An Ifa Diviner's Shrine in IjebulandAuthor(s): Margaret Thompson Drewal and Henry John DrewalReviewed work(s):Source: African Arts, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Feb., 1983), pp. 60-67+99-100Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3335852 .Accessed: 09/05/2012 15:31

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An Ifa Diviner's Shrine in Ij ebuland

MARGARET THOMPSON DREWAL * HENRY JOHN DREWAL

W illiam Bascom devoted a significant portion of his work to the study of

Yoruba divination systems, both in the homeland and in the diaspora (1969, 1980). Thus, to pay homage to him and his work, we cannot think of a more fit- ting topic than Ifa divination. The litera- ture on Ifa is impressive, including some works by local practitioners (Beyioku 1971). In addition to Bascom's major works, most notable are those of Bernard Maupoil (1943) and 'Wande Abimbola, who publishes in both English and Yoruba (1968, 1969, 1975, 1976, 1977). These scholars concern themselves primarily with the enormous body of oral literature that constitutes Ifa. Using this literature as a point of departure, Rowland Abiodun examines the mean- ing and symbolism of Ifa and other art objects (1975, 1976, 1980a, 1980b, 1981). In this paper, we explore yet another facet of the complex world of Ifa: a diviner's shrine for Ifa and the gods (agbo Ifa ati orisa). We are concerned here with a par- ticular family shrine and its meaning to the diviner (babalawo, "father-of- ancient-wisdom") who takes care of it. His name is Kolawole Ositola, alias Akomolabidi Ifa ("One-Who-Teaches- Ifa-from-A-B-D" [that is, the ABCs of Ifa]), from Imodi, four kilometers west of Ijebu-Ode (Fig. 5).1 This paper is based upon Ositola's explanations and in- terpretations of his own shrine and some of the art objects that adorn it. As we shall see, Ositola views these objects symbolically and historically. They have meaning in terms of the rituals he per- forms, the corpus of Ifa literature, and the history of his family. FAMILY HISTORY

Some seven generations ago, circa the second half of the 18th century, Ositola's forefather, Osijo, who was a diviner, migrated to Ijebuland from Ile-Ife, bring- ing with him his diviner's iron staff, opa osun (Figs. 4, 6). He settled at a place called Idomoro, a small hamlet near Im- odi, and was instrumental in establish- ing an Osugbo council-a governing body of elders-and building an Osugbo lodge (iledi) at Agan.2 In Osugbo, Osijo held the office of Olotu Agbaoke, an Iwarefa chieftaincy title.3 After Osijo's death, probably around the turn of the century, his son, Osinaalo, was given the title of Apena, the caretaker of the brass figures known as edan (cf. Williams 1964:144). Whereas Osijo is remembered

primarily for his dedication to Ifa, Osinaalo is remembered for his "Apenaship" in Osugbo.

At Idomoro, around the early 19th cen- tury, Osinaalo and his wife, Orukonuku,4 gave birth to Osibuluren, who became a noted babalawo. He estab- lished a group of diviners and became their head, or Araba. Osibuluren and his wife, Efunbamowo, in turn gave birth to Osinaike, probably around 1835.

During the first half of the 19th cen- tury, Ijebu was engaged in war, and cap- tives were taken as slaves.5 Because of this, people who had been scattered throughout the area in small hamlets now gathered together for protection in Imodi, a fortified town (odi = wall). Thus, Osibuluren and his son, Osinaike, shifted their settlement to Aledo, one of the two quarters of Imodi township, where Osibuluren practiced divination until his death and where his descen- dants remain until today. At Aledo quar- ter, Osibuluren became close friends with the carver Onabanjo, whose family over the years carved most of the ritual objects in the shrine.

Osibuluren's eldest son, Osinaike, practiced Ifa divination only part time and was more well known for his work in the Osugbo Agan, where he held the title of Olurin.6 Nevertheless, Osinaike inh- erited all his father's Ifa ritual parapher- nalia, much of it having been damaged over the years by the collapsed mud walls of their house. These items in- cluded an Esu Yangi, which has been in- corporated into the present shrine for the divine mediator, Esu (Fig. 1), and a

/ A

I

shrine for one of Osibuluren's children-Osinaike's younger sister-a special child known as Atakan, one born with matted eyes. A covered pot de- signates the shrine of Atakan (Fig. 9-32). In addition to these inherited shrines, Osinaike had shrines for the water deity, Eyinle; the thundergod, Sango (Fig. 8); the deity of disease, such as smallpox, Obaluaiye; and Sango and Obaluaiye's companion, Bayani (Fig. 7). He also had an iron staff of the same design as an opa osun but, in this case, prepared and used for Esu Asobode (Fig. 1); and his own Ifa instruments, including a large opon used for storing the Ifa palm nuts that be- longed to his ancestors, another used for divination, and an agere, a carved con- tainer on a pedestal with a lid (Fig. 3). Osinaike's wife, Densulu, was a pries- tess of Orisanla and an Erelu-the female titleholder in Osugbo-who brought a number of shrines with her from her father's house. They include, in addition to Orisanla (Figs. 9, 13), shrines for Osun and Olokun.

O?AB

4. OPA OSUN WITH A HAWK REPRESENTED ON THE TOP, BROUGHT BY THE FOUNDING FATHER, OSIJO, FROM ILE-IFE, PROBABLY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY. LEFT: 5. BABALAWO KOLAWOLE OSITOLA, HOLDING IN HIS LEFT HAND THE BRASS IPAWO ASE FROM HIS FOREFATHER OSINAIKE, PROBABLY DATING TO THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY.

61

It.

n.. ot.

1. ESU SHRINE HOUSING VARIOUS TYPES OF ESU THAT BELONGED TO THE FAMILY OVER THE GENERA- TIONS. THE TWO LARGEST FIGURES WERE REPORTEDLY CARVED BY ONABANJO OF IMODI, PROBABLY IN THE LATTER PART OF THE 19TH CENTURY THE SMALLER TWO WERE BY HIS FATHER.

2. BACK OF THE IPAWO ASE, WHERE IT IS "FED."

3. THE IFA SHRINE OF THE ANCESTORS, AND AT THE LOWER RIGHT THE SACRED PALM NUT CONTAINER. THESE OBJECTS WERE SAID TO HAVE BEEN CARVED BY ONABANJO.

Mum

AtI

60

Osinaike's younger brother, Ogunaderin, was the most notable di- viner during his generation. He was also a special child known as Ilori, one born before his mother's menses had returned after she had given birth to another child. A lidded pot indicates the shrine of Ilori. Ogunaderin reportedly had a large shrine in his own house, but his children did not take care of it after his death, and it is now defunct.

During Osinaike's time, around the 1860s, there was another war.7 The Awujale requested the aid of Osugbo Agan members. The latter prepared their ritual objects-the brass Onile figures, the brass rattle (ipawo apena, ipawo onile)-and "some of the power within the iledi" and used them to assist the Awujale. They were successful, but quarreled over the gifts that the Awujale gave them for their help. This disagree- ment interfered with the Osugbo meet- ings and caused the decline of the iledi. For the protection of the ritual objects housed in the iledi, Osinaike, who was the Olurin, "The-Owner-of-the-Metal- [Instruments]," seized the Onile and the ipawo.8 Osinaike then instructed his senior son, Osineye, not to release the Onile or the ipawo to anyone until the dispute was settled and the Osugbo Agan was reestablished. Up to the pre- sent, this has not occurred; thus, the Onile and the ipawo remain with the fam- ily (Figs. 2, 5, 11).

Osinaike and his wife, Densulu, gave birth to Osineye circa 1876.9 When Osinaike consulted Ifa during the Imori, "Knowing-the-Head," ceremony on be- half of his son, Ifa revealed that Osineye's spirit (emi) had come from the mountain (oke) and that he should have a shrine prepared for the mountain deity, Oke Agbona, which should always be in his view (Fig. 9-6).o0 Later, during his Itefa, "Establishing-Ifa," ceremony, Ifa instructed that Osineye be a diviner throughout his life."

Osineye was diverted from his des- tiny, however, for this was the heyday of cocoa plantations in Nigeria; having inherited a substantial amount of land from his father, Osineye focused his at- tentions on raising cocoa and kola nuts. He is also remembered as the earliest tailor in Imodi. Because of his success in these endeavors, he neglected Ifa.

It was also during this time that Islam took a strong hold in Imodi. Because Osineye was well known and prosper- ous in the community, he attracted the attention of the Muslims, who per- suaded him to convert to Islam and re- named him Bello. 12 Osineye fathered his first daughter circa 1900.13 But he was un- lucky. On the day that his daughter was scheduled to become a Muslim, she died, and he was unable to have any more children for about fifteen years. To make matters worse, his cocoa and kola nut plantations burned, and he went

dOSIJO (d.c.1800) divinerlopa osun/Olotu Agbaoke in Osugbo

I dOSINAALO (b.c.1775) - 90RUKONUKU

Apena in Osugbo abiku

I dOSIBULUREN (b.c.1805) = 9 EFUNBAMOWO

diviner/Araba

d OGUNADERIN 90SINEWU diviner/Ilori Atakan

9 DENSULU OSINAIKE (b.c.1835) priestess of Orisanla/ Olurin in Osugbo/diviner/

Erelu in Osugbo/Osun/ Esu Yangi/Eyinle/Sango/ Orisa Egbe/Olokun Obaluaiye/Bayani/

Esu Asobote

9 BANSOLU her orisa

inherited by her daughter I

9 TALABI = d OSINEYE (b.c.1876-d.1956) -- ODUJOKE Osoosi diviner/Oke Agbona/ Orisanla/Obatala/abiku

Muslim/Araba Elueri/Esu/Olokun/ igba aje/Aina/Orisa Egbe

I 9 BUKONLA (b.1921)

-= OSIFUWA (b.1915-d.1969) TWINS (d.c.1914)

Idowu/reincarnation memorial figures of Osibuluren/ojubona on shrine

d OSIBOWALE for lya Alawo Society

I I I I TWINS KOLAWOLE OSITOLA (b.1945) d IFAYEMI V ADELEKE

memorial figures alias Akomolabidifa on

shrineOI

IOLAWOLE IOLAYEMI

6. OSITOLA'S PATRILINEAGE.

into debt. Concerned about his welfare, Osineye's mother, Densulu, an Orisanla priestess, convinced her son to consult Ifa, for during his ten to fifteen years as a

practicing Muslim, he prospered only for a short time and then suddenly and trag- ically plummeted to a position much worse than where he began.

Osineye was advised to give up farm- ing and tailoring and to devote himself to Ifa. Fortunately he had stored all his shrines in a new house. Even though he had converted to Islam, he continued to divine occasionally. Osineye was also fortunate to be able to learn more about Ifa from his uncle, Ogunaderin, and from a number of other babalawo practic- ing at Imosan, only a kilometer away.

Osineye's wife, Odujoke, added her own shrines to the family collection. The second Orisanla/Obatala shrine, an Olueri pot, Esu, Olokun, igba aje, Aina, and Orisa Egbe came originally from the house of Odujoke's mother, Bansolu, in Odo Yanta (a hamlet some four kilomet- ers west of Imodi) (Figs. 9, 13). The shrine for Aina, a child born with the

umbilical cord around its neck, repre- sents Odujoke's sister, while the Orisa Egbe shrine is for Odujoke herself in order to prevent her from dying, for she, too, was a special child; she was abiku, "born-to-die."14 Odujoke was the leader of the Obatala priestesses at Odo Yanta during her lifetime.

Circa 1914, as soon as Osineye re- sumed as a babalawo, he and Odujoke gave birth to twins, who died prema- turely (Fig. 7). Circa 1915 they gave birth to Ositola's father, Osifuwa, an Idowu, that is, a child born after twins, who is associated with the divine mediator, Esu. By that time Imodi had grown into a sizeable town with four experienced babalawo-Adagiri, Ogunaderin, Osineye, and Anikenuku, who was the Araba of Imodi.

Osineye prospered, and at an old age he took another wife, Talabi, and had one more child. Talabi brought to the house an Osoosi shrine consisting of a lidded pot (Fig. 9-8). Since Osineye was a celebrated babalawo, people came from Ijebu Ode, Ago Iwoye, Imosan, Ososa,

62

and Odogbolu to consult him. He had one of the few igba odu in the area, which is a closed calabash constituting the shrine of the goddess Odu, who together with her husband, Orunmila, originated Ifa divination. Because of the age and power of the igba odu and his opa osun, diviners often preferred to use these sac- red items in their own Itefa ceremonies. Osineye was so renowned that he was able to organize diviners from many Ijebu towns into a cooperative. And when Ogunaderin and Anikenuku died, Osineye was made the Araba of that area and was also the diviner for the Head Chief of Imodi.

At the Ikose W'aiye, "Stepping- One's-Foot Into-the-World," ceremony for Osineye's son, Osifuwa, Ifa said that Osifuwa's soul (emi) came to the world from an ancestor who was a babalawo and that his father should not prevent him from becoming a diviner. 's And when they performed his Imori ceremony, it was discovered that Osifuwa was a rein- carnation of Osibuluren and that he should dedicate himself to Ifa. Because Osineye had suffered the consequences of neglecting Ifa, he groomed his child to become a babalawo. At the age of six, Osifuwa performed his Itefa ceremony, during which it was revealed that he should be the husband of a certain child right from his youth.

It was at the same time, circa 1921, that Osineye was called upon to perform the Ikose W'aiye at the birth of the grand- daughter of the Head of Imodi, Odulaalu. Ifa advised the family that this granddaughter, Bukonla, should marry a babalawo. And a few months later, when they performed the Imori cere- mony for her, Ifa instructed that she be betrothed to Osifuwa. Osifuwa's parents and the Head of Imodi kept Ifa's instruc- tions in mind until their children were old enough to marry.

Osifuwa went to primary school for about three years before he began to practice Ifa at an early age and learned

how to write and read Yoruba. He had a quick mind and a good memory and be- came very knowledgeable during his lifetime; however, by that time, tradi- tional religion was in decline, and Islam was on the rise. Muslims accused tradi- tional practitioners of Yoruba religion of being "idol worshippers"; the Koran in- formed them that ritual sacrifice was not godly. People were no longer interested in Ifa, even if they were on the verge of death. Osifuwa therefore had few clients.

Even though Osifuwa was less suc- cessful than his father had been, he adhered to Ifa's advice. He also served as the attendant (ojubona) for a society of women, who performed "mirades" and called themselves Iya Alawo ("Mothers Who Possess-Ancient-Wisdom"). The framed certificate on the wall of the shrine acknowledges Osifuwa's associa- tion with these spiritually powerful women (Fig. 10).16 To expand his knowl- edge of Ifa, Osifuwa traveled as far as Ile-Ife, Osi Ekiti, and Ofa to find capable babalawo who could teach him more divi- nation verses.17 In fact, he was traveling during the months before his wife was to give birth to their first child.

One night Osifuwa's father, Osineye, dreamed that as he was performing an annual Ifa festival, one of his comrades brought him a male child and said that this boy would bring prosperity back to the house. He advised him to encourage the boy to become a babalawo. Osineye then consulted an experienced diviner from Ago Iwoye about his dream, and the babalawo told him that his daughter- in-law, Bukonla, would give birth to a

diviner, that he should instruct him in Ifa practice, and that they should perform an Isefa, "Making-Ifa," ceremony for him before his birth-a ceremony tradi- tionally performed at age five or six.18 The pregnant mother knelt down, and the diviners prayed for her womb. In- stead of putting kola nuts on the child's head to pray, as is the common practice, the diviners placed them on the mother's belly.-

Meanwhile, Osifuwa was in Ofa where he dreamed that he saw his grandfather, Osinaike, who told him to return home immediately, that his child was coming and he should name him Kolawole. On his return, he heard of the Isefa ceremony. Osifuwa vowed to name the son Kolawole, while Osineye, not wanting to forget the traditional Osi name, gave him Ositola. In evidence of the impact of Islam, he also received a Muslim name, which he does not ac- knowledge and will not divulge.

Kolawole was thus born August 31, 1945. By then, his grandparents were growing old, but he was very close to them; he slept and ate with them. His grandfather taught him much about Ifa, and he accompanied his father and grandfather whenever they performed Ifa rituals. He was able to memorize quickly special incantations, which he could hear only during Ifa rituals, and by age ten he was given the leading role in performing Itefa ceremonies for clients. From his grandmother, Odujoke, who was a priestess of Obatala, he learned how to prepare and install shrines for the deities. Around 1952, Ositola began to dream that enemies pursued him and

.41 ?I-

:;ti: " ~pp-;Ft

Ak -

40

..... ....

7. LEFT TO RIGHT TWO IBJEI CARVED BY ONABANJO'S GRANDDAUGHTER, ADEFOWORA ADEBANJO, REPRESENTING OSITOLAS JUNIOR SIBLINGS; TWO IBEJI CARVED BY ONABANJO; FIGURE FOR OBALUAIYE; FIGURE FOR BAYANI.

8. SANGO AND EYINLE.

63

1 3

5 6

1012 14 16 17

18

20

ORIGINAL ENTRANCE 21

22

23 224

ODI 25

INNER SANCTUM WHERE THE FOLLOWING ARE KEPT: 26

ONILE AGEMO 27

ODU LOGBOJE 28 OLOKUN

IYAOALAJE 29

AWO OPA E 30

9. SHRINE FOR IFA AND ORISA (AGBO IFA ATI ORISA).

1. ESU FIGURES FOR OSIBULUREN AND OSINAIKE. 2. IRON STAFF FOR ESU ASOBOTE. 3. FOUR OR FIVE ESU YANGI. 4. ESU LAMPS. 5. AINA. 6. OKE AGBONA. 7. ORISA EGBE. 8. OSOOSI. 9. MINI-ASE. 10. SANGO OF OSINAIKE. 11. EYINLE IBIRI. 12. OBATALA OF BANSOLU. 13. IGBA AJE. 14. ORISANLA/OBATALA OF DENSULU. 15. OSUN GBOROWO OF DENSULU. 16. IKEN OF FOREFATHERS

AND IFA OF OSIBULUREN. 17. IFA OF OSIFUWA. 18. IN- STRUMENTS USED IN IFA RITES. 19. AGERE. 20. IFA OF KOLAWOLE OF OSITOLA. 21. IFA OF IFAYEMI. 22. IFA OF ADELEKE. 23. IFA OF OLAWOLE. 24. IFA OF OSIBOWALE. 25. IFA OF OLAYEMI. 26. IBEJI OF OSIFUWA. 27. IBEJI OF OSINEYE. 28. OBALUAIYE OF OSINAIKE. 29. BAYANI OF OSINAIKE. 30. OLUERI POTS. 31. ILORI. 32. ATAKAN.

that he would escape them by flying above their heads. When he reported these dreams, his father interpreted them to mean that nobody would be able to conquer him.

After the death of Osineye in 1956, the group of babalawo went their separate ways, and each town selected its own Araba. There was no longer any coopera- tion among them, and people with little training and no experience began to call themselves babalawo. For this reason, Osifuwa and Ositola lost interest in working with them.

Osifuwa died in 1969 at the age of fifty-four. Ositola continues his fa- ther's woik, but times are not easy. With the strong influence of Islam and Chris- tianity and with industrialization, people do not consult Ifa as often as they did in the past. Today, men go through Itefa ceremonies only after their lives have been shattered, or "scattered like a bro- ken calabash." In spite of this and in spite of his young age, Ositola has or- ganized a small group of diviners and students (omo awo) who are committed to traditional religion. FAMILY SHRINE

The objects in Ositola's shrine are di- rectly related to his ancestors. Not only does each have a history and serve as a memento of the ancestor, but each is en- dowed with certain powers and imagery that allow it to perform particular ritual

roles. By examining some of the sculp- tures on Ositola's shrine and his percep- tions of their significance and history, we hope to gain insight into the meanings of art at a personal level.

A shrine is where a Yoruba deity "sits," that is, where the spirit of the de- ity, which is an active force, may reside. It is composed of containers holding vital ingredients to activate the spirit; objects necessary for the diviner's performance; often a formal "seat" or a base, which serves to raise the containers and other objects off the ground; and "medicines" buried under the ground where the shrine is placed, which attract the spirit to the site. Because it resides at that place, the spirit must be continually fed and nourished through sacrifice. And before it is fed, it should be attentive; thus, it is "awakened" with incantations and actions, such as spraying gin on the shrine.

If a person neglects his shrine, that is, if he does not offer it food-however little-the spirits will leave. Ositola stresses that it is the idea and the inten- tion behind the gift that counts, not the size. Therefore, when a shrine is neg- lected, "all you are seeing are the images

. the person has relegated the deities to idols, ordinary images. . . . Deities do not come because of the images; images come because of the deities."

According to Ositola, sculpture fo- cuses worship: "If you see the image

there, you will know exactly where I face, and you will know to face me and how to contact me directly. That is what the article [object] is for. The spirit is within the article. But to know directly how to face the spirit and where the spirit will stay is the reason for the article ... and [for] blessing the article with the spirit, [for] calling the spirit together with the article."

Some of the deities occupy specific places based on their roles, but most in- dicate where they want to be placed through the divination process. The opa osun should be placed outside, in front of the diviner's house, while Esu should be just inside the entrance to the shrine room. Other images and their spirits, like Odu and Onile, should reside in darkness in an enclosed inner sanctum (odi) of the shrine, where no one can or- dinarily see them. Deities, such as Sango, Obaluaiye, Ibeji, and others, choose where they want to be placed, al- though some of these are often grouped together in the same spot because they "eat" the same food. In Ijebuland, for example, Obaluaiye and Ibeji are often

grouped together for this reason (Fig. 7). The two traditional institutions repre-

sented in Ositola's shrine that have played prominent roles in the history of his patrilineage are those of Ifa and Osugbo. The objects associated with these institutions are among the most visually exciting on his shrine.

Osugbo

Ordinarily Osugbo objects would be

kept in an enclosure inside the Osugbo lodge, iledi, or hidden in the house of the Apena. But because of past events, Osugbo brass ritual objects have found their way into this household shrine, where they serve a new function. Three objects-the ipawo ase (Figs. 2, 5) and the two Onile figures (Fig. 11)-reflect the traditional association of Ositola's family with Osugbo, which dates to the late 18th century. 19

1pawo ase means literally "hand-held- staff that possesses-vital-force." It is not meant strictly for use in Osugbo; rather it is also used by kings and priests in other contexts. For example, we have ob- served an Agbo priest using an ipawo ase at the annual festival for the water spirits. No matter the context, its role is essentially the same. It functions as a rat- tle. When shaken during ritual occa- sions, it is an idiophonic response to prayers and curses that means "So be it, may it come to pass" (ase, ase). Thus, when Osugbo members go outside the lodge into the community to pray for or to curse someone, the Apena carries the ipawo ase in his left hand and rattles it in response to his comrades' ritual asser- tions.

Today, however, this ipawo ase is used in Ifa ritual by diviners in much the same way it would be used by Osugbo mem-

64

bers (Fig. 5). It "eats from the back"; that is, blood offerings are poured on the back of the ipawo (Fig. 2). It is used in the shrine during Itefa ceremonies and weekly Ifa meetings.

The Onile figures, on the other hand, must not leave the darkness of the inner shrine. Onile means literally "The- Owner-of-the-House," that is, the owner of the iledi, the Osugbo lodge.20 They are considered edan, paired brass figures-one male, one female-joined at the heads by a chain. Like the edan, they are, among other things, used in oath-taking (cf. Morton-Williams 1960:366; Williams 1964). However, the Onile figures must be distinguished from their smaller counterparts in a number of significant ways. The Onile are cast when a town is founded and an Osugbo house is established, in this case, around the late 18th century, ac- cording to family tradition. They repre- sent the constitution of a local political authority, the original pact that forms a government and ritually binds its mem- bers together. They are prepared with such powerful substances that to see them is to risk blindness or death. Tradi- tionally they are so restricted that only certain titled elders in Osugbo, such as the Olurin and the Apena, are permitted inside the inner shrine where they are kept in darkness. Even then, it is unwise for these titleholders to gaze at them. Be- fore seeing the figures, one must consult Onile to find out what sacrifices must be offered. Then the blood of the sacrificial animals is dripped over the Onile and is also wiped around the eyes of the behol- der. The Onile are the ultimate edan. The small edan derive power from the edan Onile.21

The paired male and female figures refer directly to the pact (imule, literally "drink-from-the-earth") that binds all Osugbo members together, a pact in- deed witnessed by earth, for, in its great expanse, earth unites all mankind. Any action taken by human beings will be witnessed by earth. As Ositola said, "They have to join them together to make one couple. It's for oneness. It's for [the] oneness of the Osugbo." The Onile figures reflect the makeup of the Osugbo council itself and the important relation- ship between men and women. And be- yond that, they represent all men and women in the community. According to Ositola: "You see, men and women, they all come to the world at the same time. There has never been a time when we have men and we don't have women. And there has never been a time when we have women and we don't have men. So everybody comes to play his role suc- cessfully .... If you leave woman, then the role of the men cannot be played suc- cessfully. That's how they have been mixing every issue, and everyone has his own secrets, too. Men have the secret and women have the secret, just to trou-

ble each other, just to add more salt to the world."

In light of the importance of the one- ness of the two brass figures in Osugbo, it is significant that Ositola has removed the chain from the figures, thus separa- ting them. According to Ositola, it was necessary to remove the chain "for a cer- tain reason," which could not be re- vealed. As a result of historical events, then, Osugbo objects that ordinarily would have never been seen openly have found their way into an Ifa shrine context, where they are altered to serve purposes other than those for which they were initially intended.

Ifa: Opa Osun

Made of iron, the opa osun is considered the oldest ritual object in the family, dat- ing from at least the late 18th century, ac- cording to the family history (Fig. 4). Standing erect next to an akoko tree (New- boldia Laevis [Bignoniaceae]) (Abraham 1958:44) in front of a babalawo's house, the opa osun marks a residence of Orunmila, deity of divination, and his friendship with Olokun, goddess of the sea. Orun- mila is "The-Akoko-Tree-by-the-Sea" (Akoko'lokun). "Whenever we plant an akoko tree in front of the house, we know that Orunmila is still there. Immediately, we put osun there, we will be remember- ing Olokun. They are such good friends that Olokun gave Orunmila her daugh- ter, Ajesina, as a wife."22

Once three warrior deities-Ogun, Ija, and Osoosi-went to Death (Iku) and told him to kill Orunmila because they suspected that he wanted to steal their wives. Death prepared to strike. Afraid, Orunmila went to consult another babalawo, who instructed him to give a cock to Death. Orunmila pulled the cock's tail feathers, and it cried, "Kooo, kooo, kooo." When Death heard the suf- fering cry of the cock, it sounded so wonderful that he took the cry and went away. Thus, if one presents a cock to the

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osun, Death will be sent away. This is enacted during the Itefa ceremony when the babalawo faces the osun and sacrifices a cock. The diviner makes the cock suffer by pulling out its tail feathers, causing it to cry out. Then, with a quick twist of the wrist, he snaps its head off because Death must take the cock instantly and depart. He touches the cock's head to the heads of all onlookers and then mounts it on the iron head of the bird surmounting the osun. In succession, he pulls off the wings and feet of the cock and touches them to the shoulders and feet of the on- lookers, finally mounting them on the sides and feet of the iron bird on the osun. In this way, the cock substitutes for the human beings attending the ceremony. Death is satisfied to take the breath or spirit of the cock, while the osun receives the nourishment of its blood. The head, the wings, and the feet serve as evidence of the sacrifice, remaining attached to the osun until they deteriorate. The flesh of the cock is cooked and eaten by the women.

The opa osun represents the power of the babalawo to conquer death; it posses- ses performative power (ase), which is continually nourished with blood. When used with incantations, the opa osun acts as a weapon against death and other de- structive forces.

The medicines that give the osun much of its power are buried at its base. The tail (iru) of the osun, which is stuck into the ground, absorbs power through its tip. "Any powerful enemy that stands in the way of osun is ready to die." Thus, when going on an "Ifa journey," that is, when

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10. CERTIFICATE OF MEMBERS '1P IN THE EGBE

IYALAANON, A SOCIETY OF • ,VO, POWERFUL

WOMEN, IN WHICH OSIFUWA 'TION AS AN ATTENDANT. THE FRAME WAS PROBABLY RVED BY JOHNSON AYANFOWORA OF IMOSAN. LEFT 11. ONILE

FIGURES, THE-OWNERS-OF-THE-HOUSE, PROBABLY DATING TO THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY.

65

performing an Itefa ceremony, the opa osun leads the way as the babalawo and others proceed to and from the bush of Odu (igboodu). True to its position in front of the house, it must also be in front of a procession. At the crossroads, the group stops and chants incantations, while the one in the lead swings the end of the osun outward to drive away de- structive forces, for, in part, the power of the osun, like the power of the pangolin (arika), is in its tail, in its ability to be im- pervious to attack. Enemies cannot de- stroy it. At the same time, osun is quick acting and efficient.23 It has the power of the hawk (asa), which is represented at its top.24 According to Ositola, "History told us that if we want something to act quickly, we should do it in the name of the hawk." Nothing drops from the hawk's claws. Once it has grabbed its prey with its feet, it does not turn loose, unless, of course, it chooses to do so. Thus, if a babalawo wants to remove the osun when going to the bush, he chants, "Stand up, let's go to igboodu because the hawk is alert; he acts quickly."

There is a prayer for the osun, which goes, "Osun duro, maa subule": "Osun stand up, don't fall down," meaning that the babalawo should live long. When a babalawo dies, the osun will be laid down on its side. After two to three months, his successor will offer a number of large sacrifices to the osun, and then it will be re-erected. It stands again to assert that although the father has fallen, his suc- cessor has taken over; he is prepared. Therefore, the opa osun does not simply mark the presence of the deity, Orun- mila. It faces and protects the diviner's house, and it also represents the babalawo himself-his life, his power and resili- ence, his quickness and tenacity in con- quering enemies, and ultimately his de- parture from the world. He must possess the powers of the pangolin and the hawk, not just for his own protection in dealing with potentially destructive forces but also for the protection of his clients, who seek his help.

Ifa: Iken

Perhaps the most important of all Ifa ritual objects, even though they are un- figurated, are the sacred palm nuts (iken25), used to cast Ifa (Bascom 1969:26; Abiodun 1975). Most babalawo own two sets because they have two relationships with Ifa, that of a devotee and that of a priest. Thus, they have a personal set of iken to serve the deity Orunmila and a "general" set for clients, known as akoda iken, "a general iken for the benefit of the outsider." According to Ositola, it is es- sential that the akoda iken live in a carved wooden container, known as agere, in order to be proper (Fig. 3).

A devotee's personal set ofiken Ifa may be kept in one of several different types of containers-an agere (a figurated

wooden bowl on a stand), an ajere (a per- forated clay pot), an odu (another small clay pot without perforations), or simply a small lidded wooden or porcelain bowl (Fig. 13). Through divination, the iken say where they want to "live," that is, in which type of container. Containers of iken belonging to Ositola's forefathers, uncle, brothers, and male children line the back and side walls of the shrine room (Fig. 9).

A set of iken is sixteen palm nuts plus one. The sixteen represent the main Odu, or sections of the literary corpus named for the wife of Orunmila; the ad- ditional one stands for osetura, the sev- enteenth Odu, the one that brought Esu to the world. A diviner uses sixteen sac- red palm nuts when casting Ifa, although he may have up to eighty-one (owo ma- run, "five handfuls," or five times six- teen, plus one). Eighty-one sacred iken are evidence of "the growth of [the] Ifa to Orun-mila" (Owo-marun-mo-lola, liter- ally, "Five-handfuls-know-tomorrow"), that the iken "have reached the age of adult Orunmila." If the iken number eighty-one, then when some of them "die," there are plenty in reserve to re- place them, a necessity since iken are prepared, or "built up," over a long period of time through many rituals and are, at certain times, buried at the base of the opa osun to absorb some of its power.

In addition, Ifa may instruct a diviner through his personal Odu to place another, often miniature, object on top of his iken when they have reached adulthood (eighty-one in number). These objects vary from Odu to Odu, but in each case the Odu specifies what the object(s) should be and the number, whether one, two, three, or four. Among the possibilities are a brass Osugbo staff (edan Onile), a water stone (ota kiiku, lit- erally "stone never-dies"), a thundercelt (edun ara), an iron implement associated with the god of iron and war (s'erin Ogun), large cowries for the goddess of the sea (aje Olokun, the wealth of Olo- kun), or an image made of the wood of the star apple tree (igi osan, Chrysophyl- lum africanum) (CMS 1937:243).

The last, illustrated in Figure 12, is a pair of miniature figures that look like twin figures, but are for Esu. They were carved for the iken of Ositola's grand- father, Osineye, as instructed by his Odu, ogbe'fun. These small figures are by the same hand as the oldest pair of twin figures, which represent the elder sib- lings of Ositola's father; thus, the Esu fig- ures date to circa 1914. These miniatures must remain with the iken forever.

The iken in Figure 12 represent three generations. They have been combined to form the osi iken, the iken of the ances- tors. Included are those of Osibuluren, Osinaike, and Osineye. The large carved opon holding them (Figs. 9; 13, upper left) belonged to Osibuluren, while the

bowl inside it, which contains the iken, belonged to Osineye. The large opon con- tainer sits on top of a flat opon tray, or ate (Figs. 3, 12), which is also from the ances- tors.

During Ifa rituals, the flat opon is used for divining. It has nine sections said to represent ancient babalawo. These sec- tions are invoked as the diviner "opens" the tray at the beginning of a consulta- tion. The main, or largest, "face" of the opon, which is oriented opposite the di- viner, is called oju opon. The part nearest the diviner is the ese opon, "foot of the tray." At the right-hand side is ona okan- ran, "a straight path," while the left is ona munu, also "a direct path." The upper right section of the tray is alabalotun, "the-one-who-proposes-with-the-right"; the upper left is alaselosi, "the-one-who- implements-with-the-left." On the lower right is ajiletepowo, "an-early- riser-who-sits-down-and-prospers," and on the lower left is afurukeresayo, "the-one-who-has-a-diviner's-flywhisk (irukere)-and-is-happy." The center, and "leader," of the tray, where the verses of Ifa are marked, is the erilade opon, "the- center-has-the-crown." After the di- viner "greets" these nine ancient babalawo, he may then pay homage to his forefathers, the deities (irunmale or orisa), and certain birds, which are metaphors for the diviner's ability to chant. By in- voking all the sections of the opon, the di- viner alerts its spiritual essences, readies it for action, and at the same time focuses the attention of all those present on the divining process. It is also a means by which the diviner collects himself and es- tablishes his own concentration.

In the shrine, the flat opon sits on top of an ajere pot, which is mounted on a base molded from cement (Fig. 3). On the front surface of the base is inscribed the sign of ogbe'fun (the Odu that requested the two miniature wood carvings), the one of the most recent ancestor, Osineye.

Ifa: Agere

Agere was once upon a time a wife of Orunmila, and she hid her husband in- side her stomach to save him. She was so industrious that Orunmila would always work with her. Thus, the agere (the figu- rated carved wooden container, which holds the akoda iken) (Fig. 3) is female wood and serves two purposes: it works very hard (i.e., it is prepared with medicines), and it contains Orunmila (i.e., the iken). For this reason, images carved on the agere, according to Ositola, ideally should be female, although sculptors have flexibility in what they choose to carve. When an agere begins to deteriorate, it must be buried in the igbo Odu because "it is a delicate thing which should not be burned, [be] used as a toy, or otherwise."

The femaleness of the agere is under-

66

scored by the fact that the wife of the di- viner must provide the container for the iken. Traditionally, the mother of the di- viner would provide the initial con- tainer, which would have been a calabash. During the Isefa ceremony, the mother replaces the calabash with a clay pot. Then she replaces the clay pot with a wooden or porcelain one for the Itefa ceremony. Finally, when the diviner grows up and marries, his wife must re- place the third container with one specified by Ifa through divination. The earlier ones are buried inside the igboodu, the bush of Odu. These changes in the containers that hold the iken reflect their maturity, that they have been built up through successive rituals. At the same time, the changes in containers reflect the maturation of the Ifa devotee himself and his changing relationships with women-first with his mother, as a de- pendent infant and then as a more inde- pendent boy; finally with his wife. Thus the iken can be said to represent the babalawo himself-and by extension Orunmila-while the containers repre- sent his mother and ultimately his wives-especially Agere and Odu.

Ifa: Esu Shrine

The shrine for Esu is "at the gate," just inside the entrance to the room, on the left hand side (Fig. 1). It is made up of four figures, a short iron staff, and about five laterite mounds. These items repre- sent different types of Esu, which have been owned by family members over the generations. Each babalawo had his own Esu, as did Ositola's grandmother, Odujoke. Ositola and his father, Osifuwa, decided to assemble these var- ious Esu together so they would be "in one piece." The shrine of Orisa Egbe is placed near by, because "Esu works hand to hand with them."

In addition to four or five Esu Yangi (the laterite mounds at the bottom) there are four figures and an iron staff made in the form of an opa osun, but which is for Esu. Four of the figures represent pairs with long pigtail hairstyles and small

calabashes (ado) around the heads. These hairstyles, like the figures themselves, are called ogo. About the ogo hairstyle, Ositola says, "It is for his action, because it makes him act more. ... That was his own figure when he was created, to get this long ogo hair, like that, to his back. Everyone will know he's a different man; he will be a very powerful and strong man." He is "a miracle person, born with ogo, born with a different shape. He has things which are not common to other people."

Each pair of Esu figures represents a male and female. When asked about this, Ositola responded, "Well, what is there is that nobody can say Esu is male or female. It's both sexes. He's a con- fusionist.'"26

The smaller pair of figures reportedly belonged to Osibuluren, while the larger pair was Osinaike's. Thus they date to approximately the 1830s and 1860s re- spectively. Individual Esu on the shrine can be used to "trouble" people, and the iron staff, in particular, drives away "bad spirits." Ositola "gives them what they need," that is, makes a sacrifice to them, and then "commands" them to go. The sacrifice to Esu is made in a way similar to that to the opa osun. The head, feet, and the feathers of the sacrificial cock are left on the shrine (Fig. 1).

CONCLUSIONS

The richness of meaning in Yoruba art derives from multiple sources: its form and iconology, the substances used in its preparation, its placement on a shrine, oral and liturgical literature, the histories of its owners, and its roles in various rituals conducted by individuals over the generations. Art objects reflect the lives of individuals, documenting their iden- tities, concerns, and perceptions. This is especially apparent in the various objects that represent family members who were born into the world in special ways and, thus, were perceived to have a spe- cial relationship with certain spirit be- ings. Most notable are the twin memorial figures (Fig. 7), the miniature Esu figures

(Fig. 12), and the pots for Atakan (Fig. 9-32), Aina (9-5), Oke Agbona (9-6), Ilori (9-31), and Orisa Egbe (9-7). Likewise, the histories of people or groups illumi- nate the symbolism of art. As the histori- cal account of Ositola's ancestors un- folds, for example, our understanding of the Onile figures (Fig. 11) and the ipawo ase deepens. In exploring the meaning of these figures for specific individuals, we gain insight into their significance for the larger community. We may also glimpse their changing roles and meanings through time.

Equally important, Ositola's family shrine for Ifa and the gods highlights var- ious spiritual and social relationships- both personal and general-between in- dividuals and deities, between family members-living and dead-and be- tween males and females. This latter re- lationship is expressed in a number of different objects on Ositola's shrine: the Onile figures (Fig. 11), the Esu figures- those with the palm nuts (Fig. 12) as well as those on Esu's shrine (Fig. 1)-and the various containers that hold the palm nuts, which have been purchased by the mother or a wife of the Ifa devotee (Fig. 3, 9, 13). The Onile figures (and the edan) confirm the "oneness" of the female and male Osugbo members, while the paired Esu figures suggest the deity is at once male and female, mediator, and "con- fusionist." The Ifa containers, in particu- lar, ascribe to mothers as well as wives roles of supporter, protector, and part- ner in both a spiritual and a social sense. Together these objects communicate the importance of the unity of men and women-not only sexual but social- and their distinct roles in society, themes reiterated in the history of Ositola's family. O

Notes, page 99

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12. THE IKEN OF THE ANCESTORS WITH OSINEYE'S SMALL ESU FIGURES, CARVED BY ONABANJO. LEFT 13. ORISANLA/OBATALA SHRINES (LEFT) AND IFA SHRINES

(RIGHT) REPRESENTING VARIOUS DIVINERS AND ORUNMILA DEVOTEES IN THE FAMILY.

67

gins to escape from his mother were eliminated to shorten the tale. 6. It is interesting that Luguru tales sometimes end with their version of the cliche that "they lived happily every af- ter."

Bibliography Bascom, William. 1964. "Folklore Research in Africa," Jour-

nal of American Folklore 77:12-31. Beidelman, T. 0. 1961. "Hyena and Rabbit: The Folktale As

a Sociological Model," Africa 31:61-74. Beidelman, T. O. 1967. The Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern

Tanzania. London: Ethnographic Survey of Africa, Inter- national African Institute.

Christensen, James Boyd. 1963. "Utani: Joking, Sexual License and Social Obligations among the Luguru," American Anthropologist 65:1314-27.

Patai, Raphael. 1964. "Indulco and Mumia." Journal of Amer- ican Folklore 77:3-11.

Waterman, Richard A. and William Bascom. 1949. "African and New World Negro Folklore," in Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology, and Legend, ed. Maria Leach, p. 18-24. New York: Funk & Wagnalls.

DREWAL & DREWAL, Notes, from page 67 1. Research for this paper was carried out in Ijebuland from February through July, 1982, sponsored by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities (RO-20072). We wish to acknowledge the contributions of John Pemberton III, co-director of the research project, who worked closely with us in the field for two months during the summer of 1982, and to Herbert Cole, who joined us for a few days of field work in July. Their inquiries during the periods we worked together elicited some of the data presented here. Most especially, we wish to express our gratitude to Kolawole Ositola and his omo awo for their support and generosity during our stay in Ijebuland. This paper reflects only a fraction of our work with him; the major portion of that material is being prepared as a book, co-authored with John Pemberton, on human creativity and cultural dynamics in an African society. 2. At that time, there was only one other Osubgo in the vi- cinity at Imosan, called Osugbo Ikan. For further details on Osugbo (also known as Ogboni), see Morton-Williams (1960), Williams (1964), Agiri (1972), and Atanda (1973). 3. The Iwarefa comprise the six highest-ranking chiefs in Osugbo (Lloyd 1962:41-42). According to Bovell-Jones (1943:74), the Iwarefa sit on the shrines of the ancestors in the iledi and their titles derive from the names of the origi- nal founders of Osugbo in that town. 4. The name, Orukonuku, indicates an abiku, that is, a per- son born into the world only to die soon after. Such per- sons are thought to die continually and to be reborn, but with proper ritual action they may avert this destiny 5. This tradition probably refers to the Owu and the Owiwi wars. The former took place in the first quarter of the 1800s (cf. Ajayi & Smith 1964:17; Mabogunje & Omer-Cooper 1971:53-54). Then, according to Biobaku (1957:18-19), be- tween 1825 and 1832, Sodeke, the Egba leader, pursuec marauders deep into Ijebu territory. In 1832, during th( Owiwi war, fought primarily between the Ijebu and Egba (Biobaku 1957:19-20), he supposedly captured seven Ijebu generals and buried their heads in front of his compound in Iporo. Sometime during the early 1800s, Awujale Fusengbuwa, the king of Ijebu-Ode, awarded land in Imodi to one Balogun, the first Otunba Suna, for his ser- vice in the Owu wars. The date of his burial in Imodi is cal- culated to be 1835, based on archeological evidence (Cal- vocoressi 1978). 6. Olurin is the Osugbo title of the Baale (Head Chief) or the Oba (King) of a town. For example, the Awujale, king of Ijebu-Ode, held the title of Olurin in Osugbo; however, since kings traditionally did not appear in public, he had a representative attend meetings, who was also called Olurin (Bovell-Jones 1943:74). 7. It is likely that this event refers to the Ijaye war. Accord- ing to Ajayi and Smith (1962:92-93), the Ijebus aligned themselves with the Egba and in 1861 raided Ibadan farms and captured Apomu. 8. Reportedly, the then Apena (the caretaker of the ritual objects) seized the small edan. 9. Osinaike was already middle-aged by the time he fa- thered a child; he had lost his youthful appearance, and his muscles had become flabby. The family reckons that his son, Osineye, was born around 1876-78 because he and the mother of Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola were of the same age grade. Chief Odutola himself was born in 1902 (cf. Longe 1981:7). 10. The Imori ceremony is performed for a child usually three to nine months after birth in order to establish from where the emi, or the soul, of the child has come. Knowing the origin of the soul that animates the child's body is the first stage in "knowing the child's head" (imo ori), that is, knowing his or her character and destiny. For a discussion of emi and ori, see Bascom (1960). 11. Itefa is a ceremony traditionally performed when a male child reaches six or seven years old. It is during this cere- mony that the child's family learns which Odu Ifa brought him to the world, what life holds for him, the nature of his inner head (ori inun), his deities (orisa), and his prohibi- tions (ewo). This ceremony and others, will be dealt with in detail in a forthcoming study co-authored with John Pem- berton III and Kolawole Ositola.

12. According to Gbadamosi (1978:32, 45, 96), Islam did not take hold in Ijebuland until after the British conquest of Ijebu-Ode in 1892, although some Ijebu-Ode notables appeared on horseback in Muslim festivals before 1879. Ironically, he attributes Islam's success, in part, to Ifa divi- nation: "When some parents sought out a diviner, to pre- dict the future life of the children, they were informed by some of these Ifa diviners that such a child was predestined to be a Muslim. The parents were then taught by the di- viner the proper steps to take to ensure the well-being of the predestined Muslim. On being so informed, the Yoruba parents, true to Yoruba custom, hardly queried Ifa predic- tions, and followed such divinations strictly. They prepared in the house a small enclosure of the size of the 'girigiri,' held parties for the child once every week, especially on Fridays, and cut for the child a number of white dresses. This was continued until the child came of age. As soon as any mallam appeared, the parents called on him to 'sur- render the child to him.' The child was then given a Mus- lim name and, as a protege of a Muslim, was brought up in the true Muslim way. There were many examples of these 'predestined Muslims' in Ijebu area . . . The particular Odu divining Islam as being the religion for the child is Otura Meji" (Gbadamosi 1978:92-93; 115). Likewise, in Ijebuland, Muslim diviners also send clients to Ifa diviners for help whenever they deem it necessary. 13. Osineye's first daughter was of the same age group as Chief Odutola, who was born in 1902. See Longe (1981:7). 14. An abiku is a person whose spirit, or soul, is tentative and can leave at any time, causing that person's death. If a diviner determines that a person has come to the world as an abiku, he usually instructs that person to make a shrine and serve Orisa Egbe, that is, in the words of one diviner, "reformed abiku." 15. The Ikose W'aiye is a ceremony performed for a child just after birth but before the Imori ceremony, so that the parents may have some indication of the child's identity 16. For a discussion of spiritually powerful women, see Drewal (1977a). 17. The name of one of his babalazwo friends in Ofa is still remembered; his name was Abifarinmapose, and he was slightly older than Osifuwa's father, Osineye. 18. The Isefa ceremony follows Imori and precedes Itefa. It is performed to "build up" the sacred palm nuts (iken) used in divining in order to give them the "strength" to go through Itefa. 19. In Ijebuland, informants say the Onile figures, which are secluded in the inner sanctum of the iledi, always come in twos, one male and one female. 20. Although Onile is interpreted in the literature on Osugbo as "Owner of the Earth" or Earth Mother, Ijebus pronounce ile to mean "house" and say Onile is "The- Owner-of-the-House," or iledi. As noted above, Onile is a pair, male and female. Further, they deny that there is such a thing as a deity of the earth; rather there are oro ile, spirits of the earth. These spirits of the earth play a role in witnessing Osugbo members' oaths, since earth unites all

mankind; hence, their pact is imule, "to drink from the earth." These spirits are not regarded as male or female; they are not even perceived to have human characteristics. Thus, "The owners of the house" (Onile), the paired brass figures, represent the foundation of Osugbo, the original couple, and consequently all humankind, who have taken their oaths in the presence of earth. 21. Williams seems to have received similar information when he states, "Often the Apena could not, or would not, specify a figure of Onile in any way different from the standard edan. Some informants identify any remarkable or very striking edan as Onile. It is possible, however, that, like the High God in Yoruba cosmology, Onile is never an- thropomorphized and worshipped in any particular render- ing, but apprehended as simply occupying a fixed locus in the iledi" (1964:141). 22. The osun has two companions. While standing in the ground, the deity Aderiwo is buried on its right, and Orere is buried on its left. Whenever a sacrifice is made to the osun, it is also for its two companions. In addition, a small Esu is placed near by. 23. The fact that osun is made of iron may be related to its quick, efficient action (cf. H. J. Drewal, forthcoming). 24. For other interpretations of the bird on top of the opa osun, see Abimbola (1980), Abiodun (1975), and Drewal (1977b). 25. The Yoruba word for Ifa's sacred palm nuts is usually spelled ikin in the literature. Iken is used here to reflect Ijebu pronunciation. 26. For more details on the deity Esu, see Wescott (1962) and Pemberton (1975). Bibliography Abimbola, W. 1968. Ijinle Ohun Enu Ifa, Apa Kiini. Glas-

gow: Collins. Abimbola, W. 1969. Ijinle Ohun Enu Ifa, Apa Keji. Glasgow:

Collins. Abimbola, W. 1975. Sixteen Great Poems of Ifa. Geneva:

UNESCO. Abimbola, W. 1976. Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus.

Ibadan: Oxford University Press. Abimbola, W. 1977. Ifa Divination Poetry. New York: Nok

Publishers Ltd. Abimbola, W. 1980. "Verbal and Visual Symbolism in Ifa

Divination." Paper presented at the Conference of the Relations between the Verbal and Visual Arts in Africa, Philadelphia, October 10-14.

Abiodun, R. 1975. "Ifa Art Objects: An Interpretation Based on Oral Traditions," in Yoruba Oral Tradition: Poetry in Music, Dance and Drama, ed. W. Abimbola. Ile-Ife: De- partment of African Languages and Literatures, Univer- sity of Ife, pp. 421-69.

Abiodun, R. 1976. "The Concept of Women in Traditional Yoruba Religion and Art." Paper presented at the Con- ference on Nigerian Women and Development in Rela- tion to Changing Family Structure, University of Ibadan, April 26-30.

Abiodun, R. 1980a. "Charactery in Yoruba Aesthetics."

CONTRIBUTORS

ROBERT PLANT ARMSTRONG is Professor of Anthropology and Aesthetic Studies, University of Texas, Dallas.

RUTH M. BOYER, formerly Curator of Textiles at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology, is Professor of Anthropology at the California College of Arts and Crafts in Oakland and Chair of the Depart- ment of Textiles.

JAMES B. CHRISTENSEN is Professor of Anthropology at Wayne State University. His research interests primarily have been the cultures of Sub-Saharan Africa.

JUSTINE M. CORDWELL received her Ph.D. at Northwestern University under Melville Herskovits and has conducted extensive research among the Yoruba.

DANIEL J. CROWLEY, Professor of Anthropology and Professor of Art at the University of Cali- fornia, Davis, is a member of the African Arts consulting editorial board.

HENRY JOHN DREWAL, Professor of Art History and Chairmdn of the Art Department at Cleve- land State University, recently returned from research in Nigeria, sponsored by the National En- dowment for the Humanities.

MARGARET THOMPSON DREWAL is Research Associate for an interdisciplinary study in Yoruba art and religion, sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities.

SIMON OTTENBERG, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Washington, conducted field research among the Igbo in 1952-53 and 1959-60, and among the Limba of Sierra Leone in 1978-80. He is currently writing up materials on the art forms of the Limba.

PHILIP M. PEEK conducted research in Nigeria and is teaching anthropology and folklore at Drew University.

VICTORIA SCOTT is an artist, art historian, and collector of contemporary African art. Formerly a teacher at Yaba Technical College in Lagos, she is now studying with Robert Plant Armstrong.

99

Paper presented at the 5th Triennial Symposium on Afri- can Art, Atlanta, April 17.

Abiodun, R. 1980b. "Ritual Allusions in Yoruba Ritualistic Art: Ori-inu, Visual and Verbal Metaphor." Paper read at the Conference on the Relations between the Verbal and Visual Arts in Africa, Philadelphia, October 10-14.

Abiodun, R. 1981. "Some Religio-Aesthetic Aspects of Woman in Yoruba Society" Paper presented at the Semi- nar on Visual Art as Social Commentary, University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies, November 30-December 1.

Abraham, R. C. 1958. Dictionary of Modern Yoruba. London:

University of London Press.

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Ajayi, J.F.A. and R. Smith. 1964. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Atanda, J. A. 1973. "The Yoruba Ogboni Cult: Did It Exist in Old Oyo?," Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 6,4: 365-72.

Bascom, W. 1960. "Yoruba Concepts of the Soul," in Men and Culture, ed. A.EC. Wallace. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 401-10.

Bascom, W. 1969. Ifa Divination: Communication between Gods and Men in West Africa. Bloomington: Indiana Uni-

versity Press. Bascom, W. 1980. Sixteen Cowries: Yoruba Divination from

Africa to the New World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Beyioku, Chief O.A.F 1971. Ifa, Its Worship and Prayers. Lagos: Salako Printing Works.

Biobaku, S. O. 1957. The Egba and Their Neighbours, 1842- 1872. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bovell-Jones, T. B. 1943, "Intelligence Report on Ijebu Ode Town and Villages," May 7 (IJE Prof. 2/122, Confidential File C 55/1), in the National Archives, Ibadan.

Calvocoressi, D. 1978. Rescue Excavation of the First Otunba Suna at Imodi, Ijebu-Ode. May, 1977. Ibadan: Biyi Printing Works.

Church Missionary Society 1937. A Dictionary of the Yoruba

Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press with the Church Missionary Society.

Drewal, H. J. 1977a. "Art and the Perception of Women in Yoruba Culture," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 17, 4: 545-67.

Drewal, H. J. 1977b. Traditional Art of the Nigerian Peoples. Washington: Museum of African Art.

Drewal, H. J. Forthcoming. "Art or Accident: The Relation-

ship of Ogun and Iron to Yoruba Body Artists and Their Art," in volume on the Yoruba god of iron, ed. S. Barnes.

Gbadamosi, T.G.O. 1978. The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba, 1841-1908. Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press.

Lloyd, P. C. 1962. Yoruba Land Law. London: Oxford Uni-

versity Press.

Longe, F 1981. A Rare Breed: The Story of Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola. Lagos: Academy Press Ltd.

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History. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press.

Maupoil, B. 1943. La Geomancie l I'ancienne Cote des

Esclaves. Paris: Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut

d'Ethnologie 42. Morton-Williams, P 1960. "The Yoruba Ogboni Cult in

Oyo," Africa 30:362-74. Pemberton, J. 1975. "Eshu-Elegba: The Yoruba Trickster

God," African Arts 9, 1:20-27, 66-70, 90-92. Wescott, J. 1962. "The Sculpture and Myth of Eshu-

Elegba," Africa 32, 4:336-53. Williams, D. 1964. "The Iconology of the Yoruba Edan Og-

boni," Africa 34, 2:139-65.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Page 27 (right), 43, 44 Photographs: Lowie Museum

of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley

28, 30 (right), 31 (left) Photographs: John Buxton

29 (left) Photograph: Robert Wallace 29 (right) Photograph:

Courtesy of James Willis Gallery 30 (left), 32 Photographs: Peter Robbins 31 (right) Photograph: David Allison,

Courtesy of Pace Gallery 33 (left) Photograph: Robert I. Nooter 33 (right) Photograph: Jerry L. Thompson,

Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 34-37, 39, 40 (bottom) Photographs:

Philip M. Peek 38 Photograph: Perkins Foss 40 (top): Photograph: Phillips Stevens Jr. 45 Photographs: Vivian Poon 46-47 Photographs: Victoria Scott 49 (left), 50, 51, 53 (right), 55

Photographs: Raymon Silverman 49 (right), 53 (left) Photographs: Dawn Massey 57 (top) Photograph: Marilyn Houlberg 60-67 Photographs: Henry & Margaret Drewal 76 (left) Photograph: Justin Kerr 77 Photograph: Michael Heinichen 78 Photographs: Joe Alfers 80, 81 Photographs: Richard Todd

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP Statement of ownership, management and circulation (Required by 39 U.S.Ct 3685) 1. Title of publication: African Arts 2. Date of filing: 9/29/82 3. Frequency of issue: Quarterly (November, February, May, August) 4. Location of known office of publication: African Studies Center, University of California, 405 Hilgard, Los Angeles, CA 90024. 5. Location of the headquarters of general business of- fices of the publisher: Same 6. Names and complete addresses of publisher, editor, and managing editor: African Studies Center, University of California, 405 Hilgard, Los Angeles, CA 90024. John F. Povey, African Studies Center, University of Califor- nia, Los Angeles, CA 90024. Same as above. 7. Owner: The Regents of the University of California, 405 Hilgard, Los Angeles, CA 90024. 8. Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders owning or holding 1 percent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages or other securities: None 9. The purpose, function and nonprofit status of this or- ganization and the exempt status for Federal income tax purposes have not changed during the preceding 12 months. 10. Extent and nature of circulation: Average number of copies each issue during preceding 12 months; actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: A. Total number of copies printed: 5,900; 5,800. B. Paid circulation: (1) Sales through dealers and carriers, street vendors and counter sales: 151; 151. (2) Mail subscriptions: 4,215; 4,007. C. Total paid circula- tion: 4,366; 4,158. D. Free distribution by mail, carrier or other means; samples, complimentary, and other free copies: 149; 150. E. Total distribution: 4,515; 4,308. F. Copies not distributed: (1) Office use, left over, unac- counted, spoiled after printing: 1,385; 1,492. (2) Returns from news agents: 0; 0. Total: 5,900; 5,800. 11. I certify that the statements made by me above are correct and complete (Signed) John F. Povey, Editor.

COLLECTION New York private collector of West African art, having moved to smaller apartment, offers part of collection for sale. Mostly masks, some sculpture. Viewing by appointment. Write Box 58, African Arts, African Studies Center, UCLA. Los Angeles, CA 90024.

AFRICAN, ARTS Complete set of African Arts, Vols. 1-14, in- cluding the 7 out-of-print issues, and the 10- year index. Mint condition, $750.00. Wm. E. Welmers, 2272 Overland Ave., Los Angeles, CA 90064. (213) 475-1534.

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