uJrJ A..:.•M 4=" AC L ~,-/'ST

Professor Has Bool{

(

Published L' ) t An associate professor of

politics at Wake Forest University is the author of a recently published book t h a t analyzes Indonesian f o r - e i g n policy since World War [I. The book, titled "Foreign

Po 1 icy and N a t i o n a 1 In­ tegration: The Case of In­ donesia," is one of a series of monographs published by Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. The book has 230 pages and chapters. The author is Dr. Jon M.

Reinhardt who won an award for excellence in teaching at Wa1ke Forest in 1970. Reinhardt has been on the

faculty since 1964. He received the B.A. degree from Birm­ ingham-Southern College and the master's and Ph.D. degrees from Tulane University. Reinhardt and Dr. David K.

Evans, associate professor of sociology and anthropology, won the first excellence in teaching awards off e re d at the university. They were selected by a group of faculty, students and administrators.

Professor Has Booli Published

'Ji"'"' 'f 7 'Z-- An associate professor of

politics at Wake Forest University is the author of a recently published book th a t analyzes Indonesian f o r - e i g n policy since World War [I. The book, titled "Foreign

Po 1 icy and N a ti o n a 1 In­ tegration: The Case of In- donesia," is one REINHARDT of a series of monographs published by Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. The book has 230 pages and six chapters. The author is Dr. Jon M.

Reinhardt who won an award for excellence in teaching at Wake Forest in 1970. Reinhardt has been on the

faculty since 1964. He received the B.A. degree from Birm­ ingham-Southern College and the master's and Ph.D. degrees from Tulane University. Reinhardt and Dr. David K.

Evans, associate professor of sociology and anthropology, won the first excellence in teaching awards o ff e r e d at the university. They were selected by a group of faculty, students and administrators.

~Winston-Salem Journal, Winston-Salem, N. C., Sunday, March 21, 1976

'America's New Framework? THE NEW AMERICAN

IDEOLOGY. By George C. Lodge. Knopf. $8.95.

According to Lodge, the United States is coming to the end of an era and entering a new period of political adjust­ ment comparable to that which closed the Medieval period in Europe. The emergence of complex, large-scale organiza­ tion and the increasing problems of limited resources and environmental disruption have called into question the legitimacy of the "old ideology" of individualism, competition and property and have made evident the need for a transfonnation of our social ins ti tu tion s within the framework of a new set of "norms" based on community, consensus and what he calls "rights of membership." The growing public in­

sistence that large cor­ porations be put under public direction has resulted in an already far-advanced move-

ment toward state planning, participation in management by workers, and direction of corporate operations within the context of community needs. The result has been a change from the concept of "e­ quality of opportunity" based on individual rights and desires to "equality of result" based on community rights and needs. Lodge argues that cor­

porations have shifted from employing and promoting on the outmoded basis of the right to contract for services and the quest for profit in a free market. He foresees the decline of unions, the coming of a work force organized into self-managed teams which are given collective responsibility for large parts of the produc­ tion process, a deliberate attempt to break down the division of labor and specialization, and the ex­ istence of a community where workers would have a sense of identity and maximum capaci-

ty for personal growth. In such a situation the

government will have to exer­ cise a greater role in planning for and providing explicit norms within which the decentralizing experiments are to take place. Lodge en­ visages "a relatively small, highly focused national government, authorized for and capable of comprehensive long-range planning, and em­ powered to collect and allocate virtually all the nation's revenue ... At the same time, there might be a large number of regional communities, some comprising several states and others small neighborhoods. It is easy to imagine the upheaval of existing structures which even this simple and brief dis­ cription entails: the abolition of much of the federal govern­ ment structure, leaving what remains authoritative and powerful; the elimination of many states and their replace­ ment by regional governments that would take on part of the

administrative apparatus dis­ placed from Washington; and the reduction of many of the redundant city, town and coun­ ty structures." However, there are certain

problems with Lodge's arguments. It is quite true that we have paid a tremendous ecological price for our com­ mercial polity and especially in the over-urbanized areas have seriously damaged a sense of community; it is also probable that government will direct our social and economic efforts in the future much more thoroughly than ever before. Yet it is still difficult to reconcile Lodge's call for state action with a desire to increase communitarian values, to square the need for state planning with the call for smaller, self-sufficient com­ munities. It seems as if he is trying to graft the rather fragile New England town meeting onto the gnarled tree of industrialized urbanized culture. Collectivization and. further bureaucratization, not ccmmunitarianism is the like­ ly result. There are other problems,

not the least of which is the compatibility of the idea of management-worker coopera-

. tion and the desire for "equali­ ty of result," neither of which can necessarily be achieved in

_conjunction. -But the greatest weakness of

the book is the lack of discus­ sion of the moral and ethical context within which this new order is to unfold. It may well be true that the self-evident truths of the "old ideology" upon which this country was founded are not so self-evident anymore; are we to assume, however, that the mere ex­ istence of the hoped-for com­ munitarian structures will automatically revive the old set of truths or create new ones? New political structures

(such as our 1787 Constitution) can often enhance and ennoble preexisting beliefs held in the heart, but it is doubtful if in­ stitutions can create proper beliefs and attitudes. Our lack of universal success

with constitutional engineering for many of the new states that emerged after World War II should have sobered us on that account by now. And the fact that Lodge feels that he' must speak of ideology (as if it were an arbitrary function of the mind) and not principles {that men must hold to be true before they can be acted upon) is an indication that the "new ideology" may be more ar­ tifice than natural evolution However, the questions

Lodge raises are stimulating and deserve contemplation as we move into the third century of this amazing commercial republic in which we live.

-JON REINHARD~ Wake,Fore~f University

J _, J(ti(A 3-21-

asstmilation of the least ad­ vantaged segments of the population into the main­ stream of American life.

Although these observa­ tions are supported by con­ vincing documentation. they stop short of Tocqueville's major thesis. It is true that Tocqueville often pointed out in his writings the problems with attempting to assimilate the black minority in this country, but he was interested ultimately in the larger ques­ tion of a democratic tyranny. no matter how benign, exer­ cised in the name of the ma­ jority "over the whole pub­ lic." Reeves' inability to discuss

the "tyranny of the majority" in a context larger than the racial problems that exist in the United States was the one decidedly disappointing as­ pect of his book. With this objection noted,

however, the general reader will find Reeves' book well worth the effort. It is as good a popular, contemporary comment on the nature of the body politic as has appeared in some time. It is to his credit that

Reeves finds Tocqueville's in­ sights still relevant despite the tremendous changes that we have undergone in the last 150 years. More important, grounding his work in a Tocquevillian perspective gives it a fresh approach to presenting current American political problems, one often ignored in the behavioral jar­ gon of contemporary political analysis. As desirable as it might be

to add Reeves' book to one's bookshelf, however, it is only the preliminary to a much greater feast for the mind: the reading of Democracy in America itself.

Trying to See as Tocqueoille ~i$a.~l- AMERICAN JOVRXEY:

TRA V.EUNG WITH TOCQUEVILLE IN SEARCH OF DEMOCRA­ CY IN AMERICA. By Rich­ ard Reeves. Simon and Schuster. 360 pages. $15.95.

Several years ago Russell Baker wrote in a now-classic article titled "Quoting the Great Unread" that we often sprinkle our speeches and writings with the wisdom of Alexis de Tocqueville but hardly anyone ever reads him. Happily. that is no longer

true. There has been a resur­ gence of interest in the Frenchman's visit to this country and his famous two­ part book. Democracy in

• America. Tocqueville has become the

focal point of a public-policy , forum of national repute at Wake Forest University and, most recently. the subject of this book by Richard Reeves. Reeves has retraced the

steps of our most famous for­ eign visitor and his friend Beaumont in the 1831 travels throughout America. Reeves begins his work

where Tocqueville and Beau­ mont began, and he moves from city to city and site to site. noting the comments of Tocqueville 150 years ago and providing his own observa­ tions about the American pol­ ity. He makes extensive use of Tocqueville's personal diaries and quotes frequently from Democracy in America. Reeves' theme. like that of

Tocqueville. concerns the complex phenomenon of equality, with its obvious benefits but its dangers and problems as well. Using ex­ tensive interviews and statis­ tics. Reeves unfolds a narra­ tive that. though often ram­ bling. is generally insightful. frequently fascinating and onlv once leaves the student of Tocqueville unsatisfied. Reeves' initial comments

concern a discussion of the "mediocre" quality of Ameri­ can politicians, noting Tocqueville's observation that "men of parts and vault­ ing ambition generally avoid

Richard Reeves traces Tocqueville's steps.

power to pursue wealth." But he points out that now, in con­ trast to the earlier period, the national media have gained a preponderant role in market­ ing political candidates and in forming public policy. Reeves stresses the general

decline of the representative processes in which elected of­ ficials act as brokers for es­ sentially particular interests. He notes time and again the disappearance of local at­ tachment and the emergence of a mobile. cosmopolitan population. He traces the roots of contemporary urban problems to the disintegra­ tion of old, established local sources of support and suste­ nance and the rise of less ca­ pable "new popular major­ ities" dependent on federal support programs. He cites with apparent ap­

proval the thesis that two American sensibilities are co­ existing uneasily: Traditional and Coastal America. The Traditional. grounded in the American heartland. can stJIJ speak of conventional values. personal responsibility and self-reliance mixed with a suspicion of government ac­ tivity. while the Coastal can exhibit at once a more liber­ ated, open lifestyle and one marked by conformity and in­ creased dependence on gov­ ernment social programs.

Like Tocqueville, Reeves weaves together in his narra­ tive these two dimensions of American life, "equality and liberty," but he stresses the growing dominance of social conformity and the mediocri­ ty that accompanies a homog­ enization of values and egali­ tarian national standards. In this light. Reeves con­

tends that we are becoming a nation of better-informed and mobile citizens but one sub­ ject to more centralized con­ trol and "enforced fairness." We are developing a keener sense of rights and "personal growth," but are becoming less certain, less capable and less content. Even the commercial and

business segment of the popu­ lation are less "entrepreneur­ ial" and more "bureaucratic." While corporations have learned to maximize profits through legal and managerial techniques. they have become less innovative and produc­ tive. and m the process. less competitive. Reeves says that we are. in short. becoming a

' "selfish democracy" and are losing the energies and moti­ vations necessary to survive in an increasingly democratic ,..------------------= world. He is especially deft at not­

mg the debilitating effects that excessive "liberty" has on the will, and he connects this to the general decline of

religion and the rise ot psy­ chological concerns. In his es­ timation, the- Freudian Revo­ lution has developed into a secular "civil religion" but one that gives us less a sense of certitude and self-reliance and impels us, in the words of T~ueville "to the want of . some outward assistance." It is at this point, however.

that Reeves' analysis seems to fall short of the mark. Tocquevilles place in the his­ tory of thought rests on the insight that tyranny was po­ tentially more baneful and likely among an egalitarian people constituting them­ selves as a sovereign major­ ity than among the people of any other .society. While Tocqueville noted

"the manly and dignifying" aspects of political equality, he insisted that there was a popular passion for a kind of equality that produced a gen­ eral political debility and an acquiescence to the "power of public opinion" - or to those speaking in the name of the public. Reeves flirts with this phe­

nomenon in a number of vi­ gnettes; yet he ultimately re­ stricts his observations in the matter to the existence of a largely "white" majority and its dealings with a smaller, urbanized "racial" minority. He reiterates the now-famil­ iar theme of the emergence, in the midst of plenty, of an almost permanently impov­ erished "underclass," one largely black (or "Latin") and one that has been effectively domesticated by public wel­ fare policy. Reeves notes that much of

this has come 'about through an increased emphasis on ad­ judication by a well-inten­ tioned, "affirmative major­ ity" bypassing the normal leg­ islative processes of govern­ ment, and that. ironically. this has impeded the progress of

- JON REINHARDT Wake Fores.t Un1vers1fy

He had been the secretary of the university senate, the chairman of the Student Life Committee, d a member of the Athletics Committee and the Open Curriculum Committee. At the time of his death, he was the director of the International Studies Program.

Reinhardt also did professional graphic design work and played the violin.

He received his bachelor's degree from Birmingham South­ ern College and his master's and doctorate degrees from Tulane University. He wrote his dissertation on "Foreign Policy and National

Integration: The Case of Indonesia," which was later published hy the Yale University Press. He was awarded a National Defense Foreign Language Fellowship in 1968 to do postdoctor­ al work at Yale and Cornell universities.

A memorial service will be held today at 5 p.m. in Wait Chapel at Wake Forest.

5- l

Professor of Politics at WFU Dies of Cancer Jon M. Reinhardt, a professor of politics at Wake Forest

University, died Thursday night of cancer. He was 48. Reinhardt, who joined the Wake Forest facul­

ty in 1964 as a member of the department of politics, became a full professor in 1982. He won the university's first Excellence in Teaching A ward in 1970 and was awarded a Reynolds .... ~--~~ Research Grant in 1976. Although he had been ill for several months

and had been recently hospitalized, Reinhardt was able to attend the Wake Forest commence­ ment ceremony Monday to see his son, Christo- pher Brooke Reinhardt, graduate. REINHARDT Richard Sears, the chairman of the depart-

ment of politics, said that Reinhardt was "one of the most popular teachers in the department or, for that matter, in the university."