An essay on slavery and abolitionism, with reference to ......anessay ox slaveryandabolitionism,...
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AN ESSAY
ox
SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM,
WITH REFERENCE TO THE
DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES.
BY CATHARINE E. BEECHER.
HEXRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET.
PERKINS & MARVIN, BOSTON.
1837.
^^.c, v
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by
Henry Perkins, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the
Eastern District of Pennsylrania.
I. A8HMEAD AND CO. PKINTERS*
PREFACE.
The following are the circumstances which
occasioned the succeeding pages. A gentle-
man and a friend, requested the writer to
assign reasons why he should not join the
Abolition Society. While preparing a reply
to this request, Miss Grimke's Address was
presented, and the information communi-
cated, of her intention to visit the North, for
the purpose of using her influence among
northern ladies to induce them to unite with
Abolition Societies. The writer then began
a private letter to Miss Grimke as a personal
friend. But by the wishes and advice of
others, these two efforts were finally com-
bined in the following Essay, to be presented
to the public.
14010;;
The honoured and beloved name which
that lady bears, so associated as it is at the
South, North, and West, with all that is ele-
gant in a scholar, refined in a gentleman,
and elevated in a Christian,—the respectable
sect with which she is connected,—the in-
teresting effusions of her pen,—and her own
intellectual and moral worth, must secure
respect for her opinions and much personal
influence. This seems to be a sufficient
apology for presenting to the public some
considerations in connexion w^ith her name ;
considerations which may exhibit in another
aspect the cause she advocates, and which it
may be appropriate to consider. As such,
they are respectfully commended to the pub-
lic, and especially to that portion of it for
which they are particularly designed.
ESSAY
ON
SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM.
Addressed to Miss A. D. Grimke.
My dear Frie!^d,
Your public address to Christian females
at the South has reached me, and I have
been urged to aid in circulating it at the
North. I have also been informed, that you
contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year,
for the purpose of exerting your influence to
form Abolition Societies among ladies of the
non-slave-holding States.
Our acquaintance and friendship give me
a claim to your private ear; but there are
reasons why it seems more desirable to ad-
dress you, who now stand before the public
a2
as an advocate of Abolition measures, in a
more public manner.
The object I have in view, is to present
some reasons why it seems unwise and inex-
pedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding
States to unite themselves in Abolition Socie-
ties ; and thus, at the same time, to exhibit
the inexpediency of the course you propose
to adopt.
I would first remark, that your public ad-
dress leads me to infer, that you are not suf-
ficiently informed in regard to the feelings
and opinions of Christian females at the
North. Your remarks seem to assume, that
the 'principles held by Abolitionists on the
subject of slavery, are peculiar to them, and
are not generally adopted by those at the
North who oppose their measures. In this
you are not correctly informed. In the sense
in which Abolitionists explain the terms they
employ, there is little, if any, difference be-
tween them and most northern persons.
Especially is this true of northern persons of
religious principles. I know not where to
look for northern Christians, who would deny
that every slave-holder is bound to treat his
slaves exactly as he vv^ould claim that his own
children ought to be treated in similar circum-
stances ; that the holding of our fellow men
as property, or the withholding any of the
rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain,
is a sin, and ought to be immediately aban-
doned ; and that where the law^s are such,
that a slave-holder cannot Zeg-a//?/ emancipate
his slaves, without throwing them into worse
bondage, he is bound to use all his influence
to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to
treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, as if
they were free.
I do not suppose there is one person in a
thousand, at the North, who would dissent
from these principles. They would only dif-
fer in the use of terms, and call this the doc-
trine of gradual emancipation, while Aboli-
tionists would call it the doctrine of immediate
emancipation.
As this is the state of pubhc opinion at the
North, there is no necessity for using any
influence with northern ladies, in order that
they may adopt your principles on the sub-
8
ject of slavery; for they hold them in coni'
mon with yourself, and it would seem unwise,
and might prove irritating, to approach them
as if they held opposite sentiments.
In regard to the duty of making efforts to
bring the people of the Southern States to
adopt these principles, and act on them, it is
entirely another matter. On this point you
would find a large majority opposed to your
views. Most persons in the non-slave-hold-
ing States have considered the matter of
Southern slavery, as one in which they were
no more called to interfere, than in the aboli-
tion of the press-gang system in England, or
the tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion
may have been wrong on this point, and yet
have been right on all those great principles
of rectitude and justice relating to slavery,
which Abolitionists claim as their distinctive
peculiarities.
• The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition
Society is this: it is a voluntary association
in one section of the country, designed to
awaken public sentiment against a moral evil
existing in another section of the country,
9
and the principal point of effort seems to be,
to enlarge the numbers of this association as
a means of influencing public sentiment.*
The principal object of your proposed tour,
I suppose, is to present facts, arguments, and
persuasions to influence northern ladies to
enrol themselves as members of this associa-
tion.
I will therefore proceed to present some of
the reasons which may be brought against
such a measure as the one you would urge.
In the first place, the main principle of ac-
tion in that society rests w^holly on a false
deduction from past experience. Experience
has shown, that when certain moral evils
exist in a community, efforts to awaken pub-
lic sentiment against such practices, and
combinations for the exercise of personal in-
fluence and example, have in various cases
tended to rectify these evils. Thus in respect
to intemperance ;—the collecting of facts, the
labours of public lecturers and the distribution
of publications, have had much effect in
diminishing the evil. So in reference to the
slave-trade and slavery in England. The
10
English nation possessed the power of regu-
lating their own trade, and of giving liberty
to every slave in their dominions; and yet
they were entirely unmindful of their duty
on this subject. Clarkson, Wilberforce, and
their coadjutors, commenced a system of
operations to arouse and influence public
sentiment, and they succeeded in securing
the suppression of the slave trade, and the
gradual abolition of slavery in the Enghsh
colonies. In both these cases, the effort was
to enlighten and direct public sentiment in a
community, of which the actors were a por-
tion, in order to lead them to rectify an evil
existing among themselves, which was en-
tirely under their control.
From the success of such efforts, the Abo-
litionists of this country have drawn in-
ferences, which appear to be not only illogi-
cal, but false. Because individuals in their
own community have aroused their fellow
citizens to correct their own evils, therefore
they infer that attempts to convince iheir
fellow-citizens of the faults of another com-
•munity will lead that community to forsake
11
their evil practices. An example will more-
clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival
cities, which have always been in competi-
tion, and always jealous of each other's re-
putation and prosperity. Certain individuals
in one of these cities become convinced, that
the sin of intemperance is destroying their
prosperity and domestic happiness. They
proceed to collect facts, they arrange statis-
tics, they call public meetings, they form
voluntary associations, they use arguments,,
entreaties and personal example, and by
these means they arrest the evil.
Suppose another set of men, in this same
community, become convinced that certain
practices in trade and business in the rival
city, are dishonest, and have an oppressive
bearing on certain classes in that city, and
are injurious to the interests of general com-
merce. Suppose also, that these are prac-
tices, which, by those who allow them, are
considered as honourable and right. Those
who are convinced of their immorality, wish
to alter the opinions and the practices of the
citizens of their rival city, and to do this,
12
they commence the collection of facts, that
exhibit the tendencies of these practices and
the evils they have engendered. But instead
of going among the community in which the
evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and
persuade them, they proceed to form volun-
tary associations among their neighbours at
home, and spend their time, money and ef-
forts to convince their fellow citizens that the
inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a
great sin. They also publish papers and
tracts and send out agents, not to the guilty
city, but to all the neighbouring towns and
villages, to convince them of the sins of the
city in their vicinity. And they claim that
they shall succeed in making that city break
off its sins, by these measures, because other
men succeeded in banishing intemperance by
labouring among their own friends and fel-
low citizens. Is not this example exactly
parallel with the exertions of the Abolition-
ists 1 Are not the northern and southern sec-
tions of our country distinct communities,
with different feelings and interests? Are
they not rival, and jealous in feehng ? Have
the northern States the power to rectify evils
13
at the South, as they have to remove their
own moral deformities; or have they any
such power over the southern States as the
British people had over their ow^n trade
and their dependent colonies in the West In-
dies?* Have not Abolitionists been sending
out papers, tracts, and agents to convince
the people of the North of the sins of the
South? Have they not refrained from going
to the South with their facts, arguments, and
appeals, because they feared personal evils
to themselves? And do not Abolitionists
found their hopes of success in their project,
on the success which crowned the efforts of
British philanthropists in the case of slavery,
and on the success that has attended efforts to
banish intemperance? And do not these tw^o
cases differ entirely from the Abolition move-
ment in this main point, that one is an effort
to convince men of their ovm sins, and the
other is an effort to convince men of the sins
of other persons ? '
The second reason I would urge against
joining the Abolition Society is, that its cha-
racter and measures are not either peaceful
B
14
or Christian in tendency, but they rather are
those which tend to generate party spirit,
denunciation, recrimination, and angry pas-
sions.
But before bringing evidence to sustain
this position, I wish to make a distinction
between the men who constitute an associa-
tion, and the measures which are advocated
and adopted.
I beheve, that as a body, AboHtionists are
men of pure morals, of great honesty of pur-
pose, of real benevolence and piety, and of
great activity in efforts to promote what they
consider the best interests of their fellow
men. I believe, that, in making efforts to
abolish slavery, they have taken measures,
which they supposed were best calculated to
bring this evil to an end, with the greatest
speed, and with the least danger and sufier-
ing to the South. I do not believe they ever
designed to promote disunion, or insurrec-
tion, or to stir up strife, or that they suppose
that their measures can be justly character-
ized by the peculiarities I have specified. I
believe they have been urged forward by a
15
strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of re-
lisrious dutv, and that thev have made s^reat
sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and
money to promote what they believed to be
the cause of humanity and the service of
God. I regard individuals among them, as
having taken a bold and courageous stand,
in maintainins: the liberty of free discussion,
the liberty of speech and of the press ; though
this however is somewhat abated by the
needless provocations by which they caused
those difficulties and hazards they so cou-
rageously sustained. In speaking thus of
Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that
there are not bad men found in this party as
well as in every other ; nor that among those
who are good men, there are not those who
may have allowed jiarty spirit to take the
place of Christian principle ; men w^ho have
exhibited a mournful destitution of Christian
charity ; who have indulged in an overbear-
ing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity
as to measures. Yet with these reservations,
I believe that the above is no more than a
fair and just exhibition of that class of men
16
who are embraced in the party of AboHtion-
ists. And all this can be allowed, and vet
the objection I am to urge against joining
their ranks may stand in its full force.
To make the position clearer, an illustra-
tion may be allowed. Suppose a body of
good men become convinced that the in-
spired direction, " them that sin, rebuke be-
fore all, that others may fear," imposes upon
them the duty of openly rebuking every body
whom they discover in the practice of any
sin. Suppose these men are daily in the
habit of going into the streets, and calling all
by-standers around them, pointing out cer-
tain men, some as Hars, some as dishonest,
some as licentious, and then bringing proofs
of their guilt and rebuking them before all ; at
the same time exhorting all around to point
at them the finger of scorn.
They persevere in this course till the whole
community is thrown into an uproar; and
assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They
then call on all good citizens to protect their
persons from abuse, and to maintain the
liberty of speech and of free opinion.
17
Now the men may be as pure in morals,
as conscientious and upright in intention, as
any Abolitionist, and yet every one would
say, that their measures were unwnse and
unchristian.
In like manner, although Abolitionists may
be lauded for many virtues, still much evi-
dence can be presented, that the character
and measures of the Abolition Society are
not either peaceful or christian in tendency,
but that they are in their nature calculated
to generate party spirit, denunciation, re-
crimination, and angry passions.
The first thing I would present to establish
this, is the character of the leaders of this
association. Every combined effort is ne-
cessarily directed by leaders ; and the spirit
of the leaders will inevitably be communi-
cated to their coadjutors, and appear in the
measures of the whole bodv.
In attempting to characterize these leaders,
I would first present another leader of a simi-
lar enterprise, the beloved and venerated
WiLBERFORCE. It is thus that his prominent
traits are delineated bv an intimate friend,m
b2
18
" His extreme benevolence contributed
largely to his success. I have heard him
say, that it was one of his constant rules,
and on the question of slavery especially,
never to provoke an adversary—to allow
him credit fully for sincerity and purity of
motive—to abstain from all irritating expres-
sions—to avoid even such political attacks
as would indispose his opponents for his
great cause. In fact, the benignity, the gen-
tleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, dis-
armed the bitterest foes. Not only on this
question did he restrain himself, but general-
ly. Once he had been called during a whole
debate ' the religious member,' in a kind of
scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was
much inclined to have retorted, by calling
his opponent the irreligious member, but that
he refrained, as it would have been a return-
ing of evil for evil. Next to his general con-
sistency, and love of the Scriptures, the
humility of his character always appeared
remarkable. The modest, shrinking, simple
Christian statesman and friend always ap-
peared in liim. And the nearer you ap-
19
proached him, the more his habit of mind
obviously appeared to be modest and lowly.
His charity in judging of others, is a farther
trait of his Christian character. Of his bene-
volence I need not speak, but his kind con-
struction of doubtful actions, his charitable
language toward those with whom he most
widely differed, his thorough forgetfulness of
little affronts, w^ere fruits of that general
benevolence which continually appeared."
This was the leader, both in and out of
Parliament, of that body of men who com-
bined to bring to an end slavery and the
slave trade, in the dominions of Great Bri-
tain. With him, as principal leaders, were
associated Clarkson, Sharpe, Macauley, and
others of a similar spirit. These men were
all of them characterized by that mild, bene-
volent, peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing
spirit, W'hich has been described as so con-
spicuous in Wilberforce. And when their
measures are examined, it will be found that
they were eminently mild, peaceful, and for-
bearing. Though no effort that is to encoun-
ter the selfish interests of men, can escape
20
Without odium and opposition, from those
who are thwarted, and from all whom they
can influence, these men carefully took those
measures that were calculated to bring about
their end with the least opposition and evil
possible. They avoided prejudices, strove
to conciliate opposers, shunned every thing
that would give needless offence and exas-
peration, began slowly and cautiously, with
points which could be the most easily car-
ried, and advanced toward others only as
public sentiment became more and more
enlightened. They did not beard the lion in
full face, by coming out as the first thing with
the maxim, that all slavery ought and must
be abandoned immediately. They began
with " inquiries as to the impolicy of the slave
trade,^^ and it was years before they came to
the point of the abolition of slavery. And
they carried their measures through, without
producing warring parties among good men,
who held common principles with themselves.
As a general fact, the pious men of Great
Britain acted harmoniously in this great
effort.
21
Let us now look at the leaders of the Abo-
lition movement in America. The man who
first tuok the lead was William L. Garri-
son, who, though he professes a belief in
the Christian religion, is an avowed opponent
of most of its institutions. The character
and spirit of this man have for years been
exhibited in " the Liberator," of which he is
the editor. That there is to be found in that
paper, or in any thing else, any evidence of
his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilber-
force, not even his warmest admirers will
maintain. How many of the opposite traits
can be found, those can best judge who have
read his paper. Gradually others joined
themselves in the effort commenced by Gar-
rison ; but for a long time they consisted
chiefly of men who would fall into one of
these three classes ; either good men who
w^ere so excited bv a knowleda^e of the enor-
mous evils of slavery, that any thing was
considered better than entire inactivity, or
else men accustomed to a contracted field of
observation, and more qualified to judge of
immediate results than of general tendencies,
2"2
or else men of ardent and impulsive tem-
perament, whose feelings are likely to take
the lead, rather than their judgment.
• There are no men who act more efficiently
as the leaders of an enterprise than the edi-
tors of the periodicals that advocate and de-
fend it. The editors of the Emancipator, the
Friend of Man, the New York Evangelist,
and the other abolition periodicals, maytherefore be considered as among the chief
leaders of the enterprise, and their papers
are the mirror from which their spirit and
character are reflected.
I wish the friends of these editors would
cull from their papers all the indications they
can find of the peculiarities that distinguished
Wilberforce and his associates $ all the evi-
dence of " a modest and lowly spirit,'*—all
the exhibitions of " charity in judging of the
motives of those who oppose their measures,"
—all the " indications of benignity, gentle-
ness, and kind-heartedness,"—all the " kind
constructions of doubtful actions,"—all the
*' charitable language used toward those
who differ in opinion or measures,"—all the
23
" thorough forgetfulness of httle aflronts,'^—
-
all the cases where " opponents are allowed
full credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"
—all cases where they have been careful
" never to provoke an adversary,"—all cases
where they have " refrained from all irritat-
ing expressions,"—all cases where they have
avoided every thing that would " indispose
their opponents for their great cause," and
then compare the result with what may be
found of an opposite character, and I think it
would not be unsafe to infer that an associa-
tion whose measures, on an exciting subject,
were guided by such men, would be more
likely to be aggressive than peaceful. The
position I would establish will appear more
clearly, by examining in detail some of the
prominent measures which have been adopt-
ed by this association.
•'One of the first measures of Abohtionists
was an attack on a benevolent society, origi-
nated and sustained by some of the most pious
and devoted men of the age. It was imagined
by Abolitionists, that the influence and mea-
sures of the Colonization Society tended to
24
retard the abolition of slavery, and to perpe-
tuate injurious prejudices against the coloured
race. The peaceful and christian method of
meeting this difficulty would have been, to
collect all the evidence of this supposed hurt-
ful tendency, and privately, and in a respect-
ful and conciliating way, to have presented it
to the attention of the wise and benevolent
men, who were most interested in sustaining
this institution. If this measure did not avail
to convince them, then it would have been
safe and justifiable to present to the public a
temperate statement of facts, and of the de-
ductions based on them, drawn up in a re-
spectful and candid manner, with every cha-
ritable allowance which truth could warrant.
Instead of this, when the attempt was first
made to turn public opinion against the Colo-
nization Society, I met one of the most influ-
ential supporters of that institution, just after
he had had an interview with a leading Abo-
litionist. This gentleman was most remark-
able for his urbanity, meekness, and benevo-
lence, and his remark to me in reference to
this interview, shows what was its nature.
25
"I love truth and sound argument," said he,
"but when a man comes at me with a sledge
hammer, I cannot help dodging." This is a
specimen of their private manner of dealing.
In public, the enterprise was attacked as a
plan for promoting the selfish interests and
prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the
coloured population; and in many cases, it
was assumed that the conductors of this asso-
ciation were aware of this, and accessory to
it. And the style in which the thing was
done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and
exasperating. Denunciation, sneers, and pub-
lic rebuke, were bestowed indiscriminately
upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of
course they fell upon many sincere, upright,
and conscientious men, whose feelings were
harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the in-
decorum, and the unchristian treatment, they
received. And when a temporary impression
was made on the public mind, and its oppo-
nents supposed they had succeeded in crush-
ing this society, the most public and triumph-
ant exultation was not repressed. Compare
this method of carrying a point, with that
c
26
adopted by Wilbeiforce and his compeers,
and I think you will allow that there was a
way that was peaceful and christian, and
that this w^as not the way which was chosen.
<» The next measure of Abolitionism was an
attempt to remove the prejudices of the whites
against the blacks, on account of natural pe-
culiarities. Now, prejudice is an unreasona-
ble and groundless dislike of persons or things.
Of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most
difficult of all things to conquer, and the worst
and most irritating method that could be at-
tempted would be, to attack a man as guilty
of sin, as unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as
proud, for allowing a certain prejudice.
This is the sure way to produce anger, self-
justification, and an increase of the strength
of prejudice, against that which has caused
him this rebuke and irritation.
The best way to make a person like a thing
which is disagreeable, is to try in some wayto make it agreeable; and if a certain class
of persons is the subject of unreasonable pre-
judice, the peaceful and christian way of re-
moving it would be to endeavour lo render
27
the unfortunate persons who compose this
class, so useful, so humble and unassuming,
so kind in their feelings, and so full of love
and good works, that prejudice would be sup-
planted by complacency in their goodness,
and pity and sympathy for their disabilities.
If tlTP_friPTirls pf thp hlarUs had quictly set
thems^fves to work to increase their intelli-
gence, their usefulness, their respectability,
their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence,
and then had appealed to the pity, generosity,
and christian feelings of their fellow citizens,
a very different result would have appeared.
Instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and
sneers, were employed to convince the whites
that their prejudices were sinful, and without
any just cause. They were accused of pride,
of selfish indifference, of unchristian neglect.
This tended to irritate the whites, and to in-
crease their prejudice against the blacks, whothus were made the causes of rebuke and
exasperation. Then, on the other hand, the
blacks extensively received the Liberator,
and learned to imbibe the spirit of its con-
ductor.
28
They were taught to feel that they were
injured and abused, the objects of a guiUy and
unreasonable prejudice—that they occupied
a lower place in society than was right
—
that they ought to be treated as if they
were whites; and in repeated instances, at-
tempts were made by their friends to mingle
them with whites, so as to break down the
existing distinctions of society. Now, the
question is not, whether these things, that
were urged by Abolitionists, were true. The
thing maintained is, that the method taken by
them to remove this prejudice was neither
peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on
the contrary, was calculated to increase the
evil, and to generate anger, pride, and recri-
mination, on one side, and envy, discontent,
and revengeful feehngs, on the other.
These are some of the general measures
which have been exhibited in the Abolition
movement. The same peculiarities maybe as
distinctly seen in specific cases, where the
peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the
good was neglected, and the one most calcu-
lated to excite wrath and strife was chosen.
29
Take, for example, the ellbrt to establish a
college for coloured persons. The quiet,
peaceful, and christian way of doing such a
thing, would have been, for those who were
interested in the plan, to furnish the money
necessary, and then to have selected a retired
place, where there would be the least preju-
dice and opposition to be met, and there, in an
unostentatious wav, commenced the educa-
tion of the youth to be thus sustained. In-
stead of this, at a time when the public mind
was excited on the subject, it was noised
abroad that a college for blacks was to be
founded. Then a city was selected for its
location, where was another college, so large
as to demand constant effort and vigilance to
preserve quiet subordination ; where contests
with " sailors and town boys" were barely
kept at bay; a college embracing a large
proportion of southern students, who were
highly excited on the subject of slavery and
emancipation; a college where half the shoe-
blacks and waiters were coloured men. Be-
side the very walls of this college, it was pro-
posed to found a college for coloured young
c2
30
men. Could it be otherwise than that oppo-
sition, and that for the best of reasons, would
arise against such an attempt, both from the
faculty of the college and the citizens of the
place? Could it be reasonably expected that
they would not oppose a measure so calcu-
lated to increase their own difficulties and
liabilities, and at the same time so certain to
place the proposed institution in the most un-
favourable of all circumstances? But when
the measure was opposed, instead of yielding
meekly and peaceably to such reasonable ob-
jections, and soothing the feelings and appre-
hensions that had been excited, by putting the
best construction on the matter, and seeking
another place, it was claimed as an evidence
of opposition to the interests of the blacks,
and as a mark of the force of sinful prejudice.
The worst, rather than the best, motives were
ascribed to some of the most respectable, and
venerated, and pious men, who opposed the
measure ; and a great deal was said and done
that was calculated to throw the community
into an angry ferment.
Take another example. If a prudent and
31
benevolent female had selected almost any
village in New England, and commenced a
school for coloured females, in a quiet, appro-
priate, and unostentatious way, the world
would never have heard of the case, except
to applaud her benevolence, and the kindness
of the villagers, who aided her in the effort.
But instead of this, there appeared public ad-
vertisements, (which I saw at the time,) stat-
ing that a seminary for the education of
young ladies of colour was to be opened in
Canterbury, in the state of Connecticut, where
would be taught music on the piano forte,
drawing, &c., together with a course of Eng-
lish education. Now, there are not a dozen
coloured families in New England, in such
pecuniary circumstances, that if they were
whites it would not be thought ridiculous to
attempt to give their daughters such a course
of education, and Canterbury was a place
where but few of the wealthiest families ever
thought of furnishing such accomplishments
for their children. Several other particulars
might be added that were exceedingly irri-
tating, but this may serve as a specimen of
3-2
the method in which the whole aflair was
conducted. It w^as an entire disregard of the
prejudices and the proprieties of society, and
calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will,
contention, and all the bitter feelings that
spring from such collisions. Then, instead
of adopting measures to soothe and concihate,
rebukes, sneers and denunciations, were em-
ployed, and Canterbury and Connecticut were
held up to public scorn and rebuke for doing
what most other communities would proba-
bly have done, if similarly tempted and pro-
voked.
Take another case. It was deemed expe-
dient by Abolitionists to establish an Abolition
paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State. It
was driven from that State, either by violence
or by threats. It retreated to Ohio, one of
the free States. In selecting a place for its
location, it migrht have been established in a
small place, where the people were of similar
views, or were not exposed to dangerous po-
pular excitements. But Cincinnati was se-
lected; and when the most intelligent, the
most reasonable, and the most patriotic of
33
the citizens remonstrated,—when they repre-
sented that there were pecuUar and unusual
liabiHties to popular excitement on this sub-
ject,—that the organization and powder of the
poHce made it extremely dangerous to excite
a mob, and almost impossible to control it,
—
that all the good aimed at could be accom-
plished by locating the press in another place,
where there were not such dangerous liabi-
lities,—when they kindly and respectfully
urged these considerations, they were disre-
garded. I myself was present when a sincere
friend urged upon the one who controlled that
paper, the obligations of good men, not merely
to avoid breaking wholesome laws them-
selves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities
of others to temptation; and that where Chris-
tians could foresee that by placing certain
temptations in the way of their fellow-men,
all the probabilities were, that they would
yield, and yet persisted in doing it, the tempt-
ers became partakers in the guilt of those whoyielded to the temptation. But these remon-
strances were ineffectual. The paper must
not only be printed and circulated, but it must
31
be stationed where were the greatest proba-
bihties that measures of illegal violence w^ould
ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated,
and a mob destroyed the press, then those
who had urged on these measures of tempta-
tion, turned upon those who had advised and
' remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the
violence, because, in a season of excitement,
the measures adopted to restrain and control
the mob, were not such as were deemed suit-
able and right.
Now, in all the above cases, I w^ould by no
means justify the wa^ong or the injudicious
measures that may have been pursued, un-
der this course of provocation. The great-
ness of temptation does by no means release
men from obligation; but Christians are
bound to remember that it is a certain
consequence of throwing men into strong
excitement, that thev will act unwisely and
wrong, and that the tempter as well as the
tempted are held responsible, both by Godand man. In all these cases, it cannot but
appear that the good aimed at might have
been accomplished in a quiet, peaceable, and
35
christian way, and that this was not the way
which was chosen.
The whole system of AboHtion measures
seems to leave entirely out of view, the obli-
gation of Christians to save their fellow men
from all needless temptations. If the thing to
be done is only lawful and right, it does not
appear to have been a matter of effort to do
it in such a way as would not provoke and
irritate; but often, if the chief aim had been
to do the good in the most injurious and of-
fensive way, no more certain and appropriate
methods could have been devised.
So much has this been the character of
AboHtion movements, that many have sup-
posed it to be a deliberate and systematized
plan of the leaders to do nothing but what was
strictly a nght guaranteed by law, and yet,
in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger,
so that unjust and illegal acts might ensue,
knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers
of Abolition would be thrown into the wrong,
and sympathy be aroused for Abolitionists as
injured and persecuted men. It is a fact,
that Abolitionists have taken tlie course most
36
calculated to awaken illegal acts of violence,
and that when they have ensued, they have
seemed to rejoice in them, as calculated to ad-
vance and strengthen their cause. The vio-
lence of mobs, the denunciations and unrea-
sonable requirements of the South, the denial
of the right of petition, the restrictions attempt-
ed to be laid upon freedom of speech, and free-
dom of the press, are generally spoken of with
exultation by Abolitionists, as what are amongthe chief means of promoting their cause. It
is not so much by exciting feelings of pity and
humanity, and Christian love, towards the op-
pressed, as it is by awakening indignation at
the treatpfient of Abolitionists themselves, that
their cause has prospered. How many menhave declared or implied, that in joining the
ranks of Abolition, they were influenced, not
by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their
course, but because the violence of opposers
had identified that cause with the question of
freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and
civil liberty.
But when I say that many have supposed
that it was the deliberate intention of the Abo-
37
litionists to fQmentJ]legaLacts_jii^^
I would by no means justify a supposition,
which is contrary to the dictates ofjustice and
charity. The leaders of the Abolition Society
disclaim all such wishes or intentions ; they
only act apparently on the assumption that
they are exercising just rights, which they are
not bound to give up, because other men will
act unreasonably and wickedly.
Another measure of Abolitionists, calculat-
ed to awaken evil feelings, has been the treat-
ment of those who objected to their proceed-
ings.
A large majority of the philanthropic and
pious, who hold common views with the Abo-
litionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery,
and the duty of using all appropriate means
to bring it to an end, have opposed their mea-
sures, because they have believed them not
calculated to promote, but rather to retard
the end proposed to be accomplished by them.
The peaceful and Christian method of en-
countering such opposition, would have been
to allow the opponents full credit for purity
and integrity of motive, to have avoided all
D
38
harsh and censorious language, and to have
employed facts, arguments and persuasions,
in a kind and respectful way with the hope
of modifying their views and allaying their
fears. Instead of this, the wise and good who
opposed Abolition measures, have been treated
as though they were the friends and defend-
ers of slavery, or as those who, from a guilty,
timid, time-serving pohcy, refused to take the
course which duty demanded. They have
been addressed either as if it were necessary
to convince them that slavery is wrong and
ought to be abandoned, or else, as if they
needed to be exhorted to give up their timi-
dity and selfish interest, and to perform a
manifest duty, which they were knowingly
neglecting.
Now there is nothing more irritating, when
a man is conscientious and acting according
to his own views of right, than to be dealt
with in this manner. The more men are
treated as if they were honest and sincere
—
the more they are treated with respect, fair-
ness, and benevolence, the more likely they
are to be moved by evidence and arguments.
39
On the contrary, harshness, iincharitableness,
and rebuke, for opinions and conduct that are
in agreement with a man's own views of duty
and" rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings,
and indispose the mind properly to regard
evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken
this course, but in many cases, have seemed to
act on the principle, that the abolition of
Slavery, in the particular mode in w^hich they
were aiming to accomplish it, was of such
paramount importance, that every thing must
be overthrown that stood in the way.
No matter what respect a man had gained
for talents, virtue, and piety, if he stood in the
way of Abolitionism, he must be attacked as
to character and motives. No matter how
important an institution might be, if its in-
fluence was asrainst the measures of Abolition-
ism, it must be attacked openly, or sapped
privately, till its influence was destroyed. Bysuch measures, the most direct means have
been taken to awaken anger at injury, and re-
sentment at injustice, and to provoke retalia-
tion on those who inflict the wrong. All the
partialities of personal friendship; all the feel-
40
ings of respect accorded to good and useful
men; all the interests that cluster around pub-
lic institutions, entrenched in the hearts of
the multitudes who sustain them, were out-
raged by such a course.
Another measure of Abolitionists, which
has greatly tended to promote wrath and
strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of
terms.
To make this apparent, it must be premised,
that words have no inherent meaning, but
always signify that which they are common-
ly understood to mean. The question never
should be asked, what ought a word to mean 1
but simply, what is the meaning generally
attached to this word by those who use it 1
Vocabularies and standard writers are the
proper umpires to decide this question. Nowif men take words and give them a new and
peculiar use, and are consequently misunder-
stood, they are guilty of a species of decep-
tion, and are accountable for all the evils that
may ensue as a consequence.
For example; if physicians should come out
and declare, that it was their opinion that they
41
ought to poison all their patients, and they had
determined to do it, and then all the community
should be thrown into terror and excitement,
it would be no justification for them to say,
that all they intended by that language was,
that they should administer as medicines, arti-
cles which are usually called poisons.
Now Abolitionists are before the commu-
nity, and declare that all slavery is sin, which
ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it
is their object and intention to promote the
immediate emancipation of all the slaves in
this nation.
Now w^hat is it that makes a man cease
to be a slave and become free? It is not kind
treatment from a master; it is not paying
wages to the slave ; it is not the intention to
bestow freedom at a future time; it is not treat-
ing a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling
toward a slave as if he were free. No in-
stance can be found of any dictionary, or any
standard writer, nor any case in commondiscourse, where any of these sisfnifications
are attached to the word as constituting its
peculiar and appropriate meaning. It always
d2
42
signifies that legal act, which, by the laws of
the land, changes a slave to a freeman.
What then is the 'proper meaning of the lan-
guage used by Abolitionists, when they say
that all slavery is a sin which ought to be im-
mediately abandoned, and that it is their ob-
ject to secure the immediate emancipation of
all slaves'?
The true and only proper meaning of such
language is, that it is the duty of every slave-
holder in this nation, to go immediately and
make out the legal instruments, that, by the
laws of the land, change all his slaves to free-
men. If their maxim is true, no exception
can be made for those who live in States
where the act of emancipation, by a master,
makes a slave the property of the State, to
be sold for the benefit of the State ; and no
exception can be made for those, who, by
the will of testators, and by the law of the\
land, have no power to perform the legal act,
which alone can emancipate their slaves.
To meet this difficulty. Abolitionists affirm,
that, in such cases, men are physically unable
to emancipate their slaves, and of course are ^
43
not bound to do it ; and to save their great
maxim, maintain that, in such cases, the slaves
are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not
slave-holders, although all their legal relations
remain unchanged.
The meaning which the Abolitionist at-
taches to his language is this, that every man
is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he
can,:Hke freemen ; and to use all his influence
to bring the system of slavery to an end as
soon as possible. And they allow that when
men do this they are free from guilt, in the
matter of slavery, and undeserving of cen-
sure.
But men at the North, and men at the South,
understand the language used in its true and
proper sense; and Abolitionists have been
using these terms in a new and peculiar sense,
which is inevitably and universally misunder-
stood, and this is an occasion of much of the
strife and alarm which has prevailed both at
the South and at the North. There are none
but these defenders of slavery who maintain
that it is a relation justifiable by the laws of
the Gospel, who difier from Abolitionists in
44
regard to the real thing which is meant.
The great mistake of AboHtionists is in using
terms which inculcate the immediate annihi-
lation of the relation, when they only intend
to urge the Christian duty of treating slaves
according to the gospel rules of justice and
benevolence, and using all lawful and appro-
priate means for bringing a most pernicious
system to a speedy end.
If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that
all slave-holding is a sin which ought to be
i?nmediately abolished ; if they will cease to
urge their plan as one of immediate emancipa-
tion, and teach simply and exactly that which
they do mean, much strife and misunderstand-
ing will cease. But so long as they perse-
vere in using these terms in a new and pe-
culiar sense, which will always be misunder-
stood, they are guilty of a species of decep-
tion and accountable for the evils that follow.
^ One other instance of a similar misuse of
terms may be mentioned. The word " man-
stealer" has one pecuHar signification, and it
is no more synonymous with " slave-holder"
than it is with " sheep-stealer." But Aboli-
45
tionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does
very many of the evils that are perpetrated
by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite
as evil in its nature, and very similar in cha-
racter, and, therefore, he calls a slave-holder
a man-stealer.
On this principle there is no abusive lan-
guage that may not be employed to render any
man odious—for every man commits sin of
some kind, and every sin is like some other sin,
in many respects, and in certain aggravated
cases, may be bad, or even v^orse, than an-
other sin with a much more odious name. It
is easy to show that a man who neglects all
religious duty is very much like an atheist,
and if he has had great advantages, and the
atheist very few, he may be much more guilty
than an atheist. And so, half the respecta-
ble men in our religious communities, may be
called atheists, with as much propriety as a
slave-holder can be called a man-stealer.
Abolitionists have proceeded on this princi-
ple, in their various publications, until the
terms of odium that have been showered
upon slave-holders, would form a large page
46
in the vocabulary of Billingsgate. This method
of dealing with those whom we wish to con-
vince and persuade, is as contrary to the dic-
tates of common sense, as it is to the rules of
good breeding and the laws of the gospel.
The preceding particulars are selected, as
the evidence to be presented, that the cha-
racter and measures of the Abolition Society
are neither peaceful nor Christian in their
tendency ; but that in their nature they are
calculated to generate party-spirit, denuncia-
tion, recrimination, and angry passions. If
such be the tendency of this institution, it fol-
lows, that it is wrong for a Christian, or any
lover of peace, to be connected with it.
The assertion that Christianity itself has
led to strife and contention, is not a safe me-
thod of evading this argument. Christianity
is a system oipersuasion, tending, by kind and
gentle influences, to make men willing to leave
oif their sins—and it comes, not to convince
those who are not sinners, but to sinners them-
selves.
Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system
of coercion by public opinion; and'in its pre-
47
sent operation, its influence is not to convince
the erring, but to convince those who are not
guilty, of the sins of those who are.
Another prominent peculiarity of the Abo-
litionists, (which is an objection to joining this
association,) is their advocacy of a principle,
which is wrong and very pernicious in its
tendency. I refer to their views in regard to
what is called " the doctrine of expediency."
Their difficulty on this subject seems to have
arisen from want of a clear distinction be-
tween the duty of those who are guilty of
sin, and the duty of those who are aiming to
turn men from their sins. The principle is
assumed, that because certain men ought to
abandon every sin immediately, therefore,
certain other men are bound immediately to
try and make them do it. Now the question
of expediency does not relate to what menare bound to do, who are in the practice of
sin themselves—for the immediate relinquish-
ment of sin is the duty of all; but it relates to
the duty of those who are to make eflibrts to
induce others to break off their wickedness.
Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given
48
course, depend entirely on the probabilities of
success. If a father has a son of a very pe-
culiar temperament, and he knows by obser-
vation, that the use of the rod will make him
more irritable and more liable to a certain
fault, and that kind arguments, and tender
measures will more probably accompHsh the
desired object, it is a rule of expediency to
try the most probable course. If a compan-
ion sees a friend committing a sin, and has,
from past experience, learned that remon-
strances excite anger and obstinacy, while a
look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends
far more to prevent the evil, expediency and
duty demand silence rather than remon-
strance.
There are cases also, where differences in
age, and station, and character, forbid all in-
terference to modify the conduct and cha-
racter of others.
A nursery maid may see that a father mis-
governs his children, and ill-treats his wife.
But her station makes it inexpedient for
her to turn reprover. It is a case where re-
proof would do no good, but only evil.
49
So in communities, the propriety and rec-
titude of measures can be decided, not by
the rules of duty that should govern those
who are to renounce sin, but by the proba-
bilities of good or evil consequence.
The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of
this distinction. They form voluntary asso-
ciations in free States, to convince their fel-
low citizens of the sins of other men in
other communities. They are blamed and
opposed, because their measures are deemed
inexpedient, and calculated to increase, rath-
er than diminish the evils to be cured.
In return, they show that slavery is a sin
which ought to be abandoned immediately,
and seem to suppose that it follows as a cor-
rect inference, that they themselves ought to
engage in a system of agitation against it,
and that it is needless for them to inquire
whether preaching the truth in the manner
they propose, will increase or diminish the
evil. They assume that whenever sin is com-
mitted, not only ought the sinner imme-
diately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are
bound to take measures to make him cease,
E
50
and to take measures, without any reference
to the probabihties of success.
That this is a correct representation of the
views of Abolitionists generally, is evident
from their periodicals and conversation. All
their remarks about preaching the truth
and leaving consequences to God—all their
depreciation of the doctrine of expediency,
are rendered relevant only by this suppo-
sition.
The impression made by their writings is,
that God has made rules of duty; that all
men are in all cases to remonstrate against
the violation of those rules; and that God will
take the responsibility of bringing good out
of this course ; so that we ourselves are re-
lieved from any necessity of inquiring as to
probable results.
If this be not the theory of duty adopted
by this association, then they stand on com-
mon ground with those who oppose their
measures, viz: that the propriety and duty
of a given course is to be decided by proba-
bilities as to its results ; and these probabili-
51
ties are to be determined by the knoirn laws
of mind, and the records of past experience.
For only one of two positions can be held.
Either that it is the duty of all men to re-
monstrate at all times against all violations
of duty, and leave the consequences with
God ; or else that men are to use their judg-
ment, and take the part of remonstrance only
at such a time and place, and in such a man-
ner, as promise the best results.
That the AboHtionists have not held the
second of these positions, must be obvious to
all who have read their documents. It would
therefore be unwise and wrong to join an as-
sociation which sustains a principle false in
itself, and one which, if acted out, would
tend to wrath and strife and every evil
word and work.
Another reason, and the most important of
all, against promoting the plans of the Abo-
litionists, is involved in the main question
—
what are the prohahilities as to the results of
their movements! The only way to judge of
the future results of certain measures is, by
i
LIBKAKY
UNIVERSITY OF IL»-«N01S
AT URBANA-CHAf^PAlGt'
52
the known laws of mind, and the recorded
experience of the past.
Now what is the evil to be cured 1
Slavery in this nation.
That this evil is at no distant period to
come to an end, is the unanimous opinion
of all who either notice the tendencies of the
age, or believe in the prophecies of the
Bible. All who act on Christian principles
in regard to slavery, believe that in a given
period (variously estimated) it will end.
The only question then, in regard to the
benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dread-
ed in the present agitation of the subject, re-
lates to the time and the manner of its extinc-
tion. The Abolitionists claim that their me-
thod will bring it to an end in the shortest
time, and in the safest and best way. Their
opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it
to an end, if at all, at the most distant period,
and in the most dangerous way.
As neither party are gifted with pres-
cience, and as the Deity has made no revela-
tions as to the future results of any given
measures, all the means of judging that re-
53
main to us, as before stated, are the laws of
mind, and the records of the past.
The position then I would aim to estabhsh
is, that the method taken by the Abolitionists
is the one that, according to the laws of mind
and past experience, is least likely to bring
about the results they aim to accomplish.
The general statement is this.
The object to be accomplished is
:
First. To convince a certain community,
that they are in the practice of a great sin^
and
Secondly, To make them willing to relin-
quish it.
The method taken to accomplish this is,
by voluntary associations in a foreign com-
munity, seeking to excite public sentiment
against the perpetrators of the evil; exhibit-
ing the enormity of the crime in full measure,
without paUiation, excuse or sympathy, by
means of periodicals and agents circulating,
not in the community committing the sin,
but in that which does not practise it.
. Now that this method may, in conjunction
with other causes, have an influence to bring
e2
54
slavery to an end, is not denied. But it is
believed, and from the following considera-
tions, that it is the least calculated to do the
goody and that it involves the greatest evils.
It is a known law of mind first seen in the
nursery and school, afterwards developed in
society, that a person is least likely to judge
correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to
duty, when excited by passion.
It is a law of experience, that when wrong
is done, if repentance and reformation are
sought, then love and kindness, mingled w^ith
remonstrance, coming from one who has a
right to speak, are more successful than re-
buke and scorn from others who are not be-
loved, and who are regarded as impertinent
intruders.
In the nursery, if the child does wrong,
the finger of scorn, the taunting rebuke, or
even the fair and deserved reproof of equals,
will make the young culprit only frown w^ith
rage, and perhaps repeat and increase the
injury. But the voice of maternal love, or
even the gentle remonstrances of an elder
55
sister, may bring tears of sorrow and con-
trition.
So in society. Let a man's enemies, or
those who have no interest in his welfare,
join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no
signs of penitence will be seen. But let the
clergyman whom he respects and loves, or
his bosom friend approach him, with kind-
ness, forbearance and true sincerity, and all
that is possible to human agency will be ef-
fected.
It is the maxim then of experience, that
when men are to be turned from evils, and
brought to repent and reform, those only
should interfere who are most loved and re-
spected, and who have the best right to ap-
proach the offender. While on the other
hand, rebuke from those who are deemed
obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent,
will do more harm than good.
It is another maxim of experience, that
such deahngs with the erring should be in
private, not in public. The moment a man
is publicly rebuked, shame, anger, and pride
66
of opinion, all combine to make him defend
his practice, and refuse either to own him-
self wrong, or to cease from his evil ways.
The Abolitionists have violated all these
laws of mind and of experience, in dealing
with their southern brethren.
Their course has been most calculated to
awaken anger, fear, pride, hatred, and all
the passions most likely to bhnd the mind to
truth, and make it averse to duty.
They have not approached them wdth the
spirit of love, courtesy, and forbearance.
They are not the persons who would be
regarded by the South, as having any right
to interfere; and therefore, whether they
have such right or not, the probabilities of
good are removed. For it is not only demand-
ed for the benefit of the offender, that there
should really be a right, but it is necessary
that he should feel that there is such a right.
In dealing with their brethren, too, they
have not tried silent, retired, private mea-
sures. It has been public denunciation of
crime and shame in newspapers, addressed
57
as it were to by-standers, in order to arouse
the guilty.
In reply to this, it has been urged, that
men could not go to the South—that they
would be murdered there—that the only waywas, to convince the North, and excite pub-
lic odium against the sins of the South, and
thus gradually conviction, repentance, and
reformation would ensue.
Here is another case where men are to
judge of their duty, by estimating probabili-
ties of future results ; and it may first be ob-
served, that it involves the principle of ex-
pediency, in just that form to which Aboli-
tionists object.
It is allowed that the immediate abohtion
of slavery is to be produced by means of
" light and love," and yet it is maintained as
right to withdraw personally from the field of
operation, because of consequences ; because
of the probable danger of approaching. " If
we go to the South, and present truth, argu-
ment, and entreaty, we shall be slain, and
therefore we are not under obligation to go."
If this justifies Abolitionists in their neglect
58
of their offending brethren, because they
fear evil resuhs to themselves, it also justifies
those who refuse to act with Abolitionists in
their measures, because they fear other evil
results.
But what proof is there, that if the Aboli-
tionists had taken another method, the one
more in accordance with the laws of mind
and the dictates of experience, that there
would have been at the South all this vio-
lence? Before the abolition movement com-
menced, both northern and southern men,
expressed their views freely at the South.
The dangers, evils, and mischiefs of slavery
were exhibited and discussed even in the
legislative halls of more than one of the
Southern States, and many minds were anx-
iously devising measures, to bring this evil to
an end.
Now let us look at some of the records of
past experience. Clarkson was the first per-
son who devoted himself to the cause of
Abolition in England. His object was to
convince the people of England that they
were guilty of a great impolicy, and great
59
sin, in permitting the slave-trade. He was
to meet the force of public sentiment, and
power, and selfishness, and wealth, which
sustained this trafic, in that nation. Whatwere his measures? He did not go to Swe-
den, or Russia, or France, to awaken puUic
sentiment against the sins of the EngHsh.
—
He began by first publishing an inquiry in
England whether it was right to seize men,
and make them slaves. He went unostenta-
tiously to some of the best and most pious
men there, and endeavoured to interest them
in the inquiry.
Then he published an article on the im-
policy of the slave-trade, showing its disad-
vantages. Then he collected information of
the evils and enormities involved in the traffic,
and went quietly around among those most
likely to be moved by motives of humanity
and Christianity. In this manner he toiled
for more than fourteen years, slowly im-
planting the leaven among the good men,
until he gained a noble band of patriots and
Christians, with Wilberforce at their head.
The following extract from a memoir of
60
Clarkson discloses the manner and spirit in
which he commenced his enterprise, and
toiled through to its accomplishment.
" In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor
of the University, deeply impressed with the
iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a
subject for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior
Bachelors of Arts : ' Anne liceat invitos in
servitutem dare V ' Is it right to make slaves
of others against their W\\\ V However bene-
volent the feehngs of the Vice-Chancellor,
and however strong and clear the opinions
he held on the inhuman traffic, it is probable
that he little thought that this discussion
would secure for the object so dear to his
own heart, efforts and advocacy equally en-
lightened and efficient, that should be con-
tinued, until his country had declared, not
that the slave-trade only, but that slavery
itself should cease.
" Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding
year gained the first prize for the Latin Dis-
sertation, was naturallv anxious to maintain
his honourable position ; and no efforts w^ere
spared, during the few intervening weeks, in
61
collectinsf information and evidence. Im-
portant facts were gained from Anthony
Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea,
which Mr. Clarkson hastened to London to
purchase. Furnished with these and other
valuable information, he commenced his dif-
ficult task. How it was accomphshed, he
thus informs us.
"*No person,' he states,* *can tell the
severe trial which the writing of it proved to
me. I had expected pleasure from the in-
vention of the arguments, from the arrange-
ment of them, from the putting of them
together, and from the thought, in the inte-
rim, that I was engaged in an innocent con-
test for literary honour. But all my pleasure
was damped by the facts which were nowcontinuallv before me. It was but one
gloomy subject from morning to night. In
the day-time I was uneasy; in the night I
had little rest. I sometimes never closed myeyelids for grief It became now not so
much a trial for academical reputation, as for
• History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade.
F
62
the production of a work which might be
useful to injured Africa. And keeping this
idea in my mind ever after the perusal of
Benezet, I always slept with a candle in my
room, that I might rise out of bed, and put
down such thoughts as might occur to me in
the night, if I judged them valuable, conceiv-
ing that no arguments of any moment should
be lost in so great a cause. Having at length
finished this painful task, I sent my Essay to
the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards
found myself honoured, as before, with the
first prize.
" * As it is usual to read these essays pub-
licly in the senate-house soon after the prize
is adjudged, I w^as called to Cambridge for
this purpose. I went, and performed myoffice. On returning, however, to London,
the subject of it almost wholly engrossed mythoughts. I became at times very seriously
affected while upon the road. I stopped myhorse occasionally, and dismounted, and
walked. I frequently tried to persuade my-
self in these intervals that the contents of
my Essay could not be true. The more.
A
f53
however, I reflected upon them, or rather
upon the authorities on which they were
founded, the more I gave them credit. Com-
ing in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire,
I sat down disconsolate on the turf by the
road-side, and held my horse. Here a
thought came into my mind, that if the con-
tents of the Essav were true, it was time
some person should see these calamities to
their end. Agitated in this manner, I reach-
ed home. This was in the summer of 1785.
" * In the course of the autumn of the same
year I experienced similar impressions. I
walked frequently into the woods, that I
might think on the subject in sohtude, and
find relief to my mind there. But there the
question still recurred, ' Are these things
true?' Still the answer followed as instan-
taneously,— ' They are.' Still the result ac-
companied it ;' Then, surely, some person
should interfere.' I then began to envy those
who had seats in parliament, and who had
great riches, and widely extended connexions,
which would enable them to take up this
cause. Finding scarcely any one at that
64
time who thought of it, I was turned fre-
quently to myself. But here many difficulties
arose. It struck me, among others, that a
young man of only twenty-four years of age
could not have that soUd judgment, or know-
ledge of men, manners, and things, which
were requisite to qualify him to undertake
a task of such magnitude and import-
ance : and with whom was I to unite ? I
believed also, that it looked so much like one
of the feigned labours of Hercules, that myunderstanding would be suspected if I pro-
posed it. On ruminating, however, on the
subject, I found one thing at least practica-
ble, and that this was also in my power.
I could translate my Latin Dissertation. I
could enlarge it usefully. I could see how
the public received it, or how far they were
likely to favour any serious measures, which
should have a tendency to produce the aboli-
tion of the slave-trade. Upon this, then, I
determined ; and in the middle of the month
of November, 1785, I began my work.'
" Such is the characteristic and ingenuous
account given by Clarkson of his introduc-
G5
lion to that work to which the energies of
his life were devoted, and in reference to
w^hich, and to the account whence the fore-
going extract has been made, one of the most
benevolent and gifted WTiters of our country*
has justly observed,
—
" ' This interesting tale is related, not by a
descendant, but a cotemporary; not by a
distant spectator, but by a participator of the
contest; and of all the many participators,
by the man confessedly the most efficient
;
the man whose unparalleled labours in this
work of love and peril, leave on the mind of
a reflecting reader the sublime doubt, w^hich
of the two will have been the greater final
gain to the moral world,—the removal of the
evil, or the proof, thereby given, what mighty
effects single good men may realize by self-
devotion and perseverance.'
" When Mr. Clarkson went to London to
publish his book, he was introduced to many
friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided
in giving it extensive circulation. Whilst
* Coleridg-e.
f2
66
thus employed, he received an invitation,
which he accepted, to visit the Rev. James
Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in Kent, who had
resided nineteen years in the island of St.
Christopher.
" Shortly afterwards, dining one day at
Sir Charles Middleton's, (afterwards Lord
Barham,) the conversation turned upon the
subject, and Mr. Clarkson declared that he
was ready to devote himself to the cause. This
avowal met with great encouragement from
the company, and Sir C. Middleton, then
Comptroller to the Navy, offered every pos-
sible assistance. The friends of Mr. Clarkson
increased, and this encouraged him to pro-
ceed. Dr. Porteus, then Bishop of Chester,
and Lord Scarsdale, were secured in the
House of Lords. Mr. Bennet I^angton, and
Dr. Baker, who were acquainted with many
members of both houses of parHament ; the
honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Rich-
ard Phillips, could be depended upon, as well
as the entire body of the Society of Friends,
to many of whom he had been introduced
by Mr. Joseph Hancock, his fellow-townsman.
67
Seekinsj information in every direction, Mr.
Clarkson boarded a number of vessels en-
gaged in the African trade, and obtained
specimens of the natural productions of the
country. The beauty of the cloth made from
African cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of
the skill and ingenuity of the people, and
gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their
behalf. He next visited a slave-ship ; the
rooms below, the gratings above, and the
barricade across the deck, with the explana-
tion of their uses, though the sight of them
filled him with sadness and horror, gave newenergy to all his movements. In his inde-
fatigable endeavours to collect evidence and
facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the
kingdom, pursuing his great object with in-
vincible ardour, although sometimes at the
peril of his life. The following circumstance,
among others, evinces the eminent degree in
which he possessed that untiring perseve-
rance, on which the success of a great enter-
prise often depends.
" Clarkson and his friends had reason ta
fear that slaves brought from the interior of
68
Africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped;
and it was deemed of great importance to
ascertain the fact. A friend one day men-
tioned to Mr. Clarkson, that he had, above
twelve months before, seen a sailor who had
been up these rivers. The name of the sailor
was unknown, and all the friend could say
was, that he was going to, or belonged to,
some man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence
of this individual was important, and, aided
by his friend Sir Charles Middleton, whogave him permission to board all the ships of
war in ordinary, Mr. Clarkson commenced
his search :—beginning at Deptford, he visit-
ed successfully Woolwich, Chatham, Sheer-
ness, and Portsmouth ; examining in his pro-
gress the different persons on board upwards
of two hundred and sixty vessels, without
discovering the object of his search. The
feelings under which the search was con-
tinued, and the success with which it was
crowned, he has himself thus described:
—
" ' Matters now began to look rather dis-
heartening,— I mean as far as my grand ob-
ject was concerned. There was but one
69
Other port left, and this was between two and
three hundred miles distant. I determined,
however, to go to Plymouth. I had already-
been more successful in this tour, with re-
spect to obtaining general evidence, than in
any other of the same length ; and the pro-
bability was, that as I should continue to
move among the same kind of people, mysuccess would be in a similar proportion, ac-
cording to the number visited. These were
great encouragements to me to proceed. At
length I arrived at the place of my last hope.
On my first day's expedition I boarded forty
vessels, but found no one in these who had
been on the coast of Africa in the slave-trade.
One or two had been there in king's ships;
but they never had been on shore. Things
were now drawing near to a close; and not-
withstanding my success, as to general evi-
dence, in this journey, my heart began to
beat I w^as restless and uneasy during the
night. The next morning I felt agitated
again between the alternate pressure of hope
and fear; and in this state I entered my boat.
The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the
70
Melampus frigate.—One person belonging to
it, on examining him in the captain's cabin,
said he had been two v^oya^es to Africa; and
I had not long discoursed with him, before I
found, to my inexpressible joy, that he was
the man. I found, too, that he unravelled the
question in dispute precisely as our inferences
had determined it. He had been two expe-
ditions up the river Calabar, in the canoes of
the natives. In the first of these they camewithin a certain distance of a village : they
then concealed themselves under the bushes,
which hung over the water from the banks.
In this position they remained during the
day-light ; but at night they went up to it
armed, and seized all the inhabitants whohad not time to make their escape. Theyobtained forty-five persons in this manner.
In the second, they were out eight or nine
days, when they made a similar attempt, and
with nearly similar success. They seized
men, women, and children, as they could find
them in the huts. They then bound their
arms, and drove them before them to the
canoes. The name of the person thus dis-
71
covered on board of the Melampus was Isaac
Parker. On inquiring into his character,
from the master of the division, I found it
highly respectable. I found also afterward
that he had sailed with Captain Cook, with
great credit to himself, round the world. It
was also remarkable, that my brother, on
seeing him in London, when he went to de-
liver his evidence, recognized him as having
served on board the Monarch, man-of-war,
and as one of the most exemplary men in
that ship.'
"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career,
acquainted with Mr. Wilberforce. At their
first interview, the latter frankly stated, ' that
the subject had often employed his thoughts,
and was near his heart,' and learning his
visiter's intention to devote himself to this
benevolent object, congratulated him on his
decision ; desired to be made acquainted with
his progress, expressing his willingness, in
return, to afford every assistance in his
power. In his intercourse with members of
parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently
associated with Mr. Wilberforce, who dail^
72
became more interested in the fate of Africa.
The intercourse of the two philanthropists
was mutually cordial and encouraging ; Mr.
Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the
custom-houses of London, Liverpool, and
other places ; and Mr. Wilberforce commu-
nicating the information he had gained from
those with whom he associated.
" In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his im-
portant work on the Impolicy of the Slave-
Trade." In 1789, this indefatigable man went to
France, by the advice of the Committee
which he had been instrumental in forming
two years before ; Mr. Wilberforce, always
solicitous for the good of the oppressed Afri-
cans, being of opinion that advantage might
be taken of the commotions in that country,
to induce the leading persons there to take
the slave-trade into their consideration, and
incorporate it among the abuses to be re-
moved. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends
advised him to travel by another name, as
accounts had arrived in England of the ex-
cesses which had taken place in Paris ; but
73
to this he could not consent. On his arrival
in that city he was speedily introduced to
those who were favourable to the great ob-
ject of his life ; and at the house of M. Necker
dined with the six deputies of colour from St.
Domingo,—who had been sent to France at
this juncture, to demand that the free people
of colour in their country might be placed
upon an equality with the whites. Their com-
munications to the English philanthropist
were important and interesting ; they hailed
him as their friend, and were abundant in
their commendations of his conduct.
" Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of
the Slave-Trade, translated into French, with
engravings of the plan and section of a slave
ship, were distributed with apparent good
effect. The virtuous Abbe Gregoire, and
several members of the National Assembly,
called upon Mr. Clarkson. The Archbishop
of Aix was so struck with horror, when the
plan of the slave ship was shown to him,
that he could scarcely speak ; and JMirabeau
ordered a model of it in wood to be placed
in his dining-room.
G
74
" The circulation of intelligence, although
contributing to make many friends, called
forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies.
Merchants, and others interested in the con-
tinuance of the slave-trade, wrote letters to
the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not
to ruin France ; which they said he would
inevitably do, if, as the president, he were to
grant a day for hearing the question of the
abolition. Offers of money were made to
Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his
intended motion. Books were circulated in
opposition to Mr. Clarkson's ; resort was had
to the public papers, and he was denounced
as a spy. The clamour raised by these ef-
forts pervaded all Paris, and reached the
ears of the king. M. Necker had a long
conversation with his royal master upon it,
who requested to see the Essay, and the spe-
cimens of African manufactures, and be-
stowed considerable time upon them, being
surprised at the state of the arts there. M.
Necker did not exhibit the section of the
slave ship, thinking that as the king was in-
disposed, he might be too much affected by
75
it. Louis returned the specimens, commis-
sioning M. Necker to convey his thanks to
Mr. Clarkson, and express his gratification
at what he had seen.
" No decided benefit appears at this time to
have followed the visit: but though much
depressed by his ill success in France, Mr.
Clarkson continued his labours, till excess of
exertion, joined to repeated and bitter disap-
pointments, impaired his health, and, after a
hard struggle, subdued a constitution, natu-
rally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of
men in general, but shattered by anxiety and
fatigue, and the sad probability, often forced
upon his understanding, that all might at last
have been in vain. Under these feelings, he
retired in 1794 to the beautiful banks of
Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which,
without peril to his life, could no longer be
delayed.
" For seven years he had maintained a cor-
respondence with four hundred persons; he
annually wrote a book upon the subject of
the abolition, and travelled more than thirty-
five thousand miles in search of evidence,
70
making a great part of these journeys in the
night. * All this time/ Mr. Clarkson writes,
*my mind had been on the stretch ; it had been
bent too to this one subject; for I had not
even leisure to attend to my own concerns.
The various instances of barbarity, which
had come successively to my knowledge
within this period, had vexed, harassed, and
afflicted it. The wound which these had
produced was rendered still deeper by the
reiterated refusal of persons to give their tes-
timony, after I had travelled hundreds of
miles in quest of them. But the severest
stroke was that inflicted by the persecution
begun and pursued by persons interested in
the continuance of the trade, of such wit-
nesses as had been examined against them
;
and whom, on account of their dependent
situation in life, it was most easy to oppress.
As I had been the means of bringing them
forward on these occasions, they naturally
came to me, as the author of their miseries
and their ruin.* These different circum-
* The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq.,
generously undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson*s
77
stances, by acting together, had at length
brought me into the situation just mention-
ed; and I was, therefore, obHged, though
very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field
where I had placed the great honour and
glory of my life.'"
It was while thus recruiting the energies
exhausted in the conflict, that Clarkson, and
the compatriot band with which he had been
associated in the long and arduous struggle,
were crowned with victory, and received the
grateful reward of their honourable toil in
the final abolition of the slave-trade by the
British nation, in 1807, the last but most glo-
rious act of the Grenville administration.
The preceding shows something of the ca-
reer of Clarkson while labouring to convince
the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of
their own trade, a trade which they had the
power to abolish. During all this time,
Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates
mind easy upon the subject, " to make g-ood all injuries
which any individuals might suffer from such persecu-
tion ; and he honourably and nobly fulfilled his engage-
ment.
g2
78
avoided touching the matter of slavery. They
knew that one thing must be gained at a
time, and they as a matter of expediency,
avoided discussing the duty of the British
nation in regard to the system of slavery in
their colonies which was entirely under their
own control. During all the time that was
employed in efforts to end the slave-trade,
slavery was existing in the control of the
British people, and yet Clarkson and Wil-
berforce decided that it was right to let that
matter entirely alone.
The following shows Clarkson's proceed-
ings after the British nation had abolished
the slave-trade.
" By the publication of his Thoughts on
the Abolition of Slavery, Mr. Clarkson show-
ed that neither he nor those connected with
him, considered their work as accomplished,
when the laws of his country clasped with
its felons those engaofed in the nefarious traf-
fie of slaves. But the efforts of Mr. Clark-
son were not confined to his pen. In 1818,
he proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at the time
when the sovereigns of Europe met in con-
79
gress. He was received with marked at^
tention by the Emperor of Russia, who Hst-
ened to his stateaients (respecting the slave^
tradey) and promised louse his influence with
the assembled monarchs, to secure the entire
suppression of the trade in human beings,
as speedily as possible. Describing his in-
terview with this amiable monarch, in which
the subject of peace societies, as well as the
abolition of the slave-trade was discussed,
Mr. Clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus
writes:
"* It w^as about nine at night, when I was
shown into the emperor's apartment. I found
him alone. He met me at the door, and
shaking me by the hand, said, ' I had the
pleasure of making your acquaintance at
Paris.' He then led me some little way into
the room, and leaving me there, went for-
ward and brought me a chair with his ownhand, and desired me to sit down. This
being done, he went for another chair, and
bringing it very near to mine, placed him-
self close to me, so that we sat opposite to
each other.
80
" * I began the conversation by informing
the emperor that as I supposed the congress
of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the last
congress of sovereigns for setthng the af-
fairs of Europe, its connexions and depen-
dencies, I had availed mvself of the kind
permission he gave me at Paris, of applying
to him in behalf of the oppressed Africans,
being unwilling to lose the last opportunity
of rendering him serviceable to the cause.
" * The emperor replied, that he had read
both my letter and my address to the sove-
reigns, and that what I asked him and the
other sovereigns to do, was only reasonable.
" * Here I repeated the two great proposi-
tions in the address—the necessity of bring-
ing the Portuguese time for continuing the
trade (which did not expire till 1825, and
then only with a condition,) down to the Spa-
nish time, which expired in 1820; and se-
condly, when the two times should legally
have expired, (that is, both of them in 1820,)
then to make any farther continuance 'piracy.
I entreated him not to be deceived by any
other propositions ; for that Mr. Wilberforce,
81
myself, and others, who )iad devoted our
time to this subject, were sure that no other
measure would be effectual.
" * He then said very feelingly in these
words, ' By the providence of God, I and mykingdom have been saved from a merciless
tyranny, (alluding to the invasion of Napo-
leon,) and I should but ill repay the blessing,
if I were not to do every thing in my power
to protect the poor Africans against their
oppression also.'
"' The emperor then asked if he could do
any thing else for our cause. I told him he
could ; and that I should be greatly obliged
to him if he w^ould present one of the ad-
dresses to the Emperor of Austria, and ano-
ther to the King of Prussia, with his own
hand. I had brought two of them in mypocket for the purpose. He asked me whyI had not presented them before. I replied
that 1 had not the honour of knowing either
of those sovereigns as I knew him ; nor any
of their ministers; and that I was not only
fearful lest these addresses would not be pre-
sented to them, but even if they were, that
82
coming into their hands without any recom-
mendation, they would be laid aside and not
read ; on the other hand, if he (the empe-
ror,) would condescend to present them, I
was sure they would be read, and that com-
ing from him, they would come with a weight
of influence, which would secure an atten-
tion to their contents. Upon this, the empe-
ror promised, in the most kind and affable
manner, that he would perform the task I
had assigned to him.
"' We then rose from our seats to inspect
some articles of manufacture, which I had
brought with me as a present to him, and
which had been laid upon the table. Weexamined the articles in leather first, one by
one, with which he was uncommonly grati-
fied. He said they exhibited not only ge-
nius but taste. He inquired if they tanned
their own leather, and how : I replied to his
question. He said he had never seen neater
work, either in Petersburg or in London. He
then looked at a dagger and its scabbard or
sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a
further, but more beautiful specimen of the
83
work of the poor Africans in leather ; and
the blade of their dagger as a specimen of
their work in iron. Their works in cotton
next came under our notice. There wasone piece which attracted his particular no-
tice, and which was undoubtedly very beau-
tiful. It called from him this observation,
' Manchester,' said he, * I think is your great
place for manufactures of this sort—do you
think they could make a better piece of cot-
ton there V I told him I had never seen a
better piece of workmanship of the kind
any where. Having gone over all the arti-
cles, the emperor desired me to inform him
w^hether he was to understand that these ar-
ticles w^ere made by the Africans in their
own country, that is, in their native villages,
or after they had arrived in America, where
they would have an opportunity of seeing
European manufactures, and experienced
workmen in the arts? I repHed that such
articles might be found in every African vil-
lage, both on the coast and in the interior,
and that they were samples of their own in-
genuity, without any connexion with Euro-
84
peans. * Then/ said the emperor, * you as-
tonish me—you have given me a new idea
of the state of these poor people. I was not
aware that they were so advanced in society.
The works you have shown me are not the
works of brutes—but of men, endued w^ith
rational and intellectual powers, and capable
of being brought to as high a degree of pro-
ficiency as any other men. Africa ought to
have a fair chance of raising her character
in the scale of the civilized icarld.^ I replied
that it was this cruel traffic alone, which had
prevented Africa from rising to a level with
other nations ; and that it was only astonish-
ing to me that the natives there had, under
its impeding influence, arrived at the perfec-
tion which had displayed itself in the speci-
mens of workmanship he had just seen.'
"
Animated by a growing conviction of the
righteousness of the cause in which he was
engaged, and encouraged by the success with
which past endeavours had been crowned,
Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient co-ope-
tion with the friends of Abolition, advocating
its claims on all suitable occasions.
85
It would be superfluous to recount the steps
by which, even before the venerated Wilber-
force was called to his rest, this glorious
event was realized, and Clarkson beheld the
great object of his own life, and those with
whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved.
The gratitude cherished towards the Su-
preme Ruler for the boon thus secured to
the oppressed—the satisfaction which a re-
view of past exertions afforded, were height-
ened by the joyous sympathy of a large por-
tion of his countrymen.*
The History of the Abolition of the Slave-
trade, by Clarkson himself, presents a more
detailed account of his own labours and of
the labours of others, and whoever will read
it, will observe the following particulars in
which this effort differed from the Abolition
movement in America.
In the first place, it was conducted by some
of the wisest and most talented statesmen, as
well as the most pious men, in the British na-
* Tliis account of Clarkson, and the preceding- one of
Wilberforce, are taken from the Christian Keepsake
of 1836 and 1837.
M
86
tion. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the
nobility and bishops in England, were the
firmest friends of the enterprise from the first.
It was conducted by men who had the in-
tellect, knowledge, discretion, and wisdom
demanded for so great an enterprise.
Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peace-
ably, and by eminently judicious influences.
Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the
doctrine of expediency denounced by Aboli-
tionists.
One ofthe first decisions of the " Committee
for the Abolition of the Slave-trade," which
conducted all Abolition movements, was that
slavery should not be attacked, but only the
slave-trade; and Clarkson expressly says, that
it was owing to this, more than to any other
measure, that success was gained.
Fourthly. Good men were not divided,
and thrown into contending parties.—The
opponents to the measure, were only those
who were personally interested in the per-
petuation of slavery or the slave-trade.
Fifthly. This effort was one to convince
men of their oxen obligations, and not an effort
87
to arouse public sentiment against the sinful
practices of another community over which
they had no control.
I would now ask, why could not some
southern gentleman, such for example as Mr.
Birney, whose manners, education, character,
and habits give him abundant facilities, have
acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have
gone to work at the South, collecting facts,
exhibiting the impolicy and the evils, to good
men at the South, by the fire-side of the plan-
ter, the known home of hospitality and
chivalry. Why could he not have com-
menced with the most vulnerable point, the
domestic slave-trade, leaving emancipation for
a future and more favourable period? What
right has any one to say that there was no
southern Wilberforce that would have arisen,
no southern Grant, Macaulayor Sharpe,who,
like the English philanthropists, would have
stood the fierce beating of angry billows, and
by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, elo-
quence, and Christian love, convinced the
skeptical, enlightened the ignorant, excited
the benevolent, and finally have carried the
88
day at the South, by the same means and
measures, as secured the event in England?
All experience is in favour of the method
which the Abolitionists have rejected, because
it involves danger to themselves. The cause
they have selected is one that stands alone.
—
No case parallel on earth can be brought to
sustain it, with probabilities of good results.
No instance can be found, where exciting the
public sentiment of one community against
evil practices in another, was ever made the
means of eradicating those evils. All the
laws of mind, all the records of experience,
go against the measures that Abolitionists
have taken, and in favour of the one they
have rejected. And when we look still far-
ther ahead, at results which time is to devel-
ope, how stand the probabiUties, when we, in
judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind
and the records of experience?
i What are the plans, hopes, and expecta-
tions of Abolitionists, in reference to their
measures'? They are now labouring to make
the North a great Abolition Society,—to con-
vince everv northern man that slavervat the
89
South is a great sin, and that it ought imme-
diately to cease. Suppose they accomplish
this to the extent they hope,—so far as wehave seen, the more the North is convinced,
the more firmly the South rejects the light,
and turns from the truth.
While Abolition Societies did not exist,
men could talk and write, at the South,
against the evils of slavery, and northern
men had free access and liberty of speech,
both at the South and at the North. But
now all is changed. Every avenue of ap-
proach to the South is shut. No paper,
pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that
topic, is admitted in their bounds. Their owncitizens, that once laboured and remonstrated,
are silenced ; their own clergy, under the in-
fluence of the exasperated feelings of their
people, and their own sympathy and sense of
wrong, either entirely hold their peace, or
become the defenders of a system thev once
lamented, and attempted to bring to an end.
This is the record of experience as to the
tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far deve-
loped. The South are now in just that state
h2
90
of high exasperation, at the sense of wanton
injury and impertinent interference, which
makes the influence of truth and reason most
useless and powerless*
But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not on-
ly in making northern men Abolitiomsts,but also
in sending a portion of light into the South, such
as to form a bodv of Abolitionists there also*
What is the thingthat is to be done to end slav-
ery at the South'? It is to alter the laws, and to
do this, a small minority must begin a long,
bitter, terrible conflict with a powerful and
exasperated majority. Now if, as the Abo-
litionists hope, there will arise at the South
such a minority, it will doubtless consist of
men of religious and benevolent feelings,
—
men of that humane, and generous, and up-
right spirit, that most keenly feel the injuries
inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose such
a band of men begin their efforts, sustained
by the northern Abolitionists, already so
odious. How will the exasperated majority
act, according to the known laws of mind
and of experience? Instead of lessening the
evils of slavery, they will increase them. The
91
more they are goaded by a sense of aggres-
sive wrong without, or by fears of dangers
within, the nnore they will restrain their
slaves, and diminish their liberty, and in-
crease their disabilities. They will make
laws so unjust and oppressive, not only to
slaves, but to their Abolitionist advocates,
that by degrees such men will withdraw from
their bounds. Laws will be made expressly
to harass them, and to render them so uncom-
fortable that they must withdraw. Then gra-
dually the ricfhteous will flee from the devoted
city. Then the numerical proportion of whites
will decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrain-
ed wickedness of the svstem will increase, till
a period will come when the physical power
will be so much with the blacks, their sense
of suffering so increased, that the volcano
will burst,—insurrection and servile wars will
begin. Oh, the countless horrors of such a
day! And will the South stand alone in that
burning hour? When she sends forth the
wailing of her agonies, shall not the North
and the West hear, and lift up together the
voice of wo'' Will not fathers hear the cries
92
of children, and brothers the cries of sisters'?
Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over
the South, and no Northern and Western
blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down,
in such a strife, when they raise the same
paean song of liberty and human rights, that
was the watchword of our redemption from
far less dreadful tyranny, and which is now
thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs
on their thrones—will this be heard, and none
of the sons of liberty be found to appear on
their side? This is no picture of fancied
dangers, which are not near. The day has
come, when already the feelings are so ex-
cited on both sides, that I have heard intelli-
gent men, good men, benevolent and pious
men, in moments of excitement, declare them-
selves ready to take up the sword—some for
the defence of the master, some for the pro-
tection and right of the slave. It is my full
conviction, that if insurrection does burst
forth, and there be the least prospect of suc-
cess to the cause of the slave, there will be
men from the North and West, standing
93
breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in
opposing ranks.
Such apprehensions many would regard as
needless, and exclaim against such melan-
choly predictions. But in a case where the
whole point of duty and expediency turns
upon the probabilities as to results, those
probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of
inquiry. True, no one has a right to say
with confidence what will or what will not
be; and it has often amazed and disturbed
my mind to perceive how men, with so small
a field of vision,—with so little data for judg-
ing,—with so few years, and so little expe-
rience, can pronounce concerning the results
of measures bearing upon the complicated
relations and duties of millions, and in a case
where the wisest and best are dismayed and
baffled. It sometimes has seemed to me that
the prescience of Deity alone should dare to
take such positions as are both carelessly as-
sumed, and pertinaciously defended, by the
advocates of Abolitionism.
But if we are to judge of the wisdom or
folly of any measures on this subject, it must
94
be with reference to future results. One
course of naeasures, it is claimed, tends to
perpetuate slavery, or to end it by scenes of
terror and bloodshed. Another course tends
to bring it to an end sooner, and by safe and
peaceful influences. And the whole discus-
sion of duty rests on these probabilities. But
where do the laws of mind and experience
oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism
that have been portrayed ? Are not the minds
of men thrown into a ferment, and excited by
those passions which blind the reason, and
warp the moral sense? Is not the South in
a state of high exasperation against Aboli-
tionists 1 Does she not regard them as ene-
mies, as reckless madmen, as impertinent
intermeddlers? Will the increase of their
numbers tend to allay this exasperation?
Will the appearance of a similar body in
their own boundaries have any tendency to
soothe? Will it not still more alarm and ex-
asperate? If a movement of a minority of
such men attempt to alter the laws, are not
the probabilities strong that still more unjust
and oppressive measures will be adopted?—
95
measures that will tend to increase the hard-
ships of the slave, and to drive out of the com-
munity all humane, conscientious and pious
men? As the evils and dangers increase, will
not the alarm constantly diminish the propor-
tion of whites, and make it more and more need-
ful to increase such disabilities and restraints
as will chafe and inflame the blacks ? Whenthis point is reached, will the blacks, knowing,
as they will know, the sympathies of their
AboHtion friends, refrain from exerting their
physical power? The Southampton insurrec-
tion occurred with far less chance of sympathy
and success.
If that most horrible of all scourges, a ser-
vile war, breaks forth, will the slaughter of
fathers, sons, infants, and of aged,—will the
cries of wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred,
suffering barbarities worse than death, bring
no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid,
from the North and West?
And if the sympathies and indignation of
freemen can already look such an event in
the face, and feel that it would be the slave,
rather than the master, whom they would
96
defend, what will be the probability, after a
few years' chafing shall have driven awaythe most christian and humane from scenes
of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could
neither alleviate nor redress? 1 should like
to see any data of past experience, that will
show that these results are not more probable
than that the South will, by the system of
means now urged upon her, finally be con-
vinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the
system of slavery to an end. I claim not
that the predictions I present will be fulfilled.
I only say, that if Abolitionists go on as they
propose, such results are more probable than
those they hope to attain.
I have not here alluded to the probabilities
of the severing of the Union by the present
mode of agitating the question. This may be
one of the results, and, if so, what are the
probabilities for a Southern republic, that has
torn itself off for the purpose of excluding
foreign interference, and for the purpose of
perpetuating slavery? Can any Abolitionist
suppose that, in such a state of things, the
great cause of emancipation is as likely to
97
progress favourably, as it was when we were
one nation, and mingling on those fraternal
terms that existed before the Abolition move-
ment be^ran?
The preceding are some of the reasons
which, on the general view, I would present
as opposed to the proposal of forming Aboli-
tion Societies; and they apply equally to
either sex. There are some others which
seem to oppose peculiar objections to the ac-
tion of females in the way you would urge.
To appreciate more fully these objections,
it will be necessary to recur to some general
views in relation to the place woman is ap-
pointed to fill by the dispensations of heaven.
It has of late become quite fashionable in
all benevolent efforts, to shower upon our sex
an abundance of compliments, not only for
what they have done, but also for what they
can do; and so injudicious and so frequent,
are these oblations, that while I feel an in-
creasing respect for my countrywomen, that
their good sense has not been decoyed by
these appeals to their vanity and ambition, I
cannot but apprehend that there is some need
I
98
of inquiry as to the just bounds of female in-
fluence, and the times, places, and manner in
which it can be appropriately exerted.
It is the grand feature of the Divine
economy, that there should be different sta-
tions of superiority and subordination, and it
is impossible to annihilate this beneficent and
immutable law. On its first entrance into
life, the child is a dependent on parental love,
and of necessity takes a place of subordina-
tion and obedience. As he advances in life
these new relations of superiority and subor-
dination multiply. The teacher must be the
superior in station, the pupil a subordinate.
The master of a family the superior, the do-
mestic a subordinate—-the ruler a superior,
the subject a subordinate. Nor do these re-
lations at all depend upon superiority either
in intellectual or moral worth. Howeverweak the parents, or intelligent the child,
there is no reference to this, in the immutable
law. However incompetent the teacher, or
superior the pupil, no alteration of station can
be allowed. However unworthy the master
or worthy the servant, while their mutual re-
99
lations continue, no change in station as to
subordination can be allowed. In fulfilling
the duties of these relations, true dignity con-
sists in conforming to all those relations that
demand subordination, with propriety and
cheerfulness. When does a man, however
high his character or station, appear more
interesting or dignified than when yielding
reverence and deferential attentions to an
aged parent, however weak and infirm?
And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all
equally sustain their own claims to self-re-
spect, and to the esteem of others, by equally
sustaining the appropriate relations and duties
of subordination. In this arrangement of the
duties of life, Heaven has appointed to one
sex the superior, and to the other the subor-
dinate station, and this without any reference
to the character or conduct of either. It
is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for
the interest of females, in all respects to con-
form to the duties of this relation. And it is
as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil
similar relations to parents, or subjects to
rulers. But while woman holds a subordi-
100
nate relation in society to the other sex, it is
not because it was designed that her duties
or her influence should be any the less im-
portant, or all-pervading. But it was design-
ed that the mode of gaining influence and of
exercising power should be altogether dif-
ferent and peculiar.
It is Christianity that has given to woman
her true place in society. And it is the pe-
culiar trait of Christianity alone that can
sustain her therein. " Peace on earth and
good will to men" is the character of all the
rights and privileges, the influence, and the
power of woman. A man may act on society
by the collision of intellect, in public debate
;
he may urge his measures by a sense of
shame, by fear and by personal interest; he
may coerce by the combination of pubHc
sentiment ; he may drive by physical force,
and he does not outstep the boundaries of his
sphere. But all the power, and all the con-
quests that are lawful to woman, are those
only w^iich appeal to the kindly, generous,
peaceful and benevolent principles.
Woman is to win every thing by peace
101
and love; by making herself so much respect-
ed, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her
opinions and to gratify her wishes, will be the
free-will ofiering of the heart. But this is to
be all accomplished in the domestic and
social circle. There let every woman be-
come so cultivated and refined in intellect,
that her taste and judgment will be respected;
so benevolent in feeling and action ; that her
motives will be reverenced;—so unassuming
and unambitious, that collision and compe-
tition will be banished ;—so " gentle and easy
to be entreated," as that every heart will re-
pose in her presence; then, the fathers, the
husbands, and the sons, will find an influence
thrown around them, to which they will yield
not only willingly but proudly. A man is
never ashamed to own such influences, but
feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging
them. But the moment woman begins to feel
the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for
power, her a3gis of defence is gone. All the
sacred protection of religion, all the generous
promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of ro-
mantic gallantry, depend upon woman*s re-
i2
102
taining her place as dependent and defence-
less, and making no claims, and maintaining
no right but what are the gifts of honour, rec-
titude and love.
A woman may seek the aid of co-opera-
tion and combination among her own sex, to
assist her in her appropriate offices of piety,
charity, maternal and domestic duty; but
whatever, in any measure, throws a woman
into the attitude of a combatant, either for
herself or others—whatever binds her in a
party conflict—whatever obliges her in any
way to exert coercive influences, throws
her out of her appropriate sphere. If these
general principles are correct, they are
entirely opposed to the plan of arraying
females in any Abolition movement; be-
cause it enlists them in an effort to coerce
the South by the public sentiment of the
North; because it brings them forward as
partisans in a conflict that has been begun
and carried forward by measures that are
any thing rather than peaceful in their ten-
dencies ; because it draws them forth from
their appropriate retirement, to expose them-
103
selves to the ungoverned violence of mobs,
and to sneers and ridicule in public places
;
because it leads them into the arena of poli-
tical collision, not as peaceful mediators to
hush the opposing elements, but as combat-
ants to cheer up and carry forward the mea-
sures of strife.
If it is asked, "May not w^oman appropriate-
ly come forward as a suppliant for a portion
of her sex who are bound in cruel bondageVIt is replied, that, the rectitude and propri-
ety of any such measure, depend entirely on
its probable results. If petitions from females
will operate to exasperate ; if they will be
deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise,
by those to whom they are addressed; if
they will increase, rather than diminish the
evil which it is washed to remove ; if they
will be the opening wedge, that will tend
eventually to bring females as petitioners and
partisans into every political measure that
may tend to injure and oppress their sex, in
various parts of the nation, and under the
various public measures that may hereafter
104
be enforced, then it is neither appropriate
nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition
for the reHef of oppressed females.
The case of Queen Esther is one often ap-
pealed to as a precedent. When a womanis placed in similar circumstances, where
death to herself and all her nation is one al-
ternative, and there is nothing worse to fear,
but something to hope as the other alterna-
tive, then she may safely follow such an ex-
ample. But when a woman is asked to join
an Abolition Society, or to put her name to
a petition to congress, for the purpose of con-
tributing her measure of influence to keep
up agitation in congress, to promote the ex-
citement of the North against the iniquities
of the South, to coerce the South by fear,
shame, anger, and a sense of odium to do
what she has determined not to do, the case
of Queen Esther is not at all to be regarded
as a suitable example for imitation.
In this country, petitions to congress, in
reference to the official duties of legislators,
seem, m all cases, to fall entirely without
the sphere of female duty. Men are the
105
proper persons to make appeals to the rulers
whom they appoint, and if their female
friends, by arguments and persuasions, can
induce them to petition, all the good that
can be done by such measures will be secur-
ed. But if females cannot influence their
nearest friends, to urge forward a public
measure in this w^ay, they surely are out of
their place, in attempting to do it them-
selves.
There are some other considerations,
which should make the American females
peculiarly sensitive in reference to any mea-
sure, w^hich should even seem to draw them
from their appropriate relations in society.
It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that
the safety and happiness of this nation de-
pends upon having the children educated,
and not only intellectually, but morally and
religiously. There are now nearly two mil-
lions of children and adults in this country
who cannot read, and who have no schools
of any kind. To give only a small supply of
teachers to these destitute children, who are
generally where the population is sparse, will
lOG
demand thirty thousand teachers; and six
thousand more will be needed every year,
barely to meet the increase of juvenile popu-
lation. But if we allow that we need not
reach this point, in order to save ourselves
from that destruction which awaits a people,
when governed by an ignorant and unprin-
cipled democracy; if we can weather the
storms of democratic liberty with only one-
third of our ignorant children properly edu-
cated, still we need ten thousand teachers at
this moment, and an addition of two thou-
sand every year. Where is this army of
teachers to be found ? Is it at all probable
that the other sex will afford even a mode-
rate portion of this supply 1 The field for
enterprise and excitement in the political
arena, in the arts, the sciences, the liberal
professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and
commerce, is opening with such temptations,
as never yet bore upon the mind of any na-
tion. Will men turn aside from these high
and exciting objects to become the patient
labourers in the school-room, and for only
the small pittance that rewards such toil ?
107
No, they will not do it* Men will be educa-
tors in the college, in the high school, in
some of the most honourable and lucrative
common schools, but the children, the little
children of this nation must, to a wide ex-
tent, be taught by females, or remain un-
taught. The drudgery of education, as it is
now too generally regarded, in this country,
will be given to the female hand. And as
the value of education rises in the public
mind, and the importance of a teacher's of-
fice is more highly estimated, women will
more and more be furnished with those in-
tellectual advantages which they need to fit
them for such duties.
The result will bCy that America will be
distinguished above all other nations, for well-
educated females, and for the influence they
will exert on the general interests of society.
But if females, as they approach the other
sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim,
or to exercise in any manner, the peculiar
prerogatives of that sex, education will prove
a doubtful and danpjerous blessino:. But this
will never be the result. For the more in-
108
telligent a woman becomes, the more she can
appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that
appointed her subordinate station, and the
more her taste will conform to the graceful
and dignified retirement and submission it
involves.
An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid
woman, cannot feel nor understand the ra-
tionality, the propriety, or the beauty of this
relation ; and she it is, that will be most
likely to carry her measures by tormenting,
when she cannot please, or by petulent com-
plaints or obtrusive interference, in matters
which are out of her sphere, and which she
cannot comprehend.
And experience testifies to this result. By
the concession of all travellers, American fe-
males are distinguished above all others for
their general intelligence, and yet they are
complimented for their retiring modesty, vir-
tue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other
sex is asmuchdistinguished for their respectful
kindness and attentive gallantry. There is no
other country where females have so much
public respect and kindness accorded to them
109
as in America, by the concession of all tra-
vellers. And it will ever be so, while intel-
lectual culture in the female mind, is combin-
ed with the spirit of that religion which so
strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a
woman's sphere.
But it may be asked, is there nothing to be
done to bring this national sin of slavery to
an end? Must the internal slave-trade, a
trade now ranked as piracy among all civil-
ized nations, still prosper in our bounds?
Must the very seat of our government stand
as one of the chief slave-markets of the
land; and must not Christian females open
their lips, nor Uft a finger, to bring such a
shame and sin to an end ?
To this it may be repUed, that Christian
females may, and can say and do much to
bring these evils to an end ; and the present
is a time and an occasion when it seems most
desirable that they should know, and appre-
ciate, and exercise the power which they do
possess for so desirable an end.
And in pointing out the methods of ex-
erting female influence for this object, I amK
110
inspired with great confidence, from the con-
viction that what will be suggested, is that
which none will oppose, but all will allow to
be not only practicable, but safe, suitable,
and Christian.
To appreciate these suggestions, however,
it is needful previously to consider some par-
ticulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and
the tendencies of our peculiar form of gov-
ernment.
The prominent principle, now in develop-
ment, as indicating the spirit of the age, is
the perfect right of all men to entire free-
dom of opinion. By this I do not mean
that men are coming to think that " it is no
matter what a man believes, if he is only
honest and sincere," or that they are grow-
ing any more lenient towards their fellow-
men, for the evil consequences they bring
on themselves or on others for believing
wrong.
But they are coming to adopt the maxim,
that no man shall be forced by pains and
penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds,
but that every man shall be free to form his
Ill
own opinions, and to propagate them by all
lawful means.
At the same time another right is claimed,
which is of necessity involved in the pre-
ceding,—the right to oppose, by all lawful
means, the opinions and the practices of
others, when they are deemed pernicious
either to individuals or to the community,
Facts, arguments and 'persuasions are, by all,
conceded to be lawful means to employ in
propagating our own views, and in opposing
the opinions and practices of others.
These fundamental principles of liberty
have in all past ages been restrained by co-
ercive influences, either of civil or of eccle-
siastical power. But in this nation, all such
coercive influences, both of church and state,
have ceased. Every man may think what
he pleases about government, or religion, or
any thing else; he may propagate his opinions,
he may controvert opposite opinions, and no
magistrate or ecclesiastic can in any legal
way restrain or punish.
But the form of our government is such,
that every measure that bears upon the public
112
or private interest of every citizen, is decided
by public sentiment. All law^s and regula-
tions in civil, or religious, or social concerns,
are decided by the majority of votes. And the
present is a time when every doctrine, every ^
principle, and every practice which influ-
ences the happiness of man, either in this, or
in a future life, is under discussion. The
whole nation is thrown into parties about
almost every possible question, and every
man is stimulated in his efforts to promote
his own plans by the conviction that success
depends entirely upon bringing his fellow
citizens to think as he does. Hence every
man is fierce in maintaining his own right of I
free discussion, his own right to propagate'
his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by
all lawful means, the opinions that conflict
with his own.
But the difficulty is, that a right which all
men claim for themselves, with the most sen-
sitive and pertinacious inflexibility, they have
not yet learned to accord to their fellow men,
in cases where their own interests are in-|
volved. Every man is saying, "let me have
113
full liberty to propagate my opinions, and to
oppose all that I deem wrong and injurious,
but let no man take this liberty -with myopinions and practices. Every man may be-
lieve what he pleases, and propagate what
he pleases, provided he takes care not to
attack any thing w^hich belongs to me."
And how do men exert themselves to
restrain this corresponding right of their
fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate
to inform, or to the spiritual despot to obtain
ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to
methods, which, if successful, are in effect the
most severe pains and penalties that can
restrain freedom of opinion.
What is dearer to a man than his charac-
ter, involving as it does, the esteem, respect
and affection of friends, neighbours and so-
ciety, with all the confidence, honour, trust
and emolument that flow from general es-
teem? How sensitive is every man to any
thing that depreciates his intellectual charac-
ter! What torture, to be ridiculed or pitied
for such deficiencies! How cruel the suffer-
ing, when his moral delinquencies are held up
k2
114
to public scoi'n and reprehension I Confisca-
tion, stripes, chains, and even death itself, are
often less dreaded.
It is this method of punishment to which
men resort, to deter their fellow-men from
exercising those rights of liberty which they
so tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine
now the methods adopted by almost all who
are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion
in this nation, and you will find that there are
certain measures which combatants almost
invariably employ.
They either attack the intellectual charac-
ter of opponents, or they labour to make them
appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted,
or they impeach their honesty and veracity,
or they stigmatize their motives as mean,
selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect
unworthy and degrading. Instead of truth,
and evidence, and argument, personal depre-
ciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse,
are the weapons employed. This method of
resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and
penalties, arises in part from the natural sel-
fishness ofman, and in part from want ofclear
iir,
distinctions as to the rights and duties in»
volved in freedom of opinion and freedom of
speech.
The great fundamental principle that makes
this matter clear, is this, that a broad and in-
variable distinction should ever be preserved
between the opinions and practices that are
discussed) and the advocates of these opinions
and practices.
It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests
on every human being, to exert all his in-
fluence in opposing every thing that he be-
lieves is dangerous and wrong, and in sus-
taining all that he believes is safe and right.
And in doing this^ no compromise is to be
made, in order to shield country, party, friends,
or even self, from any just censure. Every
man is bound by duty to God and to his
country, to lay his finger on every false prin-
ciple, or injurious practice, and boldly say,
" this is wrong—this is dangerous—this I will
oppose with all my influence, whoever it maybe that advocates or practises it." And
every man is bound to use his eflx)rts to turn
public sentiment against all that he believes
116
to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to
this life, or to the future world. And every
man deserves to be respected and applauded,
just in proportion as he fearlessly and impar-
tially, and in a proper spirit, time and manner
y
fulfils this duty.
The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is
" no matter what a man believes, if he is only
honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is
contrary to religion and to common sense. It
is as absurd, and as impracticable, as it would
be to urge on the mariner the maxim, " no
matter which way you believe to be north, if
you only steer aright." A man's character,
feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opin-
ions. Ifa man can reason himself into the belief
that it is right to take the property of others
and to deceive by false statements, he will pro-
bably prove a thiefand a liar. It is of the great-
est concern, therefore, to every man, that his
fellow-men should believe right, and one of
his most sacred duties is to use all his in-
fluence to promote correct opinions.
But the performance of this duty, does by
no means involve the necessity of attacking
117
the character or motives of the advocates of
false opinions, or of holding them up, indivi-
dually, to public odium.
Erroneous opinions are sometimes the con-
sequence of unavoidable ignorance, or of
mental imbecihty, or of a weak and erring
judgment, or of false testimony from others,
which cannot be rectified. In such cases,
the advocates of false opinions are to be
pitied rather than blamed; and while the
opinions and their tendencies may be publicly
exposed, the men may be objects of affection
and kindness.
In other cases, erroneous opinions spring
from criminal indifference, from prejudice,
from indolence, from pride, from evil passions,
or from selfish interest. In all such cases,
men deserve blame for their pernicious opin-
ions, and the evils which flow from them.
But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide,
when their fellow-men are guilty for holding
wrong opinions ; when they deserve blame,
and when they are to be regarded only with
pity and commiseration by those who be-
lieve them to be in the wrong? Here, surely,
118
is a place where some correct principle is
greatly needed.
Is every man to sit in judgment upon his
fellow-man, and decide what are his intel-
lectual capacities, and what the measure of
his judgment? Is every man to take the office
of the Searcher of Hearts, to try the feelings
and motives of his fellow-man? Is that most
difficult of all analysis, the estimating of the
feelings, purposes, and motives, which every
man, who examines his own secret thoughts,
finds to be so complex, so recondite, so in-
tricate ; is this to be the basis, not only of in-
dividual opinion, but of public reward and
censure? Is every man to constitute himself
a judge of the amount of time and interest
given to the proper investigation of truth
by his fellow-man ? Surely, this cannot be a
correct principle.
Though there may be single cases in which
we can know that our fellow-men are weak
in intellect, or erring in judgment, or per-
verse in feeling, or misled by passion, or
biased by selfish interest, as a general fact we
119
are not competent to decide these matters, in
regard to those who differ from us in opinion.
For this reason it is manifestly wrong and
irrelevant, when discussing questions of duty
or expediency, to bring before the public the
character or the motives of the individual ad-
vocates of opinions.
But, it may be urged, how can the evil
tendencies of opinions or of practices be in-
vestigated, without involving a consideration
of the character and conduct of those whoadvocate them ? To this it may be replied,
that the tendencies of opinions and practices
can never be ascertained by discussing indivi-
dual character. It is cZas^es of persons, or large
communities f embracing persons of all va-
rieties of character and circumstances, that
are the only proper subjects of investigation
for this object. For example, a community
of Catholics, and a community of Protestants,
may be compared, for the purpose of learning
the moral tendencies of their different opin-
ions. Scotland and New England, where the
principles opposite to Catholicism have most
prevailed, may properly be compared with
120
Spain and Italy, where the CathoHc system
has been most fairly tried. But to select cer-
tain individuals who are defenders of these
two different systems, as examples to illus-
trate their tendencies, w^ould be as improper
as it would be to select a kernel of grain to
prove the good or bad character of a whole
crop.
To illustrate by a more particular example.
The doctrines of the Atheist school are now
under discussion, and Robert Owen and
Fanny Wright have been their prominent ad-
vocates.
In agreement with the above principles, it
is a right, and the duty of every man who
has any influence and opportunity, to show
the absurditv of their doctrines, the weakness
of their arguments, and the fatal tendencies
of their opinions. It is right to show that the
practical iidoption of their principles indicates
a want of common sense, just as sov^ing the
ocean with grain and expecting a crop would
indicate the same deficiency. If the advo-
cates of these doctrines carry out their prin-
ciples into practice, in any such way as to
121
offend the taste, or infringe on the rights of
others, it is proper to express disgust and dis-
approbation. If the female advocate chooses
to come upon a stage, and expose her person,
dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is
right to express disgust at whatever is of-
fensive and indecorous, as it is to criti-
cise the book of an author, or the dancincr
of an actress, or any thing else that is pre-
sented to public observation. And it is right
to make all these things appear as odious and
reprehensible to others as they do to our-
selves.
But what is the private character of Robert
Owen or Fanny Wright? Whether they are
ignorant or weak in intellect ; whether they
have properly examined the sources of truth;
how much they have been biased by pride,
passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions ;
whether they are honest and sincere in their
belief; whether they are selfish or benevolent
in their aims, are not matters which in any
way pertain to the discussion. They are
questions about which none are qualified to
judge, except those in close and intimate com-
L
122
munion with them. We may inquire with
propriety as to the character of a community
of Atheists, or of a community where such
sentiments extensively prevail, as compared
with a community of opposite sentiments.
But the private character, feelings, and mo-
tives of the individual advocates of these doc-
trines, are not proper subjects of investiga-
tion in any public discussion.
If, then, it be true, that attacks on the cha-
racter and motives of the advocates of opin-
ions are entirely irrelevant and not at all ne-
cessary for the discovery of truth ; if injury
inflicted on character is the most severe pe-
nalty that can be employed to restrain free-
dom of opinions and freedom of speech, what
are we to say of the state of things in this
nation?
Where is there a party which does not in
effect say to every man, " if you dare to op-
pose the principles or practices we sustain,
you shall be punished with personal odium?"
which does not say to every member of the
party, " uphold your party, right or wrong
;
oppose all that is adverse to your party, right
or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having
123
your motives, character, and conduct, im-
peached?"
Look first at the political arena. Where
is the advocate of any measure that does not
suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that
tends to depreciate character in public esti-
mation? Where is the partisan that is not at-
tacked, as either weak in intellect, or dis-
honest in principle, or selfish in motives ? And
where is the man who is linked with any po-
litical party, that dares to stand up fearlessly
and defend what is good in opposers, and re-
prove what is wrong in his own party ?
Look into the religious world. There,
even those who take their party name from
their professed liberality, are saying, " who-
ever shall adopt principles that exclude us
from the Christian church, and our clergy
from the pulpit, shall be held up either as in-
tellectually degraded, or as narrow-minded
and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and
persecuting in spirit. No man shall believe
a creed that excludes us from the pale of
Christianity, under penalty of all the odium
we can inflict,"
124
So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics
and their friends practically declare war
against all free discussion on this point. The
decree has gone forth, that " no man shall ap-
pear for the purpose of proving that Catho-
licism is contrary to Scripture, or immoral
and anti-republican in tendency, under penalty
of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypo-
crite, or a persecutor, or a narrows-minded
and prejudiced bigot.
On the contrary, those who attack what is
called liberal Christianity, or who aim to op-
pose the progress of Catholicism, how often
do they exhibit a severe and uncharitable
spirit towards the individuals whose opinions
they controvert. Instead of loving the men,
and rendering to them all the offices of Chris-
tian kindness, and according to them all due
credit for whatever is desirable in character
and conduct, how often do opposers seem to
feel, that it will not answer to allow that there
is any thing good, either in the system or in
those who have adopted it. " Every thing
about my party is right, and every thing
in the opposing party is wrong," seems to be
125
the universal maxim of the times. And it is
the remark of some of the most intelligent
foreign travellers among us, and of our own
citizens who go abroad, that there is no coun-
try to be found, where freedom of opinion,
and freedom of speech is more really influ-
enced and controlled by the fear of pains and
penalties, than in this land of boasted freedom.
In other nations, the control is exercised by
government, in respect to a very few matters
;
in this country it is party-spirit that rules with
an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips
over every interest and every employment
of man.
From this mighty source spring constant
detraction, gossiping, tale-bearing, falsehood,
anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every
evil wa)rd and work.
Every man sets himself up as the judge of
the intellectual character, the honesty, the
sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives,
and intentions, of his fellow-man. And so
they fall upon each other, not with swords
and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly
L 2
12G
member, that setteth on fire the course of na*
ture, and is set on fire of hell."
Can any person who seeks to maintain the
peaceful, loving, and gentle spirit of Chris-
tianity, go out into the world at this day,
without being bewildered at the endless con-
flicts, and grieved and dismayed at the bitter
and unhallowed passions they engender ? Can
an honest, upright and Christian man, go into
these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness
stand up for all that is good, and oppose all
that is evil, in whatever party it may be found,
without a measure of moral courage such as
few can command? And if he carries him-
self through with an unyielding integrity, and
maintains his consistency, is he not exposed
to storms of bitter revilings, and to peltings
from both parties between which he may
stand?
What is the end of these things to be?
Must we give up free discussion, and again
chain up the human mind under the despotism
of past ages? No, this will never be. God
designs that every intelligent mind shall be
governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and
127
conscience, and truth. Man must reason, and
experiment, and compare past and present
results, and hear and know all that can be
said on both sides of every question which
influences either private or public happiness,
either for this life or for the life to come.
But while this process is going on, must we
be distracted and tortured by the baleful pas-
sions and wicked works that unrestrained
party-spirit and ungoverned factions will
bring upon us, under such a government as
ours? Must we rush on to disunion, and
civil wars, and servile wars, till all their train
of horrors pass over us like devouring fire?
There is an influence that can avert these
dangers—a spirit that can allay the storm
—
that can say to the troubled winds and wa-
ters, "peace, be still."
It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to
be entreated, which thinketh no evil, which
rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the
truth, which is not easily provoked, which
hopeth all things, which beareth all things.
Let this spirit be infused into the mass of the
nation, and then truth maybe sought, defend-
128
ed, and propagated, and error detected, and
its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the
evils that now rage through this nation, and
threaten us with such fiery plagues.
And is there not a peculiar propriety in
such an emergency, in looking for the espe-
cial agency and assistance of females, who
are shut out from the many temptations that
assail the other sex,—who are the appointed
ministers of all the gentler charities of life,
—
who are mingled throughout the whole mass
of the community,—who dwell in those re-
tirements where only peace and love ought
ever to enter,—whose comfort, influence, and
dearest blessings, all depend on preserving
peace and good will among men?
In the present aspect of affairs among
us, when everything seems to be tending to
disunion and distraction, it surely has become
the duty of every female instantly to relin-
quish the attitude of a partisan, in every mat-
ter of clashing interests, and to assume the
oflice of a mediator, and an advocate of
peace. And to do this, it is not necessary
that a woman should in any manner relinquish
129
her opinion as to the evils or the benefits, the
right or the wrong, of any principle or prac-
tice. But, while quietly holding her ownopinions, and calmly avowing them, when
conscience and integrity make the duty im-
perative, every female can employ her influ-
ence, not for the purpose of exciting or regu-
lating public sentiment, but rather for the
purpose of promoting a spirit of candour, for-
bearance, charity, and peace.
And there are certain prominent maxims
which every woman can adopt as peculiarly
belonging to her, as the advocate of charity
and peace, and which it should be her especial
oflice to illustrate, enforce, and sustain, by
every method in her power.
The first is, that every person ought to be
sustained, not only in the right of propagating
his own opinions and practices, but in oppos-
ing all those principles and practices which
he deems erroneous. For there is no opinion
which a man can propagate, that does not
oppose some adverse interest; and if a manmust cease to advocate his own views of
truth and rectitude, because he opposes the
130
interest or prejudices of some other man or
party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and
of action, is gone. All that can be demanded
is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood,
false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in
maintaining his own rights. If he states things
which are false, it is right to show the false-
hood,—if he reasons falsely, it is right to
point out his sophistry,—if he impeaches the
character or motives of opponents, it is right
to express disapprobation and disgust; but if
he uses only facts, arguments, and persua-
sions, he is to be honoured and sustained for
all the efforts he makes to uphold what he
deems to be right, and to put down what he
believes to be wrong.
Another maxim, which is partially involved
in the first, is, that every man ought to allow
his own principles and practices to be freely
discussed, with patience and magnanimity,
and not to complain of persecution, or to at-
tack the character or motives of those whoclaim that he is in the wrong. If he is belied,
if his character is impeached, if his motives
are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are
131
made the objects of sneers or commiseration,
he has a right to complain, and to seek sym-
pathy as an injured man; but no man is a
consistent friend and defender of liberty of
speech, who cannot bear to have his own
principles and practices subjected to the
same ordeal as he demands should be im-
posed on others.
Another maxim of peace and charity is,
that every man's own testimony is to be
taken in regard to his motives, feeHngs, and
intentions. Though we may fear that a fellow-
man is mistaken in his views of his ow^n feel-
ings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is
as contrary to the rules of good breeding as
it is to the laws of Christianity, to assume or
even insinuate that this is the case. If a
man's word cannot be taken in regard to his
own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can
find no redress for the wrong that may be
done to him. It is unjust and unreasonable
in the extreme to take any other course than
the one here urged.
Another most important maxim of candour
and charity is, that when we are to assign mo-
132
lives for the conduct of our fellow-men, espe-
cially of those who oppose our interests, we
are obligated to put the best, rather than the
worst construction, on all they say and do.
Instead of assigning the worst as the probable
motive, it is always a duty to hope that it is
the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that
there is no place for such a hope.
Another maxim of peace and charity re-
spects the subject of retaliation. Whatever
may be said respecting the literal construc-
tion of some of the rules of the gospel, no one
can deny that they do, whether figurative or
not, forbid retaliation and revenge ; that they
do assume that men are not to be judges and
executioners of their own wrongs; but that
injuries are to be borne with meekness, and
that retributive justice must be left to God,-
and to the laws. If a man strikes, we are
not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws.-
If a man uses abusive or invidious language^
we are not to return railing for railing. If a
man impeaches our motives and attacks our
character, we are not to return the evil. If
a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to re-
133
taliate with ridicule and sneers. If a manreports our weaknesses and failings, we are
not to revenge ourselves by reporting his.
No man has a right to report evil of others,
except when the justification of the innocent,
or a regard for public or individual safety,
demands it. This is the strict law of the
gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting
in the face all those unchristian and indecent
violations that now are so common, in almost
every conflict of intellect or of interest.
Another most important maxim of peace
and charity imposes the obligation to guard
our fellow-men from all unnecessary tempta-
tion. We are taught daily to pray, "lead us
not into temptation;" and thus are admonish-
ed not only to avoid all unnecessary tempta-
tion ourselves, but to save our fellow-men
from the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly
Parent to protect us from temptation, while
we recklessly spread baits and snares for our
fellow-men? No, we are bound in every
measure to have a tender regard for the
weaknesses and habilities of all around, and
ever to be ready to yield even our just rights,
M
134
when we can lawfully do it, rather than to
tempt others to sin. The generous and high-
minded Apostle declares, "if meat make mybrother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the
world standeth ;" and it is the spirit of this
maxim that every Christian ought to culti-
vate. There are no occasions when this
maxim is more needed, than when we wish
to modify the opinions, or alter the practices
of our fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find
that the probabilities are, that any interfer-
ence of ours will increase the power of
tempation, and lead to greater evils than
those we wish to remedy, we are bound to
forbear. If we find that one mode of at-
tempting a measure will increase the power
of temptation, and another will not involve
this danger, we are bound to take the safest
course. In all cases we are obhgated to be
as careful to protect our fellow-men from
temptation, as we are to watch and pray
against it in regard to ourselves.
Another maxim of peace and charity re-
quires a most scrupulous regard to the repu-
tation, character, and feelings of our fellow-
135
men, and especially of those who are opposed
in any way to our wishes and interests. Every
man and every woman feels that it is wrong
for others to propagate their faults and weak-
ness through the community. Every one
feels wounded and injured to find that others
are making his defects and infirmities the
subject of sneers and ridicule. And what,
then, is the rule of duty? "As ye would that
men should do to you, do ye even so to them."
With this rule before his eyes and in his mind,
can a man retail his neighbour's faults, or
sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his in-
firmities, with a clear conscience? There
are cases when the safety of individuals, or
public justice, demands that a man's defects
of character, or crimes, be made public; but
no man is justified in communicating to others
any evil respecting any of his fellow-men,
when he cannot appeal to God as his witness
that he does it from benevolent interest in the
welfare of his fellow-men—from a desire to
save individuals or the public from some evil
—and not from a malevolent or gossiping
propensity. Oh, that this law of love and
136
charity could find an illustration and an ad-
vocate in every female of this nation ! Oh,
that every current slander, and every inju-
rious report, naight stand abashed, whenever
it meets the notice of a woman!
These are the maxims of peace and chari-
ty, which it is in the power of the females of
our country to advocate, both by example
and by entreaties. These are the principles
which alone can protect and preserve the
right of free discussion, the freedom of speech,
and liberty of the press. And with our form
of government, and our Habilities to faction
and party-spirit, the country will be safe and
happy only in proportion to the prevalence of
these maxims among the mass of the com-
munity. There probably will never arrive a
period in the history of this nation, when the
influence of these principles will be more
needed, than the present. The question of
slavery involves more pecuniary interests,
touches more private relations, involves more
prejudices, is entwined with more sectional,
party, and poHtical interests, than any other
which can ever again arise. It is a matter
137
which, if discussed and controlled without the
influence of these principles of charity and
peace, will shake this nation like an earth-
quake, and pour over us the volcanic waves
of every terrific passion. The trembling
earth, the low murmuring thunders, already
admonish us of our danger; and if females
can exert any saving influence in this emer-
gency, it is time for them to awake.
And there are topics that they may urge
upon the attention of their friends, at least as
matters worthy of serious consideration and
inquiry.
Is a woman surrounded by those who fa-
vour the Abolition measures ? Can she not
with propriety urge such inquiries as these ?
Is not slavery to be brought to an end by
free discussion, and is it not a war upon the
right of free discussion to impeach the mo-
tives and depreciate the character of the op-
posers of Abolition measures? When the op-
posers of Abolition movements claim that
they honestly and sincerely believe that these
measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to
bring it to an end by servile wars, and civil
M 2
138
disunion, and the most terrific miseries^
when they object to the use of their pulpits,
to the embodying of literary students, to the
agitation of the community, by Abolition
agents—when they object to the circulation
of such papers and tracts as Abolitionists pre-
pare, because they believe them most perni-
cious in their influence and tendencies, is it
not as much persecution to use invidious in-
sinuations, depreciating accusation and im-
peachment of motive, in order to intimidate,
as it is for the opposers of Abolitionism to
use physical force ? Is not the only method by
which the South can be brought to relinquish
slavery, a conviction that not only her duty^hut
her highest interest, requires her to do it? Andis not calm, rational Christian discussion the
only proper method of securing this end?
Can a community that are thrown into such
a state of high exasperation as now exists at
the South, ever engage in such discussions,
till the storm of excitement and passion is
allayed ? Ought not every friend of liberty
and of free discussion, to take every possible
means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to
139
avoid all those offensive peculiarities that in
their nature tend to inflame and offend ?
Is a woman among those who oppose
Abolition movements? She can urge such
inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists
to be treated as if they were actuated by the
motives of benevolence which they profess?
Ought not every patriot and every Christian
to throw all his influence against the im-
peachment of motives, the personal detrac-
tion, and the violent measures that are turned
upon this body of men, who, however they
may err in judgment or in spirit, are among
the most exemplary and benevolent in the
land? If Abolitionists are censurable for
taking measures that exasperate rather than
convince and persuade, are not their oppo-
nents, who take exactly the same measures
to exasperate Abolitionists and their friends,
as much to blame ? If Abolitionism prospers
by the abuse of its advocates, are not the
authors of this abuse accountable for the in-
crease of the very evils they deprecate ?
It is the opinion of intelligent and well in-
formed men, that a very large proportion of
140
the best members of the Abolition party were
placed there, not by the arguments of Abo-
litionists, but by the abuse of their opposers.
And I know some of the noblest minds that
stand there, chiefly from the influence of
those generous impulses that defend the in-
jured and sustain the persecuted, while manyothers have joined these ranks from the im-
pression that Abolitionism and the right of
free discussion have become identical in-
terests. Although I cannot perceive why the
right of free discussion, the right of petition,
and other rights that have become involved
in this matter, cannot be sustained without
joining an association that has sustained such
injurious action and such erroneous principles,
yet other minds, and those which are worthy
of esteem, have been led to an opposite con-
clusion.
The South, in the moments of angry ex-
citement, have made unreasonable demands
upon the non-slave-holding States, and have
employed overbearing and provoking lan-
guage. This has provoked re-action again
at the North, and men, who heretofore were
141
unexcited, are beginning to feel indignant,
and to say, " Let the Union be sundered."
Thus anger begets anger, and unreasonable
measures provoke equally unreasonable re-
turns.
But when men, in moments of excitement
rush on to such results, little do they think of
the momentous consequences that may fol-
low. Suppose the South in her anger unites
with Texas, and forms a Southern slave-
holding republic, under all the exasperating
influences that such an avulsion will excite 1
What will be the prospects of the slave then,
compared wdth what they are while wedwell together, united by all the ties of bro-
therhood, and having free access to those
whom we wish to convince and persuade 1
But who can estimate the mischiefs that
we must encounter while this dismember-
ment, this tearing asunder of the joints and
members of the body politic, is going on 1
What will be the commotion and dismay,
when all our sources of wealth, prosperity,
and comfort, are turned to occasions for an-
gry and selfish strife ?
142
What agitation will ensue in individual
States, when it is to be decided by majorities
which State shall go to the North and which
to the South, and when the discontented mi-
nority must either give up or fight! Whoshall divide our public lands between con-
tending factions ? What shall be done with
our navy and all the various items of the na-
tion's property ? What shall be done when
the post-office stops its steady movement to
divide its efforts among contending parties ?
What shall be done when public credit stag-
gers, when commerce furls her slackened
sail, when property all over the nation
changes its owners and relations? Whatshall be done with our canals and railways,
now the bands of love to bind us, then the
causes of contention and jealousy? What
umpire will appear to settle all these ques-
tions of interest and strife, between commu-
nities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and
mutual injury?
It is said that the American people, though
heedless and sometimes reckless at the ap-
proach of danger, are endowed with a strong
143
and latent principle of common sense, which,
when they fairly approach the precipice,
always brings them to a stand, and makes
them as wise to devise a remedy as they
were rash in hastening to the danger. Are
we not approaching the very verge of the
precipice ? Can we not already hear the
roar of the waters below? Is not now
the time, if ever, when our stern principles
and sound common sense must wake to the
rescue ?
Cannot the South be a little more patient
under the injurious action that she feels she
has suffered, and cease demanding those con-
cessions from the North, that never will
be made? For the North, though slower to
manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right
of freedom of speech, as the vSouth can be to
her rights of property.
Cannot the North bear with some unrea-
sonable action from the South, when it is re-
membered that, as the provocation came
from the North, it is wise and Christian that
the aggressive party should not so strictly
144
hold their tempted brethren to the rules of
right and reason ?
Cannot the South bear in mind that at the
North the colour of the skin does not take
away the feehng of brotherhood, and though
it is a badge of degradation in station and
intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with pity
and sympathy than with contempt? Can-
not the South remember their generous feel-
ings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine
that some such feelings may be awakened
for the African race, among a people whodo not believe either in the policy or the
right of slavery ?
Cannot the North remember how jealous
every man feels of his domestic relations and
rights, and how sorely their Southern breth-
ren are tried in these respects? How would
the husbands and fathers at the North endure
it, if Southern associations should be formed
to bring forth to the world the sins of North-
ern men, as husbands and fathers ? What if
the South should send to the North to collect
all the sins and neglects of Northern husbands
and fathers, to retail them at the South in
145
tracts and periodicals ? What if the Enghsh
nation should join in the outcry, and English
females should send forth an agent, not in-
deed to visit the offending North, but to cir-
culate at the South, denouncing all who did
not join in this crusade, as the defenders of
bad husbands and bad fathers ? How would
Northern men conduct under such provoca-
tions ? There is indeed a difference in the
two cases, but it is not in the nature and
amount of irritating influence, for the South-
erner feels the interference of strangers to re-
gulate his domestic duty to his servants, as
much as the Northern man would feel the
same interference in regard to his wife and
children. Do not Northern men owe a debt
of forbearance and sympathy toward their
Southern brethren, who have been so sorely
tried 1
It is by urging these considerations, and by
exhibiting and advocating the principles of
charity and peace, that females may exert a
wise and appropriate influence, and one which
will most certainly tend to bring to an end,
not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils
N
146
and wrongs. No one can object to such an
influence, but all parties will bid God speed
to every woman who modestly, wisely and
benevolently attempts it.
I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are
to be deterred by any thing I can offer, from
prosecuting the course of measures they have
adopted. They doubtless w^ill continue to agi-
tate the subject, and to form voluntary asso-
ciations all over the land, in order to excite
public sentiment at the North against the mo-
ral evils existing at the South. Yet I can-
not but hope that some considerations may
have influence to modify in a degree the spirit
and measures of some who are included in
that party.
Abolitionists are men who come before the
public in the character of reprovers. That
the gospel requires Christians sometimes to
assume this office, cannot be denied; but it
does as unequivocally point out those qualifi-
cations which alone can entitle a man to do
it. And no man acts wisely or consistently,
unless he can satisfy himself that he possesses
147
the qualifications for this duty, before he
assumes it.
The first of these qualifications is more
than common exemption from the faults that
are reproved. The inspired interrogatory,
"thou therefore which teachest another,
teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this
principle; and the maxim of common sense,
that "reprovers must have clean hands," is
no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are re-
provers for the violation of duties in the
domestic relations. Of course thev are men
who are especially bound to be exemplary in
the discharge of all their domestic duties.
If a man cannot govern his temper and
his tongue; if he inflicts that moral castiga-
tion on those who cross his will, which is
more severe than physical stripes; if he is
overbearing or exacting with those under
his control ; if he cannot secure respect for a
kind and faithful discharge of all his social
and relative duties, it is as unwise and im-
proper for him to join an AboUtion Society,
as it would be for a drunkard to preach
temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism.
148
Another indispensable requisite for the
office of reprover is a character distinguished
for humility and meekness. There is nothing
more difficult than to approach men for the
purpose of convincing them of their ovi^n de-
ficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts
it in a self-complacent and dictatorial spirit,
always does more evil than good. However
exemplary a man may be in the sight of
men, there is abundant cause for the exer-
cise of humility. For a man is to judge of
himself, not by a comparison with other
men, but as he stands before God, when com-
pared with a perfect law, and in reference
to all his peculiar opportunities and restraints.
Who is there that in this comparison, cannot
find cause for the deepest humiliation? Whocan go from the presence of Infinite Purity
after such an investigation, to "take his
t)rother by the throat?'* Who rather, should
not go to a brother, who may have sinned,
with the deepest sympathy and love, as one
who, amid greater temptations and with fewer
advantages, may be the least offender of the
149
two? A man who goes with this spirit, has
the best hope of doing good to those who may
offend. And yet even this spirit will not
always save a man from angry retort, vexa-
tious insinuation, jealous suspicion, and the
misconstruction of his motives. A reprover,
therefore, if he would avoid a quarrel and do
the good he aims to secure, must be possess-
ed of that meekness which can receive evil
for good, with patient benevolence. And a
man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover,
until he can bring his feelings under this
control.
The last, and not the least important re-
quisite for a reprover, is discretion. This is
no where so much needed as in cases where
the domestic relations are concerned, for
here is the place above all others, where men
are most sensitive and unreasonable. There
are none who have more opportunities for
learning this, than those who act as teachers,
especially if they feel the responsibility of a
Christian and a friend, in regard to the moral
interests of pupils, A teacher who shares
150
with parents the responsibilities of educating
their children, whose efforts may all be ren-
dered useless by parental influences at home;
who feels an affectionate interest in both pa-
rent and child, is surely the one who might
seem to have a right to seek, and a chance
of success in seeking, some modifications of
domestic influences. And yet teachers will
probably testify, that it is a most discouraging
task, and often as likely to result in jealous
alienation and the loss of influence over both
parent and child, as in any good. It is one of
the greatest compliments that can be paid to
the good sense and the good feeling of a pa-
rent to dare to attempt any such measure.
This may show how much discretion, and
tact, and delicacy, are needed by those whoaim to rectify evils in the domestic relations
of mankind.
The peculiar qualifications, then, which
make it suitable for a man to be an Aboli-
tionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the
domestic duties; humility, meekness, delicacy,
tact, and discretion, and these should especi-
151
ally be the distinctive traits of those who take
the place of leaders in devising measures.
And in performing these difficult and self-
denying duties, there are no men who need
more carefully to study the character and
imitate the example of the Redeemer of man-
kind. He, indeed, was the searcher of hearts,
and those reproofs which were based on the
perfect knowledge of "all that is in man,"
we may not imitate. But we may imitate
him, where he with so much gentleness, pa-
tience, and pitying love, encountered the
weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the
worldhness of men. When the young mancame with such self-complacency to ask
what rtiore he could do, how kindly he wasreceived, how gently convinced of his great
deficiency! When fire would have been
called from heaven by his angry followers,
how forbearing the rebuke ! When denied
and forsaken with oaths and curses by one
of his nearest friends, what was it but a look
of pitying love that sent the disciple out so
bitterly to weep ? When, in his last extre-
152
mity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, howgently he drew over them the mantle of love!
Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of thy ownspirit to those who profess to follow thee
!
THE END.
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