o v e m e n t o f th e h a n d le a n d free p a ssa g e

fo r t h e c a b le s . M a rk th e f ix in g c e n tre s to s u it N o . 1 2 w o o d s c ie w .

? T h e o p e r a t in g u n it is fa c to ry a s s e m b le d fo r S ta rb o a rd m o u n t in g b u t is q u ic k ly c o n v e rte d fo r P o rt

m o u n t in g a s fo llo w s :

1 E n su re th e th ro tt le leve l a n d c lu t c h p in io n are in th e ID L IN G a n d N E U T R A L p o s itio n

re sp e ctiv e ly

? S la c k e n th e set s c re w s e c u r in g t h e h a n d le a n d w it h d ra w th e h a n d le fro m t h e s p lin e s o n the

sh a ft

N o te th a t t h e e m b o s s e d lin e o n th e e x p o s e d s h a f t is l in e d u p w it h th e ω η - u p b u tto n fo r

N eu tra l

3 . R o ta te th e h a n d le 1 8 0 ' a n d re -e n g a g e w it h th e s p lin e s A t t h is p o s it io n , w h e n th e o p e ra t in g

u n it is p la c e d o v e r th e m o u n t in g h o le s , t h e h a n d le s h o u ld b e v e rt ic a l. F in a lly , re t ig h te n th e

s e t screw .

3. S la c k e n th e sc re w s, ro ta te th e t ru n n io n re ta in e rs a n d w it h d r a w t h e tru n n io n s.

4 R e m o v e a n d d isca rd ja m n u t s fro m re m o te c o n tro l e n d s o f th ro tt le a n d s h ift c a b le s S c re w

th e t r u n n io n s o n to th e th re a d e d e n d s o f th e s h ift a n d th ro tt le c a b le s u n til t h e c a b le e n d s

p ro tru d e 3 / 1 6 n

NOTE. Viewing the unit from the back, the inner levers are for clutch operation and the outer levers

for throttle control.

5 . P o s itio n th e c lu t c h tru n n io n a s s e m b ly in th e a p p ro p r ia te s lo t in th e d u t c h p in io n to p ro v id e

th e n e ce ssa ry s tro k e , ro ta te th e t ru n n io n re ta in e r o v e r th e t ru n n io n a n d t ig h te n th e scre w

to secure.

6 P la c e t h e th ro tt le tru n n io n in th e a p p ro p ria te o p e n in g in th e th ro tt le leve r ty o p ro v id e a p u s h o r

p u ll ca W e a c t io n , ro ta te th e re ta in e r o v e r th e t ru n n io n a n d t ig h te n s c re w

7 R o u te th e c a b le s th r o u g h th e o p e n in g s in th e b o d y e n g a g in g th e g ro o v e m th e c a b le h u b w it h

th e b o d y l i t th e h u b p a c k e rs in th e e m p ty c a b le p o s it io n s , a n d s e c u re w it h t h e h u D re ta in er

a n d screw .

8. Check that the assembled control operates correctly, obtaining full clutch selection and throttle

movement.

9 . If o p e ra t io n is sa t is fa c to ry p la c e th e o p e r a t in g u n it o v e r th e m o u n t in g h o le s a n d se cu re w it h th e

screw s, w a sh e rs , s h a k e -p ro ff w a s h e r s a n d n u ts.

(F ro m th e in sta lla tio n in stru ct io n s fo r th e A ? 0 S in g le le v e r M a r in e C o n tro l,

fro m M o rse C o n tro ls l td).


A C o o k e ry In stru c t io n a l TextThe fo llow ing is a recipe, not for the faint-hearted, for cooking a sheep’s head. It is from the

19th century. A ssum ing that the reader is not actually cook ing the item while reading, how

does each word and sentence o f the text effect a change in the ongo ing discourse w orld o f the

reader? In other words, how does the text turn the ingredients in to a dish? You m igh t like to

contrast the m oda lity o f this text w h ich is presumably intended to be descriptive and neutral'

w ith the perception o f the m oda lity brought by a vegetarian reader. Again , the cohesive fea

tures o f the text arc im portant. W ith ou t th ink ing about the content, can you tell the difference

between the sort o f text this is compared w ith the previous instructional text?

IN G R E D IE N T S

A s h e e p 's h e a d , b o u q u e t g a r n i, 1 0 p e p p e rc o rn s , sa l; a n d p e p p e r, 2 ta b le sp . p e a rl b a rle y o r r ic e , 2

o n io n s , 1 s m a ll tu rn ip . 2 s m a ll carro ts , 1 0 7 b u tte r o r f a t , 1 o ? (lour, p a rsle y

I f necessary, sp lit th e h e a d a n d re m o v e th e b ra in s. W a s h th e h e a d severa l tim e s, ta k in g c a re to

re m o ve a ll sp lin te re d b o n e s S c ra p e th e sm all b o n e s fro m ;h e n o str ils a n d b ru sh th e te e th . S o a k in salt

w a t e ' fo r 3 0 m in Cover· w it h c o ld w ate » a n d l y in g to th e b o il P o u r a w a y th e w a te r a n d re p la ce w ith

fresh c o k j w a te r a n d a d d th e b o u q u e t g a rn i, p e p p e rc o rn s a n d s a lt Bo<i u p a n d sk im w e ll A d d the

barle y (b la n c h e d ) o r (ice . C o o k s lo w ly fo r a b o u t 3 hr. M e a n w h ile p re p are th e v e ge ta b le s a n d c u t nto

d ice ; th ese sh o u ld b e a d d e d a b o u t I hr. b e fo re s e iw n g . R e m o ve th e sk in a n d fib re s fro m th e b ram s

w it h s a lt a n d w a s h in c o k l w ate r. T ie th e b ra in s in m u slin a n d c o o k w it h the h e a d fo r a b o u t 15 - 2 0 rm n.

T h e n c h o p co arse ly. H e a t the fa t in a s a u c e p a n a n d a d d the flour. S t ir o v e r the h e a t a n d c o o k w ith o u t

brOk'/nmg (o r a b o u t 3 m m ., th e n a d d Ά p t. o f liq u id in w h ic h th e h e a d is c o o k in g . S t ir u n til b o ilin g ,

co rre ct t h e s e a s o n in g a n d a d d th e b ra in s . R e m o v e th e h e a d a n d ta k e a ll th e f le sh fro m th e b o n e s . S k in

a n d s lic e th e to n g u e . P la c e th e m e at n e a t ly o n a h o t cfcsh. P o u r th e b ra in sa u c e over. If l ik e d , g a rn ish

w it h so m e o t th e s lice d to n g u e , v e g e ta b le s a n d c h o p p e d p a rsle y S e rv e t h e b ro th se p arate!/

3 h e lp in g s

(F ro m M rs R e e to n s All About Cookery.)

A P o lit ica l TextT he fo llow ing is from a speech by former leader o f the Labour Party, Neil K innock . It was

orally delivered as a m onologue to a party conference. H o w is it effective in its language

usage? H ow is the author presenting h im se lf here? W h a t sort o f speech acts is K innock using,

and how docs he structure the d ia logue w ith him selt here?

W h y a m I th e (irst K in n o c k in a th o u s a n d g e n e ra t io n s t o b e a b le to g e t to u n iv e rs ity ’ W a s it b e ca u se

all o u r p re d e c e sso rs w e r e t h ic k ? D id th e y la ck ta le n t - th o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld s in g , a n d play, an d

re cite p o e try , th o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld m a k e w o n d e rfu l, b e a u t ifu l t h in g s w it h th e ir h a n d s ; tho se

p e o p le w h o c o u ld d re a m d re am s, s e e v is io n s , th o s e p e o p le w h o h a d s u c h a s e n s e o f p e rce p tio n as

to k n o w in t>mes s o b ru ta l, s o o p p re s s iv e , th a t th e y c o u ld w in th e ir w a y o u t o f th a t b y c o m in g

to g e th e r? W e re th o se p e o p le n o t u n iv e rs ity m a te r ia l? C o u ld n ’t th e y h a v e k n o c k e d o f f th e ir A levels

m an a f te r n o o n ? B u t w h y d id n 't th e y g e t it? W a s it b e ca u se th e y w e re w e a k th o s e p e o p le w h o

c o u ld w o r k e ig h t h o u r s a d a y u n d e r g r o u n d a n d th e n co m e u p a n d p la y fo o tb a ll? W e a k ? Th o se

w o m e n w h o c o u ld su rv iv e e le v e n c h ild b e a r in g s , w e re th e y w e a k ? T h o s e p e o p le w h o c o u ld s ta n d

w it h th e ir b a c k s a n d le g s s t r a ig h t a n d fa c e th e g re a t - th e p e o p le w h o h a d c o n tr o l o v e r th e ir Irves.

Sty lis tics 203

t h e o n e s th a t o w n e d Their w o rk p la c e s a n d t r ie d to o w n th e m - a n d tell th e m , 'N o , I w o n ’t ta k e yo u r

o rd ers." W e re th e y w e a k ? D o e s a n y b o d y re a lly t h in k th a t th e y d id n ’t q e t w h a t w e h a d b e c a u s e th e y

d id n ’t h a v e th e ta le n t. « t h e s tre n g th , o r th e e n d u ra n c e , o r th e c o m m itm e n t’ O l c o u r s e n o t It w a s

b e c a u s e th e re w a s n o p la tfo rm o n w h ic h th e y c o u ld stan d

A R e p o rt in g TextThe fo llow ing is from ih c open ing o f ihe sum m ary o f a report prepared for ihe National

C u rr ic u lum C ounc il. Exam ine in particu lar the lexical choices that give th is text its level

o f formality . W h a t is the authorial voice here? W h a t about m oda lity and po in t o f view

(rem em bering that there is n o such th ing as ‘neutrality’ where these are concerned)?

SU M M A R Y , C O N C L U S IO N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T IO N S

S u m m a ry

K e y S t a g e 1

Th e in tro d u c t io n o t th e N a tio n a l C u r r ic u lu m E n g lis h O rd e r h a s re su lte d in m o re s y ste m a t ic , stru c

tu re d p la n n in g fo r th e te a c h in g o f a ll a s p e c ts o f th e O rd e r. Tea ch e rs c o m m e n t e d o n a g re a te r se n se

o f c o lla b o ra t io n w h ic h w a s u su a lly a fe a tu re o f th is p la n n in g . D e ta ils o f e x p lic it te a c h in g stra te g ie s

w e r e lo c a te d in th e p o lic y p la n n in g d o c u m e n ts ra th e r th a n th e S c h e m e s o f W o rk . Th e se w e re

m a in ly in th e fo rm o f le a rn in g o b je ctrv e s l in k e d to s p e c if ic S ta te m e n t s o f A tta in m e n t.

T im e sp e n t h e a n n g in d iv id u a l p u p ils a lo u d w a s s p e c if ic a lly fo r th e p u rp o s e o f m o n ito r in g p r o g

r e ss S in c e th e in tro d u c tio n o t t h e N a t io n a l C u rr ic u lu m T h is t im e h a s a ls o in c lu d e d p u p ils t a lk in g

a b o u t th e c o n te n t o f th e ir re a d in g T h is a d d it io n a l a c t iv ity w a s se en b y te a c h e rs to h a v e b e e n the

g re a te s t in f lu e n c e o n th e ir te a c h in g o f r e a d in g a n d th e y c la im e d th e re w a s n o t e n o u g h t im e fo r

both a c t iv it ie s Th e se te a c h e rs a ls o re p o rte d a la c k o f t im e t o r te a c h in g re a d in g g e n e ra lly a n d th e y

a t tr ib u te d th is to th e d e m a n d s m a d e b y o th e r s u b je c t O rd e rs (se e se ct io n 2 , M a n a g e a b ility } T h e y

th o u g h t th e re q u ire m e n ts o f t h e S ta te m e n ts fo r Le v e l 2 R e a d in g w e r e to o b ro a d c o m p a re d w t h

th o se o f Le v e ls 1 a n d 3 . C o n s e q u e n t ly th e y fo u n d it d if f ic u lt to e x p la in to p a re n ts w h y so m e p u p ils

re m a in e d w o ifc m g w it h in Le v e l 2 fo r a re la tive ly lo n g t im e . T h e ir c o n c e rn w a s w it h th e b re a d th of

d e v e lo p m e n t re q u ire d b y Le v e l 2 , ra th e r th a n its c o n te n t.

P u p ils s p e n t th e ir t im e o n re a d in g a lm o st e q u a lly d iv id e d b e tw e e n activ itie s th a t w e r e d e s ig n e d to

te a c h th e m to re a d a n d o n r e a d in g a s a n a c t iv ity it s e lf In le a r n in g to re a d , p h o n ic s a c tiv it ie s w e re

th e o n e s w h ic h p u p ils e x p e r ie n c e d m o st o fte n a n d fo r th e lo n g e s t t im e . A n o t h e r c o m m o n activity,

u s e d fre q u e n t ly b y te a c h e rs to te a c h re a d in g , w a s lis te n in g to p u p ils re ad . A ls o , th e y u s e d t h is actrv-

it y to m o n ito r a n d a sse ss re a d in g a s w e ll a s p ro v id in g p u p ils w it h re a d in g p ra c t ic e H o w e v e r, h e a n n g

re a d in g w a s p e rce iv e d to b e v e ry t im e -c o n s u m in g To d e a l w it h th is , te a c h e rs s e t th e ir c la s s e s a

v a r ie ty o f in d e p e n d e n t r e a d in g a c tiv it ie s , s u c h a s p h o n ic w o rk , o ' re p e tit io n a n d p ra c t ic e activ itie s,

th e re b y re le a s in g th e m s e lv e s to h e a r in d iv id u a l p u p ils re a d T e a ch e rs a ls o c re a te d o th e r o p p o rtu n i

t ie s to h e a r re a d in g , su c h a s w h e n o th e r p u p ils w e r e w o r k in g in g ro u p s o ' a s a d a s s o n a va r ie ty of

a c t iv it ie s n o t re la te d to re a d in g , o r d u r in g th e te a c h e r ’s lu n c h b re ak

in te a c h in g re a d in g , te ach e rs u s e d a w d e ra n g e o f a c t iv it ie s in th e e a r ly s ta g e s . T h e ir p la n n in g for

te a c h in g p h o n ic s w a s s tru c tu re d a n d fo llo w e d a s e q u e n c e o f p r o g re s s io n th ro u g h c h e c k lis ts a n d

p u b lis h e d s c h e m e s . T e a ch in g re a d in g o c c u rre d m o s t fre q u e n lly in E n g lish , ra th e r t h a n a s a c ro ss

c u rr ic u la r activity.

T h e N S G s ( N C C 1 9 8 9 , 1 9 9 0 ) d e a l p r im a rily w it h th e d a s s ro o m e n v iro n m e n t ( e g . th e u s e o f a

p a rt ic u la r a re a s u c h a s th e r e a d in g c o rn e r) , a n d u se o f t im e g e n e ra lly , ra th e r t h a n b e in g sp e c if ic a lly


targeted towards meeting and identifying pupils' needs in learning to read. However, observations

in classrooms showed that, despite limited guidance in this area, teachers were achieving this largely

through management oi resources and matching books and related activities to individual pupils

(From Evaluation o f Ihe Implementation of English in the National Curriculum at

Key Stages I. 2 and 3 0991-1993): Final Report. HMSO/National Curriculum Council )

A n A d v e rt is in g TextT he fo llow ing is the complete text from a magazine advert.

FUJI TAPES HAVE TWO

TWO MAGNETIC LAYERS.

TO SEE WHY, READ THIS HEADLINE

TWICE.Y o u p tcKo d u p tho d e lib e ra te m iotnko. o l c o u ra o ► B u t nt th o first r e a d in g ? P ro b a b ly no t. ► A v e u a l l i l c k thnt d e m o n s tra t e s n n a tfy F u ji's \ftdno m a g lr d o u b le c o itttt jj te ch n o lo gy . ► J u s t n s o n o r e a d h g w o n 't p lo K o u t a l l th o d o ta lla , s o o n « la y e r o t tapo w o n t p ic k u p a ll tho d o t o i. ► E n to r th o n into y o u r c a m c o rd e r o r V C R - Fu|i’e d o u b le -c o a te d ta p e ► Tw o la y e r s ot m a g n e t ic p a rt (d e n , minrorei th ick , c u n n in g ly * a n d * K h o d to g e th e r to p r o d ic o a tap * o l o x c o p t lc n n l c in n ty a n d fide lity ► An u p p e r la y e r o f u ltra-fin e p a rt ie l·« to o p tim ise tho v id o o s ig n a l. ► A n d a lo w er la y e r ot la rg e r p artic le s l o e n fv tn c e r e s p o n s e to th e a u d io s ig n a l ► C a m c o r d e r la p » of s u c h qua lity lh a t F u ji's M E Po sitio n H IB h n s ju s t p ic k e d up to p p n z c »n tho m co n t E u io p o o n Im a g in g a n d S o u n d A s s o c ia t io n n w a rd s

ile-coatmg

WHY FUDGE IT WHEN YOU CAN FUJI IT?

from the movie m agazine Empire 06, December 1994

Sty lis tics 205

W h o speaks and w ho is addressed here? H ow is th is is a metalinguistic advertisement. Look

at the lexical choices in the text. W h a t dom a ins o f know ledge are being draw n up o n here to

get the message across? W h a t sort o f reader does the text imply?

A L ite ra ry TextThe fo llow ing is the complete poem b y e.e. cum m ings from w h ich we to o k an extract in 2.4.3.

Using yo u r fu ll repertoire o f linguistic know ledge, give an account o f the m ean ing , eliect and

relevance o f the poem . You could apply frameworks from any level o f linguistics to discuss

this text. D o you th in k there m igh t be a special literary- text script that you cou ld use to

understand the poem ? Try to work ou t how difficu lt the search for relevance is in attaching

coherence to m uch o f th is text that in any other circumstances w ou ld be s im p ly ung ram m ati

cal. A rc literary texts different linguistically from other text-types?

a n y o n e liv e d in a p re tty h o w to w n

(w ith u p s o f lo a t in g m a n y b e lls dow n»

s p r in g s u m m e r a u tu m n w in te r

h e s a n g h is d id n 't h e d a n c e h is d id .

W o m e n a n d m e n (b o th iittle a n d sm all)

c a re d fo r a n y o n e n o t a t a ll

th e y s o w e d th e ir is n 't th e y r e a o e d th e n sam e

s u n m o o n s ta rs rain

c h ild re n g u e s s e d (b u t o n ly a fe w

a n d d o w n th e y fo r g o t a s u p th e y g r e w

a u tu m n w in t e r s p r in g su m m e r)

th a t n o o n e lo v e d h im m o r e b y m ore

w h e n b y n o w a n d tre e b y lea f

s h e la u g h e d h is jo y s h e c r ie d h is g r ie f

b ird b y s n o w a n d s t ir b y still

a n y o n e 's a n y w a s a ll to her

s o m e o n e s m a rr ie d th e ir e ven /o n es

la u g h e d th e ir c ry in g s a n d d id th e ir d a n ce

(s le e p w a k e h o p e a n d th e n ) th e y

s a id th e ir n e v e rs th e y s le p t th e ir dre am

sta rs ra in s u n m o o n

(a n d o n ly th e s n o w c a n b e g rn to e xp la in

h o w c h ild re n are a p t to fo rg e t t o re m e m b e r

w it h u p s o f lo a t in g m a n y b e lls d o w n )

o n e d a y a n y o n e d ie d i g u e s s

( a n d n o o n s s to o p e d to k is s h is face )


b u s y fo lk b u r ie d ih e m s id e b y sid e

little b y little a n d w a s b y w a s

all b y a ll a n d d e e p b y d eep

a n d m o re b y m o r e th e y d re a m th e ir sle e p

n o o o e a n d a n y o n e e a rth b y a p 'il

w is h b e s p ir it a n d i f b y yes

W o m e n a n d m e n (b o th d o n g a r id d in g )

su m m e r a u tu m n w in t e r sp rin g

re a p e d th e ir s o w in g a r id w e n t th e ir cam e

s u n m c o n s ta rs rain

(F ro m e .e c u m m m g s ( I 9 6 0 ) s e t e c le d p o e m s 1923-1958. F a b er a n d Faber.)

Activities

A ctiv ity 7.1

As an illustration o t what w ould happen it these ‘rules' were broken, consider the fo llow ing

(invented!) exchanges:

{B e h in d th e sc e n e s a t t h e R o y a l C o m m a n d P e rfo rm a n ce )

Q u e e n Jh.it m s a wonderful show!

A c t o r No it w a s n 't w e w e r e awful, the songs w e r e appalling and the audience w a s rubbish

(F u rth e r a lo n g th e line»

Q u e e n Do you know. I had a very uncomfortable s e a r tor the whole performance'

(F u rth e r a lo n g th e line)

A c t o r : Hello, your Majesty, thaïs a terrible boil you've got on your neck.

W hat, according to the pragm atic rules given above, has gone wrong in each o f these cases?

Try to write your own b rie f scripts that each break a pragm atic rule. W hat ettects are gener

ated b y these?

A ctiv ity 7.2.2Unless they have read a book o n linguistics, for m ost people the features o f pragmatics and

conversation are below the level o f consciousness. I lowever, to prove that they are real and

strong conventions, try and spend the rest o f the week in situations w ith other people where

you do no t keep to the rules. Try one or more o f the following:

a) Answer the telephone without saying ‘hello' or identifying yourself.

b ) Let someone else talk without making any backchannel noises, giving fccdback or nodding.

c) Don't use any phalic tokens when meeting someone, or reply to their phalic tokens by gently

disagreeing with them.

A c tiv it ie s 207

d) Don't ever break any o f the maxims o f conversation. In other words, mean everything you say

literally.

e) Don't use any strategies o f negative politeness ever.

f) Use the full Title + Last Name for everyone you meet.

g) Every time you have a conversation, let the other person talk for four or five sentences, and then

skip-connect back to the topic you last mentioned.

h) Break the maxim of relation by saying everything in a sarcastic tone o f voice.

In the interests o f linguistic research, you shou ld be prepared to get in to som e fights, but the

beauty o f sub-conscious pragm atic rules is that you can deny you ever m eant any offence, and

that the other person has s im p ly misinterpreted.

A ctiv ity 7.2.3

Try play ing this game, fo r two o r more players, to show you how good you are at interpretation

and fin d ing coherence. There are three versions to test your ingenu ity and the adaptability o f

your script repertoire:

The Easy Version.

Someone chooses a domain o f play, which should be a word or event such as On the beach. The football

match. Fish, Music magazines, or anything else. Then, on slips o f paper, everyone must write a short

sentence that is associated with the domain. Slips are then paired and the challenge is to make the two

sentences make sense by explaining the connection.

T h e H a r d V e r s io n .

Try the game completely at random, by not having a specific domain o f play. Simply write sentences on

slips o f paper, and attempt to find coherence between pairs.

The Stinker.

Collect slips with sentences, and combine them in lines with any sentences that you can find written

down around the room: look randomly in books and magazines, for logos on clothes, posters, sweets

and drinks, for example. Write out your 'found poem' and explain it as if it were a published poem. You

arc allowed to give the poem a title.

A ctiv ity 7.3It is fairly easy to analyse a newspaper report for the ideological position ( in the political

sense) o f the proprietor o r editor, us ing the features discussed in this section. However, all

texts convey ideology in the sense o f a set o f ideas assumed by the text. Try to use the features

discussed above to outline the ideological assum ptions carried by non-political texts. W hat

is assumed as background know ledge in a cookery recipe, o r a flyer for a p izza delivery ser

vice. or a sports shoe advert, or a charity appeal, or a bus ticket, o r the rules and regulations

o f an educational establishment, and so on? L ook in particu lar at the inferences the reader

needs to make.

Further reading


T h e tw o fo u n d a t io n a l co m prehens ive tre a tm en ts o f p ra g m a tic s are Leech (19 83 ) a n d L ev in so n (1983 ); a m o re recent

ac c o u n t it. I lu a n g (2006 ), w h ile a n in t ro d u c to ry text i s T h o m a s < 1995) T he o r ig in a l w o rk o n speech acts was d o n e by

A u s t in ( 1 % 2 ) a n d S carlc (1969), b o th o f w h ic h arc readab le , H u a n g (2006 ) co n ta in s a p o o d e x p la n a t io n 'G ricean'

m a x im » w ere d iscussed b y the lang uage p h ilo so p h e r H P G r ice i n 1957, b u t the y are m o s t accessib le in p r in t in Grice

(1975).

C o u lth a rd (1985 ) is a classic in t r o d u c t io n t o th e ana lys is o f conversa tio n , a n d S tubbs (1983 ) fu r the rs th e d isc u ss io n a n d

p ro v ide s m an y g o o d p ra c tica l exam p les a n d analyses o f real conversations. S te ns tröm (19 94 ) deve lops th e ana lys is o f

spo ken in te ra c tio n w ith m a n y w ell c h o sen examples- T he m o s t co m prehens ive in tro d uc tio n to d iscou rse analysis,

w i t h o u t lin e s o f fram es a n d cohe rence , is B ro w n a n d Y u le (1983). T h is is essential re ad in g in th e area. S c h if fr in (199*1)

o u t lin e s th e v a r io us theore tica l approaches to d iscou rse analys is , a n d C o n v e rs a t io n A na lys is its e lf is g iv e n a practica l

trea tm en t in T en H ave (2007).

The classic text o n po liteness is B ro w n a n d L ev insons 11987) s e m in a l w o r k Re levance th e o ry w as fu s t o u t lin e d in the

ca re fu lly w ritten b o o k by Sperber a n d W ils o n (1995). N a m in g a n d te rm s o f address system s are d e ta iled b y Adler

(1978 ) a n d B ra u n (1988 ) M u c h o l th is m a te r ia l co m es u n d e r th e h e a d in g o f s o c io lin g u is tic s a n d so i t is o u t lin e d w ith

g o o d exam p les b y W a rd h a u g h (2009).

L iteracy is d iscussed I n a co lle c t io n o f essays e d ite d b y O ls o n . T orrance a n d H ild y a rd (1985 ). A la n d m a rk in th e s tudy

o f o ra lity a n d lite racy is O n g a n d Jackson (1982 ), d e a lin g w ith th e ph ilo so ph ic a l co nscqucnccs o f w r it in g a n d p r in t

te chno lo g y O x e n h a m (1980 ) w rites c learly o n lite racy 'Ih e m a te r ia l o n d iffe re n t orders o f kno w ledge , h ig h ly relevant

to th e c u rren t e lec tron ic in fo rm a t io n re vo lu tio n , is f r o m P o ppe r (1972). T he m ech an ic s o f le a rn in g t o read a n d the

c o ncep tua l conséquences are d iscussed by S c r ib n e r a n d C o le (1999)

T h e trea tm en t o f texts as g lo b a l a rte fac ts is th e g r o u n d o f text lin gu is tic s D e B eaug rande a n d D ressier (1981 ) is th e

jt a n d a r d in tro d u c t io n . Language a n d ideo logy ha s m us t recen tly b ee n s tu d ie d b y G a lte t (1 9 91 ) a n d F a irc lough

( 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 1 0 ) .

There a rc several exce llent in tro d u c t io n s a n d co lle c tio n s o f stylistics, m o s tly co ncerned w ith lite ra ry texts prim arily .

C a r te r a n d S tockw e ll (2 I»7> a n d C arte r a n d S im p so n ( 1988) are exce llent c o lle c tio n s o f sho rt artic les b y le ad ing w r it

e rs in th e f ie ld . T oo lan (1 9 90 ,1 99 8 ) a rc a ls o a g o o d , c learly w r it te n source.

Suggested projects_____________________________T h e key t o th e s tudy o f la n g u a g e in u se is keen ob serv a tio n . T h e m o s t o id m a ry . everyday exchanges b e tw een peop le can

c o n ta in th e m o s t soph is tica ted strategies o t p ragm a tic s , pow er o r e n c o d e d ideo logy . A n y text, w he the r spo ken o r

w ritten , casua l o r p la n n e d , c a n b c ana lysed in these te rm s. T h e f ie ld ava ilab le fo r investiga tion is a s large as there a rc texts

to b e analysed. H ow ever, here are so m e suggestions.

I Be o n th e lo o k o u t to d ay fo r s h o r t exchanges betw een peop le , in o rd in a ry s itua tio ns . T ry to no te d o w n as m a n y as you

c a n W h e n y o u have e x a m in e d a l l o f th e m , try t o ac c o u n t f o r a n y u tterances th a t were c ith e r n o t in te n d e d o r not

accepted literally . I n p a r tic u la r , lo o k o u t for exchanges th a t were unsuccessfu l. T ry to u se p ragm a tic th e o ry t o exp la in

w hat «vent w rong .

S ug g e s te d Pro jects

2. T ake a longer exchange a n d re c o id I t o r w iite i i d o w n f io m m e m o fy as accurate ly as y o u c a n . B ie a k i t d o w n in t o s in g le

u tterances a n d d e ta il s tep b y step w h a t b ack g ro un d k no w ledge is necessary to m ak e vense o f th e exchange. Y o u m ig h t

co lle c t th is d a ta f ro m a scrip tcd d ia lo g u e in f ilm o r te lev ision

i . Record a debate , a ig u m e n t o r heated conversa tio n , e ith e r f r o m a p o lit ic a l p ro g ram m e o n te lev is io n 01 r a d io , or

b e tw een peop le y o u k n o w A na lyse th e strategies ad o p te d by each speake r to keep a tu rn a n d w in po in ts

4. C o lle c t exam ples o t c h ild re n s w r it in g fro m ages 7 upw ards N o tic e features w h ic h have deve loped a n d h o w the

vo cab u la ry a n d syntactic fo rm ch ange over th e years. C o n s id e r a lso th e w riters ’ aw areness o f g lo b a l leve ls o f

o rg a n iza t io n su ch as gen re a n d fo rm a lity C o m p a re th is e a r ly text p r o d u c t io n w ith an a d u lt text as p ro duced

b y yourself.

5. Investig a te h o w th e id eo lo g y o f a non- po lit ic a l text is co n stru c te d C o n s id e r s u c h texts as p e rsona l letters, tra in

tim e tab les, roads igns . sweet w rappers, s h o p signs, advertis ing hoard ings. C D sleeve notes, to ile t g ra ffit i, ra d io (ingles,

a n d s o o n . T h in k a b o u t a u th o rsh ip a n d ta rge t au d ie n ce , lic t io n a lity a n d reality, t h e specch a c ts in vo lve d , p o in t o f view

a n d m oda lity .

Glossary

accent: characteristic p ronuncia tion o f a geographical area o r a social g roup { 1 .2 .2 ,

2 . 1. 8 , 6 . 2 )

acronym : a word form ed from the in itia l letters o f a phrase, som etim es spelt o u t letter by

letter (also called an in itia lism , e.g. BBC), som etim es pronounced as a word (e.g. NATO)

(4.5.2)

ad jacency p a ir : a pair o f utterances in a d ialogue that fo rm a predictable sequence, e.g.

greeting-greeting, question-answer, com plaint-apologv (3.4.2)

ad jectiva l clause: a clause that functions like an adjective to m o d ify a noun , e.g. a relative

clause (2.3.5)

ad jcctivc: a class o f words used to m o d ify nouns, e.g. tall, round, pretty (2.2.2)

adverb: a class o l words used to specify the circumstances o f an action or event, e.g. the m a n

ner (slowly), the tim e (soon), the place (here); it also includes conjunctive adverbs ( however)

and adverb particles (up, out) (2 .2 .2 )

adverb ia l: a type o f e lem ent in sentence structure, referring to the circumstances o f the sen

tence, often expressed by an adverb, prepositional phrase o r adverbial clause (2.3.4)

adverb ia l clause: a clause, often in troduced by a subord inating con junc tion (if, because,

although) that functions as an adverbial in sentence structure (2.3.5)

affix: a part o f a word that is added to a root, either in front (prefix) o r beh ind (suffix)

(2.2.3)

a llophone : a variant pronuncia tion o f a phonem e, e.g. the 'clear' |1] o f lip and the 'dark' (+] o f

p i l l (2.1.4)

Anglo-Saxon: the group o f dialects spoken by the fifth-century invaders o f England, w h ich

developed in to the English language (4.1.4)

an tonym : a word that is opposite in m ean ing to another word, e.g. dark and light (2.2.6)

G lo ssa ry

app rox im a tif: a type o f consonant that is articulated w ithout restriction to the airflow, / w r j/

in English <2.1.2)

article: a subclass o f the determ iner w ord class, in c lud ing the definite article 'the' and the

indefin ite article a’ (2.2.2)

a r t ic u la tio n , m an n e r o f: the way in w h ich the airflow is m od ified in the pronunciation o f a

consonant, e.g. stop/plosive, fricative ( 2 . 1 .2 )

a rt ic u la tio n , place of: the articulators in the m o u th involved in the pronuncia tion o f a

consonant, e.g. bilabial, velar (2.1.2)

asp ira tion : the p u f f o f air that accompanies the articu lation o f voiceless stops in English,

especially w hen they occur in itia lly in a word, e.g. po t |phot). can |khan| (2.1.4)

ass im ila tion : the alteration in the articu lation o f a sound in the d irection o f a ne ighbouring ,

usually fo llow ing, sound , e.g. fu n park - /Ιληι pa:k/ (2.1.4)

aux ilia ry verb: a sm all set o f verbs, inc lud ing the m oda l verbs, be. have and do, which

accom pany lexical verbs and indicate modality , progressive and pcrfcct aspects, and passive

voice (2.3.3)

b a b b lin g period : the tim e , from around three m on th s o ld , w hen babies seem to be try ing out

the articu lation o l speech sounds (5.1.1)

back fo rm ation : the derivation o f a new w ord bv rem oving a supposed affix from an existing

one. as edit from editor, babysit fro m babysitter (4.5.2)

b ilin g ua l: being able to speak tw o languages w ith reasonable fluency; an in fan t b ilingual

acquires tw o languages from birth; a ch ild b ilingua l begins acqu iring the second language a

little later in ch ild h oo d (5.7)

b lend ing : a word-formation process in w h ich a w ord is created from the b lend ing together

o f tw o exisitng words, usually tak ing the start o f one and the end o f the other, e.g. motel from

m otor and hotel (4.5.2)

case: a gram m atical category that applies to nouns and pronouns and that signals the

syntactic func tion (as subject, object, possessor) o f the noun /p ronoun ; cases in English

nouns are: genitive and com m on ; in pronouns: subjecive, objective, genitive (2.2.2, 4.2.1)

Celtic: the group o f languages spoken in the British Isles before a d 400, o f w h ich Welsh and

Gaelic are survivors (4.1.2)

class s tra tifica tion : the d iv ision o f society in to a hierarchy o f classes (usually from the

Registrar G enera ls classification) fo r the purpose o f sociolinguistic investigation (6.2.4)

G lo ssa ry

classical c o m po und : a word form ed from tw o elements (called co m b in in g form s) that

were roots in Latin or Greek, com b ined to m ake a m odern English word, e.g. bibliography,

xenophobia (2.2.4)

clause: a syntactic u n it hav ing the essential structure o f a sentence but em bedded in

(func tion ing as part o f) a sentence o r sentence element (2.3.5)

code-switching: the use o f words o r phrases from more th an one language in your speech

(6.4.1)

co d ific a tio n : w hen a language is written dow n, standardized and recorded in language

descriptions, i.e. gramm ars and d ictionaries (6.3.3)

cognate: cognate words are words in d ifferent languages that arc related by hav ing a com m on

orig in (4.1)

coherence: textuality achieved th rough the content o f what is said o r written so that the

whole discourse or text makes sense (3.6.1, 7.2.3)

cohesion: the gram m atical and lexical devices that serve to m ake a text ho ld together, e.g.

pronouns, conjunctive adverbs, lexical repetition (3.6.3,7.2.3)

co llo ca tio n : a lexical feature relating to the m u tua l attraction o f words; i f tw o words are

collocates, then there is a greater than chance like lihood o f them both occurring , e.g. dark

and night (2.2.7)

c o m b in in g fo rm : an element in a classical com pound , either as in itia l co m b in in g fo rm (e.g.

astro-, biblio-, xeno-) or as final co m b in in g form (e.g. -cide, -nau t. -graphy) (2.2.4)

com para tive : a fo rm o f an adjective, ind icated by the -er suffix ( taller) or by the adverb more

(more surprising), used for m ak ing com parisons between th ings (2.2.2)

co m p lem en t: an element o f sentence structure, usually an adjective o r a n o u n phrase, which

describes a subject ( in SV C structures), typically after the verb be, o r an object ( in SV O C

structures), typically after verbs such as consider, regard (2.3.1 )

c o m p o u n d : a word m ade up o f the com b ina tion o f tw o independent words, e.g. rainfall,

see-through (2.2.4,4.5.2)

con ju nc tio n : a class o f words used for jo in in g sentences/clauses; coord ina ting conjunctions

{and, but, or) provide coord ination ; subord inating con junctions (e.g. because, i f when,

although) jo in subordinate (em bedded) adverbial clauses to a sentence ( 2 .2 .2 )

consonant: a speech sound articulated w ith some restriction to the airflow through the

m ou th , occurring at the periphery o t syllables; no t a vowel (2 .1.2)

214 G lo ssa ry

conversation analysis: a particu lar approach to the analysis and description o f ord inary

conversation (7.2.2)

conversational m ax im : see m ax im

coord ina tio n : the jo in in g together o f sentences, phrases or words by means o f and, but, or

(2.3.5)

corpus: a collection o f texts/discourses, prov id ing the raw data o f linguistic analysis- usually

he ld o n a com puter ( 1.4.3)

covert prestige: em phasiz ing low status features o f speech in order to emphasize solidarity

(6.2.5)

crcole: w hen a p id g in develops in to a fu lly functiona l language and becomes the native

language o f a co m m u n ity (6.3.3)

declension: the inflectional form s o f a noun , show ing gender, case and num ber (4.2.1)

dem onstrative: a subclass o f determ iners and pronouns, com pris ing the words this/these,

thai/those (2.2.2)

derivation : the creation o f new words b y means o f prefixes and suffixes, e.g. re-try, entertainment (2.2.3)

determ iner: a class o f words that accom pany nouns in n o u n phrases, inc lud ing identifiers

and quantifiers ( 2 .2 .2 )

d ia lect: the regional and social variations o f a language, especially in respect o f g ram m ar and

vocabulary ( 1 .2 .2 , 6 .2 )

d ig raph : two letters in w riting, used to represent a single sound, e.g. ea in lead /li:d / or /led/

(2.1.5)

d ip h th ong : a type o f vowel sound that involves m ovem ent towards H I, l a l o r / u/

( 2 . 1. 1)

discourse: a sequence o f spoken utterances m ak ing up a coherent d ia logue o r monologue

(1.1.2, 1.3.4, 3.1)

e lic ita tion : the use o f an experiment or questionnaire to ob ta in in fo rm ation about language

use from a sample o f subjects ( 1.4.2, 5.6)

elision: the om ission o f a sound in connected speech, e.g. IV w hen preceded and followed by

a consonant, as in las(t)night (2.1.4)

ellipsis: a device o f cohesion in discourse in w h ich item s are om itted, e.g. from replies to

questions, so that a structural gap appears, w h ich can be filled by referring back in the

discourse (3.6.3)

G lo ssa ry

en ta ilm en t: a proposition that logically follows on from an utterance (7.1.2)

ESP: English for Special Purposes, e.g. English for Engineers o r English for Academ ic

Purposes (6.3.2).

face: the sense a speaker has o f the ir ow n linguistic identity and role, w h ich can be threatened

by another speaker in a. face-threatening act (7.1.3)

field: the subject matter o f a text o r discourse, evidenced m a in ly th rough the choice o f vocab

ulary (3.2.1)

fin ite /non- fin itc : form s o f verbs (and clauses conta in ing them ); non-finite forms inc lude the

in fin itive and present and past participles; fin ite form s are marked for tense (present/past)

and inc lude the tw o present tense fo rm s and the past tense fo rm (2.2.2)

floor-ho ld ing : the attem pts by a speaker in a d ialogue to continue speaking rather than

relinquish the floor to another participant (3.4.1)

fo rm a lity : a scale from in lo rm a l o r co lloqu ia l to lorm al, describ ing the stylistic level o l

language use appropriate to different situational contexts (1.2.3)

fram e: a m ental construct o f a typical real-life scenario, w h ich a hearer can use in the

interpretation o f utterances (7.2.3)

fricative: a type o f consonant sound , m ade by a narrow constriction in the m o u th through

w h ich the a ir can pass, and causing friction as it docs so (2 .1 .2)

fron ting : the p rom o tio n o f a sentence element to the in itia l position for the purposes o f

in fo rm ation structuring in texts; com pare 'postponem ent' (2.3.7)

gender: a gram m atical category app ly ing on ly to 3rd person singular pronouns and signal

lin g the d is tinc tion between masculine , fem in ine and neuter ( 2 .2 .2 )

genitive: a type o f case, typically s ignalling possession, marked in nouns b y ‘s ( 2 .2 .2 )

G rea t Vowel Shift: a significant and systematic change in the pronuncia tion o f English that

occurred du r ing the Renaissance (4.4.1)

ho m o g raph : two words that are spelt the same, even though pronounced differently, are

hom ographs, e.g. w ind (air m ovem ent) and w ind (tu rn a hand le) (2.2.1)

h o m o n y m : two words that are spelt and pronounced the same, but have a different etym o

logy, arc hom onym s, e.g. skate (on ice) a n d skate (fish) (2 .2 . 1 )

ho m o phone : tw o words that are pronounced the same but spelt differently are hom ophones,

e.g. scent and sent (2 .2 . 1 )

hypercorrection: the tendency to exaggerate w hat are perceived to be the correct form s o f

speech in order to sound correct or posh (4.4.1, 6.2.5)

G lo ssa ry

hyponym y : a sem antic relation between words, in w h ich the m ean ing o f the hyponym is

inc luded in the m ean ing o f the superordinate w ord , e.g. knife, fork, spoon are hyponym s o f

cutlery (2.2.6)

iden tif ie r: a subclass o f determ iners, inc lud ing the articles, possessive identifiers (my, etc.)

and dem onstrative identifiers (this, etc.) ( 2 .2 .2 )

id io lect: the characteristic speech o f an ind iv id ua l person, in c lud ing their idiosyncratic

features o f pronuncia tion , g ram m ar and vocabulary (1.2, 2.4.1,6.2.2)

id iom : a fixed expression in w h ich the m ean ing o f the sum is o ther th an the m ean ing o f the

parts, e.g. p u ll someone's leg, a storm in u teacup (2.2.7)

illo c u tio n : the aspect o f a spccch-act that relates to the purpose or the func tion o l the act

(7.1.1)

im p lica tu re : what a hearer infers from an utterance (7.1.1)

inference: interpretation derived Irom an utterance by the app lication o l cultura l and contex

tual know ledge about the world (7.1.2)

in fin it iv e : a non-finite fo rm o f a verb, typically marked by to, e.g. fo sw im ; a bare infinitive

om its the to ( 2 .2 .2 )

in fle c tio n : a suffix added to a nou n , verb or adjective to signal a gram m atical category, such

as plural, past tense, comparative (1.3.2, 2.2.3,4.2.1)

in teractiona l: a type o f spoken discourse in w h ich the focus is no t o n the content o f what

is said, but rather o n the social relationships between the participants, cf. transactional

(1.2.4, 3.3)

interrogative : a word that is used for asking a question , e.g. why? who? where?, o r a type o f

sentence typically used lo r asking a question or m ak ing a request (2.2.2)

in to n a tio n : variations in pitch and rhythm that accom pany speech and convey a speakers

attitude, as well as s tructuring a discourse ( 1.1.1,2.1.6)

in trans itive : a type o f verb that is no t followed by an object in sentence structure; also used

o f such a sentence; com pare 'transitive (2.3.1)

kenn ing : a noun co m po und form ed in O ld Knglish (4.2.3)

language acqu is ition : the spontaneous developm ent o f language in a ch ild from b irth , in

contrast lo the learn ing o f a second o r subsequent language later in life (5.1)

lateral: a type o f consonant sound , m ade w ith a complete restriction in the m ou th , bu t w ith

the a ir escaping over the sides o t the tongue, so laterally; in English, /!/ ( 2 . 1 .2 )

G lo ssa ry

lexeme: a w ord viewed as a d ic tionary entry, as a un it o f g ram m ar and m ean ing ( 2 .2 . 1 )

lexicology: the study o f words, the ir form ation , m ean ing , structure and use (1.3.2)

lin g u a franca: a language used for com m un ica tio n between speakers w ho d o not share a

c o m m o n language (6.3)

lin g u is t ic variab le : a feature o f language, o ften a sound , chosen to investigate the

relationship between language a n d social factors (6.2.2)

m ax im : a convention o f spoken discourse relating to the quality, quantity, m anne r and

relcvancc o f w hat is said (7.1.1).

m e d iu m o f language: the means by w h ich language is expressed, either specch o r writing

( 1. 1. 1)

m eta lingu is tic : about language - metalinguistic statements are descriptions o f language,

metalinguistic know ledge is know ledge about language ( 1 .2 . 1 , 6.2 .2 )

M id d le English: the Eng lish language du r ing the period from the N orm an conquest (1066)

through to around 1500 (4.3)

m o da l aux ilia ry verb: a subclass o f aux iliary verbs, in c lud ing may/m ight, can/could, shall/

should, w ill/would, must, used to signal possibility, certainty, perm ission, ob ligation , ability,

etc. (2.3.3, 7.3.3)

m ode: the features o f a d iscourse o r text reflecting its transm ission; fundam enta lly the

d is tinc tion between speech and w riting (3.2.3)

m onosy llab ic : a word hav ing a single syllable, e.g. bring, plin th , straight (2.1.3)

m orphem e : a m ean ing fu l part o f a word; inc lud ing roots a n d affixes (prefix, suffix) (2.2.3)

m o rpho logy : the study o f the form s o f words, inc lud ing inflections, derivations and

com pounds (1.3.2)

motherese: see parentese

m u lt i l in g u a lis m : where an in d iv id u a l o r a co m m u n ity speak m ore th an one

language (6.4)

m u lt im o d a l texts: texts that inc lude a com b ina tion o f w riting and im age (still o r m ov ing ) in

order to convey their message (3.5)

nasal: a type o f consonant sound , fo rm ed by a complete constriction in the m ou th , but with

a ir allowed to escape th rough the nose ( 2 . 1 .2 )

neo log ism : a new ly co ined word (4.5.2)

G lo ssa ry

n o m in a l clause: a clause that functions in place o f a noun phrase, e.g. as subject, object or

com p lem en t o f a sentence <2.3.5)

n o u n : the largest class o f words, referring to 'th ings' and typically hav ing p lura l and genitive

inflections (2.2.2)

no u n phrase: a group o f words consisting o f a noun as head, w ith accom panying modifiers,

such as determ iners, adjectives, prepositional phrases (2.3.2)

num ber: a grammatical category associated w ith nouns and pronouns, having the terms singu

lar (referring to one person/thing) and plural (referring to more than one person/thing) (2 .2 .2 )

num era l: a subclass o f quantifiers, inc lud ing the card inal num erals (one, two. three, etc.) and

the o rd in a l num erals (first, second, th ird , etc.) (2.2.2)

object: an element o f sentence structure, usually a n o u n phrase o r nom ina l clause, occurring

w ith a transitive verb and representing the th ing affected by the action o f the verb (2.3.1)

O ld Eng lish: the English language du r ing the period from the Anglo-Saxon invasions (Irom

a d 410) to the N o rm an conquest (1066) (4.2)

parentese: (form erly motherese) the fo rm o f language that parents use w hen ta lk ing to babies

and very young ch ildren (5.4)

pa r t o f speech: see w ord class

partic ip le : one o f two non-fin ite form s o f a verb, either present participle, w ith -ing suffix

(e.g. laughing), or past participle, usually w ith -ed suffix (e.g. laughed ) (2.2.2)

partic le : a subclass o f adverbs, e.g. lip , off, out, used to form phrasal verbs, e.g. give up, take

off,; tu rn o u t (2.2.2)

passive voice: the counterpart to active voice, where an active sentence is rearranged by m aking

the verb passive (w ith be + past participle), bring ing the object o f the active sentence to subject

position in the passive sentence, and optionally pu tting the subject o f the active sentence in to a

by-phrase in the passive; e.g. active T he judge sentenced the prisoner to life im prisonm ent -

passive The prisoner was sentenced to life im prisonm ent (by the judge) (2.3.3)

perfect aspect: in the verb phrase, fo rm ed w ith have + past participle (e.g. they have arrived),

used to express happenings im m ediate ly prio r to the present m om ent (present perfect) o r a

past m om ent (past perfect) (2.3.3)

perform ative : a type o f illocutionary act that perform s an action , such as n am ing a ship or

bap tiz ing a baby (7.1.1 )

person: a gram m atical category associated w ith pronouns, hav ing the terms first person

(referring to the speaker/writer), second person (referring to the addressee), th ird person

(referring to people o r th ings talked about) (2 .2 .2 )

G lo ssa ry

pha tic utterance: a con tribu tion to interaction whose m a in purpose is to establish and

m a in ta in social relationships rather than convey in fo rm a tion (7.1.3)

phonem e : a speech sound , w h ich w hen substituted for another phonem e, alters the word,

e.g. /s it /-/ s i l / -/m il/ (2.1.4)

phone tics: the study o f specch sounds, their articu lation, acoustics and aud ito ry perception

(1.3.1)

phono logy : the study o f speech sounds w ith reference to a particu lar language, e.g. English

(1-3.1)

phrasal verb: a verb consisting o f a verb word and an adverb particle, e.g. give up. make out.

take o ff (2.2.2)

phrase: a group o f words that fo rm a u n it in the structure o f sentences, clauses o r other

phrases, usually w ith a head word and accom panying m od ify ing words, e.g. n o u n phrase,

verb phrase (2.3.2)

p idg in : a restricted language that develops in language contact situations, usually based o n a

co lonia l language (English , French, Portuguese) (6.3.3)

plosive: see stop

p lu ra l: a term in the gram m atica l category o f num ber, counterpart to singular, signalling

‘m ore than one', especially o l nouns, usually marked w ith the suffix -(e)s (2.2.2)

p o in t o f view: the perspective from w h ich a narrative m ay be to ld , w h ich m ay be that o f the

author, a narrator or a character in the story (7.3.4)

politeness theory: investigates the no rm s o f interaction and the linguistic features associated

w ith be ing cooperative (7.1.3)

po lysy llab ic : in reference to the phono log ica l structure o f a word, hav ing m ore th an one

syllable, e.g. packet /pa-kit/ (2.1.3)

possessive: relating to possession, marked by the genitive case in nouns and pronouns

( 2 .2 . 2 )

po s tponem ent: the delaying o f an element o f sentence structure to final pos ition in the

interests o f in fo rm ation structure in a text; com pare ‘fron ting (2.3.7)

pragm atics: the study oflanguage in use (1.3.8,7.1)

prefix: a b o u nd m orphem e that is attached to the front o f a root, used to derive new words,

e.g. re-apply, anti-nuclear (1.3.2,2.2.3)

preposition : a sm all class o f words, inc lud ing along, from , in , of, on , used for jo in ing nouns

phrases to other elements o f sentence structure (2 .2 .2 )

G lo ssa ry

presuppos ition : a proposition that is taken for granted in w hat is said (7.1.2)

progressive aspect: in the verb phrase form ed w ith bc + present participle, used to express an

action/event that is in progress o r o f lim ited dura tion (2.3.3)

p ro no un : a class o f words that func tion in place o f nouns, inc lud ing the personal pronouns

(/, you, he, she, etc.) (2.2.2)

psycholinguistics: the study o f language in the ind iv idua l, inc lud ing how we acquire

language, the relation between language and personal identity, and language and m ind

(1.3.6, Chapter 5)

pu nc tua tio n : the system o f marks in w riting used to indicate the structure o f sentences,

inc lud ing com m a, semi-colon, lull-stop, question m ark (1.1.1,2.1.7)

quan tif ie r : a subclass o f determ iners, inc lud ing the num erals and indefin ite quantifiers such

as many, few, several, etc. (2.2.2)

Received P ro nunc ia tion : a prestige accent for speaking British English w h ich is not

regionally based (6.2.1 )

reference: the semantic relation between a word and the entity it relates to in the w orld o f our

experience (2.2.3)

reflexive: a type o f p ronoun , inc lud ing myself, yourself themselves, used for emphasis (She d id

it herself) or lor scll-rcfcrcncc (She has cu t herself) (2.2.2)

register: a variety o f a language described according to w ho is us ing it and the uses to which

it is be ing put (3.1, 3.2)

relative: used o f relative pronouns (e.g. who, which, whose), which in troduce relative clauses,

w h ich func tion as postm odifiers in n o u n phrases (2 .2 .2 )

relevance theory: a view o f language processing that considers the princip le o f relevance to

the crucial in how hearers interpret utterances (7.1.2)

restric ted/e laborated codes: terms used by the sociologist Basil Bernstein to characterize

the perceived differences in the speech o f working-class and middle-class children (6.5)

root: in morphology, the part o l a w ord w hen all affixes have been removed, usually itsclt an

independent w ord in English, e.g. state in re-state-ment-s (2.2.3)

scrip t: an expected sequence o f events associated w ith a particu lar fram e (7.2.3)

sem antics: the study o l m ean ing in a ll its aspects, especially in relation to words and

sentences (1.3.5, 2.2.5)

sense re la tion : relations o f m ean ing between lexemes, such as synonymy, antonymy,

hyponym y (2 .2 .6)

G lo ssa ry

sentence: a syntactic structure, consisting m in im a lly o f a Subject and a Verb, but also

possibly conta in ing a Com p lem ent, Objccts and Advcrbials (1.1.2, 2.3,2.3.6)

socio lingu istics : the study oflanguage in relation to society, especially o i the ways in which

language varies according to social factors ( 1.3.7, 6.1 )

speech-act theory: an approach to language, in itiated b y the ph ilosopher J. L. A ustin , which

sees language as doing not just saying (7.1.1)

s tanda rd iza tion : a process to render a language more u n ifo rm and to set a prescriptive

standard to be followed, especially in w riting (4.4.2)

s top (consonan t): also called 'plosive', a consonant articulated w ith complete constriction o l

the airflow in the m ou th , w h ich is subsequently released w ith plosion (2 . 1 .2 )

stress: the relative prom inence given to syllables in speech, e.g. in certain the first syllable is

stressed while the second is unstressed (2.1.6)

stylistics: the study o f the style o f a text, particu larly associated w ith the study o f literary

texts (7.4)

subject: an obligatory clem ent o f sentence structure, w h ich precedes the verb in the neutral

fo rm o f declarative sentences (2.3.1 )

sub o rd in a tio n : w hen a clause is in troduced b y a subord inating con junc tion (e.g. because, if,

since, when), usually an adverbial clause, but also used o f all k inds ot em bedded clause

(2.3.5)

suffix : a b o u nd m orphem e that is added to th e end o f roots, either to derive a new word (e.g.

pur-ify, fair-ness) o r as an inflection (e.g. paper-s, wait-ing) ( 1.3.2, 2.2.3)

superlative: a fo rm o f a gradable adjective, expressing the highest degree, form ed w ith the

-est in flection or the adverb m ost (2.2.2)

syllable: a phono log ica l structure consisting o f a vowel as nucleus and consonants as

peripheral sounds; words may consist o f one o r more syllables, e.g. can /kan/, canteen

/kan-ti:n/ (2.1.3)

synonym : tw o words that m ean substantially the sam e are synonyms, e.g. owner and

possessor (2.2.6,4.5.3)

syntax: (the study o f) the structure o f sentences (1.3.3)

tenor: the features o f a discourse or text reflecting the relationship between the speaker/

writer and the hearer/reader (3.2.2)

tense: the gram m atical category that relates to real-world tim e; in English on ly past and

present tense are marked by inflections (2.2.2)

222 G lo ssa ry

text: a sequence o f written sentences marked by cohesion and coherence; com pare ‘discourse’

(1.1.2,1.3.4. 3.1)

text type: texts classified according to purpose and structural features, e.g. narrative,

dcscriptivc, expository (3.3)

tex tua lity : the features that m ake a text a text, rather th an a random collections o f sen

tences (3.6)

them e/rhem e: a d iv ision o f a sentence in to an in itia l them e (w hat the sentence is about) and

the rhem e (w hat is said about the theme); also called topic and com m ent (7.3.2)

top ic sh ift: the change from one top ic to the next in a conversation and the ways in which

this is m anaged by the speakers (3.4.3)

transactiona l: a type o f spoken discourse in w h ich the focus is o n the content o f w hat is said,

the business that the discourse transacts, cf. interactional (1.2.4,3.3)

transitive: a type o f verb that takes an object in sentence Structure, also used o f the sentence

structure itself; com pare 'intransitive’ (2.3.1)

tu rn-tak ing : the alternation o f participants as speakers in a dialogue (3.4.1)

verb: a class o f words that refer to actions, events and states; subdiv ided in to auxiliary verbs

(see above) and lexical or m a in verbs (2 .2 .2 )

verb phrase: a group o f words w ith a lexical verb as head and optiona lly preceded by

aux iliary verbs and the negative no t (2.3.3)

voice: a gram m atical category, w ith the terms active and passive, e.g. The opposition

proposed an am endm ent to the b ill (active) - A n am endm ent to the bill was proposed by the

opposition (passive) (2.3.3)

vo ic ing : in the articu lation o f a speech sound , whether the vocal cords are v ibra ting (voiced

sound ) or not vibrating (unvoiced sound ) (2 . 1 .2 )

vowel: a type o f speech sound, articulated w ithout any restriction to the airflow in the m outh

and form ed by m od ifica tions to the shape o f the m ou th , com pos ing the nucleus o f syllables;

com pare 'consonant' (2 . 1 . 1 )

word: a basic u n it o f syntax, entering in to the structure o f phrases and sentences, composed

o f m orphem es ( 1 . 1 .2 , 2 .2 )

w ord class: a grouping o f words according to shared features o f reference, m orpho logy and

syntax; such as nouns, verbs, adjcctivcs, prepositions (2.2.2)

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Index

a c c e n t 6 . 18. 1 9 . 2 7 - 8 . 5 7 - 8 . 1 2 1 . 1 2 8 -9 , 1 5 6 - 8 . 172

acronym 126adjacency pair 89, 191

adjectival clause 52, 53

a d je c t iv e 3 2 . 3 8 . 4 3 , 4 4 . 8 4 , 1 1 0

a d v e r b 3 3 . 5 0 . 9 8

adverbial 50-1.52,140.197

adverbial clause 52.53

affix 36, 126

affricate 21a g e n c y 1 9 6

a g r e e m e n t 4 2 . 110

airspeak 165

allophone 24

alphabet 15,25

A m e r ic a n E n g l i s h 164

A n g lo - S a x o n 4 0 , 10 9 - 15

a n t o n y m y 3 9 - 4 1 . 1 4 2

apostrophe 58. 112

approximant 22article 34 5,44,110,111,112.195

a s p e c t 4 6 - 7

a s p ir a t io n 2 4

assimilation 25

auxiliary verb 46-50,140-1

bilingualism 10, 137, 148 9, 167 8, 169

blend 127

borrowing 115, 120. 123. 126. 129. 167

British National Corpus 12

case 31,33-4, 110-11,112

Celtic 106,107, 115,131

clause 51-4,140

code-switching 168-9

codification 166 cognate 104, 107

coherence 95-6, 193-5

cohesion 97-9. 194

collocation 39. 41. 78

combining form 38

comparative 32

complement 43,51

compound 37,44,112.126

conjunction 35,51,53

consonant 19

continuant 22conversation 9,82,87 91,144 5,190 3

conversational maxim 181cooperative principle 181coordination 51

corpora 1 1covert prestige 161creole 166 7

demonstrative 34.35, 112, 156

derivation 36-7

determiner 34-5, 39, 44

dialect 6, 56 7,119,124,156 7, 172

diglossia 115

diphthong 18discourse 4.7. 9. 75-6, 83. 187

elaborated code 170,189

elicitation 11,147

elision 25

entailment 183

etymology 6 1 . 122

face 185

field 77

finite 31.45

formality 6,76,79

frame 194

Frcnch 40,115-16

fricative 2 1

230 In de x

fronting 55

future tense 49

gender 34,110

gcndcrlcct 162glottal stop 2 1glottis 16gradable 32,40

Great Vowel Shift 121. 128

homograph 29

homonym 29

homophone 29

hypercorrection 1 2 1 ,16 1 hyponymy 41

ideology 195

idiolect 5.57.159

idiom 41-2

illocution 180 implicature 181indefinite pronoun 34

Indo-European 104

inference 183,195

inflection 36. 110,114.139

interactional 7,76

interrogative 34. 141.163.180

intonation 4,26-7.87. 140-1. 156. 158

IPA 16

kenning 112 ,12 6

language 3

language change 57.105. 124. 129

lateral 22Latin 37, 38, 40, 108,120, 126

lexeme 29

lexicology 8

linguistic variable 158

linguistics 7. 109

literacy 187

modal 48-9.80

modality 197

mode 81 modifier 44-5

monosyllabic 23

morpheme 8. 36, 37

morphology 8, 36

multilingual 167-8

multimodal 91-5

narrative 83,97

nasal 22

negative 4 9 , 1 2 2 , 1 4 0 , 1 5 6

neo-classical compound 3 8

nominal clause 5 2 , 5 6

non-finite 32

noun 3 0 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 7 8

noun modifier 44

noun phrase 4 3 - 5 , 5 0 , 5 2 ,9 8 . 191

nucleus 27

number 31,33

numeral 35, 78

object 3 0 . 4 3 . 4 7 , 5 0 . 5 2 3 , 5 5 , 5 6 , 5 8 , 1 1 0 , 1 4 0

observers paradox 158

oracy 189

part o f speech see word class

passive 4 7 , 5 5 , 1 7 0 . 196

patois 167

perfect 1 6 -7

performative 180 person 3 2 , 3 3 , 9 8

phatic speech 186 phoneme 2 4 . 2 5 . 2 6 . 1 3 8

phonetics 7

phonology 8

phrasal verb 33

phrase 51

pidgin 1 0 7 , 1 6 6 - 7

plosive see stop

point o f view 197

politeness 184

polysyllabic 2 3 ,2 6

possessive 31, 33, 34-5,44, 58, 110, 139

postponement 55

pragmatics 10.144,179

prefix 28,36-7. 112-13, 126

preposition 35, 39. 50. 58. 117. 125, 170

prepositional phrase 45. 50,51

presupposition 183

progressive 46, 49

pronoun 3 3 - 4 , 3 5 , 3 9 , 4 3 - 4 , 5 5 , 5 8 , 9 8 , 112. 125

psycholinguistics 9

punctuation 4 . 2 7 , 4 2 , 1 4 6

quantifier 35,44

question 2 6 , 5 4 , 7 9 , 8 9 , 1 4 0 1. 1 6 3 ,1 8 0

reading 1 4 5 -7

Received Pronunciation 57, 128. 157

Index 231

reference 39

reflexive p ro no u n 34

register 76-7

relative clause 53.140

relative p ronoun 34. 53, 58

rclcvancc 18 1

restricted code 170, 189

rh o iic 125,158

root 36

schwa 26

script 194

seaspeak 165

semantics 9 ,127 ,179

sense relation 39

sentence 4 .8- 9 .4 2 ,5 1 .5 4 .5 5 .9 6 - 7 , 140, 146-7

sexist language 16 1

social class 160. 169

s o c io l in g u is t ic s 1 0 ,1 0 9 .1 2 9 ,1 5 5 6 ,1 5 8speech 4 , 16 ,75 , 138,188

speech act 18 0

slandard 7 . 56-7. 119, 122-3. 129, 156. 157,

172-3

stop (consonan t) 2 1

stress 8 ,26-7

stylistics 2 0 0

subject 30. 42-3, 47. 51. 52-3 ,54 ,55-6 . 110. 1 10

subord ina tion 35 ,51-2 ,53 ,170

suffix 36, 126

superlative 32

syllable 23 ,26

synonym y 40. 127

syntax 8-9. 139. 165. 196

tenor 78

tense 31-2,45-7, 49. 84, 112, 139

text 4 .9 . 11. 75-6, 91-2 .95 .96-7 . 146. 191, 200

top ic 55

top ic sh ift 90. 193

transactional 7 ,76 , 83

transitive 43

turn-taking 87, 192

verb 31-2 ,37 .42-3 ,45 .51 .111 .112

verb phrase 45-50

V ik ings 114

vocal cords 16

voice 47

vo ic ing 16, 19

vowel 16

w ord 4 ,28 , 141, 196

w ord class 29-30 ,36 ,37 ,59

w riting 4 .2 7 .7 5 , 146-7. 187-90

An Introduction to the Nature and Functions of Language

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