Abdul Nasir Sab State Institute of Rural Development, Mysuru · OSR Own Source Revenue PRI...

Abdul Nasir Sab State Institute of Rural Development,

Mysuru

Government of Karnataka

Impact of Women GP ‘Adhyakshas’ on Delivery of Services and Democratic Processes in Karnataka

Photo: CBPS

FINAL REPORT

July 2015

Study conducted by:

Centre for Budget and Policy Studies

‘Maitri Bhawan’, 4, M N Krishna Rao Road

Basavangudi, Bangalore - 560004, Karnataka

Phone # +91 80 26560735, Fax # +91 80 26560734

Table of Contents

Acknowledgement 5

Executive Summary 6

1.0 Background 1

1.01 Elected Women Representatives in Karnataka 4

1.02 Women GP Chairpersons and their impact: the findings so far 6

1.03 Methodology 13

2.0 Background profile of the „Adhyakshas‟ 16

2.01 Socio-Economic profile of the Adhyakshas 16

2.02 Political Profile of the Adhyakshas 18

3.0 Priorities Areas of Investment for the Adhyaksha 22

3.01 Planning of Investments 23

4.0 Delivery of Services in Education and Health 25

4.01 Convergence with frontline functionaries 27

5.0 Own Source Revenue (OSR) 33

6.0 Role of Adhyaksha in Engendering Empowerment 37

6.01 Empowerment of the Women in the GP 37

6.02 Empowerment of the EWR 39

7.0 Village Resident‟s Perception of Women Leaders 43

8.0 Conclusion and Recommendations 48

References 52

Appendix I 54

Appendix II 56

Schedule A: Adhyaksha‟s Interview 56

Schedule B: GP Member‟s Interview 76

Schedule C: Village Resident‟s Interview 88

Schedule D: ASHA, ANM & Anganwadi worker‟s Interview 95

Schedule E: Revenue and Expenditure in GPs 100

List of Acronyms

ANG Worker Anganwadi Worker

ASHA Accredited Social Health Activists

BPL Below Poverty Line

BRGF Backward Regions Grant fund

CBPS Centre for Budget and Policy Studies

DDC District Development Councils

DKCS Don’t Know/Can't Say

DPC District Planning Committee

EMR Elected Men Representatives

EWR Elected Women Representatives

GP Gram Panchayat

GS Gram Sabha

ICDS Integrated Child Development Scheme

KPR Karnataka Panchayati Raj ACT

MoPR Ministry of Panchayati Raj

OBC Other Backward Classes

OSR Own Source Revenue

PRI Panchayati Raj Institutions

PUC Pre University Certificate

RtE Right to Education

SC Scheduled Caste

SDMC School Development and Monitoring Committees

SSLC Secondary School Leaving Certificate

ST Scheduled Tribe

TPS Taluk Panchayati Samiti

UN United Nations

ZP Zilla Panchayat

Acknowledgement

This Report has been prepared by Neha Ghatak and Shreekanth Mahendiran, with

assistance from Shobha Veigas, B.V. Madhusudhan, Thyagrajan and Krishnamurthi

Murthi in the fieldwork. While Sandhya Chandrashekaran did the literature review,

Sambhu Singh Rathi helped with sampling and framing of instruments. The study was

conducted under the guidance of Srinivas Alamuru and Dr Jyotsna Jha, Director,

CBPS.

A special word of thanks goes to Sahil Gupta, Ajeet Kumar, Harpreet Kaur and Sumit

Agarwal who interned with us and provided excellent research assistance during the

inception of the study and the fieldwork.

The study would not have been accomplished without the assistance of a number of

people from different organisations. We are particularly grateful to Administrative

Training Institute and State Institute of Rural Development, Mysuru who had not only

commissioned this study but extended full cooperation and guidance. Last but not the

least, we sincerely thank the panchayat elected members, officials and others for their

cooperation.

Executive Summary

The 73rd

constitutional amendment marks a landmark in democratic decentralisation

in India. The bill passed in December 1992, mandated reserving of the 1/3rd

of total

seats at all levels in the three-tier panchayats, for women, members of the Dalit and

Adivasi communities. Simultaneously, 1/3rd of the positions of chairperson in all

three tiers of the council were also reserved for women. Karnataka adopted the

features of the 73rd amendment by enacting a Comprehensive Panchayat Raj Act on

May 10, 1993. Presently Karnataka has 39,318 Elected Women Representatives

(EWR) at the Gram Panchayat (GP) level. The mere presence of women and more so

in significant numbers, in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) is a historical turning

point, given the genesis and history of the institution and the cultural subjugation of

women. This representation is guaranteed on the premise that effective representation

should lead to empowerment. Considering this, whether the elected women are truly

„representative‟ of those whom they purportedly represent merits critical examination.

The discourse on PRIs in India suggests that EWRs take a keen interest in goods that

are relevant to the needs of the local women, especially in the domain of education

and health. But a nuanced understanding of this is needed. This paper uses empirical

evidences from two BRGF districts in Karnataka, Kalburgi and Davanagere to

examine whether EWR invest more on „pro women‟ service delivery and if

representation engenders empowerment.

The report is focused around the following research questions-

What are the background profiles of the Adhyakshas?

What are the priority areas of investment for the Adhyakshas?

Do the Adhyakshas focus on „pro women‟ service delivery in education and

health?

What is the impact of EWR on Own source revenue generation?

What is the impact of EWR on the participation of village residents in

democratic processes?

What is the perception of village residents of women leaders/EWR?

Both qualitative and quantitative techniques of data collection were used. A

comprehensive desk review was carried out before going to the field. The desk review

comprised critically analysing studies, journal publications, reports that were relevant

to the theme of the study. Official documents on PRIs including various reports of

committees and the acts relating to PRIs in Karnataka formed an essential part of the

desk review. A multistage sampling technique was used to select 20 GPs in each

district. Across these 20 GPs, Elected Women Representatives, Elected Men

Representatives, GP Members (Female), GP Members (Male), Village Residents

(Female), Village Residents (Male), ASHA/ANM/Anganwadi Workers were

interviewed.

Background profile of the ‘Adhyakshas’

In a patriarchal setup women‟s participation in local governance through PRIs is

layered with several constraints. These constraints are both social and institutional in

nature. Due to which these women even though formally elected as „Adhyakshas‟ are

excluded from playing an active role in the PRIs. Socio-economic factors become

important determinants of the nature of women‟s leadership in political institutions

like the PRIs. Bearing this in mind, it this chapter looked closely into the socio-

economic background of the Adhyakshas, specially the women Adhyakshas in

Davanagere and Kalburgi. For the purpose of the in report, the background profile of

the adhyaksha is classified into two broad categories - socio economic profile and

political profile.

The data collected showed that the EWRs were comparatively less educated, assert

less, economically dependent on their male kins and politically unaware of the

functions and political space that a panchayat offers.

Priorities Areas of Investment for the Adhyaksha

It is a popular notion that women Adhyakshas are more sensitive towards the need of

the local women and hence prioritise investments accordingly. This chapter

empirically explored this notion. The priority areas of investment for Adhyakshas

were water, sanitation and infrastructure irrespective of their sex. This could possibly

be because of the budgetary allocation in these sectors are more than the budgetary

allocations for others. And water, sanitation and drainage are important sectors of

investment for the adhyaksha according to the 11th

schedule of the Constitution. Other

possible reasons for the similarity in priority areas by the EWRs and EMRs could be

that in order to establish their credibility as much as the men, the EWRs ended up

stating the similar priority areas, even though they would have liked to state other

priorities. Another reason could be that since these EWRs and EMRs are new and are

subjected to a frequently changing short term, they cannot really state their priorities

as they might have not given much thought to it or consider it ambitious.

Planning of Investments

In order to understand the process and rationale behind investment planning in the

GP, the Adhyakshas were asked simple questions about how they plan their

investments and the parties they consult before planning these investments. While the

EWR mainly planned their investments based on the demands of the gram sabha and

the village residents, hence could be seen as more people oriented the EMR invested

according to the tied funds available at their disposal. This shows that the EWR are

probably more democratic in their ways of functioning than the EMR. When asked

about the parties that the Adhyakshas consulted before investing, both the sexes

mentioned that they mainly consulted their colleagues. What is interesting is that a

significant number of the EMR reported consulting the government officials while

very few EWR reported the same. This is possibly because by virtue of being male the

EMR had easy access to the government officials; the women could be comparatively

less vocal and veiled due to gendered socialisation.

Delivery of Services in Education and Health

„Delivery of services‟ refers to functions listed in the Eleventh Schedule of the

Constitution (modified by the states as required), many of which are linked to

centrally sponsored schemes, announced from time to time. This chapter examined

whether having a female Adhyaksha enhances the chances of „pro women service

delivery‟ in health and education.

In delivery of services in health, Cleanliness, Drainage, Sanitation and Toilets were

the top most priorities for both the EWR and EMR and infrastructure took the next

position in the list of priorities. As discussed in the previous chapter of the report, a

similar trend is observed, where a relatively significant amount of EWR did not

mention any priority areas for investment in health. When a similar question was

asked to the Adhyakshas about their 3 priority areas of investment in education,

majority of the Adhyakshas mentioned investment in infrastructural development as

their first priority. This choice was again, irrespective of the sex of the adhyaksha.

Convergence with frontline functionaries - ASHA/ANM/Anganwadi workers

Frontline functionaries like ASHA, ANM and Anganwadi workers are the interface of

the service delivery system with the community. Frontline workers act as important

and sometimes last mile delivery points of services to people. Given the critical role

of the frontline workers in delivery of services in education and health at the local

level it becomes essential for GP members and Adhyakshas to work with the frontline

functionaries in harmony. Therefore exploring the level of convergence between these

two groups becomes imperative. Their convergence was looked at from the

underlined theme of feminisation of workforce.

The finding reflected a clear trend towards good convergence between the EWRs and

the frontline functionaries, as compared to the EMR. This is a positive trend as the

frontline functionaries are important not only as main agents of delivery in education

and health but also in terms of an essential linkage between these two sectors and the

EWR.

Own Source Revenue (OSR)

The 73rd amendment to the Constitution of India bestowed the power to levy taxes in

the form of own source revenue to the panchayats. The rationale guiding this was to

impart certainty, continuity, and strength to panchayats. The per capita OSR in

Davanagere (2013) for GPs with a female Adhyaksha has been higher in comparison

to GPs with male Adhyakshas. This is also true for the per capita revenue generated in

GPs under EWR. The GPs under the female adhyaksha have traditionally been well

performing GPs in terms of the OSR collection. The per capita OSR for the districts

under EWR for the year 2013 actually dips in comparison to the per capita OSR in

2012. But, this dip is recorded in GPs with male and female Adhyakshas alike. Even

though the data clearly shows that the GPs with EWR collect more OSR than the ones

with EMR, the fact of the matter is that this phenomenon cannot be conclusively

attributed to the sex of the adhyaksha as there are multiple factors that could have

influenced the actual collection of OSR1. While on one hand this holds true, on the

other there is a possibility that EWR might be more at ease when it comes to OSR

generation in comparison to the EMR. This needs further probe.

Role of Adhyaksha in Engendering Empowerment

The guiding principle of the 73rd

amendment to the Constitution was that it would

ensure representation and effective participation of the most marginalised in the

decision making process. The rationale behind reserving seats for women in the

decentralised 3 tier system of governance was to encourage women to take a front seat

in the participatory spaces present in the panchayats. This was also informed by the

thought that representation and participation would engender empowerment and self

efficacy.

The finding revealed that even when there is a presence of a female adhyaksha in the

GP, effective participation of women in political and participatory spaces remain low.

The majority believed that the male Adhyakshas were more development oriented and

worked towards the development of the GP and this quality was the biggest asset of

an EMR, while the negative was that they were prone to corruption and had a drinking

problem. Strangely, a huge number of women could not state the positives and

negatives of EWRs and EMRs. The reason why a majority of village residents thought

that EWRs lacked voice could possibly be because of the restricted expression of the

EWRs in participatory spaces. This also points towards a certain failure in the system

where the system has not been able to provide ample support to the EWRs. These

opinions also hint at a deep seated pro-male adhyaksha bias among the village

residents.

Conclusion

In conclusion the study gives important pointers towards the fact that most EWRs in

the sample panchayats came from a background of relative "powerlessness" in

comparison to their male counterparts. In-spite of being positioned in a condition of

1 It should be noted that the total sample size is 40 GPs and a concentration of traditionally better

performing GPs under a female adhyaksha could have led to the significant difference in the per capita

OSR of the GPs with male and female Adhyakshas respectively.

relative deprivation the managed to perform fairly well. This was reflected in the fact

that the per capita OSR collection and revenue of Davanagere in for the years 2011

and 2012 saw a consistent increase under EWRs. The study did not find EWR's

inclination towards "pro-woman" service delivery but pointed towards the fact that

water, sanitation and infrastructure remain the most prioritised areas for investment

for both the male and female Adhyakshas. This was reflected even in their

interactions with the frontline functionaries.

An important finding of the study was the biased attitude guided by cultural

essentialism that prevails in the residents of the village when it comes to a 'female'

Adhyakshas. This bias came across strongly when the residents were asked to state

their opinion on male and female Adhyakshas, where a substantial portion of men

stated that there are no positives of a female Adhyaksha.

This tells us that mere reservation of seats is not enough though it does help in giving

representation. The capacity building efforts have to go beyond merely iterative,

information based training, and be designed around collective action and

transformative experiences in order to covert the reservation into a real vehicle of

social and political change.

_____________________

Impact of Women GP ‘Adhyakshas’ on Delivery of Services and Democratic Processes in Karnataka

1.0 Background

The 73rd

Constitutional Amendment marks a landmark in democratic decentralization in

India. The bill passed in December 1992, mandated reserving of the 1/3rd

of total seats at all

levels in the three-tier panchayat rural bodies for women, including among those seats

reserved for members of the Dalit and Adivasi communities. One-third of the positions of

chairperson in all three tiers of the council were also reserved for women. The amendment

came into force on 24 April 1993 (Chaudhuri (2003); Harmon and Kaufman (2004); Puliani

(2010)).

The development was particularly significant for women in India, given that the country, like

many others, has debated notional parity for women through reserved seats in political

institutions. Although members of the Constituent Assembly had opposed special

concessions for women, the issue resurfaced with the National Committee on the Status of

Women tabling their report on the Status of Women in India in 1975. The Committee, while

not favoring reservation of seats in parliament, did strongly recommend institutionalization of

women‟s participation in local government through quotas (Mumtaz, 2005; Raman, 2002).

The momentum for women‟s reservation for enhanced political participation had emerged

decades later from a combination of domestic and international pressures (Mumtaz, 2005).

The women‟s movement in India per se is seen to have become more inclusive and

responsive to economically disadvantaged and rural women since the 1980s. The

foundational principle of equality of all citizens, enshrined in the Constitution also made

endorsing instruments like the Convention for Eliminating all forms of Discrimination

Against Women (CEDAW) and declarations adopted by UN Conferences on Women in

Cairo (1994) and Beijing (1995) a natural step forward for India as also an imperative to walk

the talk at the policy level. Demand for quotas escalated in the 1990s as the UN‟s Division on

the Advancement of Women and the European Union debated the concept (Gierycz (2001);

Jaquette, (1997) cited in Tinker (2004)). The 30 per cent target, for reasons discussed later,

quickly became a goal at the 1995 Beijing Conference. Specifically, the Beijing Platform for

Action called for representation of women in all decision making bodies and the

recommendation of creating a “critical mass” and “gender balance” in political decision

making (Mumtaz, 2005: 10).

The Constitutional Amendment Act has brought more than ten lakh women to the fore as

members and chairpersons of local bodies. The electoral-performance of women varied

across different states. In the local body elections of 1996, Punjab fell slightly short of the

prescribed norm with 29.6 per cent of the elected members being women, while Madhya

Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh elected 38 per cent women. Of significance to this study is

Impact of Women GP ‘Adhyakshas’ on Delivery of Services and Democratic Processes

2

that Karnataka, in the same election, exceeded the mandate and elected a little over 43 per

cent representation for women (Mumtaz, 2005).

The 73rd

CAA is premised on representation for women in local bodies being a vital step to

political agency and voice. It is both about deepening democracy to include the erstwhile

marginalized and sidelined presence of women by opening up spaces to include them in

sufficient numbers, as well as making the tangible experience of development more real and

responsive to women‟s needs through the agency of those who are „one among their own‟,

i.e. other women. Whether both these premises are played out in practice is what needs to be

examined.

Women‟s representation in the South Asian region in national legislatures has been found to

be hovering at around 9 per cent. In India, within the provincial/ state legislatures, it is still

lower at around 4 per cent. Thus a few women in positions of power like Sonia Gandhi at the

centre and Jayalalitha in Tamil Nadu or Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh really do not mean very

much for gender-balance in representation (Mumtaz, 2005). 2The 1996 elections to Indian

Parliament even saw fewer women members being elected than in the previous three

elections – a mere 36 out of 545 members (6 per cent) (Rai, 1999). Currently, the total

percentage of elected women representatives in the Rajya Sabha is 9.8 and 11 per cent in the

Lok Sabha.

Ironically, even when numerical representation is achieved, all may not be hunky-dory either.

Participation of women in GPs in India, for instance, did precede the passing of the

Constitutional Amendment Act. In 1989 nine villages in the western state of Maharashtra had

elected all-women gram panchayats reportedly as an outcome of the campaign of an

independent farmers‟ organization, Shetkari Sanghatana. An all woman panchayat was also

elected in Andhra Pradesh in the seventies and another in the eighties (Mumtaz, 2005). After

the passing of the CA Act, West Bengal got its all women GP in May 1993 under the Left

Front Government.

A pre-colonial entity, the Panchayats in independent India are known to have varied in their

composition and key roles, depending on whether they were caste-panchayats or ones that

presided over the functioning of villages with a variety of coexisting caste groups, and the

wider culture and norms of the region. British anthropologist, Gerald D Berreman, writing in

1963 about panchayats in the Himalayas documented that membership was „traditionally

confined to the upper castes and women were never council members‟ (cited in Harmon and

Kaufman (2004), p.62). Alluding to the manner of discussion and decision-making process

within the panchayat, the same anthropologist mentions that it was men‟s „qualities‟ of

having wealth, ability to speak and reason convincingly and an even temper, that qualified

them for the role. Evidence suggests that strongly-gendered attitudes about who has what

„qualities‟, without examining whether they were innate, cultivated or were passed-on, have

2 http://164.100.47.132/LssNew/Members/women.aspx


3

survived well into the present. It is important to recognize that the inter-sectionality of caste

and gender play a very important role in furthering women‟s exclusion from the decision

making spaces. While, it is a well-established fact that dalit and tribal women are excluded

from this process due to their marginalised status, the so called upper caste women

sometimes find it even more difficult to assert their voice in democratic spaces due to caste

prescriptions. Norms like adherence to „purdah‟, concepts of honor-shame is strict in the so

called upper caste women, which further act as hindrance for these women to effectively

participate in panchayat.

Skepticism in the wake of the policy was widespread, and emerged from various quarters on

various grounds (Harmon & Kaufman, 2004; Jain, 1996; Vyasulu & Vyasulu, 1999). Those

who opposed the move expressed the fear that the women would only serve as a front for

their husbands, or other powerful interests to call the shots. The fear that rural woman who

were illiterate and who observed the veil, would either not take up the challenge; or that when

they did, would not function effectively in these new roles were voiced. Even the view that

these attempts for „equality‟ for women, were a western import, that would not bode well for

the traditional and sacrosanct place accorded to the family and the strongly gendered roles

and expectations of women within them, were freely aired. Thus, even numerical

representation for women in the rural local bodies powered by the powerful mandate of state

legislation was/is a significant battle won.

Ministry of Panchayati Raj data available for 2006 indicates the presence of women in all

three layers of the PRIs to be between 36.9 and 37.2 per cent (MoPR, 2008). The break-up of

the same for the states indicates that Karnataka is among the better performers.

Table 1: Women in PRIs across India in 2006

Proportion State Above 50 per cent Bihar Between 35-50 per cent Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Manipur, Orissa, Rajasthan,

Sikkim, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, West Bengal Between 33-35 per cent Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal

Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Tripura Less than 33 per cent Goa

Source: MoPR, 2008

The Constitutionally mandated panchayats also standardized and enlarged the structure and

functions of these institutions, while also according representation to those from the

traditionally disadvantaged groups of Dalits and Adivasis, besides women. The PRIs are now

responsible for the administration of local public goods, with state governments having the

power to devolve more functions if need be. Members are elected by the residents of the

villages. The size of the Gram Panchayat (GP) in terms of number of people and villages

varies across states. For example, a GP may comprise up to 10,000 people residing in

anywhere between 5 and 15 villages, except in Kerala, where each village is mandated as a

separate GP (Besley, Pande, Rahman, & Rao, 2004). A GP is subdivided into wards (the


4

population per ward varies between 300 and 800) and elections are at the ward-level. Voters

elect the members to the council and in most states directly vote for the Chairperson, Pradhan

or Adhyaksha. Formally, no political parties are involved in the process but in practice

candidates are often nominated or affiliated to political parties. The council makes decisions

by majority voting with the Chairperson having no veto power. The Chairperson, however, is

the only member of the council with a full-time appointment (Duflo & Topalova, 2004).

1.01 Elected Women Representatives in Karnataka

Ashok Kumar.H and Dr. T.M. Mahesh in their paper on Rural Local Governance in

Karnataka: Issues and Trends classify the historical background of local self-government in

Karnataka into the three phases.

I. 1978-82

The first phase began in 1978 by building up the most important elements of district

planning. To begin with, at the district level, two development planning committees were

created, that is „District Planning Committee‟ (DPC) and District Development Councils

(DDC).

II. 1983-86

The second phase of district planning starts from 1983 to 1986. In this period, more control

and devolution of funds and schemes were brought according to the state level heads and

planning machinery.

III. 1986-1993

The third phase of District Planning in Karnataka starts with the implementation of the Act of

1985. The Act was implemented on 1st April 1987. When the Act was implemented, there

were 19 ZPs, 2525 Mandal Panchayats and 27024 Grama Sabhas covering a population of

264 lakhs by which 71 per cent of the rural population of the State came under the purview of

the Act. The set-up for the district planning was changed altogether along with the change in

Panchayati Raj system. This Act mandated 25 per cent reservations of seats for women in the

Panchayati Raj System.

Karnataka is credited for being a reform oriented state. Even before the passing of the 73rd

and 74th

Amendments, Karnataka had a two tier system of local governance as mentioned

above, which mandated 25 per cent reservations for women. Karnataka adopted the features

of the 73rd Amendment by enacting a comprehensive Panchayat Raj Act on May 10, 1993.

This Act came into force only a few months after the 73rd amendment. This Act provides for

an elected three-tier system at the village (Grama Panchayat), block (Taluk Panchayati

Samiti) and district (Zilla Panchayat) levels (KPR Act 1993). The seat and authority position

matrix that the Act mandates is: (i) for SCs and STs in proportion to their population or a

minimum of 18 per cent, (ii) 33.3 per cent for other backward castes, and, more significantly,

(iii) one third for women from each of these castes, including the non-reserved seats.


5

Before 1983 women‟s entry into panchayats in Karnataka was possible only through

nominations. A number of 3studies done in between 1987 and 1990 revealed that it was only

women from the dominant castes (Lingayats and Vokkaligas) who had access to PRIs. A

study on elected women representatives in Karnataka Panchayati Raj Institutions between

1987 and 1990 revealed that women from the dominant castes the Lingayats and Vokkaligas-

formed 60 per cent of the elected women members in the zilla parishads in Karnataka. The

studies also pointed out that women would only contest for the seats reserved for them.

Almost 80 per cent of the women members in the Zilla Parishad had no experience in active

politics, except for exercising their franchise in a few elections. The remaining 20 per cent

had served either in the erstwhile panchayats or in taluk development boards. The women,

who contested the 1987 elections, were very often the relatives of political leaders. Usually a

male member of the family had been instrumental in persuading the woman to contest.

During the election campaign, these women were always projected as someone‟s wife,

mother, sister or widow, as the case may be. They attributed their victory in the elections to

the political party or its leader or the status of the male member of the family. The

participation of women in the Zilla Parishad meetings was also an eye-opener. If any woman

wished to raise any issue, she chose to speak about it to the adhyaksha or the upadhyaksha,

after the meeting when all male members left. Quite often a male member of her family

would be present to support her. The literature suggests that the women members from the

southern and coastal districts of Karnataka were more vocal than those from the northern

districts because of the former‟s exposure to the urban situation and also due to cultural

factors. Observation of social norms like keeping a distance in the presence of men, lack of

voice and confidence often came in the way of the elected women representatives‟ (EWRs)

participation in the meetings. Most women members did not visit the Zilla Parishad offices

except when attending meetings. Occasionally the men escorted the women members and

also accompanied them to the meeting hall, prompting them to speak. A case, oft cited, is that

of the husband of an EWR wanting to speak on behalf of his wife in the Zilla Parishad

meetings.

At present, there are 5,628 panchayats, 175 taluk panchayati Samitis and 30 Zilla Panchayats

in the state. There are 91,402 elected GP members in the state. Out 91,402 GP members

16,999 are scheduled caste members (18.61 per cent), 9,880 members are scheduled tribes

(10.80 per cent), 29,944 members belong to other backward communities (32.76 per cent)

and 34,581 members belong to other general communities (37.83 per cent). There are 39,318

3 Dr. Chandrashekhar & Dr. Ravindranath N. Kadam. (2012). A Study on the Grama Panchayat Women

Members‟ Participation in Developmental Initiatives: with Special Reference to Shivamogga District.

International Journal of Advanced Research in Management and Social Sciences

Chandrashekar, B.K., (1984). „Panchayat raj law in Karnataka: Janata initiative in decentralisation‟, Economic

and Political Weekly, XIX (16): 683-92.

Jain , L. C. (1994). Panchayat: Women will win, Kurukshetra, June

Jhamtani, A. (1995). Rural women: Powerless partner in development Kurukshetra, Aug., p.63.


6

elected women members at the GPs, which is about 43 per cent of the total elected members

in the State.

1.02 Women GP Chairpersons and their impact: the findings so far

A review of literature on the actual status on the ground in relation to various states indicates

a range of findings with regard to the Gram Panchayats with EWRs in general and sometimes

with specific reference to Women Chairpersons in four aspects that, among others, can be

easily investigated in relation to Delivery of Services and Democratic Process. A key feature

of the reservation policy being that reserved villages were randomly allocated, several

researchers have assumed that with a large enough sample, any difference between the types

of goods and services, or other outcomes achieved must reflect the impact of the policy of

seats reserved for EWR. States for which more detailed information both on and from studies

conducted on EWRs are available include Karnataka, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, West

Bengal, Rajasthan and Odisha.

i. Participation of women and girls in various democratic processes

It can be expected that EWRs will have an impact in terms of being role models to girls in the

community or benefits of schooling for girls per se. They would get more women to step out

of the home and be vocal in the Gram Sabha or other forums. The priorities would change as

a result - whether in relation to instrumental (i.e. women‟s needs related to their traditional

gendered roles as mother or care-giver) or strategic (i.e.: women‟s needs that when met could

alter the prevailing power relations between women and men, e.g.: right to inheritance)

gender needs. They would be from among the most marginalized. (Rao and Sanyal (2010):1)

They would present the possibility „for the exercise of voice and agency‟ in gram sabhas,

envisioning revitalized engagement by all in such matters as the selection of beneficiaries for

anti-poverty programs and on budgetary allocations for the provision of public goods and

services. The Gram Sabha would become „the largest deliberative institution in human

history‟, and „...democratic politics, and its attendant deliberative rituals, election cycles, and

political machinations and negotiations,‟ capturing the imagination and energies of all,

especially the women in rural India. Even the EWR‟s involvement and effective participation

can be considered a part of this dimension, as well as her well-intentioned plans to continue a

career in politics. But has this come to pass?

a. In Madhya Pradesh, issues of improvement of status of women were not discussed in

Gram Sabhas, even in those Panchayats with a female Chairperson. (Behar, 2002: 54)

b. Again in MP it was observed from visits to Panchayats that women from most

villages were unaware about their rights to attend GS meetings. Women as a group

have been unable to assert themselves in the Gram Sabha meetings (ibid).

c. A study commissioned by the MoPR in 2008 in 114 districts across 23 states, among

other things, attempted to map the socio-economic profile of EWRs, track their

political careers, and analyse the impact of being an EWR on her own development. A


7

significant proportion of EWRs interviewed were in the age group of 36-50 years

(female Chairpersons: 38 per cent; female ward members: 42 per cent) with two-fifth

of the EWRs having been educated to middle-school and above. Younger EWRs were

also found to have had more years of schooling. While this study did not mention

their impact in terms being role models for girls in the community or advertising the

benefits of schooling for girls per se, it is possible that this purpose was being met.

d. The same study reported one fourth of the EWRs to be SC/ST/OBC and half of them

qualified as Below Poverty Line (BPL), from a sample of over 900 woman

chairpersons and over 4000 women members. The poor and marginalized thus did

gain a foothold into the participatory spaces, though whether they actually did

participate is not known. Raman (2002) puts the number of EWRs who are women

like these at not less than 40%.

e. Some of the key factors‟ found to be decisive in positive outcomes and ratings for

EWRs were: duration of exposure as EWR; training received; education (middle

school & above); self-reporting of „Working for Panchayat‟ as one‟s main occupation;

years of social work; years of political involvement; and involvement in group/

community in general (MoPR, 2008).

f. Hust (2002) shares insights from her study in Odisha, where literacy rates for women

were 37.17 per cent for women as against 71.54 per cent for men when she undertook

her work there. Aiming at a comparative analysis as well, two widely divergent

blocks were selected with key differences in development indicators, political culture,

and literacy rates for women. The forward block from the coastal region was chosen

because it is economically comparatively better off, with literacy rates above the

Orissa average at 51.5 per cent for women and 80.65 per cent for men. The backward

district from the western hinterland, in contrast, was chosen for its rather feudal

political culture as well as poor infrastructure and low economic development. That

reservation enhanced participation was observed when, irrespective of their level of

development, both blocks voted 33 per cent women into positions of responsibility.

This process itself, helped enhance their agency as 25 per cent of these women

reported being able to imagine themselves contesting elections in future. However it

was higher among women from the forward block (31.6 per cent) as compared to

those in the backward block (18.6 per cent).

g. This finding is echoed by Osmani (2000): who notes that the statutory reservation of

seats for women and other weaker classes have clearly made a difference in ensuring

broader participation in Madhya Pradesh. In the late 1990s, more than one-third of all

panchayat members were women, no mean achievement in a state where female

literacy and other indicators of women‟s status are one of the lowest in the country.


8

h. Hust (2002) also found that in general, the average age of the EWR (37.7 years) was

younger than that of EMRs, and they were in general from lower caste, lower SESs,

and less educated than EMRs, with 19 per cent never having gone to school and

majority having done only primary school. While 32 per cent were from politically

active families, so were 26 per cent of the EMRs, making fears of all-out proxyism

unfounded, and the possibility that it would come down over time open.

i. She also observed that social norms operate to favour women from the village versus

those who come in from outside through marriage, as EWR. This is because the

former are less restricted in talking and interacting with men, as against the daughters-

in-law, who need to adhere to socio-cultural notions of propriety and not do so.

j. She points out that, women gained in many respects – in terms of being more

informed, involved and out of their homes, with a space in the public sphere. A point

reiterated by Raman (2002) based on her review of several evaluative studies.

k. Regarding the election process, Hust observes that while 63 per cent of the women

faced no rivals, and tend to be labelled „compromise candidates‟ in the wake of the

quotas, 36 per cent of the men also were elected unopposed and she cites this as proof

of village committees attaching value to unanimous decisions.

l. The positions of chairpersons tended to be occupied by women from the more well-

to-do sections of rural society, like well-off middle peasant families (Raman, 2002) or

the more educated women in the village (Hust, 2002).

m. Deininger et al (2012) note that in unreserved villages, women account only for some

7 per cent of Pradhans, and offer this to support the reservation policy. They also note

that reservation brings in new officials; compared to about a quarter who had held

office before in unreserved seats, only some 12 per cent do so in reserved ones and

only 7 per cent, as compared to some 21 per cent in unreserved seats had been

running for office before without being elected.

ii. Priorities for investment in different sectors, including delivery of services in education

and health

a. Women invest more in goods that are relevant to the needs of local women: water and

roads in West Bengal; water in Rajasthan. They invest less in goods that are less

relevant to the needs of women: non-formal education centres in West Bengal; roads

in Rajasthan. (Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004)

b. Hust (2002) observes on the basis of her study that „only a small number of female

representatives demonstrate sensitivity concerning women‟s interests‟. This according

to her, was even less in the forward block, as compared to the backward one where

alcoholism was a recognized problem. While the young and energetic female

sarpanch in the block was aware and articulate about how husbands squander scarce

money on drink and often resort to wife-beating when intoxicated, she also had


9

reservations about taking it on. The voting decision in her locality is dominated by the

males who are also the liquor consumers and annoying them through agitating against

would potentially jeopardize her political support base. Thus although the sarpanch

was actually aware about a gendered problem she with would/could not remedy it.

c. Hust sees the need for greater broad based political mobilization and unity among

women and through the agency of a woman‟s group to effect more far-reaching and

desired change in the face of such problems.

d. Besley et al (2004) use survey data from over 500 villages distributed across nine

boundary districts in the four southern states of India, and included the Pradhan's

village in the sample, among others, in all cases. Their „precise measure of personal

political opportunism‟ was whether an ERs household was allocated a BPL card.

They found that while the average (citizen) respondent has over four years of

education, politicians are significantly more educated. Average land holdings are 2.2

acres; however, among politicians it is 5.7 acres. Politicians elected from non-

reserved seats are significantly more landed than those elected from reserved seats.

Only seven percent of the general respondents, but a quarter of the politicians, belong

to a family where someone held a political position. Finally, twenty-one percent of the

households, and a quarter of the politician households possess a BPL card. Thus

while, for the most part, politicians are from the political and economic elite it appears

that they have a greater chance of having a BPL card than a randomly selected non-

politician household. However, they also note than 54 percent of the Pradhans in the

sample had a reserved seat, and that they did not form the economic and social elite.

e. They also conclude that the likelihood that the average landless household has a BPL

card is lower when the Pradhan has a BPL card. This suggests a potential welfare cost

with opportunistic politicians targeting landless households less. In contrast, landless

households appear to benefit from having a more educated Pradhan. There is further

evidence that having educated politicians improves household level targeting in this

setting. Having a reserved politician does not impact a landless household's chance to

get a BPL card. It does, however, significantly increase the likelihood that a SC/ST

household has a BPL card. This confirms the idea that individuals do tend to benefit

when there are politicians in office whose characteristics are more similar to their

own.

f. Sathe and others (2013) caution on how larger budgetary allocations in certain

sectors, when taken as a proxy for women adhyksha‟s priorities for local

development, can neither capture corruption or quality of the intended service if and

as it actually materialises.


10

iii. Own source revenue generation

a. Deininger et al (2012) find that the total budgets are not significantly different

between panchayats with reserved seats for women pradhan and those with

unreserved seats. In both cases, some 90 percent of local budget is based on central

transfers and the amount of funds spent under centrally sponsored schemes is larger

than the Panchayats own budget. They offer the following primary data (p.8) on

Revenue and expenditure (Rs. per capita/year).

Table 2: Own Source revenue and Women’s Reservation

Type of GP Reserved for women Not reserved

Local revenue per capita 174.42 169.07

of which from govt. sources 156.58 151.79

of which from own sources 17.84 17.47

Centrally sponsored schemes 268.73 201.67

No. of observations 180 459

b. The CBPS case study on best practices in well-performing panchayats commends the

president‟s OSR generation activities in Tamil Nadu‟s Bearhatty Gram Panchayat

reserved for women, and where the reservation carries on for two terms. However, it

identifies such performance as highly dependent on the president‟s leadership skills

and other personal attributes. The study was also carried out during her second term

as president. The Own Source Revenue (OSR) of the Panchayat has doubled during

the five year period of 2008-09 and 2012-13. Since the area is affluent and amenable

for business, the tax collection capacity is relatively higher. House tax forms an

important component of the total Own Source Revenue. The share of OSR in total

revenue has also gone up from 22 to 26 percent, this being higher in intervening

years. The contribution from tea plantation and forest land is relatively small

presently but it is likely to go up in future.

iv. Impact of women Adhyaksha on the functioning of GPs

a. In West Bengal, Chattopadhyay and Duflo (2004) found that women are more likely

to participate in the policy-making process if the leader of their village council is a

woman.

b. The MoPR study of 2008 evaluated the quality of participation of EWRs in the PRI

and studied their performance against a list of pre-decided criteria, triangulated the

findings from the community, and analysed these in comparison to performance by

male colleagues (MoPR, 2008). The list included such criteria as attending GS

meeting (65 per cent responded in the affirmative); regular interaction with ANM (65

per cent); involvement in community mobilization (43 per cent); monitoring

Anganwadi Centres (only Chairperson) (79 per cent); involvement in the provision of

civic amenities (66 per cent); monitoring teacher‟s attendance in school (41 per cent);


11

making efforts to reduce drop out from school (52 per cent); and being engaged in

efforts to increase enrolment in school (57 per cent).

c. The study commissioned by the MoPR reported no significant differences in the

number of households benefitting from schemes, irrespective of whether the villages

had EWRs or EMRs, with the latter being 1 or 2 percentage points higher in relation

to enrolling households for a couple of schemes.

d. Vyasulu and Vyasulu (1999) writing in the context of Karnataka, on the basis of case

studies of women panchayat presidents, appear to suggest that their caste and class

identities impact their functioning more than a gendered identity, and that gender acts

in intersections with class and caste and seldom as an independent category.

e. They also point out that such women have come in with their social and economic

disadvantages – of low levels of literacy, property rights, low and uncertain incomes,

and survival skills acquired in what is more often than not a feudal set up– and this

informs their manner of functioning, as against the expectation for some kind of

exemplary or revolutionary direct action. This aspect resonates with what Mumtaz

(2005) alludes to in terms of the „social subjugation‟ of women representatives with

limited education and skills, and gender, caste and religion acting in tandem to dis-

empower them, and the need for training that addresses these realities.

f. Sathe and others (2013), on the basis of their randomly drawn sample of women

sarpanches in Maharashtra, note that women sarpanches are economically more

disadvantaged (having less of smaller assets like land or house) and relative political

outsiders (not belonging to a family with political connections) that their male

counterparts, and that tenure is statistically significant for them to have a positive

impact in their political role. They found that three to three-and-a-half years was

required for a woman sarpanch to register a positive impact, and that one year was an

inadequate amount of time. They attribute this to the steep learning curve that women

have to negotiate in the beginning which is offset by the confidence and experience

that they gain gradually.

g. Deininger et al (2012) indicate, comparing men and women pradhans, that the latter

are more likely to contribute (from the revenue they have discretion over) to

sanitation, education, health, natural resource management, and government schemes

compared to higher male contributions to roads, drinking water, and social issues.

h. Nilekani (2010) offers a significant contrarian view to the bulk of the studies that have

indicated positive outcomes resulting from reservation of seats for women in

Panchayats. Based on a detailed analysis of Karnataka, where she shows selection of

panchayats for reservation is non-random, and typically involves larger panchayats

with more women members in the council, she argues that these differences, rather

than the lone variable of there being a woman adhyaksha, could explain the different


12

outcomes that such GPs register in comparison to others. West Bengal, Haryana and

Kerala are the only states where reservation of seats for women in Panchayats is

strictly random.

The review undertaken has helped throw light on an indicative list of dimensions and aspects

on which the proposed study in Karnataka may be undertaken as well as pointers on how to

go about it, and pitfalls to avoid. At the same time, it needs to be kept in mind that while

impact of EWRs in PRIs can be understood in relation to the broad parameters of (a) social

status of EWRs, the institutional support structures, and working of PRIs, it is (b) organising

people at the grassroots such that all segments of the people, including the poorer and the

weaker ones, can effectively participate and tangibly experience a better quality of life, that is

the true test of impact (Osmani, 2000). There is more literature on participation that needs to

be examined e.g.: (Gaventa & Valderrama, 1999) as well as structuring analysis and framing

indicators to measure empowerment (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005) which may offer useful leads

to this study.

The existing literature shows, as compared to the impact of EWRs in general, the impact of

Women Chairpersons alone has not been analysed very much. Also, the analysis in most

studies seems to have been on the impact of the policy for women‟s participation in structures

- as representatives, or as members of the community. EWR in relation to OSR is clearly

under researched. All these factors make the case for the proposed study stronger.

Even the mere presence of women and more so in significant numbers, in Panchayati Raj

Institutions (PRI) is a historical turning point, given the genesis and history of the institution

itself, and the historical and cultural subjugation of women. This representation is guaranteed

on the premise that effective representation should lead to empowerment. Given this

provision, whether the elected women are truly „representative‟ of those whom they

purportedly represent merits critical examination. The discourse on PRIs in India suggests

that EWRs take a keen interest in goods that are relevant to the needs of the local women,

especially in the domain of education and health. But a nuanced understanding of this is

needed. This report uses empirical evidences from two districts (Davanagere and Kalburgi) in

Karnataka to examine whether EWR invest more on „pro women‟ service delivery and the

impact of EWR on democratic processes. This is an exploratory study that is focused around

the following key research questions -

What are the background profiles of the Adhyakshas?

What are the priority areas of investment for the Adhyakshas?

Do the Adhyakshas focus on „pro women‟ service delivery in education and health?

What is the impact of EWR on own source revenue generation?

What is the impact of EWR on the participation of village residents in democratic

processes?

What is the perception of village residents of women leaders/EWR?


13

1.03 Methodology

This exploratory study was conducted in two Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) districts

of Karnataka viz. Kalburgi and Davanagere. The Backward Regions Grant Fund is designed

to redress regional imbalances in development. The fund provides financial resources for

supplementing and converging existing developmental inflows into 250 identified districts, so

as to: bridge critical gaps in local infrastructure and other development requirements that are

not being adequately met through existing inflows. There are 6 BRGF districts in Karnataka,

Chitradurga, Davanagere, Kalburgi, Bidar, Raichur and Yadgir. The rationale behind

selecting Kalburgi and Davanagere is that, these two districts are one of the most backward

regions in Karnataka. According to the 4Nanjundappa Committee Report, 2002, nine out of

the ten taluks in Kalburgi are most backward. Kalburgi has a high SC/ST population and the

incidence of poverty is very high in the district. On the other hand, out of the six taluks in

Davanagere, two taluks have been classified as most backward, and two as more backward by

the Nanjundappa Committee Report. Along with backwardness, these two districts are poor

when it comes to empowerment indicators for women. According to the Karnataka Human

Development Report, 2005 (Gender and Human Development, pg 173 and pg 187)

Davanagere and Kalburgi rank 21 and 25 out of the 27 districts in Karnataka on a composite

scale that combined, Gender Development Index (GDI) along with other indicators like

immunisation, age of marriage etc.

A list of GPs and GP presidents was provided by Administrative Training Institute, Mysore

to facilitate the process of sampling. However, it was found that the list was old and most of

the GP presidents had changed. Hence, in order to arrive at more recent information

regarding GPs the website Panchamitra5 was used. After procuring the list, calls were made

to all GP offices respectively to verify the information provided in the list. On verification, it

was found that even the names of current GP presidents as per panchamitra had gone through

changes. Therefore Panchayat Development Officers (PDOs)/Secretary/ bill collectors of

each and every GP were called to procure the names of the current Adhyakshas. This had

implications for the study design, as a sample of 20 EWRs and 20 EMRs needed to be

maintained. Therefore with frequent change of Adhyakshas, ensuring this was a challenge.

Another implication of this frequent change in Adhyaksha was that if the Adhyaksha was

new and had not spent considerable amount of time in the GP, he/she would be unable to

report/answer questions about the GP correctly. Therefore the sampling ensured that only

those Adhyakshas were selected who held office for six or more months. The sampling also

ensured that there was a representation of GP presidents from various social categories:

Hindu General, SC, ST and Muslims. The list of GPs in the sample is attached as Appendix I.

4 Nanjundappa Committee was a high power committee setup by the government of Karnataka in 2002 to

review the regional imbalances in the state. 5 http://panchamitra.kar.nic.in/


14

A comprehensive desk review of existing literature was carried out that informed the field

work. The desk review comprised critically analysing studies, journal publications, reports

that were relevant to the theme of the study. Official documents on PRIs including various

reports of committees and the acts relating to PRIs in Karnataka also formed an essential part

of the desk review.

A multistage sampling technique was used to select 20 GPs in each district. Across these 20

GPs the following stakeholders were interviewed. These interviews were conducted by the

CBPS field staffs were posted in the respective districts. The field staff underwent a process

of training before going to the field. Each district was allocated a field manager who was

familiar with the use of research methods and the local characteristics of the field. This was

to ensure regular monitoring of the process of data collection.

Table 3: Sample of Stakeholders Interviewed

Stakeholders No. Interviewed

Kalburgi Davanagere Total Elected Women Representatives 11 10 21

Elected Men Representatives 9 10 19 GP Members (Female) 20 19 39 GP Members (Male) 20 21 41 Village Residents (Female) 40 40 80 Village Residents (Male) 39 41 80 ASHA/ANM/Anganwadi Workers 42 38 80

Source: Compiled by CBPS

Convenient sampling method was employed to sample Adhyakshas, GP members,

Anganwadi workers/ASHA worker/ANM and village residents. From each GP, the

adhyaksha, 2 GP members, 2 Anganwadi workers/ASHA worker/ANM, 2 female village

residents and 2 male village residents were interviewed. The interviews with the Adhyakshas

were a combination of reflection and perception. It provided important insights on the profile

of the Adhyakshas, their perception of priority areas of investment, challenges and

advantages faced by the Adhyakshas by virtue of belonging to a particular sex. The

interviews with colleagues and village residents gave insights on their perception of a female

and male Adhyakshas and how perceptions varied according to sex i.e. sex of the respondent

vis- a-vis sex of the adhyaksha. Along with interviews, secondary data on GP plans, finances

and expenditure were collected for a period of 3 years from 2010-12. The rationale behind the

collection of secondary data was to place the perceptions/reflections gathered from the

interviews against numbers to objectively arrive at a complete picture about the EWRs in the

GPs. Although, this was not possible to a certain extent, as the quality of data reported by the

panchayat offices was questionable. Also there were several other issues faced during

secondary data collection.


15

Tools for data collection

Two kinds of tools were prepared for primary and secondary data collection:

a. Tools for structured interviews with GP president, GP members, Anganwadi worker,

village residents and ANM/ ASHA /Anganwadi Worker.

b. Tools for collecting information on revenue and expenditure in GPs.

The tools are attached along with this report as Appendix II.

Limitations of the Study

The study undertaken is exploratory in nature and therefore scope and sample size considered

in the study does not permit the study to be generalised beyond the districts of Kalburgi and

Davanagere. Therefore the conclusions are largely restricted to the two districts.

The revenue and expenditure data for Kalburgi was unavailable for the 2013-14 as the

statements were not audited. The panchayat office did not share the unaudited reports. The

data procurement for Kalburgi proved to be a relatively tough exercise due to a variety of

reasons. In general, the data management was observed to be poor and therefore the staff was

reluctant in sharing those. Hence, due to unavailability of data for the year 2013-14 from

Kalburgi, the analysis is restricted to revenue and expenditure data of Davanagere. This has

restricted the scope of the study.


16

2.0 Background profile of the ‘Adhyakshas’

In a patriarchal setup women‟s participation in local governance through PRIs is layered with

several constraints. These constraints are both social and institutional in nature. Due to which

these women even though formally elected as „Adhyakshas‟ are excluded from playing an

active role in the PRIs. There legitimacy as „Adhyakshas‟ is questioned owing to several

patriarchal beliefs and practices that plague the Indian society. Therefore it is a constant

negotiation for the EWR to effectively carry out her duties as „Adhyaksha‟. To blame these

constraints on patriarchy would be extremely simplistic. One needs to comprehend the

intersectionality of patriarchy with caste, class and religion to understand the manner in

which these constraints operate. For example, a dalit EWR is likely to face more obstacles in

executing her roles as EWR than a EWR belonging to the so called „upper caste‟. In other

words, it might be easier for a EWR belonging to the „upper caste‟ to negotiate her way

through these social and economic constraints than a dalit EWR. Simply by virtue of being a

upper caste woman or belonging to an economically privileged family in the village a woman

can be seen as a more legitimate choice for adhyaksha than the other who may be a dalit or

less economically privileged. Therefore it implies that these socio-economic factors become

important determinants of the nature of women‟s leadership in political institutions like the

PRIs. Bearing this in mind, it becomes utmost necessary to look closely into the socio-

economic background of the Adhyakshas, specially the women Adhyakshas in Davanagere

and Kalburgi.

For the purpose of the in report, the background profile of the adhyaksha is classified into 2

broad categories - socio economic profile and political profile. The socio-economic profile

comprises of the Adhyakshas caste, age, educational qualification, occupation, ownership of

asserts. Political profile comprises of family‟s political clout, participation in democratic

processes, political motivation.

2.01 Socio-Economic profile of the Adhyakshas

Table 4 shows that more than 50 per cent of the EWRs belonged to SC/ST/OBC and minority

categories. This points to a positive trend where women belonging to the reserved categories

have been able to access the benefits of the PRI Act and are being formally represented in the

system.

Table 4 - Caste of the Adhyakshas

Caste Male Female Total

SC 10 4 14

ST 1 5 6

OBC 2 2 4

Minority 0 1 1

Hindu-General 5 8 13

Others 1 1 2

Total 19 21 40


17

Table 5 shows that while there is concentration of men Adhyakshas between the age group of

36-65 years, with more than 70 per cent of the Elected Men Representatives (EMR) falling in

this age group. The EWRs mainly formed a young group, where more than 60 per cent of the

EWRs fell in age group of 24-35 years. Age has always been an important factor for ascribed

status for women in the Indian society. It is often the older women who are expected to play

the part of key decision makers when the consent or opinion of the women is sought. The

presence of young women in the PRIs as Adhyakshas is heartening to see; young women do

bring in new energy, are relatively more mobile than older women and are more

enthusiastic/less disinclined when it comes to change.

Table 5: Age of the Adhyakshas

Age Male Female Total

24-35 3 12 15

36-45 8 2 10

46-55 5 3 8

56-65 3 2 5

66-75 0 2 2

Total 19 21 40

Most of these women were first time entrants to political/public life and were mostly

inexperienced (see tables 11, 12, 13). As seen in table 6 more than 85 per cent of the EWRs

had studied below SSLC which is different in case of the EMR where more than 60 per cent

had studied beyond SSLC. They also had a comparative weaker economic footing than the

men. As tables 7 and 8 demonstrates that more than 50 per cent EWR cited household work

as their main occupation and even if they were landed, the land was mainly registered in the

name of the spouse or male relative. Table 8 shows that the EMR have more number of male

relatives under which the land is registered than the EWR, this could be misguiding.

Therefore, this table needs to be looked at keeping in mind that women do not site their

father‟s property as their own. So even if the EWR had land which was registered in their

father‟s or brother‟s name, the concept that after marriage she has no ownership of this

property/land strongly operates.

Table 6: Educational Qualification of the Adhyakshas

Educational Qualification Male Female Total No Education 1 5 6 Below SSLC 6 13 19 SSLC Completed 5 2 7 PUC and above 7 1 8 Total 19 21 40



18

Table 7: Main Occupation of the Adhyakshas

Occupation Male Female Total

Cultivation 10 8 18

Agricultural Labour 0 1 1

Day Labor 1 0 1

Trader 1 0 1

Household Work 0 12 12

Social Work 3 0 3

Other 4 0 4

Total 19 21 40 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Table 8: Details of Land Registration

Registration Of Land Male Female

Spouse 3 9

Male Relative 11 5

Female Relative 0 1

Self 5 4

Others 1 1 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Table 9: Asserts Owned by the Adhyakshas

Assets Male Female Total

Own House 19 20 39

Electricity 19 20 39

Telephone 19 19 38

TV Set 15 19 34

Bicycle 4 5 9

Motor Cycle 16 18 34

CAR 4 4 8

BPL Card 9 15 24 Source: Compiled by CBPS

2.02 Political Profile of the Adhyakshas

As seen in tables 10 and 11, the EWRs do not belong to politically connected families. But

what is striking is the fact that about 80 per cent of them had never participated in panchayat

activities before being elected as Adhyaksha and more than 50 per cent of the EWR had no

prior idea about the roles and responsibilities of an Adhayakshas. These numbers are even

striking when seen in comparison to the response given by the EMRs. Contrary to the EWRs,

more than 80 per cent of the EMRs had actively participated in the functioning of the

Panchayat and around 80 per cent of them had the knowledge about the roles and

responsibilities of a GP Adhyaksha before being elected as one (see tables 12 and 13). These

numbers should be looked at keeping the argument in mind that active participation in PRIs

prior to holding office as Adhyaksha is essential as it instills greater confidence, mobility and


19

builds better communication skills among the women apart from familiarising them with the

nature of political space that the PRIs offer.

Table 10: Adhyaksha’s Political Clout

Family Member in Politics Male Female Total

Yes 4 3 7

No 11 13 24


Table 11: Involvement of the Adhyakshas Family Members in Politics

Kin Male Female

Spouse 3 3

Male Relative 2 3

Female Relative 1 0


Table 12: Adhyaksha’s Experience in PRI Prior to Election

Participation In Panchayat Activity Before being Elected Male Female Total

Yes 14 4 18

No 3 14 17


Table 13: Prior Knowledge of Adhyaksha’s Responsibility before being elected

Knowledge of Adhyaksha‟s Responsibility Before being Elected Male Female Total

Yes 14 10 24

Not Quite 4 11 15


Table 14: Experience as GP Member

First Time As GP Member Male Female Total

Yes 16 19 35

No 3 2 5

Total 19 21 40


Table 15: Will Adhyaksha Stand in the Next Elections

Will Adhyaksha Stand for the Next Elections Male Female Total

Yes 6 6 12

No 5 9 14

Yes will stand if Party Asks 1 0 1

Yes. will stand if Family Permits 0 1 1

Yes. will stand if People Want 5 2 7


Table 15 points towards the fact that only 50 per cent of the EWR expressed the willingness

to stand for elections in the next term.


20

As seen in table 12, most of the EWRs are first time entrants into the political space. It is a

well 6researched fact that the more time the EWR spends as Adhyaksha they become more

assertive and are able to discharge their functions better. It was observed in the field that

there was some kind of a common arrangement in the GPs, where the seat for the Adhyaksha

was rotated very frequently. Evidence to this was the fact that CBPS had difficulty in

sampling for the Adhyakshas (as mentioned above in the section on methods used). This

common arrangement did not follow the prescribed system of rotation. Therefore, the

Adhyakshas, specially the women got very little time to be able to understand the functioning

of the GP. Short tenure, coupled with relative in experience in terms of functioning of the GP,

further situates the EWRs in a powerless condition.

Involvement of Family Members in Adhyaksha’s work

It is not unusual for a female who holds political office to be a „proxy‟ especially in

patriarchal social settings. In such setting where it is kosher for the women to be

domesticated and carry out her gendered roles, affirmative action and specially its tool of

reservation when not supplemented with proper support systems could lead to a rise of

harmful social phenomenon like proxyism. Proxyism in a political space is when a

candidate/representative holds office only in name; the power rests with somebody else,

typically with a male family member when in the case of a woman proxy candidate/elected

representative.

Testing for proxy is a complex process and needs sustained engagement in the field and could

be a complete study in itself. Given the limited scope of this exploratory study, in order to

test for proxyism, the Adhyaksha‟s were asked to answer two simple questions. The first

question was whether they sought help from family members in dispensing their day to day

functions as adhyaksha; and the second question pertained to details of kinship of the family

member. More than 90 per cent of the EWR said that they sought help of family members in

performing their daily roles as Adhyaksha as compared to 47 per cent EMR who admitted to

the same. Interestingly, the composition of these family members who helped the

Adhyakshas in their work was predominantly male (See table 16 and 17). While, most EWRs

took help from their husbands and sons, the small percentage of men who did seek help from

family took help mostly from brothers, brother in laws and sons. Although the EWRs cannot

be branded as proxies based on these numbers but it does enable reasonable doubt towards

this as a possibility. And these numbers certainly prove that the EWRs were heavily male

dependent in carrying out their roles and responsibilities.

6 The recent (2013) Mani Shankar Aiyar-led Expert Committee‟s (on “Leveraging Panchayat Raj Institutions

for effective delivery of public goods and services,”) recommended freezing of rotation of reserved seats to

two or three terms to incentivize good work and facilitate capacity building of panchayat leadership;


21

Table 16: Number of Adhyaksha’s who seek Family Help in their work

Number of Adhyaksha’s who seek Family Help in their

work

Sex of the Respondent

Male Female

Yes 9 19

No 9 1

DKCS 1 1

Total 19 21


Table 2: Details of the kin who help the Adhyaksha in their work

Details of the kin


Male Female

Spouse 2 13

Female Members 1 3

Male Members 12 13


The socio-economic and political profile of the Adhyakshas clearly shows that the EWRs

come from a background of relative deprivation when seen in comparison to the EMRs. Lack

of proper education, political immaturity, and weak economic profile coupled with social

taboos make these EWRs “powerless”; as a result, it could make these women vulnerable to

proxyism or being dominated by the politically connected male members of the panchayats.

These factors could also act as major hurdles for these women to express themselves

independently in the political space. Not only this, but this relative deprivation also could

result in an assumption of “powerlessness” by the colleagues and village residents. This could

further influence the perception of these key stakeholders when it comes to their opinion

about a female adhyaksha. These aspects are discussed in details in the later part of the report.


22

3.0 Priorities Areas of Investment for the Adhyaksha

It is a popular notion that women Adhyakshas are more sensitive towards the need of the

local women and hence prioritise investments accordingly. Women invest more in goods that

are relevant to the needs of local women: water and roads in West Bengal; water in

Rajasthan. They invest less in goods that are less relevant to the needs of women: non-formal

education centers in West Bengal; roads in Rajasthan. (Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004)

The priority area of investment for Adhyakshas is water, sanitation and infrastructure

irrespective of their sex (see table 18 and 19). When asked to state the priority areas of

investment and rank them as 1st, 2

nd and 3

rd priority, the EWR ranked sanitation and drainage

as the number 1 priority area of investment while the EMR ranked water as their first priority.

This being the case, there was no vast variation in the priority areas of investment by both

sexes of Adhyaksha. This could possibly be because of the budgetary allocation in these

sectors are more than the budgetary allocations for others. And water, sanitation and drainage

are important sectors of investment for the adhyaksha according to the 11th

schedule of the

Constitution. Also worth noting is the fact that there are more EWRs who could not list out

any priority area of investment as compared to the men. Other possible reasons for the

similarity in priority areas by the EWRs and EMRs could be that in order to establish their

credibility / assert their equality, the EWRs ended up stating the similar priority areas, even

though they would have liked to state other priorities. This is a plausible explanation in a

society like India, where sameness or equivalence to male or male-like activities/thinking is

seen as empowering and desirable especially in male dominated areas, panchayat finance in

this case. Another reason could be that since these EWRs and EMRs are new and are

subjected to a frequently changing short term, they cannot really state their priorities as they

might have not given much thought to it or consider it ambitious.

Women empowerment, correction of social evils like alcoholism, dowry, rape, domestic

violence did not even figure in the list of priority areas of investment for the EWR even

though these issues directly affect the empowerment outcomes for the women. This points to

the fact that the EWR do not necessarily prioritise areas in which their investment would lead

to a direct confrontation with the societal norms of a male dominated society or rather the

areas which are seen as primary concern of the male. There could be several reasons for this.

Fear of a backlash by the male members of the village or lack of voice/courage to step into a

predominantly male domain.


23

Table 18: Area of priority as expressed by Adhyaksha

Areas Male Female Total

Water/Sanitation 28 22 50

Health 5 6 11

Infrastructure 23 18 41

Education 7 6 13

Employment Generation 0 2 2

Abolition Of Social Evils 1 0 1

Women Employment 1 1 2

Others 1 2 3

DKCS 0 4 4


Table 19: Priority Areas as stated by the Adhyakshas


3.01 Planning of Investments

In order to understand the process and rationale behind investment planning in the GP, the

Adhyakshas were asked simple questions about how they plan their investments and the

parties they consult before planning these investments (See table 20 and 21). There is a

distinguishing pattern in the way the EWR goes about planning investments compared to

their male counterparts. While the EWR mainly planned their investments based on the

demands of the gram sabha and the village residents, hence could be seen as more people

oriented. While the EMR invested according to the tied funds available at their disposal. This

shows that the EWR are probably more democratic in their ways of functioning than the

EMR. But assuming this would be incorrect as this could also indicate that the EWRs were

less familiar with the government schemes and funds compared to the EMR and therefore

they needed the guidance of the gram sabha and village residents while planning investments.

When asked about the parties that the Adhyakshas consulted before investing, both the sexes

mentioned that they mainly consulted their colleagues. What is interesting is that a significant

number of the EMR reported consulting the government officials while very few EWR

Areas of First priority

First Priority

Male Female

Water Supply 7 4

Health 1 1

Infrastructure 5 3

Sanitation And Drainage 2 5

Education 2 0

Housing 1 1

Infrastructure For Recreational Activity 0 1

DKCS 2 6

No Response 0 1


24

reported the same. This is possibly because by virtue of being male the EMR had easy access

to the government officials; the women could be comparatively less vocal and veiled due to

gendered socialisation.

The purpose of the PRI act was democratic decentralisation, which ensures that all village

residents have a stake in the decision making process. The fact that the numbers point

towards the possibility of the EWRs being more people oriented and democratic in their ways

of functioning is a positive sign in connection to the above purpose of the act being met.

Table 20: How are Investments planned by the Adhyakshas?

Determinants Of Investment Area Male Female Total

According to the Government Tied Funds 15 7 22 According to Gram Sabha (GS)Demands/needs of

the village 10 13 23

Others 0 1 1

DKCS 1 5 6


Table 21: Parties Consulted while Planning Investments

Parties Consulted Male Female Total

Colleague 14 18 32

Gram Sabha(GS)/Village community 11 6 11

Government Officials 10 4 14

Family 2 0 2

Independent 0 1 1

Others 1 1 2

DKCS 0 2 2



25

4.0 Delivery of Services in Education and Health

„Delivery of services‟ refers to those related to functions listed in the Eleventh Schedule of

the Constitution (modified by the states as required), many of which are linked to centrally

sponsored schemes, announced from time to time. The Eleventh Schedule of the Constitution

classifies the delivery of services by the panchayat under various heads like core functions,

welfare functions, agriculture and allied functions and lastly industries. Public Health service

delivery comes under the core functions of a GP, while education comes under the welfare

functions. This chapter examines whether having a female Adhyaksha enhances the chances

of „pro women service delivery‟ in health and education.

Tables 22 and 23 show the three priority areas of investment for the Adhyakshas for

investment in health and education respectively. In delivery of health services the following

were top most priorities for both EWR and EMR viz. cleanliness, drainage, sanitation and

toilets; infrastructure took the next position in the list of priorities. As discussed in Section 3

above, a similar trend is observed, where a relatively significant amount of EWR did not

mention any priority areas for investment in health. Not one EWR interviewed mentioned

women‟s health as a priority. Only one EWR mentioned investment towards safe

delivery/post partum care as her first priority (see table 22).

Table 22: Priority Areas of Investment in Health as stated by the Adhyakshas

Area Of Investment

Priority1

Male Female

Water supply 1 0

Cleanliness, Drainage, Sanitation and Toilets 5 6

Vaccination 1 0

Increase personnel 1 0

Delivery cases 2 1

Handling epidemic or other diseases 2 0

Health check ups 2 1

Infrastructure 3 2

Medicines and other preventive equipments 1 0

Preventive/Protective equipments 1 1 Knowledge Transfer - Seminars, Workshops, Awareness Campaigns 1 0

No Response 0 5

Others 2 2


When a similar question was asked to the Adhyakshas about their 3 priority areas of

investment in education, majority of the Adhyakshas mentioned investment in infrastructural

development as their first priority. This choice was again irrespective of the sex of the

adhyaksha. Infrastructural development in line with the Right to Education (RTE) norms has

been one area in which the state is spending a lot. In Karnataka, the School Development and

Monitoring Committees (SDMC) has the primary responsibility to make sure that the


26

infrastructural norms under RTE are met in every school. 7The PRI form an important part of

the SDMC in Karnataka. Girl‟s education, Adult literacy for women did not figure in the list

of priorities for any of the Adhyakshas.

Table 23: Three Priority Areas of Investment in Education as stated by the Adhyakshas

Area Of Investment

Priority1

Male Female

Infrastructure - Play ground, Hostels, Classroom, Compound wall,

Toilet, Drinking water 6 4

Monitoring Teachers 1 1

Increase personnel 2 1

Training personnel 2 0

Introduce/Improve SDMC/Anganwadi 1 0

Mid-day Meals 1 1

Learning Material 1 2

Financial Incentives / Training 1 2

Help students to pursue higher education / competitive exams 1 0

Build high school / college 1 1

Discuss with other officials 1 0

Providing for better school facilities 0 1

Others 0 2


The per capita expenditure in Davanagere is much higher when there is a female adhyaksha.

This trend is also visible in per capita education and health expenditure. Although most of the

funds allocated under education and health are scheme funds, but the problem of under

utilisation of funds by GP is not alien. Keeping this in mind, the high per capita expenditure

in these sectors shows that the female adhyaksha took initiatives for better utilisation of these

funds than the men. This is indeed a very positive trend, as it shows that even through these

women came from a background of “powerlessness” as mentioned earlier in the report, they

did perform better than the EMRs.

7 Through a legal measure, the Karnataka Gram Panchayat‟s School Development and Monitoring Committee,

(Model) bylaws, 2006, the state has integrated the SDMC with the Gram Panchayat.


27

Table 24: GP Expenditure Details by Sex of Adhyaksha (Rs ‘000)

Expenditure in

(INR)

Year 2011 Year 2012

Davanagere Kalburgi Davanagere Kalburgi

Heads Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

General Admin 362 1,785 682 1,270 816 2,993 2,487 1,977

*Education NA 90 NA 62 NA 113 450 67

**Health 454 1,432 73 5 2,423 4,782 992 541

Other Grant

Expenditure 31,828 60,014 36,865 66,212 44,606 74,943 54,978 83,795

Total Expenditure 32,644 63,323 37,622 67,551 47,846 82,832 58,458 86,381


*Education includes expenditure on Education, Continuing Education, Midday Meal and Library.

** Health includes expenditure on Public Health, Nirmal Karnataka and Total Sanitation Campaign.

Note: the numbers reported seem inaccurate, hence have not been considered for analysis.

Table 25: Expenditure Details of Davanagere (2013)

Expenditure in (INR)

Year 2013

Davanagere Kalburgi

Heads Male Female Male Female

General Admin 962,929 1,552,114 NA NA

*Education 222,900 707,700 NA NA

Per Capita Education Expenditure (6-19 years) 15 33 **Health 2,571,060 2,567,875 NA NA

Per capita Health Expenditure 59 111 NA NA

Other Grant Expenditure 22,995,359 33,205,973 NA NA

Total Expenditure 26,752,248 38,033,662 NA NA

Per Capita Expenditure 661 1106 NA NA


4.01 Convergence with frontline functionaries

Frontline functionaries like ASHA, ANM and Anganwadi workers are the interface of the

service delivery system with the community. ASHA or Accredited Social Health Activists are

trained female community health activists who work as an interface between the community

and the public health system. ASHA is supposed to be the first port of call for any health

related demand in the village. ASHA is to perform the role of a health activist in the

community who creates awareness on health and its social determinants in addition to

mobilising the community towards local health planning and increased utilisation of the

existing health services.

Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs) are preventive health workers who focus on family

planning and immunisation. An auxiliary nurse midwife has training in basic nursing skills.

Auxiliary nurse midwives assist in the provision of maternal and newborn health care,

particularly during childbirth and also in the prenatal and postpartum periods. They possess


28

some of the competencies in midwifery while not being fully qualified as midwives.

Anganwadi workers are community based frontline honorary workers for the Integrated Child

Development Scheme (ICDS).

Anganwadi workers are responsible for conducting regular surveys of all families in the

village, organising non-formal pre-school activities for children between the ages of 3-5

years, providing health and nutritional education to families especially pregnant women,

motivating families to adopt family planning, educating parents about child growth and so on.

All ASHAs, ANMs and Anganwadi workers are local women who are hired by the

government to perform important roles in delivery and reach of all major community health

and education (only in the case if Anganwadi workers) schemes/interventions with respect to

universal immunization, pre natal/post partum care, reproductive, sexual wellbeing, early

childhood care and education. Frontline workers Act as important and sometimes last mile

delivery points of services to people. Given the critical role of the frontline workers in

delivery of services in education and health at the local level it becomes essential for GP

members and Adhyakshas to work with the frontline functionaries in harmony. Therefore

exploring the level of convergence between these two groups becomes imperative.

It is critical to look at the convergence between these two important agents of service

delivery through the underlined theme of feminisation of the frontline functionaries‟

workforce. The frontline functionaries are a part of the non regular cadre of government

functionaries with no or very little benefits in comparison to what the regular government

officials enjoy. They work under the pressure of multiple role expectations and meager

remuneration. There is no defined career trail and scope for growth is nil. In a patriarchal

society where men and women are never on an equal footing, women need a platform which

places them as equal to men, especially when there is a need for convergence between the

two at a professional level. This platform could be things that ascribe a higher social prestige

and a government job in India certainly functions as this platform. Several questions emerge

when the system fails to do so and it in turn becomes exploitative in nature as is the case with

these frontline functionaries. When these frontline functionaries work together with

adhyakshas, specially a male adhyaksha, does their highly feminised profession deter their

bargaining power? Given this backdrop, it becomes even more interesting to see whether

there is an expectation of „docility‟ and „submission‟ to the adhyakshas especially when they

are male. Does the degree of convergence vary according to the sex of the adhyaksha?

The results from the interviews conducted with the frontline functionaries show that they had

met the Adhyakshas to discuss work related issues irrespective of the sex of the adhyaksha.

These meeting had been mainly to discuss sanitation and water related issues in the GP (see

tables 26 and 27). There is a linkage between this and the priority areas of investments as

expressed by the Adhyakshas. As discussed earlier when asked about the priority areas of

investment, the adhyakshas stated sanitation and water to be their areas of priority. Given the


29

relative inexperience of the EWRs it could be a possibility that they stated these areas as

priority as these were the main issues discussed even with the frontline functionaries. If this

possibility is considered to be true, then the frontline functionaries become important not only

as main agents of delivery in education and health but also in terms of an essential linkage

between these two sectors and the adhyaksha. Therefore, the convergence between the

frontline functionaries and the adhyaksha becomes even more critical.

Table 26: Number of ASHA/ANM/ANG workers who have met the Adhyaksha for work related issues

Met the Adhyaksha For Work Related Issues Sex of the Adhyaksha

Total Male Female

YES 32 37 69

NO 4 7 11

Total 36 44 80


Table 27: Issues discussed with the Adhyaksha

Issues Discussed

Sex of the Adhyaksha

Total Male Female

Children Health/Nutrition 9 13 22

Awareness Camps 5 1 6

Water/Sanitation 34 25 59

Funds 1 1 2

Education 7 8 15

Maternal Health 3 3 6

Personal Issues 0 2 2

Disputes 1 1 2

Adolescent health 2 0 2

National Health Program 1 3 4

Infrastructure 1 0 1

Disease Prevention 0 2 2


When asked to rate the response received by the adhyakshas when frontline functionaries

discuss work, most of them reported that both male and female adhyakshas had always

responded in positive. The „always positive‟ response was slightly higher for the EWRs in

comparison to the EMRs. Although a small number, but four frontline functionaries

mentioned they always received a negative response from the EMRs, in comparison to only 1

frontline functionary reporting the same for EWRs. Similarly, four frontline functionaries

mentioned that EMRs mostly responded negatively and only sometimes positively when they

discussed work with them (See table 28).


30

Table 28: Adhyaksha's Response to the Issues Discussed

Adhyaksha’s Response


Total Male Female

Always Positively 24 30 54

Always Negatively 4 1 5 Mostly Positively But They Are Negatively

At Times 2 5 7 Mostly Negatively But They Are Positively

At Times 4 0 4

Both Positively And Negatively 1 4 5

DKCs 1 2 3


Table 29 shows that more frontline functionaries were consulted while planning for

investments in the area of health and education by the EWR in comparison to the EMR. The

frontline functionaries were asked to directly rate the convergence between themselves and

the Adhyakshas, to which majority of them rated the level of convergence to be good with

EWR and EMR. When the response of the frontlines functionaries is contextualised with the

polite culture that the Indian society believes in, it does not appear unusual that the frontline

functionaries rated the convergence as „good‟ for both the EWRs and EMRs. Keeping this in

mind, it becomes necessary to analyse the responses for „very good‟ and „very bad‟. Seven

frontline functionaries rated the convergence between with the EWR to be „very good‟;

whereas only 2 frontline functionaries rated the same for the EMRs. No frontline functionary

rated the convergence with the EWR as „very bad‟ as opposed one frontline functionary who

rated the convergence with the EMR as „very bad‟. Even though these numbers are small,

they do hint towards the fact that there is better convergence between the Adhyakshas and

frontline functionaries when the Adhyaksha is female

Table 29: Whether ASHA/ANM/ANG worker are consulted on investment planning

Consulted On Investment Planning


Total Male Female

YES 15 25 40

NO 21 19 40 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Table 30: Convergence with Adhyaksha

Convergence With the Adhyaksha Sex of the Adhyaksha

Total Male Female

Very Good 2 7 9

Good 29 27 56

Neutral 3 4 7

Bad 2 4 6

Very Bad 0 1 1

DKCS 0 1 1 Source: Compiled by CBPS


31

While the frontline functionaries mentioned that they would like the EWR and EMR to

improve the service delivery in education and health by providing more/ a greater range of

services, a significant number also reported that they would like the EMR to be more

inclusive in their process of decision making especially when it comes to education and

health. Interestingly 13 out of all the frontline functionaries interviewed pointed out that the

EWR should improve in terms of being regular at meetings (see table 31).

Table 31: Area of improvement for better convergence

Area Of Improvement For Better Convergence


Male Female

Adhyaksha should be Educated 1 0 Aware /Trained 2 4

Inclusive Decision Making 10 5

Should spend more 2 3

Should be Good Natured 0 1

Should offer more Services 22 19

Regularly Attend Meetings 6 13

Should have a Problem Solving Attitude 4 6

Adhyaksha should have More Power 0 1

Not Corrupt 0 1


To capture the frontline functionaries‟ perception on how the sex of the adhyaksha influences

the delivery of services in education and health, they were asked to state their opinion on the

impact of EWR and EMR of the delivery of services in education and health. Majority of the

frontline functionaries opined that EWRs have a leaning towards „pro-woman‟ service

delivery and their services were focused on improving the status of health and educational

parameters for women. At the same time a significant number also reported that EWRs were

more inclusive and approachable which made convergence easy. While there is a clear trend

that can be observed about the opinion of the frontline functionaries on EWR‟s impact on

delivery of services in education and health, the same cannot be said about their opinion

about the EMR. The frontline functionaries had a scattered opinion about the impact of EMR

on service delivery in health and education. While 13 frontline functionaries were of the

opinion that EMRs were more efficient when it came to delivery of services in education and

health compared to the EWRs, 13 frontline functionaries opined that the EMR had no impact

on the service delivery. What needs mention here is the fact that 13 frontline functionaries

were of the opinion that EMRs were less approachable which made communication and

convergence with them difficult (see tables 32 and 33).


32

Table 32: Impact of a Women Adhyaksha on Delivery of Services in Education and Health as stated by the frontline

functionaries

Impact of Women Adhyaksha on Delivery of Services in Education and Health Number

Not assertive 3

Male dependent/proxy 10

More focus on health and nutrition 5

More welfare oriented than men 13

Inefficient/no impact 7

More focus on women's education and health 36

More inclusive and approachable 21

Women adhyaksha needs to be better educated 5


Table 33: Impact of Male Adhyaksha on Delivery of Services in Education and Health as stated by the frontline

functionaries

Impact of Male Adhyaksha on Delivery of Services in Education and Health Numbers

Men are more efficient 13

Self indulgent/male oriented 3

More focus on education 9

More focus on health and nutrition 12

No impact 13

Less focus on women empowerment 7

Communication gap/less approachable 13

Corrupt/alcoholic 5

More mobile 6

More welfare oriented 8


Therefore, based on the opinions expressed by the frontline functionaries it would not be

incorrect to say that there is better convergence when the adhyaksha is female. As stated

earlier, better convergence between the EWR and the frontline functionaries could be an

essential symbiotic relationship to develop for the delivery of services in health and

education.

On the other hand, the lack of convergence between the EWR and the frontline functionaries

could be for a variety of reasons. It is a known and a well researched fact that in a patriarchal

setup, women are more at ease communicating and working with other women from the same

local community. As discussed above, due to the feminisation of the workforce of the

frontline functionaries, these functionaries come with baggages, the baggage of a society that

engenders bias in terms of gendered roles and expectations. The system does not provide

them with any support in terms of enabling them to have greater bargaining power or

expressing their „voice‟ when working together with the opposite sex. Thus, convergence

becomes difficult.


33

5.0 Own Source Revenue (OSR)

The 73rd amendment to the Constitution of India bestowed the power to levy taxes in the

form of own source revenue to the panchayats. The rationale guiding this was to impart

certainty, continuity, and strength to panchayats. The devolution of taxes to panchayats can

easily be linked with the Activities assigned to them, which vary from state to state. Unlike

the revenue that the panchayat gets through the schemes which are mainly in terms of tied

funds, the expenditure of OSR is totally at the discretion of the panchayat.

There are essentially three types of taxes which have been devolved to the Panchayats:

a. Own taxes - the levy, collection and use of which vests in the panchayat by statute – e.g.

property tax, professional tax, advertisement tax, etc.;

b. Own non-tax revenues – panchayats are permitted to collect a range of fees e.g. license

fees, fines and penalties, rents/leases from panchayat properties, etc.

c. Assigned taxes - the levy and collection of which vests in state but its use vests in the

panchayat (e.g. entertainment tax, stamp duty, etc.).

Table 34: GP Revenue Details

Revenue in

(INR)

Year 2011 Year 2012

Davanagere Kalburgi Davanagere Kalburgi

Heads Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

Tax 1,289,995 2,849,619 5,738,809 1,169,691 2200048 3,715,094 1,365,507 6,065,593

Income 107,106 148,642 Na Na 197,282 121,414 1,161,089 1,876,493

Fees 251,973 127,122 10,630 26,384 421,245 119,674 99,371 31,172

Others 86,959 3,862 323,694 1,277 53,765 90,500 868,594 168,539

OSR 1,736,033 3,129,245 6,073,133 1,197,352 2,872,340 4,046,682 3,494,561 8,141,797

Per Capita-OSR 39 53 74 15 60 72 55 125

Cess 338,692 397,311 492,916 1,101,058 645,608 587,674 444,154 1,464,125

Total Revenue 2,074,725 3,526,556 6,566,049 2,298,410 3,517,948 4,634,356 3,938,715 9,605,922

Per Capita

Revenue 47 58 81 29 68 79 62 142


* Male and female represents the sex of the current adhyaksha

The per capita OSR in Davanagere (2013) for GPs with a female Adhyaksha was marginally

higher in comparison to GPs with male Adhyakshas. This is also true for the per capita

revenue generated in GPs under EWR. Table 32 shows that the GPs under the female

adhyaksha have traditionally been well performing GPs in terms of the OSR collection. The

per capita OSR for the districts under EWR for the year 2013 actually dips in comparison to


34

the per capita OSR in 2012. But, this dip is recorded in GPs with male and female

Adhyakshas alike. Even though the data clearly shows that the GPs with EWR collect more

OSR than the ones with EMR, the fact of the matter is that this phenomenon cannot be

conclusively attributed to the sex of the adhyaksha as there are multiple factors that could

have influenced the actual collection of OSR8. While on one hand this holds true, on the other

there is reason to believe that EWR might be more at ease when it comes to OSR generation

in comparison to the EMR.

Table 35: Revenue Details (2013)

Revenue in (INR)

Year 2013

Davanagere Kalburgi

Heads Male Female Male Female

Tax 1,535,957 2,337,159 NA NA

Income 147,717 NA NA NA

Fees 383,207 60,480 NA NA

Others NA NA NA NA

OSR 2,066,881 2,397,639 NA NA

Per Capita-OSR 50 56 NA NA

Cess 324,100 337,857 NA NA

Total Revenue 2,390,981 2,735,496 NA NA

Per Capita Revenue 58 61 NA NA

The Adhyakshas were asked whether they faced any kind of hurdles in collection of OSR, to

which an overwhelming 85 per cent EMRs replied in affirmative. While only 45 per cent of

the EWRs suggested that they faced hurdles for the same. As these numbers suggest, the

number of EMR who faced hurdles in collection of OSR was nearly twice as big in

comparison to the EWR. When asked about the kind of hurdles faced by the Adhyakshas in

collection of OSR, majority of both sexes reported non - payment of taxes as the biggest

hurdle.

In order to develop a better understanding of the approach of the Adhyakshas towards OSR,

questions on new initiatives taken by the adhyaksha to improve the collection of OSR were

asked. Nearly half of the EMRs reported that had taken new steps to improve the collection

of OSR in the GP. These steps ranged from initiatives taken to include new services under the

tax bracket, having sanctions towards non - payment of taxes, incentivising on time tax

payment amongst others. In contrast to this, only a little more than 20 per cent of the EWRs

8 It should be noted that the total sample size is 40 GPs and a concentration of traditionally better performing

GPs under a female adhyaksha could have led to the significant difference in the per capita OSR of the GPs

with male and female adhyakshas respectively.


35

had taken such steps or initiatives to improve the OSR collection in the GP. It is a 9well

researched fact that OSR collection is generally low in GPs throughout the country and

seldom does the actual collection of OSR in a GP matches up to the potential OSR that the

GP could generate. Therefore the need to constantly make efforts by the Adhayakshas to

improve the OSR collection cannot be overemphasized. But, one possible reason as to why

the EWRs have not taken more initiative as compared to the male Adhyakshas could be due

to the fact that the EWR faced relatively fewer hurdles in collection of OSR. This could also

be due to the fact that since the EWRs were relatively inexperienced and subject to a

frequently changing term, they did not get the opportunity to or simply lacked the capacity to

make any efforts towards increasing the OSR collections. Because of this, they also faced

comparatively less hurdles. At the beginning of the report, the fact that the EWRs are heavily

dependent on male relatives for their work has been established, therefore, it would be

interesting to seek the opinion of such relatives on the OSR collections. Although this study

does not delve into this aspect, it could be an important area to explore in the future.

Table 36: Hurdles in Revenue Generation by sex of Adhyaksha

Hurdles in Revenue Generation Male Female Total

Yes 16 10 26

No 3 7 10

DKCS 0 4 4

Total 19 21 40

Table 37: Types of Hurdles faced in revenue generation

Types Of Hurdles In Revenue Generation


Male Female

Lack Control 0 1

Lack of Resources 5 0

Attitude Of Government Functionaries 1 0

Delayed Disbursement Of Funds By Government 1 0

Non timely payment by Residents 10 8

Others 1 0

DKCS 0 2


Table 38: New steps for revenue generation

New Step For Revenue Generation


Total Male Female

Yes 10 5 15

No 9 12 21

9 M A Oommen Ed (2008). Fiscal Decentralization in Local Governments in India, Cambridge Scholars

Publishing and Anand Saharanaman (2012). Panchayat Finances and the Need for evolutions from the State

Government, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLVII No. Page 73-80.


36

DKCS 0 4 4

Total 19 21 40


Table 39: Details of the new steps for revenue generation

Steps For Revenue Generation


Total Male Female Income Taxes 1 0 1

Incentivising Tax Payment 3 0 3

Increase Taxable Services 1 0 1

Sanctions on Non Payment 3 1 4

Tax Slab Revision 3 3 6



37

6.0 Role of Adhyaksha in Engendering Empowerment

The guiding principle of the 73rd

amendment to the Constitution was that it would ensure

representation and effective participation of the most marginalised in the decision making

process. The rationale behind reserving seats for women in the decentralised 3 tier system of

governance was to encourage women to take a front seat in the participatory spaces present in

the panchayats. This was also informed by the thought that representation and participation

would engender empowerment and self efficacy. The intended empowerment tried to cater to

both instrumental and strategic gender needs of the women. Instrumental gender needs are

women‟s needs related to their traditional gendered roles as mothers, care givers, etc. An

example of empowerment through meeting instrumental gender needs would be, if EWR

invested in having a day care or a crèche in the village. On the other hand strategic gender

needs deal with altering the prevailing power relations between men and women. For

example, if the adhyaksha takes initiatives to encourage effective participation of women in

the democratic spaces of the GP, it would advance the strategic gender needs of the women.

In fact the EWR‟s involved role and participation in effectively dispensing her functions as

the „Adhyaksha‟ of the GP is a good example of strategic gender need being met. Hence, the

approach to understand the engendering of empowerment by the EWR in this chapter takes

the meeting of strategic and instrumental gender needs as a proxy for empowerment.

This chapter primarily is concerned with meeting of strategic gender needs and the relational

empowerment outcomes that flow from meeting these needs. These outcomes have been

examined from two angles, firstly empowerment of the women in the GP and secondly,

empowerment of the EWR herself. Indicators of strategic gender needs being met for women

in the GP should ideally lead to well informed women who effectively participate in the

process of democratic decision making in the village and who express their voice freely.

Similarly indicators for EWRs would be an EWR who makes informed decisions, works

effectively in a team, is not afraid of expressing herself, is aware of her strengths and

weakness and uses this knowledge effectively.

6.01 Empowerment of the Women in the GP

Exercising the right to choose the GP members and Adhyaksha is an important expression of

political participation by the women. When this choice is exercised by an informed set of

women it serves as proxy for effective participation in a decentralised system. In order to

capture this, the GP residents were asked to provide reasons for their choice of 10

Adhyaksha.

Majority of the GP residents said that they elected the Adhyaksha on the basis of the

promises made by the Adhyaksha before the elections (see table 40). Only 3 out of the 119

respondents said that they had elected the Adhyaksha on the basis of their

10

The election of Adhyaksha is indirect. Adhyaksha‟s are selected from the pool of GP members who have been

elected by the people of the GP. The eligibility of a GP member to become Adhyaksha is on the basis of the

reservation system and a calendar/roster is followed for this.


38

participation/contribution to the GP is various capacities. All the 3 respondents were male.

Therefore the lack of informed decision making in exercising the voting right amongst men

and more so amongst women is clearly reflected from their responses. Informed choices and

decisions are made only when people are aware and access the information that is available to

them about the functioning of the GP.

Table 40: Reasons for electing the Adhyaksha

Sex of the Adhyaksha EMR (Male) EWR (Female)

Sex of the Respondent Male Female Male Female Lack of Choice 5 2 6 0

Good Performance in the Previous Term 1 0 0 0

Family's Political Influence/Belonging to Influential

Family 0 0 1 0

Had Worked For The Village In Different Capacities

before Serving as Adhyaksha 2 0 1 0

Most Influential amongst the women 0 0 0 1

Adhyaksha had made promises to perform/expected

Adhyaksha to perform well 23 22 24 28

DKCS 1 0 0 2


Related to this, the residents were asked questions about the kind of investments that the

adhyaksha had made in their village. Residents of GPs with EMRs were comparatively more

informed about the pattern of expenditure in their GP than residents of GPs with EWR.

Interestingly the male residents of GPs with EWRs were much more informed than the

women. Women should ideally be motivated to be better informed about the functioning of

the GP especially when the Adhyaksha and they belong to the same milieu. But

unfortunately, this does not seem be the case. The reason for the male members to be better

informed in GPs with EWR could possibly be that these men see a more proactive role for

themselves in a GP where there is a female in power. This could be because of mistrust in a

female adhyaksha or dependency of the female adhyaksha on the male members for guidance

in her work.

Table 41: Knowledge on the investments made in the GP


Sex of the Respondent Male Female Total Male Female Total Yes 17 18 35 22 16 38

No 20 13 33 18 23 41

DKCS 2 4 6 2 4 6

Source: Compiled by CB

A significant feature of Karnataka‟s PRI is that it offers umpteen number of participatory

spaces for the village residents to be involved in the decentralised governance. These


39

participatory spaces are guaranteed through institutional practices of sharing information

about the GP with the residents. Jamabandi is a good example of such institutional practices.

Jamabandi, started in the year 2000, is a social audit where the detailed account of revenue

and expenditure of the GP along with information on the developmental works carried out in

the GP is put before the gram sabha. Access to such information about the GP is a powerful

stimulus for meeting the strategic gender needs of the women folk in the GP. Premised on

this argument, the GP residents were asked whether they were aware of Jamabandi. Shocking

as it may read, 70 per cent of the male respondents and more than 90 per cent of the female

respondents did not know what Jamabandhi was (see table 42). These numbers were reported

for both kinds of GPs, with EWR and with EMR. From these numbers it can be strongly

conjectured that even when there is a presence of a female adhyaksha in the GP, effective

participation of women in political and participatory spaces remain low.

Table 42: Number of Village Residents who are aware of Jamabandi


Sex of the Respondent Male Female Male Female

Yes 15 2 9 5

No 24 33 32 37


6.02 Empowerment of the EWR

As discussed at the beginning of the chapter, meeting of strategic gender needs of women

helps to change the power equation present in the society. When affirmative action facilitates

a woman to hold the office of „Adhyaksha‟ in a GP, it not only provides the woman with

„power‟ which is both political and social in nature but it opens the door for several

opportunities. These opportunities create avenues for self efficacy through access to

information, learning/capacity building, and platforms for self expression and convergence

with different stakeholders. This power and the efficient use of these opportunities should

ideally lead to an EWR who makes informed decisions, works effectively in a team, is not

afraid of expressing herself, is aware of her strengths and weakness and uses this knowledge

to carry out her roles and responsibilities effectively.

Convergence with stakeholders

Team work and good convergence with all the stakeholders who are involved in governance

of the GP is an important requirement for an empowered EWR. In order to get a holistic

perspective on the level of convergence with different stakeholders the Adhyaksha‟s were

asked to rate their level convergence with the stakeholders on a 5 point scale. The range of

the scale comprised of 5 ratings – 1) very good, 2) good, 3) good and bad, 4) bad, 5) very

bad. Along with this, the GP members, ASHA, ANM and Anganwadi workers were also

asked to rate their level of convergence with the Adhyaksha. Therefore, care was taken to get

the perspective on convergence from both sides and to eliminate the bias of self reporting.


40

Table 43 shows the response of the Adhyakshas on the level of convergence with all the

stakeholders and table 41 shows the response of the GP members on the level of convergence

with the adhyaksha. Even though the numbers show a clear trend, for the sake of

reinforcement it needs to be mentioned that the numbers point towards the fact that there is

good convergence between the Adhyaksha and the various stakeholders. The ASHA, ANM

and Anganwadi workers also rated the convergence between themselves and the Adhyakshas

(both EWR and EMR) to be good. This has been discussed in a detailed manner in Section 4

of the report.

Table 43: Convergence of different stakeholders with the Adhyaksha (Ratings)

Rating of Convergence of different stakeholders with the Adhyaksha EWR/EMR

Very

Good Good

Both

Good

And

Bad Bad

Working Relation With Male Colleagues

EMR (M) 6 13 0 0

EWR (F) 7 13 0 0

Working Relation With Female Colleagues

EMR (M) 6 13 0 0

EWR (F) 6 14 0 0

Working Relationship With Male GP Members

EMR (M) 1 14 3 0

EWR (F) 3 16 0 0

Working Relationship With Female GP Member

EMR (M) 2 14 3 0

EWR (F) 5 15 0 0

Working Relationship With Female Member Of The Village

EMR (M) 5 12 2 0

EWR (F) 6 12 1 1

Working Relationship With Male Member Of The Village

EMR (M) 5 14 0 0

EWR (F) 4 14 1 1

Working Relationship With Female Government Officials

EMR (M) 6 11 1 0

EWR (F) 4 13 0 1

Working Relationship With Male Government Officials

EMR (M) 6 12 1 0

EWR (F) 5 14 0 1

Working Relationship With ASHA

EMR (M) 6 10 2 0

EWR (F) 5 12 0 0

Working Relationship With ANM

EMR (M) 4 10 3 1

EWR (F) 8 10 0 0

Working Relationship With AW Worker

EMR (M) 6 11 2 0

EWR (F) 7 13 0 0 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Table 44: GP Member's rating of convergence with Adhyaksha

Sex of Adhyaksha EMR EWR

Sex of respondent Male Female Male Female

Very Good 9 5 10 7

Good 9 10 9 11 Both Good And Bad 0 1 2 0



41

Perceptions of Self Efficacy

Barrier to women‟s participation in democratic spaces finds its root in patriarchal practices.

These practices restrict women‟s participation through enforced cultural codes which not

only manifest in terms of structures/institutions that are inaccessible for the women but also

in terms of a gendered socialisation. This gendered socialisation reinforces these codes and is

patterned around a belief system where it is normative for women to think that they are not

capable of participating in spaces that are beyond the realm of the „domestic‟. Given this

background, it becomes crucial for these women who have been chosen to represent the

needs of a section that is essentially marginalized, to have a high sense of self efficacy.

In order to comprehend the sense of self efficacy that the Adhyakshas (both male and female)

possessed, they were asked to rate themselves on a scale ranging from very good to very bad.

Apart from this, they were also asked to state their opinion on the positives and negatives of a

female and male Adhyaksha respectively. Majority of the Adhyakshas rated themselves as

„good‟; the EWRs were marginally more appreciative of themselves in comparison to the

men, with none of the EWRs rating themselves as „both good and bad‟ or „bad‟ (see table

45).

Table 45: Self Assessment by Adhyaksha

Self Assessment by Adhyaksha


Total Male Female

Very Good 5 5 10

Good 11 14 25

Both Good And Bad 2 0 2

DKCS 1 2 3

Total 19 21 40


Most EWRs were of the opinion that, the „positives‟ of a female adhyaksha were that they are

sensitive to social issues, while the EMR saw sensitivity to social issues as a positive of

having a female adhyaksha, they also saw focus on women empowerment by female

adhyaksha as an equal positive. While most EWRs did not see any negatives in a female

adhyaksha, the EMRs saw lack of voice and power as big drawbacks of female Adhyakshas

(see table 46 and 47).

Table 46: Adhyaksha’s Opinion on the positives of a female Adhyaksha

Positives of a Woman Adhyaksha


Male Female

Sensitive To Social Issues 4 9

Women Empowerment 4 4

Better convergence between all stakeholders 0 2

Others 3 2

DKCS 1 4


42


Table 47: Adhyaksha’s Opinion on the negatives of a female Adhyaksha

Negatives a Woman Adhyaksha


Male Female

Lack Of Power 5 3

Difficulty In Convergence 1 0

Lack Voice 5 4

No Negatives 1 6

Need Education 3 0

Others 1 0

DKCS 1 3


Similarly, most EMR viewed the ability of male Adhyakshas to move around freely without

constraint as a positive. The EWRs also answered in similar lines. The men also felt that the

EMRs were capable of taking strong decisions and saw that as a positive. Interestingly, the

majority of EMRs stated that there were no negatives in having an EMR, while the women

stated alcoholism and corruption as a major drawback of electing an EMR (see table 48 and

49). These numbers show that the EWRs have a high sense of self efficacy. But the negatives

of electing an EWR as stated by the male Adhyakshas do point towards a prejudiced thinking

embedded in cultural essentialism.

Table 48: Adhyaksha’s Opinion on the positives of a male Adhyaksha

Positives of a Male Adhyaksha


Male Female

Better convergence between all stakeholders 2 2

Strong Decisions 4 1

More Mobile in comparison to EWRs 4 4

No Positives 1 2

Others 1 2

DKCS 0 5


Table 49: Adhyaksha’s Opinion on the negatives of a male Adhyaksha

Negatives of a Male Adhyaksha


Male Female


Alcohol/Corrupt 3 5

No Negatives 5 1

Others 2 1

DKCS 2 5



43

7.0 Village Resident’s Perception of Women Leaders

Traditionally, in the Indian society leadership roles have always been assumed by men.

Women were not seen as fit to be a leader because of essentialist beliefs in gendered roles.

The 73rd

Amendment challenged these beliefs by making 50 per cent of seats for Adhyakshas

to be reserved for women. It has been more than two decades since the passing of the PRI Act

in Karnataka. Since, then there have been hundreds of women leaders at the panchayat level.

But what merits critical examination is the question that does a Constitutional provision alters

a belief system completely? Especially when the provision is based on a position that is very

different from that of the society. It is also a well established fact that such provisions do lead

to antagonism and backlash. There have been well documented evidences from various states

where EWRs have been at the receiving end of the resulting backlash. It would be wrong to

ascribe the blame for these antagonistic feeling only to the men. Because when we talk of a

belief system that is laden with gendered essentialism, women contribute to this as much as

the men. Therefore to capture the village resident‟s perception of women leaders, both male

and female residents were interviewed. This chapter uses empirical evidence from the field to

arrive at the village resident‟s perception of women leaders at the panchayat level

A variety of questions related to the resident‟s opinion on gender based reservation,

satisfaction level with the functioning of the GP, positives and negatives of female and male

adhyaksha respectively were asked. Out of the 160 residents interviewed, most of them were

of the opinion that gender based reservation was good. But, out of the small section that

opined that gender based reservation was bad, majority of them happened to be male (see

table 50).

Table 50: Village Resident's opinion on gender based reservation

Opinion On Reservation For Women At The Panchayat


Male Female

Very Good 2 8

Good 58 56

Both Good And Bad 7 3

Bad 12 6

DKCS 1 0


The residents‟ opinion about the functioning of the GP and related satisfaction levels when

seen in a correspondence to the sex of the adhyaksha indicates whether the residents attribute

leadership skills and performance to the sex of the adhyaksha. When asked to rate the

performance of their GP in a scale ranging from very good to very bad, most residents rated

the performance of their GP as good. This was true for GPs with EMR and EWR

respectively. But a significant number of residents in the GPs with EWR also rated the

performance of their GP as bad and very bad (see table 51).


44

Table 51: Village Resident's Opinion on Functioning Of GP

Sex of the Adhyaksha EMR EWR


Very Good 2 1 1 1

Good 17 20 18 22

Neutral 9 8 10 7

Bad 10 6 10 10

Very Bad 1 0 3 3 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Following this, the residents were asked to state their level of satisfaction with the

investments made in their GP. While most residents of GPs with EMRs stated that they were

satisfied with the investments made in their GP, majority of residents from GPs with EWR

said that they were not satisfied with investments made in their GP.

Table 52: Village Resident's satisfaction level with the investments made in the GP



Fully Satisfied 1 0 0 0

Satisfied 16 16 15 13

Neutral 7 5 9 7

Not Satisfied 13 10 14 19

Not Satisfied at All 0 1 3 0

DKCS 0 2 1 2 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Similarly, when residents were asked to answer whether their GP has improved or

deteriorated under the current adhyaksha in comparison to the previous adhyaksha, most

residents in male adhyaksha run GPs said that their GP has improved. Most residents of GPs

under EWRs also said that that their GP had improved, but a huge number also opined that

the GP has indeed deteriorated under a female adhyaksha.

Table 53: Village Resident's Opinion on Development of the GP in Comparison with GP under Previous Adhyaksha



Deteriorated 5 5 12 9

Improved 20 18 16 13


The residents were asked to rate their adhyaksha on a scale ranging from very good to very

bad. The majority of residents from GPs with both EWR and EMR rated their adhyaksha as

good. But a notable number of residents from EWR governed GPs rated their Adhyaksha as

very bad. Amongst these respondents who rated their EWR as very bad, most were male (see

table 54).


45

Table 54: Rating of the Adhyaksha by Village Residents



Very Good 4 1 1 1

Good 18 19 17 16

Both Good And Bad 7 4 5 7

Bad 2 5 4 6

Very Bad 4 1 10 3


To gauge the attitude of the GP members towards women leaders/EWRs in general, they

were asked to state the positives and negatives of female and male Adhyaksha. The answers

provided gave insights on whether the attitude was biased/ gendered. While most female

residents said that the advantage of an EWR was that she would focused on women

empowerment, the men opined that an EWR had no positives. On the question of negatives of

an EWR, the majority of both men and women alike mentioned that EWRs lacked voice. The

majority believed that the male Adhyakshas were more development oriented and worked

towards the development of the GP and this quality was the biggest asset of an EMR, while

the negative was that they were prone to corruption and had a drinking problem. Strangely, a

huge number of women could not state the positives and negatives of EWRs and EMRs (see

table 55, 56, 57 and 58). What is striking from these opinions is the fact that women

empowerment is seen as separate from developmental work. The understanding that

development is inclusive of empowerment and remains meaningless when alienated from

empowerment is lacking. This cannot be dismissed as ignorance, as the purpose of having

EWRs in positions of power is guided by the idea that they will focus on women

empowerment and inclusive development. But, the narrow understanding of development by

the residents might create a situation of unhappiness and compromised legitimacy. The state

needs to focus on community awareness regarding these issues.

Table 55: Village Resident's Opinion on the Positives of a Female Adhyaksha

Sex of the Respondent Male Female

Sensitive To Social Issues 11 10 Women Empowerment 17 15 More Convergence with the People of the Village 5 4 Helps In Self Empowerment 1 1 No Positives 22 12 Others 5 6 DKCS 18 13



46

Table 56: Village Resident's Opinion on the Negatives of a Female Adhyaksha


Lack Of Power 9 7


Lack Voice 43 29

No Negatives 2 3

Others 1 1

DKCS 12 24


Table 57: Village Resident's Opinion on the Positives of a Male Adhyaksha

Sex of the Respondent Male Female Sensitive To Social Issues 4 4

Women Empowerment 1 1 More Convergence with the People of the Village 9 3

Helps In Self Empowerment 4 1

Development Oriented 29 22 Better Work Mobile 5 3

Others 10 11

DKCS 9 25 Source: Compiled by CBPS

Table 58: Village Resident's Opinion on the Negatives of a Male Adhyaksha



Lack Sensitivity 5 4 Corrupt/Alcoholic 19 20

No Negatives 11 8

Others 10 12

DKCS 20 22 Source: Compiled by CBPS

The reason that the majority of village residents thought that EWRs lacked voice could

possibly be a result of the restricted expression of the EWRs in participatory spaces. This also

points towards a certain failure in the system where the system has not been able to provide

ample support to the EWRs. But all said and done, these opinions point towards a deep seated

pro-male adhyaksha bias among the village residents. The fact that they ascribe no merit to

having an EWR is extremely problematic. The success of any policy, especially when it is

focused at altering the existing power dynamics in society, depends on the bargaining power

that the policy provides to the marginalised section, in this case „women‟. This bargaining

power is a function of two factors, firstly, the assertion of this power by the women (EWRs in

this case) themselves and secondly, the margin of assertion that the others allow them. This

margin can only be negotiated if the others see merit in these negotiations. However, at the

cost of repeating oneself, it must be mentioned that the opinions expressed by the residents

and especially the male residents show that not only did they have a gendered idea of


47

leadership but they were also unwilling or rather resistant to the idea of sharing power and

accepting the value in participation of women in political spaces of the GP.


48

8.0 Conclusion and Recommendations

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment and the PRI Act envision a participatory and inclusive

political space at the level of the gram panchayat. An extension of this vision is the

reservation of seats for women as Adhyaksha at the PRIs. The main objective of the study

was to gather empirical evidences from two BRGF districts of Karnataka, namely,

Davanagere and Kalburgi to examine whether EWR invest more on „pro women‟ service

delivery and if representation engenders empowerment. The study looks to strengthen the

evidence base on the background of the EWRs, their priority areas of investment especially in

education and health, their contribution to the OSR collections, and their overall impact on

empowerment. Taking from this, the study recognizes the immense potential in the EWRs

and suggests recommendations to make the political space in PRIs more inclusive and

participatory.

The study gives important pointers towards the fact that most EWRs in the sample

panchayats came from a background of relative "powerlessness" in comparison to their male

counterparts. This was explored from two aspects, their socio-economic profile and their

political experience/awareness. The data collected showed that the EWRs were

comparatively less educated, assert less, economically dependent on their male kin and

politically unaware of the functions and political space that a panchayat offers. In spite of

being positioned in a condition of relative deprivation the managed to perform fairly well.

This was reflected in the fact that the per capita OSR collection and revenue of Davanagere in

for the years 2011 and 2012 saw a consistent increase under EWRs.

The study did not find EWR's inclination towards "pro-woman" service delivery but pointed

towards the fact that water, sanitation and infrastructure remain the most prioritised areas for

investment for both the male and female Adhyakshas. This was reflected even in their

interactions with the frontline functionaries.

An important finding of the study was the biased attitude guided by cultural essentialism that

prevails in the residents of the village when it comes to a 'female' Adhyakshas. This bias

came across strongly when the residents were asked to state their opinion on male and female

Adhyakshas, where a substantial portion of men stated that there are no positives of a female

Adhyaksha.


49

Recommendations

Longer, stable and fixed term for the EWRs - Given the situation of powerlessness

that most EWRs are positioned at, a longer and stable term becomes essential. This

would provide the EWRs ample opportunities to get accustomed to the political space

of the GP, develop a better understanding of the same, get a better sense of their

powers and responsibilities, opportunities to execute their plans in a proper manner

and guarantee the possibility of being re-elected as Adhayksha. There is growing

evidence to support this argument coming from states like Maharashtra and Tamil

Nadu that allow two consecutive terms to gram panchayat presidents.

Community Mobilisation- the community needs to be made aware of the importance

of empowerment and how EWRs serve as an agent of the same. The essentialist

notions about gendered division of power need to be eradicated by the state in order

for the EWR to gain more legitimacy in the PRI space. The state needs to take

measures to educate the community on concepts like inclusive development, where

women empowerment is not seen as digressed or alienated from the larger scheme of

development of the GP.

Make local governance more participatory for women – political participation of

women needs to be encouraged in the gram sabha, panchayat meetings, and

jamabandi. This would equip women to understand the public/political space of the

panchayat better and prepare them to serve their roles as Adhyakshas more

effectively.

Special Recommendations on Effective Training of EWRs

The training strategy for EWRs must be developed and implemented a little differently as

compared to elected men representatives. It needs to pay attention to the fact that the

proportion of first timers would be higher and that they need to negotiate patriarchy both in

home and outside spaces. The study also shows that they have been much less mobile and

exposed to the outside world and therefore they are perceived to be weak in the capacity to

negotiate with the officials for the development of their respective GPs. Another important

point is that the EWRs from a diverse group of women and the training needs to be

conceptualized and executed keeping this diversity in mind. Considering these points the

following principles and ideas would be of help for their training:

Separate training for additional inputs: While it is possible to train both men and

women representatives together on the role and responsibilities and other information

related inputs, it would be important to have separate training of women

representatives on certain skills and areas, especially those dealing with the aspects of

empowerment, negotiation and communication skills. This could be in the form of

separate training organised for EWRs or separate sessions for them in a general

training.


50

Content and delivery of the separate sessions / training: The delivery of these session

could be guided by feminist methodologies where women are encouraged to share

their life stories of constraints, struggle and achievements, and then using those as

materials, a collective identity is built followed by exercises that help in confidence

building and a shift in self-perception. Communication, both oral and written, skills

could also be made a major focus, as this plays a major role in public life. It would

also be important to highlight the multiple deprivations that women from Dalit or

Adivasi sections face so that other women can be more supportive of EWRs from

these sections. The empowerment component of the trainings should take into account

the fact that small negotiations also account for major steps towards empowerment.

Role Model and case studies: Women could serve as role models for other women.

Case studies of successful EWRs with a focus on how they made it possible including

the tales of struggles, if any. It would even be more effective if such people can be

identified as resource persons and they can have dialogue with the newly elected

EWRs.

Connecting EWRs with other women functionaries: The participants of the training

and groups that are brought together during the training sessions need to be mindfully

selected. The components of the training should complement these groups, for

instance, a training session that aims at developing skills related to better

collaborations and co-ordination with other stakeholders at the local level could

include a group that has elected women representatives, frontline functionaries,

female SMC members and other women GP members. This could also help in

identification of common problems that all women face in work, public and personal

lives. This would also help in developing a collective identity and a sense of strength

from not being alone.

Orienting EMR to gender inequality and gender responsiveness: It would be

important to orient men also to existing gender unequal practices to make them more

responsible and also to help them understand why women need policy and

institutional support. One way of doing this could be simply to present data and

statistics from various sectors – education, health, work participation, nutrition, etc. to

highlight the existing differences, and the responsibility of both men and women to

change it. In this exercise, it would also be important to highlight that gender unequal

practices also put pressures on men for particular behaviour and expectations from

them; a gender equal space will also help them in getting out of these prescriptions. It

would also be important to engage with men to appreciate why it is important for

increase women‟s political participation in local governance, and therefore capacity

building efforts should also be directed towards that objective.

Choosing specific areas which can improve the performance and also change the

image: Women are generally considered weak in planning and budgeting, and they

also start believing in this despite the fact that they are generally responsible for


51

intuitive planning and budgeting exercises in their homes. In order to break this

notion, special training on these areas could be organised for EWRs.

Follow up and hand holding: The trainings should be accompanied by follow up

activities and sustained hand holding of the EWRs in the field. When women from a

position of deprivation assume such power and roles it cannot be expected of them to

be able to excel with a couple of rounds of training. Local NGOs and CSOs could be

tapped in for such sustained interventions.


52

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54

Appendix I

Table 1: Study Sample (Davangere)

Sl. No. District Taluk GP Male/Female

1 Davangere Channagiri Somlapura Female

2 Davangere Channagiri Kariganuru Male

3 Davangere Channagiri Goppenahalli Female

4 Davangere Channagiri Nuggihalli Female

5 Davangere Channagiri Kotehal Male

6 Davangere Channagiri Tyavanige Male

7 Davangere Harapanahalli Anajigere Male

8 Davangere Harapanahalli Punabhagatta Female

9 Davangere Harapanahalli Adavihalli Male

10 Davangere Harapanahalli Harakanallu Female

11 Davangere Harapanahalli Togarikatti Female

12 Davangere Harapanahalli Gundagatti Male

13 Davangere Davangere Gudal Male

14 Davangere Davangere Gopanalu Female

15 Davangere Davangere Anaberu Female

16 Davangere Davangere Nerlige Male

17 Davangere Harihara Hanagawadi Female

18 Davangere Harihara Salakatte Female

19 Davangere Harihara Kokanuru Male

20 Davangere Harihara Malebennuru Male

Table 2: Study Sample (Kalburgi)

Sl. No. District Taluk GP Male/Female

1 Kalburgi Afzalpur Karajagi Female

2 Kalburgi Afzalpur Allagi B Female

3 Kalburgi Afzalpur Manura Male

4 Kalburgi Afzalpur Badadala Male

5 Kalburgi Aland Niragudi Female

6 Kalburgi Aland Bhushnoor Female


55

7 Kalburgi Aland Kadaganchi Male

8 Kalburgi Aland Yalasangi Male

9 Kalburgi Aland Savaleswara Female

10 Kalburgi Aland Koralli Male

11 Kalburgi Jewargi Gudur S.A Female

12 Kalburgi Jewargi Kolkur Female

13 Kalburgi Jewargi Yalgod Male

14 Kalburgi Jewargi Ejeri Male

15 Kalburgi Sedam Ranjol Female

16 Kalburgi Sedam Neelahalli Female

17 Kalburgi Sedam Handarki Male

18 Kalburgi Sedam Lingampalli Female

19 Kalburgi Sedam Madana Female

20 Kalburgi Sedam Kukkunda Male


56

Appendix II

STUDY ON ELECTED WOMEN REPRESENTATIVES IN KARNATAKA

Schedule A: Adhyaksha’s Interview

Individual code

Instructions:

Please fill in this data before visiting the Gram Panchayat

IDENTIFICATION SECTION:

1 Name of the District

2 Name of the Taluk Panchayat

3 Name of the Gram Panchayat

INTERVIEW DETAILS:

Date of interview d d m m y y

Name of the interviewer

SUPERVISOR (to be filled by supervisor)

EDITOR (to be filled by editor)

Name Name

Date d d m m y y Date d d m m y y

TERM AS GP MEMBER:

TERM AS ADHYAKSHA:

Gram Panchayat Code


57

ADHYAKSHA’S BACKROUND

First, we would like to know some information about your background.

A1 FULL NAME OF THE ADHYAKSHA

A2 IS THE ADHYAKSHA MALE OR A

FEMALE?

MALE……………………………

……1

FEMALE…………………………

… 2

A3 WHICH CASTE/RELIGION DO YOU

BELONG TO?

SCHEDULED

CASTE…………………1

SCHEDULED

TRIBE………………….2

OBC………………………………

……….3

MINORITY

(CHRISTIAN/MUSLIM)………

…….4

HINDU

GENERAL…………………….5

OTHERS

………………………………...6

A4 AGE IN COMPLETED YEARS AGE……………………………. [

]

DKCS…………………… 99

A5 WHAT IS THE HIGHEST

EDUCATION LEVEL THAT YOU

ACHIEVED (CLASS COMPLETED)

NO EDUCATION

…………………0

LITERATE BUT NOT

SCHOOLED……1

BELOW CLASS 5

……………………………..2

LOWER PRIMARY

COMPLETED……….3

HIGHER PRIMARY

COMLETED………..4

HIGHER PRIMARY

COMLPETED BUT SSLC

FAILED…………………..5

BELOW SSLC……6

SSLC PASS……………….7

PUC………………….8

GRADUATE……………………9

POST

GRADUATE………………..10

ABOVE POST-

GRADUATION……………..11

DKCS ……………………99


58

A6 (IF EDUCATION BELOW CLASS 5)

ARE YOU ABLE TO READ AND

WRITE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

….99

A7 WHAT IS YOUR MARITAL STATUS? MARRIED………………………

…..1

DIVORCED……………………

…….2

WIDOWED………………………

…..3

UNMARRIED…….……………

…….4

SEPARATED...…….……………

……5

A8 DO YOU HAVE CHILDREN? YES…………………………..1

NO………………………….2

A9 IF YES IN A8, HOW MANY

CHILDREN DO YOU HAVE?

(A9A) SONS…………….. [ ]

(A9B) DAUGHTERS…………. [

]

A10

WHAT IS YOUR MAIN

OCCUPATION? [CIRCLE ALL THAT

APPLY]

A10A)

CULTIVATION…………………

1

A10B) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR….2

A10C) INDUSTRIAL

LABOUR………3

A10D) DAY

LABOUR……………………4

A10E) VENDOR/SMALL

TRADER……5

A10F)

ARTISAN………………………

……..6

A10G) ANY OTHER SELF

EMPLOYING

JOB……………………………7

A10H) SALARIED

EMPLOYEE……….8

A10I) PRIMARY SCHOOL

TEACHER…9

A10J) SECONDARY/HS

TEACHER…10

A10K) COLLEGE

TEACHER……………11


59

A10L) PRIVATE

TUITION……………..12

A10M) WORK IN OTHER

HOUSEHOLDS……..13

A10N) HOUSE HOLD

WORK……14

A10O) SOCIAL

WORK…………….15

A10P) ANY

OTHER…………………16

A11 HOW MUCH CULTIVABLE LAND

DOES YOUR FAMILY POSSESS (IN

ACRES/GUNTAS)? [LEAVE BLANK

IF NONE]

A11A)

ACRES…………………………

……[ ]

A11B)

GUNTAS…………………………

… [ ]

A12 IN WHOES NAME IS THE LAND

REGISTERED?

HUSBAND/WIFE(SPOUSE)……

……1

FATHER…………………….2

MOTHER……………………3

BROTHER…………………..4

SISTER……………………5

SON……………………….6

DAUGHTER……………...7

FATHER IN LAW……………8

MOTHER IN LAW………….9

BROTHER IN LAW………..10

SISTER IN LAW…………….11

SON IN LAW…………………12

DAUGHTER IN

LAW……………13

ANY

OTHER……………….…..14

SELF…………………………..15

DKCS………………………….99

A13 DO YOU OWN A HOUSE? YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A14 IF YES IN A13, THEN IS IT KUCCHA

OR PUCCA?

KUCCHA

…………………………………1

PUCCA…………………………

…………2


60

A15 IF YES IN A13, IS THE HOUSE

REGISTERED IN YOUR NAME?

YES………………………………

……..1

NO………………………………

……..2

DKCS……………………………

….99

A16 DO YOU HAVE ELECTRICITY AT

HOME?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A17 DO YOU HAVE A TELEPHONE AT

HOME?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A18 DO YOU HAVE A TV SET AT HOME? YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A19 DOES YOUR FAMILY HAVE A

BICYCLE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A20 DOES YOUR FAMILY HAVE A

MOTOR CYCLE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A21 DOES YOUR FAMILY HAVE A CAR? YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A22 IS YOUR FAMILY LISTED AS A BPL

FAMILY (IS A BPL CARD HOLDER)?

YES………………………………

……1

NO……………….………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A23 BESIDE YOUR PANCHAYAT

RESPONSIBILITIES, DO YOU HAVE

ANY OTHER ACTIVITY? [CIRCLE

ALL THAT APPLY]

A23A) WORK IN YOUR FIELD

(AGRICULTURAL)

…….……………..1

A23B) WORK OUTSIDE

HOME…..2

A23C)

HOUSEWORK…………………3


61

A23D)

STUDYING………………………

4

A23E) NO OTHER

ACTIVITY………5

A23F)

DKCS……………………………

99

A24 IS THERE ANY OTHER MEMBER OF

YOUR FAMILY WHO WAS EVER

ELECTED IN THE PANCHAYAT/

POLITICALLY CONNECTED/

INVOLVED IN POLITICS??

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A25 IF YES IN A24, WHO?

[CIRCLE ALL THAT APPLY]

A25A)


……1

A25B)

FATHER…………………….2

A25C)


A25D)


A25E)


A25F)

SON……………………….6

A25G)


A25H) FATHER IN

LAW……………8

A25I) MOTHER IN

LAW………….9

A25J) BROTHER IN

LAW………..10

A25K) SISTER IN

LAW…………….11

A25L) SON IN

LAW…………………12

A25M) DAUGHTER IN

LAW……………13

A25N) ANY OTHER (PLEASE

SPECIFY)…..14

A25O)

DKCS………………………….99

A26 IN WHAT CAPACITY? [CIRCLE ALL

THAT APPLY]

A26A) PANCHAYAT

MEMBER………..1


62

A26B) MEMBER/WORKER OF

A POLITICAL

PARTY………………………2

A26C)

MLA………………………..3

A26D)

MP…………………………..4

A26E) CONTRIBUTOR/NOT

CONTESTED

ELECTION……………………..5

A26F) SMC/ROGI KALYAN

SAMITI………….6

A26G) ANY

OTHER……………….7

A26H)

DKCS………………………….99

A27 DOES HE/SHE HAVE ANY

POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITIES

NOW?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A28 BEFORE BEING ELECTED, DID YOU

TAKE PART IN PANCHAYAT

ACTIVITIES, LIKE ATTENDING

GRAM SABHA MEETINGS?

YES………………………………

…..1

NO………………………………

……2

A29 WHO FIRST PROPOSED TO YOU TO

CONTEST THE PANCHAYAT

ELECTION?

A29A) LOCAL POLITICAL

LEADER……..1

A29B)

SPOUSE…………………………

……2

A29C) RELATIVE (OTHER

THAN SPOUSE)…3

A29D) NEIGHBOUR

(WITHOUT POLITICAL

AFFILIATION)…………………

……4

A29E) PEOPLE FROM

VILLAGE…………..5

A29F)

DKCS……………………………

……99


63

A30 BEFORE BEING ELECTED DID YOU

KNOW HOW A PANCHAYAT

FUNCTIONS?

YES………………………………

…..1

NOT

QUITE………………………….2

NO………………………………

……3

DKCS……………………………

……99

A31 DID YOU KNOW WHAT YOUR

RESPONSIBILITIES WOULD BE?

YES………………………………

…..1

NOT

QUITE………………………….2

NO………………………………

……3

DKCS……………………………

……99

A32 IF NO/NOT QUITE IN EITHER A30

OR A31 ABOVE, HOW DID YOU

ACQUIRE THE REQUIRED

KNOWLEDGE?

A32A) TRAINED BY THE

PARTY…………1

A32B) TRAINED BY

ELDERS/FORMER MEMBERS

(IRRESPECTIVE OF

PARTY)…………………………

……2

A32C) TRAINED BY LOCAL

GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS………………………

…..3

A32D) FORMALLY TRAINED

BY GOVERNMENT

AGENCIES…………4

A32E) TRAINED BY

NGOS…………5

A32F) DID NOT GET ANY

FORMAL

TRAINING………………………

…….6

A32G)

DKCS……………………………

……99

A33 IF YES 4 OR 5 IN A32 ABOVE, WHAT

TRAINING/S HAVE YOU

RECIVEVED, DURATION? BY

WHOM? AT WHAT LEVEL? FOCUS

OF THE TRAINING?

A33A)

A33B)

A33C)


64

A34 HOW EFFECTIVE WAS THE

TRAINING?

(RATE THE EFFECTIVNESS IN

RELATION TO WORK)

VERY EFFECTIVE………1

EFFECTIVE……………..2

NUETRAL………………..3

NOT EFFECTIVE…………4

NOT EFFECTIVE AT

ALL………….5

A35 WHAT IS YOUR POLITICAL

AFFILIATION?

BJP………………………………..

1

INC…..…………………………

……...2

JANATA

DAL……………………………..3

BSP………………………………

….4

CPI………………………………

….5

CPM………………………………

…..6

NCP………………………………

…….7

OTHERS…………………….8

NO

AFFILIATION…………………

…9

A36 DID YOU CONTEST UN-OPPOSED IN

THE ELECTIONS?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A37 IF NO IN A36, WHAT WAS THE SEX

OF YOUR MAIN OPPONENT? (IF

YES IN A36,LEAVE BLANK)

MALE……………………………

………1

FEMALE…………………………

…………2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A38 IF NO IN A36, WHAT WAS THE AGE

OF YOUR MAIN OPPONENT (IN

COMPLETED YEARS)? (IF YES IN

A36,LEAVE BLANK)

BELOW

25…………………………….1

25-

50…………………………………

…2

50-

70…………………………………

…3

ABOVE

70…………………………….4

DKCS……………………………

………99


65

A39 IS THIS YOUR FIRST TIME AS AN

ADHYAKSHA?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A40 IS THIS YOUR FIRST TIME AS A GP

MEMBER?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A41 IF NO IN A39, THEN HOW MANY

TIMES HAVE YOU BEEN ELECTED

BEFORE AS ADHYAKSHA? (IF

YES/DKCS IN A35,LEAVE BLANK)

ONCE……………………………

………1

TWICE…………………………

…………2

THRICE OR

MORE………………….3

DKCS……………………………

……99



BEFORE AS GP MEMBER? (IF

YES/DKCS IN A35,LEAVE BLANK)

ONCE……………………………

………1

TWICE…………………………

…………2

THRICE OR

MORE………………….3

DKCS……………………………

……99

A43 IF YES IN A39, THEN DO YOU PLAN

TO RUN FOR ELECTIONS THE NEXT

TIME? AND REASONS

A39A) YES, I WANT

………………..1

A39B) NO…………….2

A39C) NO……..BECAUSE

THERE WILL NOT BE ANY

RESERVATIONS NEXT

TERM…….3

A39D) YES, IF THE PARTY

ASKS/WANTS…..4

A39E) YES, IF MY FAMILY

WANTS/PERMITS...............5

A39F) YES, IF MY MEANS

PERMIT……6

A39G)YES, IF THE PEOPLE OF

THE VILLAGE

WANT…………………7


66

SECTIONB: INVESTMENTS AND REVENUE GENERATION

B1 WHAT ARE THE AREAS IN

WHICH YOU HAVE INVESTED

IN DURING YOUR CURRENT

TERM? [CIRCLE ALL THAT

APPLY]

B1A) WATER…………………….…..1

B1B)

HEALTH…………………………2

B1C) INFRASTRUCTURE (E.G.

ROADS,

OFFICES)…………………………3

B1D)

EDUCATION……………………4

B1E)

SANITATION…………………...5

B1F)

LIGHTING/ELECTRICITY…….6

B1G) EMPLOYMENT

GENERATION……..7

B1H) ABOLITION OF SOCIAL

EVILS (EG DOWRY, CHILD

MARRIAGE, ALCOHOLISM ETC.)…

8

B1I) WOMEN

EMPOWERMENT……..9

B1J) OTHERS

…………………10

B1K) DKCS…………………….99

B2 PLEASE STATE THREE

PRIORITY AREAS OF

INVESTMENT ACCORDING TO

YOU, 1 BEING THE AREA OF

MOST PRIORITY. ALSO STATE

THE REASONS FOR YOUR

PRIORITY.

B2A)

B2B)

B2C)

B3 HOW DO YOU PLAN THE

AREAS OF INVESTMENT AND

THE AMOUNT TO BE

INVESTED? [CIRCLE ALL

THAT APPLY]

B3A) AREAS THAT HAVE

TRADITIONALLY BEEN INVESTED

UPON BY OTHER

ADHYAKSHAS……………………..1

B3B) ACCORDING TO THE TIED

FUNDS BY THE

GOVERNMENT……………………..2

B3C) AREAS THAT THE

GOVERNMENT/OFFICIALS DEEM

FIT……………………..3

B3D) AREAS THAT THE GRAM

SABHA

DEMANDS……………………..4

B3E) AREAS THAT THE

WOMEN/MOST MARGINALISED IN

THE VILLAGE

DEMAND…………………………..5


67

B3F) AREAS THAT THE MEN DEEM

FIT…………6

B3G) AREAS ACCORDING TO MY

OWN PRIORITIES

…………………….7

B3H) ASSESS THE NEEDS OF THE

VILLAGE AND INVESTS

ACCORDINGLY ……………….8

B3I)

OTHERS………………………………

…….9

B3J)

DKCS…………………………………

………99

B4 WHO ALL DO YOU CONSULT

TO MAKE DECISIONS IN

RELATION TO INVESTMENT

AND PLANNING? [CIRCLE ALL

THAT APPLY]

B4A) COLLEAGUES (MALE &

FEMALE)……..1

B4B) ONLY THE MALE

COLLEAGUES……..2

B4C) ONLY THE FEMALE

COLLEAGUES……..3

B4D) GRAM

SABHA………………….. 4

B4E) VILLAGE

COMMUNITY……..5

B4F) GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS

……..6

B4G) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY……..7

B4H) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY…….8

B4I) INDEPENDENTLY……..9

B4J) OTHERS

…………………10

B4K) DKCS…………………….99

SITUATION: YOU HAVE TO

PLAN AN

INTERVENTION/INVESTMENT

TO IMPROVE THE

HEALTH/EDUCATION

FACILITIES IN THE VILLAGE,

HOW WILL YOU GO ABOUT IT?

B5 IN THE DOMAIN OF HEALTH,

WHAT ARE YOUR THREE

PRIORITY AREAS OF

INVESTMENT? AND WHY?

B5A)

B5B)

B5C)


68

B6 IN THE DOMAIN OF

EDUCATION, WHAT ARE

YOUR THREE PRIORITY

AREAS OF INVESTMENT? AND

WHY?

B6A)

B6B)

B6C)

B7 WAS THERE ANY IMPORTANT

ISSUE/S TAKEN UP BY

WOMEN OF THE VILLAGE IN

THE PAST 6 MONTHS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B8 IF YES IN B7, THEN WHICH

WERE THE ISSUES/PROBLEMS

TAKEN UP BY WOMEN OF THE

VILLAGE IN THE PAST 6

MONTHS? (SPECIFY)

B8A)

B8B)

B8C)

B9 WAS THERE ANY IMPORTANT

ISSUE TAKEN UP BY MEN OF

THE VILLAGE IN THE PAST 6

MONTHS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B10 IF YES IN B9, THEN WHICH

WERE THE ISSUES/PROBLEMS

TAKEN UP BY WOMEN OF THE

VILLAGE IN THE PAST 6

MONTHS? (SPECIFY)

B10A)

B10B)

B10C)

B11 WHAT IS THE SOURCE OF

REVENUE GENERATION?


B11A) OWN TAXES......1

B11B) OWN NON-TAX

REVENUES......2

B11C) ASSIGNED TAXES......3

B11D) GOVERNMENT FUNDS

(CENTRAL AND STATE)…4

B11E) OTHERS...... 5

B11F) DKCS………99

B12 ACCORDING TO YOUR

KNOWLEDGE, WHAT

CONTRIBUTES MOST

TOWARDS REVENUE? [CIRCLE

ALL THAT APPLY]

B12A) OWN TAXES......1

B12B) OWN NON-TAX

REVENUES......2

B12C) ASSIGNED TAXES......3

B12D) GOVERNMENT FUNDS

(CENTRAL AND

STATE)……………………….4

B12E) OTHERS...................... 5

B12F) DKCS………………………..99

B13 DO YOU FACE ANY HURDLES

IN GENERATING REVENUE?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B14 IF YES IN B13, THEN WHAT

HURDLES? [CIRCLE ALL THAT

APPLY]

B14A) POOR PERFORMANCE OF

FUNCTIONARIES…. 1

B14B) LACK OF CONTROL OF THE

PANCHAYAT OVER

FUNCTIONARIES….2


69

B14C) GOVERNMENT CONTROL

OVER TAX RATES….3

B14D) LACK OF STAFF SUPPORT

TO COLLECT AND MONITOR

TAXES….4

B14E) LACK OF OTHER

RESOURCES …….5

B14F) ATTITUDE OF

GOVERNMENT

FUNCTIONARIES……………………

….6

B14G) DELAYED DISBURSEMENT

OF FUNDS BY GOVERNMENT

……7

B14H) OTHERS (SPECIFY)…..…..8

B14I)

DKCS……………………….…99

B15 IF NO IN B13, THEN REASONS?


B15A)MOTIVATED AND GOOD

PERFORMANCE OF

FUNCTIONARIES…..1

B15B) ADEQUATE STAFF TO

COLLECT AND MONITOR

TAXES….. 2

B15C) ADEQUATE

RESOURCES…..3

B15D) CONVERGENCE BETWEEN

THE PANCHAYAT AND THE

GOVERNMENT …..4

B15E) SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDE OF

COLLEAGUES…..5

B15F) SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDE OF

GOVERNMENT

FUNCTIONARIES…..6

B15G) OTHERS (SPECIFY)…..…..7

B15H)DKCS……99

B16 HAVE YOU TAKEN ANY NEW

STEPS FOR REVENUE

GENERATION?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99


STEPS? (PLEASE SPECIFY)

B17A)

B17B)

B17C)

CONVERGENCE AND EMPOWERMENT


70

C0 HOW DO YOU GO ABOUT

CONDUCTING: (I) OFFICIAL

MEETINGS (II) GRAM SABHA

(III) JAMABANDI (IV) BUDGET

MEETINGS?

NOTE DOWN PROCESS FOR EACH

TYPE OF MEETING IN YOUR FIELD

NOTES

C1 HOW WOULD YOU DESCRIBE

THE PROCESS OF DECISION

MAKING, ESPECIALLY

DECISIONS RELATED TO NEW

AREAS OF INVESTMENT?

C1A) COLLEAGUES (MALE &

FEMALE)……..1

C1B) ONLY THE MALE

COLLEAGUES……..2

C1C) ONLY THE FEMALE

COLLEAGUES……..3

C1D) GRAM SABHA…….. 4

C1E) VILLAGE

COMMUNITY……..5

C1F)GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS

……..6

C1G) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY……..7

C1H) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY…….8

C1I) INDEPENDENTLY……..9

C1J)DIRECT BENEFICIARIES OF

THE INVESTMENT...10

C1K) OTHERS

…………………11

C1L) DKCS…………………….99

C2 HOW DO YOUR COLLEAGUES

RESPOND TO A DECISION/

SUGGESTION MADE BY YOU?

ALWAYS POSITIVELY

………………….1

ALWAYS NEGATIVELY

……………………2

MOSTLY POSITIVELY BUT THEY

ARE NEGATIVE AT TIMES

……………………3

MOSTLY NEGATIVELY BUT THEY

ARE POSITIVE AT

TIMES……………………..4

BOTH POSITIVELY AND

NEGATIVELY …………….5

DKCS…………………….99


71

SITUATION: YOU HAVE MADE A

DECISION TO INVEST IN

TRAINING OF ASHA WORKERS

AND ANAGANWADI WORKERS

TO MAKE THEM MORE

EMPOWERED AND BETTER AT

THEIR WORK, HOW DO YOUR

COLLEAGUES (OTHER GP

MEMBERS, PARTY MEMBERS,

AND VILLAGE ELDERS)

RESPOND TO THIS DECISION?

C3 HOW DO YOU RESPOND TO A

DECISION/SUGGESTION MADE

BY COLLEAGUES?

ALWAYS

POSITIVELY………………….1

ALWAYS NEGATIVELY

…………………..2



………………….3


ARE POSITIVE AT

TIMES…………………….4

BOTH POSITIVELY AND

NEGATIVELY………..5

DKCS…………………….99

C4 IF YOU HAD TO CHOOSE

BETWEEN MALE/FEMALE

COLLEAGUES TO WORK

WITH, WHO WOULD YOU

CHOSE?

MALE………………….1

FEMALE……………...2

BOTH………………....3

DKCS……..…………..99

C5 IF FEMALE COLLEAGUE IS

THE CHOICE IN C4, THEN

WHAT ARE THE REASONS

BEHIND IT?

C5A) WOMEN ARE EASY TO

WORK WITH BECAUSE OF A

SHARED COMFORTABLE SPACE

AND

BELONGINGNESS……………….1

C5B) WOMEN ARE SMARTER AND

BETTER PERFORMER THAN

MEN………………..2

C5C) WOMEN ARE MORE

RESPECTFUL AND DUTY

ABIDING……………………………..3

C5D) WOMEN CAN ARE BETTER

LISTENERS AND MORE

OBEDIENT……………………………

4

C5E) WOMEN CAN BE

DOMINATED………………..5

C5F) CAN‟T WORK WITH

MEN………………………6


72

C5G) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY)……..………………………

……7

C5H) DKCS………………………99

C6 IF MALE COLLEAGUE IS THE

CHOICE IN C4, THEN WHAT

ARE THE REASONS BEHIND

IT?

C6A) MEN ARE EASY TO WORK

WITH BECAUSE THEY HAVE A

BETTER INFLUENCE IN THE

VILLAGE COMMUNITY THAN

WOMEN……..1

C6B) MEN ARE SMARTER AND


WOMEN……………….2

C6C) MEN ARE MORE

RESPECTFUL AND DUTY

ABIDING………………………3

C6D) MEN CAN ARE BETTER

LISTENERS AND MORE OBEDIENT

………………………4

C6E) MEN CAN BE

DOMINATED…………………….5

C6F) MEN ARE MORE

PROFESSIONAL AND

CONCENTRATE MORE ON OFFICE

THAN HOUSEHOLD WORK

…………………………6

C6G) CAN‟T WORK WITH

WOMEN……………7

C6H) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY)…………8

C6I) DKCS………………..99

C7 HOW WOULD YOU RATE

YOUR WORKING

RELATIONSHIP WITH THE

FOLLOWING? RATING ARE:

VERY GOOD (1), GOOD (2),

BOTH GOOD AND BAD (3),

BAD (4), VERY BAD (5), DKCS

(99)

C7A) MALE COLLEAGUES

C7B) FEMALE COLLEAGUES

C7C) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

GRAM SABHA

C7D) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

GRAM SABHA

C7E) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

VILLAGE

C7F) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

VILLAGE

C7G) FEMALE GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS

C7H) MALE GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS

C7I) ASHA

C7J) ANM

C7K) AW WORKER


73

C7L) PANCHAYAT DEVELOPMENT

OFFICER (PDO)

C7M) SECRETARY

C7N) GP EMPLOYEES

C8 HOW WOULD YOU RANK

YOURSELF AS AN

ADHYAKSHAS?

RATINGS ARE: VERY GOOD (1),

GOOD (2), BOTH GOOD AND BAD

(3), BAD (4), VERY BAD (5), DKCS

(99)

C9 WHY DO YOU THINK PEOPLE

ELECTED YOU AS A GP

MEMBER?

C9A)THEY HAD NO OPTIONS

(STOOD UNOPPOSED)…1

C9B) GOOD PERFORMANCE IN

PREVIOUS TERMS….2

C9C) FAMILY‟S POLITICAL

INFLUENCE/BELONGING TO

INFLUENTIAL FAMILY….3

C9D) WOMEN ARE BETTER

PERFORMERS AND LEADERS

THAN MEN…4

C9E) TO SERVE AS PROXY FOR

MEN…….5

C9F)HAD WORKED FOR THE

VILLAGE IN DIFFERENT

CAPACITIES BEFORE SERVING AS

ADHYAKSHA…7

C9G) MOST INFLUENTIAL

AMONGST THE WOMEN…8

C9H) OTHERS…………9

C9I) DKCS……..…99

C10 WHAT ARE THE POSITIVES OF

BEING A WOMAN

ADHYAKSHA?

C10A) MORE SENSITIVE TO

SOCIAL ISSUES….1

C10B) WORK WELL TOWARDS

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT…….. 2

C10C) FOSTER MORE

CONVERGENCE WITH PEOPLE OF

THE VILLAGE……3

C10D) HELPS IN SELF

EMPOWERMENT ……….4

C10E) OTHERS ……….5

C10F) DKCS………….99

C11

WHAT ARE THE NEGATIVES

OF BEING A WOMAN

ADHYAKSHA?

C11A) LACK OF POWER AND

LEGITIMACY ESPECIALLY

AMONGST MEN………1

C11B) DIFFICULTY IN

CONVERGENCE ……….2

C11C)LACK OF VOICE……… 3

C11D) OTHERS ……….4

C11E) DKCS………….99


74

C12 WHAT ARE THE POSITIVES OF

BEING A MALE ADHYAKSHA?

C12A) MORE SENSITIVE TO

SOCIAL ISSUES….1

C12B) WORK WELL TOWARDS


C12C) FOSTER MORE


THE VILLAGE……3

C12D) HELPS IN SELF


C12E) OTHERS ……….5

C12F) DKCS………….99

C13 WHAT ARE THE NEGATIVES

OF BEING A MALE

ADHYAKSHA?

C13A) LACK OF POWER AND



C13B) DIFFICULTY IN


C13C)LACK OF VOICE……… 3

C13D) OTHERS ……….4

C13E) DKCS………….99

C14 DOES ANY MEMBER OF YOUR

FAMILY HELP YOU IN YOUR

WORK AS ADHYAKSHA?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

C15 IF YES IN C14, WHO? [CIRCLE

ALL THAT APPLY]

C11A)

HUSBAND/WIFE(SPOUSE)…………

1

C11B) FATHER…………………….2

C11C) MOTHER……………………3

C11D) BROTHER…………………..4

C11E) SISTER……………………5

C11F) SON……………………….6

C11G) DAUGHTER……………...7

C11H) FATHER IN LAW……………8

C11I) MOTHER IN LAW………….9

C11J) BROTHER IN LAW………..10

C11K) SISTER IN

LAW…………….11

C11L) SON IN

LAW…………………12

C11M) DAUGHTER IN

LAW……………13

C11N) ANY

OTHER……………….…..14

C11O)DKCS………………………….9

9


75

C16 FROM YOUR EXPERIENCE

WOULD YOU SAY

PANCHAYATS HAVE ALL THE

NECESSARY POWERS TO

MEET THE EXPECTATIONS OF

THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

C17 FROM YOUR EXPERIENCE

WOULD YOU SAY


NECESSARY RESOURCES TO


THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

C18 WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT

RESERVATIONS FOR WOMEN

AT THE PANCHAYAT LEVEL?

VERY

GOOD………………………….1

GOOD………………………………….

.2

NEUTRAL…………………………..3

BAD……………………………………

……4

VERY

BAD………………………………..5

DKCS…………………………………..

6

C19 WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT

CASTE BASED RESERVATIONS

AT THE PANCHAYAT LEVEL?

VERY GOOD………………………1

GOOD………………………………….

.2

NEUTRAL…………………………..3

BAD……………………………4

VERY

BAD………………………………..5

DKCS…………………………………..

6

C20 ACCORDING TO YOU, WHAT

ARE THE FIVE ESSENTIAL

CHARACTERISTICS OF A

GOOD PANCHAYAT?

C20A)

C20B)

C20C)

C20D)

C20E)

C21 ACCORDING TO YOU, WHAT

ARE THE FIVE ESSENTIAL

CHARACTERISTICS OF A

GOOD LEADER?

C21A)

C21B)

C21C)

C21D)

C21E)

C22 DO YOU THINK THE 2.5 YEAR

TERM IS ENOUGH?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

C23 IF YES OR NO, THEN

REASONS?


76


Schedule B: GP Member’s Interview

Individual Panchayat code

Instructions: Please fill in this data before visiting the Gram Panchayat IDENTIFICATION SECTION:




INTERVIEW DETAILS:




EDITOR(to be filled by editor) Name Name


Gram Panchayat Code


77

A. GP MEMBER‟S BACKROUND


A1 FULL NAME OF THE GP MEMBER

A2 IS THE GP MEMBER MALE OR A

FEMALE?

MALE……………………………

……1

FEMALE…………………………

… 2


BELONG TO?

SCHEDULED

CASTE…………………1

SCHEDULED

TRIBE………………….2

OBC………………………………

………..3

MINORITY


…….4

HINDU


OTHERS

………………………………...6


]

DKCS…………………… 99




NO EDUCATION

…………………0

LITERATE BUT NOT

SCHOOLED……1

BELOW CLASS 5

……………………………..2

LOWER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY

COMLPETED BUT SSLC

FAILED…………………..5

BELOW SSLC……6


PUC………………….8


POST


ABOVE POST-


DKCS ……………………99


78



WRITE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

….99


…..1


…….2


…..3


…….4


…….5

A8 DO YOU HAVE CHILDREN? YES…………………………..1

NO………………………….2

A9 IF YES IN A.8, HOW MANY

CHILDREN DO YOU HAVE?

(A.9A) SONS…………….. [ ]

(A.9B) DAUGHTERS…………. [

]

A10

WHAT IS YOUR MAIN


APPLY]

A10A)


1

A10B) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR….2

A10C) INDUSTRIAL

LABOUR………3

A10D) DAY


A10E) VENDOR/SMALL

TRADER……5

A10F)


……..6

A10G) ANY OTHER SELF

EMPLOYING

JOB……………………………7

A10H) SALARIED

EMPLOYEE……….8

A10I) PRIMARY SCHOOL

TEACHER…9

A10J) SECONDARY/HS

TEACHER…10

A10K) COLLEGE



79

A10L) PRIVATE


A10M) WORK IN OTHER


A10N) HOUSE HOLD

WORK……14

A10O) SOCIAL

WORK…………….15

A10P) ANY

OTHER…………………16

A11 BESIDE YOUR PANCHAYAT

RESPONSIBILITIES, DO YOU HAVE

ANY OTHER ACTIVITY?[CIRCLE

ALL THAT APPLY]

A11A) WORK IN YOUR FIELD

(AGRICULTURAL)

…….……………..1

A11B) WORK OUTSIDE

HOME…..2

A11C)

HOUSEWORK…………………3

A11D)

STUDYING………………………

4

A11E) NO OTHER

ACTIVITY………5

A11F)

DKCS……………………………

99

A12 IS THERE ANY OTHER MEMBER OF

YOUR FAMILY WHO WAS EVER

ELECTED IN THE PANCHAYAT/

POLITICALLY CONNECTED/

INVOLVED IN POLITICS??

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A13 IF YES IN A.12, WHO?


A13A)


……1

A13B)

FATHER…………………….2

A13C)


A13D)


A13E)


A13F)

SON……………………….6

A13G)


A13H) FATHER IN

LAW……………8


80

A13I) MOTHER IN

LAW………….9

A13J) BROTHER IN

LAW………..10

A13K) SISTER IN

LAW…………….11

A13L) SON IN

LAW…………………12

A13M) DAUGHTER IN

LAW……………13

A13N) ANY OTHER (PLEASE

SPECIFY)…..14

A13O)

DKCS………………………….99

A14 IN WHAT CAPACITY?[CIRCLE ALL

THAT APPLY]

A14A) PANCHAYAT

MEMBER………..1

A14B) MEMBER/WORKER OF

A POLITICAL

PARTY………………………2

A14C)

MLA………………………..3

A14D)

MP…………………………..4

A14E) CONTRIBUTOR/NOT

CONTESTED

ELECTION……………………..5

A14F) SMC/ROGI KALYAN

SAMITI………….6

A14G) ANY

OTHER……………….7

A15 DOES HE/SHE HAVE ANY

POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITIES

NOW?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99

A16 BEFORE BEING ELECTED, DID YOU

TAKE PART IN PANCHAYAT

ACTIVITIES, LIKE ATTENDING

GRAM SABHA MEETINGS?

YES………………………………

…..1

NO………………………………

……2

A17 WHO FIRST PROPOSED TO YOU TO

CONTEST THE PANCHAYAT

ELECTION?

A17A) LOCAL POLITICAL

LEADER……..1

A17B)

SPOUSE…………………………

……2

A17C) RELATIVE (OTHER

THAN SPOUSE)…3


81

A17D) NEIGHBOUR

(WITHOUT POLITICAL

AFFILIATION)…………………

……4

A17E) PEOPLE FROM

VILLAGE…………..5

A17F)

DKCS……………………………

……99

A18 BEFORE BEING ELECTED DID YOU

KNOW HOW A PANCHAYAT

FUNCTIONS?

YES………………………………

…..1

NOT

QUITE………………………….2

NO………………………………

……3

DKCS……………………………

……99

A19 DID YOU KNOW WHAT YOUR

RESPONSIBILITIES WOULD BE?

YES………………………………

…..1

NOT

QUITE………………………….2

NO………………………………

……3

DKCS……………………………

……99

A20 IF NO/NOT QUITE IN EITHER A18

OR A19 ABOVE, HOW DID YOU

ACQUIRE THE REQUIRED

KNOWLEDGE?

A20A) TRAINED BY THE

PARTY…………1

A20B) TRAINED BY

ELDERS/FORMER MEMBERS

(IRRESPECTIVE OF

PARTY)…………………………

……2

A20C) TRAINED BY LOCAL

GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS………………………

…..3

A20D) FORMALLY TRAINED

BY GOVERNMENT

AGENCIES…………4

A20E) TRAINED BY

NGOS…………5

A20F) DID NOT GET ANY

FORMAL

TRAINING………………………

…….6

A20G)

DKCS……………………………

……99


82

A21 IF YES 4 OR 5 IN A20 ABOVE, WHAT

TRAINING/S HAVE YOU

RECIVEVED, DURATION? BY

WHOM? AT WHAT LEVEL? FOCUS

OF THE TRAINING?

A21A)

A21B)

A21C)

A22 WHAT IS YOUR POLITICAL

AFFILIATION?

BJP………………………………..

1

INC…..…………………………

……...2

JANATA

DAL……………………………..3

BSP………………………………

….4

CPI………………………………

….5

CPM………………………………

…..6

NCP………………………………

…….7

OTHERS…………………….8

NO

AFFILIATION…………………

…9

A23 IS THIS YOUR FIRST TIME AS GP

MEMBER?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

……99



BEFORE? (IF NO/DKCS IN

A23,LEAVE BLANK)

ONCE……………………………

………1

TWICE…………………………

…………2

THRICE OR

MORE………………….3

DKCS……………………………

……99

SECTIONB: DECISION MAKING

B1 WHO ALL DO YOU CONSULT

WHILE MAKING DECISIONS?


B1A) COLLEAGUES (MALE &

FEMALE)……..1

B1B) ONLY THE MALE

COLLEAGUES……..2

B1C) ONLY THE FEMALE

COLLEAGUES……..3

B1D) GRAM

SABHA………………….. 4


83

B1E) VILLAGE

COMMUNITY……..5

B1F) GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS

……..6

B1G) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY……..7

B1H) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

FAMILY…….8

B1I) INDEPENDENTLY……..9

B1J) OTHERS

…………………10

B1K) DKCS…………………….99

B2 DO YOU FACE ANY HURDLES

IN GENERATING REVENUE?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99


HURDLES? [CIRCLE ALL THAT

APPLY]

B3A) POOR PERFORMANCE OF

FUNCTIONARIES…. 1

B3B) LACK OF CONTROL OF THE

PANCHAYAT OVER

FUNCTIONARIES….2

B3C) GOVERNMENT CONTROL

OVER TAX RATES….3

B3D) LACK OF STAFF SUPPORT TO

COLLECT AND MONITOR

TAXES….4

B3E) LACK OF OTHER RESOURCES

…….5

B3F) ATTITUDE OF GOVERNMENT

FUNCTIONARIES……………………

….6

B3G) DELAYED DISBURSEMENT

OF FUNDS BY GOVERNMENT

……7

B3H) OTHERS (SPECIFY)…..…..8

B3I) DKCS……………………….…99

B4 IF NO IN B3, THEN REASONS?


B4A)MOTIVATED AND GOOD

PERFORMANCE OF

FUNCTIONARIES…..1

B4B) ADEQUATE STAFF TO

COLLECT AND MONITOR

TAXES….. 2

B4C) ADEQUATE RESOURCES…..3

B4D) CONVERGENCE BETWEEN

THE PANCHAYAT AND THE

GOVERNMENT …..4

B4E) SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDE OF

COLLEAGUES…..5


84

B4F) SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDE OF

GOVERNMENT

FUNCTIONARIES…..6

B4G) OTHERS (SPECIFY)…..…..7

B4H)DKCS……99

B5 HOW DO YOUR COLLEAGUES

RESPOND TO A

DECISION/SUGGESTION MADE

BY YOU?

ALWAYS POSITIVELY

………………….1

ALWAYS NEGATIVELY

……………………2



……………………3


ARE POSITIVE AT

TIMES……………………..4

BOTH POSITIVELY AND


DKCS…………………….99

B6 IF YOU HAD TO CHOOSE

BETWEEN MALE/FEMALE

COLLEAGUES TO WORK

WITH, WHO WOULD YOU

CHOSE?

MALE………….1

FEMALE……..2

BOTH………….3

DKCS……..…99

B7 IF FEMALE COLLEAGUE IS

THE CHOICE IN B6, THEN

WHAT ARE THE REASONS

BEHIND IT?

B7A) WOMEN ARE EASY TO

WORK WITH BECAUSE OF A

SHARED COMFORTABLE SPACE

AND

BELONGINGNESS……………….1

B7B) WOMEN ARE SMARTER AND


MEN………………..2

B7C) WOMEN ARE MORE

RESPECTFUL AND DUTY

ABIDING……………………………..3

B7D) WOMEN CAN ARE BETTER

LISTENERS AND MORE

OBEDIENT……………………………

4

B7E) WOMEN CAN BE

DOMINATED………………..5

B7F) CAN‟T WORK WITH

MEN………………………6

B7G) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY)……..………………………

……7

B7H) DKCS………………………99


85

B8 IF MALE COLLEAGUE IS THE

CHOICE IN B7, THEN WHAT

ARE THE REASONS BEHIND

IT?

B8A) MEN ARE EASY TO WORK

WITH BECAUSE THEY HAVE A

BETTER INFLUENCE IN THE

VILLAGE COMMUNITY THAN

WOMEN……..1

B8B) MEN ARE SMARTER AND


WOMEN……………….2

B8C) MEN ARE MORE

RESPECTFUL AND DUTY

ABIDING………………………3

B8D) MEN CAN ARE BETTER

LISTENERS AND MORE OBEDIENT

………………………4

B8E) MEN CAN BE

DOMINATED…………………….5

B8F) MEN ARE MORE

PROFESSIONAL AND

CONCENTRATE MORE ON OFFICE

THAN HOUSEHOLD WORK

…………………………6

B8G) CAN‟T WORK WITH

WOMEN……………7

B8H) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY)…………8

B8I) DKCS………………..99

B9 HOW WOULD YOU RATE

YOUR WORKING

RELATIONSHIP WITH THE

FOLLOWING? RATING ARE:

VERY GOOD (1), GOOD (2),

BOTH GOOD AND BAD (3),

BAD (4), VERY BAD (5), DKCS

(99)

B9A) MALE COLLEAGUES

B9B) FEMALE COLLEAGUES

B9C) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

GRAM SABHA

B9D) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

GRAM SABHA

B9E) FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE

VILLAGE

B9F) MALE MEMBERS OF THE

VILLAGE

B9G) FEMALE GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS

B9H) MALE GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS

B9I) ASHA

B9J) ANM

B9K) AW WORKER

B9J) ADHYAKSHA

B10 HOW WOULD YOU RANK

YOUR ADHYAKSHA?

RATINGS ARE: VERY GOOD (1),



(99)


86

B11 WHY DID YOU ELECT YOUR

ADYAKSHA?

B11A)THEY HAD NO OPTIONS


B11B) GOOD PERFORMANCE IN

PREVIOUS TERMS….2

B11C) FAMILY‟S POLITICAL



B11D) WOMEN ARE BETTER


THAN MEN…4

B11E) TO SERVE AS PROXY FOR

MEN…….5

B11F)HAD WORKED FOR THE



ADHYAKSHA…7

B11G) MOST INFLUENTIAL

AMONGST THE WOMEN…8

B11H) OTHERS…………9

B11I) DKCS……..…99

B11J)THEY HAD NO OPTIONS


B12 WHAT ARE THE POSITIVES OF

BEING A WOMAN

ADHYAKSHA?

B12A) MORE SENSITIVE TO

SOCIAL ISSUES….1

B12B) WORK WELL TOWARDS


B12C) FOSTER MORE


THE VILLAGE……3

B12D) HELPS IN SELF


B12E) OTHERS ……….5

B12F) DKCS………….99

B13 WHAT ARE THE NEGATIVES

OF BEING A WOMAN

ADHYAKSHA?

B13A) LACK OF POWER AND



B13B) DIFFICULTY IN


B13C)LACK OF VOICE……… 3

B13D) OTHERS ……….4

B13E) DKCS………….99


BEING A MALE ADHYAKSHA?


SOCIAL ISSUES….1



B14C) FOSTER MORE


THE VILLAGE……3


87

B14D) HELPS IN SELF



B14F) DKCS………….99


OF BEING A MALE

ADHYAKSHA?




B15B) DIFFICULTY IN




B15E) DKCS………….99

B16 FROM YOUR EXPERIENCE

WOULD YOU SAY


NECESSARY POWERS TO


THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99


WOULD YOU SAY




THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B18 IF YOU HAVE TO POINT OUT

THE AREAS OF

IMPROVEMENT IN THE

FUNCTIONING OF YOUR

ADYAKSHA, WHAT WOULD

THEY BE?

B18A)

B18B)

B18C)


88


Schedule C: Village Resident’s Interview

Individual Panchayat code





INTERVIEW DETAILS:




EDITOR (to be filled by editor) Name Name


Gram Panchayat Code


89

A RESIDENT‟S BACKROUND


A1 FULL NAME OF THE RESIDENT

A2 IS THE RESIDENT MALE OR A

FEMALE?

MALE……………………………

……1

FEMALE…………………………

… 2


BELONG TO?

SCHEDULED

CASTE…………………1

SCHEDULED

TRIBE………………….2

OBC………………………………

………..3

MINORITY


…….4

HINDU


OTHERS

………………………………...6


]

DKCS…………………… 99




NO EDUCATION

…………………0

LITERATE BUT NOT

SCHOOLED……1

BELOW CLASS 5

……………………………..2

LOWER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY

COMLPETED BUT SSLC

FAILED…………………..5

BELOW SSLC……6


PUC………………….8


POST


ABOVE POST-


DKCS ……………………99


90



WRITE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

….99


…..1


…….2


…..3


…….4


…….5

A8

WHAT IS YOUR MAIN


APPLY]

A8A)


1

A8B) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR….2

A8C) INDUSTRIAL

LABOUR………3

A8D) DAY


A8E) VENDOR/SMALL

TRADER……5

A8F)


……..6

A8G) ANY OTHER SELF

EMPLOYING

JOB……………………………7

A8H) SALARIED

EMPLOYEE……….8

A8I) PRIMARY SCHOOL

TEACHER…9

A8J) SECONDARY/HS

TEACHER…10

A8K) COLLEGE


A8L) PRIVATE


A8M) WORK IN OTHER


A8N) HOUSE HOLD

WORK……14


91

A8O) SOCIAL

WORK…………….15

A8P) ANY

OTHER…………………16

SECTIONB: OPINION ON GP/ADYAKSHA

B1 WHAT IS YOUR OPINION

ABOUT THE FUNCTIOING OF

YOUR GP?

VERY GOOD………………….1

GOOD…………………………2

NEUTRAL………………………3

BAD……………………………4

VERY BAD…………………………5

B2 DO YOU KNOW ABOUT ANY

NEW INVESTMENTS THAT

HAVE BEEN MADE

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B3 IF YES IN B2, THEN IN WHAT

AREAS? [CIRCLE ALL THAT

APPLY]

B3A) WATER…………………….…..1

B3B)

HEALTH…………………………2

B3C) INFRASTRUCTURE (E.G.

ROADS,

OFFICES)…………………………3

B3D)

EDUCATION……………………4

B3E)

SANITATION…………………...5

B3F)

LIGHTING/ELECTRICITY…….6

B3G) EMPLOYMENT

GENERATION……..7

B3H) ABOLITION OF SOCIAL

EVILS (EG DOWRY, CHILD

MARRIAGE, ALCOHOLISM ETC.)…

8

B3I) WOMEN

EMPOWERMENT……..9

B3J) OTHERS

…………………10

B3K) DKCS…………………….99

B4 IN HEALTH WHAT ARE AREAS

IN WHICH THE GP HAS

INVESTED IN?

B4A) MATERNAL

HEALTH…………1

B4B) CHILD

HEALTH/VACCINATION …………2

B4C) REPRODUCTIVE

HEALTH/CONTRACEPTION …….3

B4D) HYGIENE AND

SANITATION…………4

B4E) NUTRITION AND HEALTHY

LIVING…………5


92

B4F) EPIDEMICS (MALARIA/

DENGUE/ TYPHOID)…6

B4G) HIV…………7

B4H) OTHERS(SPECIFY)…..8

B4I) DKCS…………99

B5 IN EDUCATION WHAT ARE

AREAS IN WHICH THE GP HAS

INVESTED IN?

B5A) INCREASE IN ENROLMENT

…………1

B5B) MORE RETENTION…………2

B5C) BETTER INFRASTRUCTURE

IN SCHOOLS…………3

B5D) QUALITY

TEACHERS…………4

B5E) SPECIAL FOCUS TOWARDS

GIRLS EDUCATION…5

B5F) SPECIAL FOCUS TO THE

MOST MARGINALISED

SECTIONS…………6

B5G) ADULT LITERACY…………7

B5H) OTHERS (SPECIFY)…..8

B5I) DKCS…………99

B6 WHAT DO YOU HAVE TO SAY

ABOUT THESE INVESTMENTS?

ARE YOU SATISFIED OR NOT?

FULLY SATISFIED…………………1

SATISFIED………………………….2

NEUTRAL………………..3

NOT

SATISFIED………………………4

NOT SATISFIED AT ALL………….5

B7 WHAT ARE REASONS FOR

YOUR SATISFACTION?

B7A)

B7B)

B7C)

B8 WHAT ARE REASONS FOR

YOUR DIS SATISFACTION?

B8A)

B8B)

B8C)

B9 IF YOU HAD TO COMPARE

THE STATUS YOUR GP IN THIS

TERM WITH THE PREVIOUS

TERM OF THE PANCHAYAT,

WHAT WOULD YOU SAY? HAS

IT DETERIORATED OR HAS IT

IMPROVED? ASK REASONS

FOR BOTH (PLEASE NOTE

DOWN THE REASONS STATED

IN THE EMPTY SPACE)

DETERIORATED……1

IMPROVED ……………2

DKCS………….99

B10 HOW WOULD YOU RANK

YOUR ADHYAKSHAS?

RATING ARE: VERY GOOD (1),



(99)


93

B11 WHY DID YOU ELECT YOUR

GP MEMBER?

B11A) HAD NO OPTIONS (STOOD

UNOPPOSED)/THE SEAT WAS

RESERVED …1

B11B) GOOD PERFORMANCE IN

PREVIOUS TERMS….2

B11C) FAMILY‟S POLITICAL



B11D) WOMEN ARE BETTER


THAN MEN…4

B11E) TO SERVE AS PROXY FOR

MEN…….5

B11F) HAD WORKED FOR THE



ADHYAKSHA…7

B11G) MOST INFLUENTIAL

AMONGST THE WOMEN………8

B11H) OTHERS…………9

B11I) DKCS……..…99

B12 WHAT ARE POSITIVES OF A

WOMAN ADHYAKSHA?


SOCIAL ISSUES….1



B12C) FOSTER MORE


THE VILLAGE……3

B12D) HELPS IN SELF



B12F) DKCS………….99

B13

WHAT ARE THE NEGATIVES

OF A WOMAN ADHYAKSHA?




B13B) DIFFICULTY IN




B13E) DKCS………….99


A MALE ADHYAKSHA?


SOCIAL ISSUES….1



B14C) FOSTER MORE


THE VILLAGE……3

B14D) HELPS IN SELF



94


B14F) DKCS………….99


OF A MALE ADHYAKSHA?




B15B) DIFFICULTY IN




B15E) DKCS………….99


WOULD YOU SAY


NECESSARY POWERS TO


THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99


WOULD YOU SAY




THE CITIZENS?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B18 IF YOU HAVE TO POINT OUT

THE AREAS OF

IMPROVEMENT IN THE

FUNCTIONING OF YOUR

ADYAKSHA, WHAT WOULD

THEY BE?

B18A)

B18B)

B18C)

B19 WHAT IS YOUR OPINION ON

RESERVATION FOR WOMEN

AT THE PANCHAYAT?

REASONS?


GOOD…………………………2


BAD……………………………4

VERY BAD…………………………5

B20 WHAT IS YOUR OPINION ON

CASTE BASED RESERVATION

AT THE PANCHAYAT?

REASONS?


GOOD…………………………2


BAD……………………………4

VERY BAD…………………………5

B21 ARE YOU AWARE OF

JAMABANDHI ?

YES………………………….1

NO………………………2

DKCS……………………..99


95


Schedule D: ASHA, ANM & Anganwadi worker’s Interview

Individual Panchayat Code





INTERVIEW DETAILS:




EDITOR(to be filled by editor) Name Name


Gram Panchayat Code


96

A ASHA, ANM &ANGANWADI MEMBER‟S BACKROUND


A1 FULL NAME

A2 MALE OR A FEMALE? MALE……………………………

……1

FEMALE…………………………

… 2


BELONG TO?

SCHEDULED

CASTE…………………1

SCHEDULED

TRIBE………………….2

OBC………………………………

………..3

MINORITY


…….4

HINDU


OTHERS

………………………………...6


]

DKCS…………………… 99




NO EDUCATION

…………………0

LITERATE BUT NOT

SCHOOLED……1

BELOW CLASS 5

……………………………..2

LOWER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY


HIGHER PRIMARY

COMLPETED BUT SSLC

FAILED…………………..5

BELOW SSLC……6


PUC………………….8


POST


ABOVE POST-


DKCS ……………………99


97



WRITE?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

DKCS……………………………

….99


…..1


…….2


…..3


…….4


…….5

A8

WHAT IS YOUR MAIN


APPLY]

A8A)


1

A8B) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR….2

A8C) INDUSTRIAL

LABOUR………3

A8D) DAY


A8E) VENDOR/SMALL

TRADER……5

A8F)


……..6

A8G) ANY OTHER SELF

EMPLOYING

JOB……………………………7

A8H) SALARIED

EMPLOYEE……….8

A8I) PRIMARY SCHOOL

TEACHER…9

A8J) SECONDARY/HS

TEACHER…10

A8K) COLLEGE


A8L) PRIVATE


A8M) WORK IN OTHER


A8N) HOUSE HOLD

WORK……14


98

A8O) SOCIAL

WORK…………….15

A8P) ANY

OTHER…………………16

SECTIONB: CONVERGENCE

B1 HAVE YOU MET THE GP

MEMBERS AND ADYAKSHA

FOR WORK RELATED ISSUES?

YES……………..1

NO………………….2

DKCS………….99

B2 WHAT ARE ISSUES THAT YOU

HAVE DISCUSSED?

B2A)

B2B)

B2C)

B3 HOW WOULD YOU RATE THE

RESPONSE OF THE

ADYAKSHA ON THE ISSUES

BROUGHT UP BY YOU?

ALWAYS POSITIVELY

………………….1

ALWAYS NEGATIVELY

……………………2



……………………3


ARE POSITIVE AT

TIMES……………………..4

BOTH POSITIVELY AND


DKCS…………………….99

B4 HAVE YOU BEEN CONSULTED

WHEN PLANNING

INVESTMENTS RELATED TO

YOUR AREA OF WORK?

YES……………..1

NO………………….2

DKCS………….99

B5 IF YES IN B4, THEN ON WHAT

AND HOW?

B5A)

B5B)

B5C)

B6 IF NO, THEN WHAT ARE THE

REASONS?

B6A)

B6B)

B6C)

B7 HOW WOULD YOU RATE

YOUR CONVERGENCE WITH

THE GP

MEMBERS/ADYAKSHA?


GOOD…………………………2


BAD……………………………4

VERY BAD…………………………5

DKCS…………….99

B8 IF GOOD/VERY GOOD IN B7,

WHY?

B8A)

B8B)

B8C)


99

B9 IF BAD/VERY BAD IN B7,

WHY?

B9A)

B9B)

B9C)

B10 STATE ANY AREAS OF

IMPROVEMENT FOR BETTER

CONVERGENCE?

B10A)

B10B)

B10C)

B11 HAVE YOU EVER ATTENDED

ANY GRAM SABHA OR

VISITED THE LOCAL

PANCHAYAT OFFICE?

YES

……………………………………1

NO……………………………………2

DKCS……………………………….99

B12 HOW HAS A WOMAN

ADHYAKSHA IMPACTED THE

FUNCTIOING OF

HEALTH/EDUCATIONAL

INSTITUTIONS THAT YOU ARE

LINKED TO?

B12A)

B12B)

B12C)

B13 HOW HAS A MAN

ADHYAKSHA IMPACTED THE

FUNCTIOING OF

HEALTH/EDUCATIONAL

INSTITUTIONS THAT YOU ARE

LINKED TO?

B13A)

B13B)

B13C)


100


Schedule E: Revenue and Expenditure in GPs





INTERVIEW DETAILS:




EDITOR (to be filled by editor) Name Name


Gram Panchayat Code


101

PROFILE OF PANCHAYAT

A1 WHAT IS THE POPULATION OF

PANCHAYAT

A1A) TOTAL POPULATION

A1B) MALE POPULATION

A1C) FEMALE POPULATION

A1D) SOURCE: ELECTION

REGISTER -1

CENSUS-2

(ALSO NOTE YEAR OF THE

SOURCE)

A2 WHAT IS THE TOTAL NUMBER OF

HOUSEHOLDS IN THE GP? (AS PER

CENSUS 2011)

NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS

…………. [ ]

A3 NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS IN THE

GP BELONGING TO VARIOUS

SOCIAL GROUPS.

A3A) GENERAL………….…….

[ ]

A3B) SCHEDULED CASTES

(SC) ……. [ ]

A3C) SCHEDULED TRIBES

(ST)………. [ ]

A3D) MINORITIES (MUSLIMS,

CHRISTIANS)……. [ ]

A3E) OTHER BACKWARD

CLASSES (OBC) …….. [ ]

A4 WHAT IS THE TOTAL AREA OF THE

GP? (IN SQUARE KILOMETERS) SQUARE

KILOMETERS…………. [ ]

(NOTE DOWN THE SOURCE)

A5 HOW FAR IS THE GP FROM THE

TALUK HEADQUARTERS?

(DISTANCE IN KILOMETERS)

SQUARE

KILOMETERS…………. [ ]

(NOTE DOWN THE SOURCE)

A6 IS THERE A HIGHWAY CLOSE BY

TO YOUR GP?

YES

……………………………………

1

NO………………………………

……2

A7 IF YES, PLEASE SPECIFY THE TYPE

OF HIGHWAY. A7A) NATIONAL…………. [ ]

A7B) STATE…………. [ ]

A8 HOW FAR IS THE GP FROM THIS

HIGH WAY? (DISTANCE IN

KILOMETERS) (LEAVE BLANK IF

THE HIGHWAY IS NOT CLOSE)

A8A) NATIONAL…………. [ ]

A8B) STATE…………. [ ]

A9 WHAT IS LITERACY RATE IN THE A9A) TOTAL …………. [ ]


102

GP? (AS PER CENSUS 2011)

A9B) MALE …………. [ ]

A9C) FEMALE …………. [ ]

A10 WHAT TYPES OF ROADS CONNECT

YOUR GP WITH THE TALUK?


A10A) KUCCHA

ROAD…………1

A10B) TAR

ROAD…………………2

A10C) METALLIC

ROAD…………3

A10D)WATER-BOUND

MACADAM ...4

A10E) OTHER (PLEASE

SPECIFY)……5

A11 WHAT IS THE FREQUENCY OF THE

BUS SERVICE (PUBLIC AND

PRIVATE) TO THE GP?

NO BUS SERVICE

………………………1

ONCE A DAY

……………………………2

TWICE A

DAY……………………………3

THREE TIMES A DAY

…………………4

FOUR TIMES A

DAY……………………5

FIVE TIMES OR MORE A

DAY.…..…6

A12 NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS

OWNING LANDHOLDINGS IN THE

GP (HA: HECTARES)

A12A) NO

LAND…………………………. [

]

A12B) MARGINAL FARMERS

(1-2 HA)….. [ ]

A12C) SMALL FARMERS (2-10

HA).. [ ]

A12D) LARGE FARMERS (10 &

ABOVE

HA)………………………….. [ ]

A13 WHAT IS THE AREA OF DIFFERENT

TYPES OF LAND IN THE GP? (IN

ACRES, IF IN HECTARES PLEASE

SPECIFY)

A13A) RAIN FED LAND

(KUSHKHI)… [ ]

A13B) TANK FED LAND

(TARI) …. [ ]

A13C) GARDEN LAND

(BHAGAYTU) ……. [ ]

A13D) OTHER (PLEASE

SPECIFY) …. [ ]

A14 WHAT IS THE USUAL CROPPING

PATTERN FOLLOWED BY MOST

FARMERS? (MENTION AREA IN

ACRES, IF IN HECTARES PLEASE

SPECIFY)

A14A) SINGLE CROP PER

YEAR…. [ ]

A14B) TWO CROPS PER

YEAR…. [ ]

A14C) THREE CROPS PER

YEAR…. [ ]


103

A14D) MORE THAN 3 CROPS

PER YEAR………………….. [ ]

A15 WHAT ARE THE MAJOR CROPS

CULTIVATED IN THE GP?

(MENTION AREA IN ACRES, IF IN

HECTARES PLEASE SPECIFY)

A15A) FOOD GRAINS

(RICE, JOWAR, RAGI ETC.)…..

[ ]

A15B) PLANTATION / CASH

CROPS

(SUGARCANE, ARECA NUT,

COFFEE, COCONUT, RUBBER,

COTTON, JUTE, ETC.) ….. [ ]

A15C) VEGETABLES….. [ ]

A15D) FRUITS….. [ ]

A15E) SPICES

(CARDAMOM, PEPPER, ETC.)

….. [ ]

A15F) OTHER (PLEASE

SPECIFY) ….. [ ]

A16 WHAT IS THE DAILY WAGE RATE

FOR LABOUR IN THE GP FOR

MALES (ACTUAL FIGURES IN RS.)?

A16A) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR

A16B) NON-AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR

A16C) OTHER TYPE OF WORK

(PLEASE SPECIFY) FOR

EXAMPLE SKILLED LIKE

CARPENTER, MASON ETC

A17 WHAT IS THE DAILY WAGE RATE

FOR LABOUR IN THE GP FOR

FEMALES (ACTUAL FIGURES IN

RS.)?

A17A) AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR

A17B) NON-AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR

A17C) OTHER TYPE OF WORK

(PLEASE SPECIFY) FOR

EXAMPLE SKILLED LIKE

CARPENTER, MASON ETC

A18 TYPES AND NUMBER OF HOUSES

IN THE GP.

A18A) RCC………………………

[ ]

A18B)

SLABS……………………… [ ]

A18C)

TILES……………………… [ ]

A18D) MUD

HOUSE……………………… [ ]

A18E) HUT………………………

[ ]

A18F) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY)… [ ]

A19 HOW MANY OF THE ABOVE

HOUSES HAVE LEGAL WATER

A19A) RCC………………………

[ ]


104

CONNECTIONS? A19B)

SLABS……………………… [ ]

A19C)

TILES……………………… [ ]

A19D) MUD

HOUSE……………………… [ ]

A19E) HUT………………………

[ ]

A19F) OTHERS (PLEASE

SPECIFY) … [ ]

REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE

R1 FILL IN DETAILS REGARDING THE

VARIOUS TAXES COLLECTED IN THE

GP (IN RS).

INFORMATION ON TAX AND NON

TAX RECEIPTS (PARAMETERS) 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14

A TAX ON LANDS ( LANDS NOT

SUBJECT TO AGRICULTURAL

ASSESSMENT)

B TAX ON BUILDINGS (INCLUSIVE OF

LAND APPURTENANT TO SUCH

BUILDINGS)

C GENERAL WATER TAX

D SPECIAL WATER TAX

E TAX ON ENTERTAINMENT OTHER

THAN CINEMATOGRAPH SHOW

G TAX ON VEHICLES OTHER THAN

MOTOR VEHICLES

H ELECTRICITY TAX

I ADVERTISEMENT TAX

J RENT FROM LAND

K RENT FROM BUILDING

L

SALE OF LAND (INCLUDING SALE

VALUE OF RESIDENTIAL AND

COMMERCIAL SITES)

M SALE OF BUILDING

N INCOME FROM LANDS

O

INCOME FROM GARDEN LANDS (

SALE OF FRUITS, GRASS AND MINOR

PRODUCE)

P

OTHER MISCELLANEOUS INCOME

(SALE OF WOOD, FUEL, SALE OF

DEAD OR FALLEN TREES ETC

Q GRASSING CHARGES FROM GOMAL

LANDS

R SALE OF MANURE AND STREET

REFUSES LIKE DUST, DIRT, DUNG,


105

ETC

S MARKET FEES

T SLAUGHTER HOUSES , MUTTON

STALLS, CHICKEN STALL FEES

U BUS STAND FEES

V CART CHARGES

W INCOME FROM CATTLE PONDS

X PROFESSIONAL TAX

Y JATRA FEES

Z KATHA TRANSFER FEES

AA LICENSE FEES

BB LICENSE FEES (SECTION 64 OF KPR

ACT)

CC LICENSE FEES FOR SHOPS (SECTION

69 OF KPR ACT)

DD DEVELOPMENTAL CHARGES FROM

PRIVATE LAYOUTS

EE NOTICE FEES

FF FINES

GG HEALTH CESS

HH EDUCATION CESS

II LIBRARY CESS

JJ BEGGARY CESS

KK INCOME FROM CROP HARVEST

LL OTHERS (SPECIFY)

R2

WHAT IS THE YEAR FOR WHICH THE AUDIT OF FINANCIAL

STATEMENTS COMPLETED? (FOR INSTANCE AUDIT OF

FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR 2010-11 SHOULD HAVE

BEEN COMPLETED BY NOW. PLEASE INDICATE THE YEAR FOR

WHICH THE AUDITED FINANCIAL STATEMENTS ARE

AVAILABLE AFTER EVIDENCING THE DOCUMENTS)

R3 PLEASE COLLECT THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION FROM THE RECORDS OF

GP

TAXES DEMAND COLLECTION BALANCE

2012-13 2013-14 2012-13 2013-14 2012-13 2013-14

A

HOUSE TAX- TAX

ON BUILDING

(INCLUSIVE OF

LAND

APPURTENANT TO

SUCH BUILDINGS)

B

TAX ON LANDS

(LANDS NOT

SUBJECT TO

AGRICULTURAL

ASSESSMENT)

C GENERAL WATER

TAX


106

D AUCTION

E RENT ON

BUILDINGS

F HEALTH CESS

G EDUCATION CESS

H LIBRARY CESS

I BEGGARY CESS

J OTHER (SPECIFY)

R4 PLEASE COLLECT THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION ON EXPENDITURE FROM

THE RECORDS OF GP

EXPENDITURE HEADS 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14

A GENERAL ADMINISTRATION

B PUBLIC PROTECTION

C DEVELOPMENT WORKS CARRIED

OUT BY GP

D PUBLIC HEALTH

E CIVIC AMENITIES

G EDUCATION

H ADANCES

I ASHRAYA HOUSING SCHEME

J DEVELOPMENT GRANT

K NIRMAL KARNATAK PROJECT

L FINANCE COMMISSION GRANT

M INDIRA AWAS YOJANA

N RURAL WATER SUPPLY

O S.G.R.Y

P SWACHA GRAMA YOJANE

Q MALLE NEERU KOILO

R LIBRARY

S AMBEDKAR HOUSING SCHEME

T VANA SAMVADHANA

U KUGRAMA SUGRAMA

V NAMMA BHOOMI NAMMA THOTHA

W MID DAY MEAL

X GRAM SWARAJ

Y SUVARNA GRAMA

Z NAXAL AFFECTED AREA PACKAGE

AA MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL

RURAL EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE

(MNREGA)

BB TOTAL SANITATION

CC SWAJALA DARA

DD WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT

EE CONTINUING EDUCAITON

FF S.G.S.Y

GG P.M.G.Y


107

HH JAL NIRMAL

II JALA RAKSHANE

JJ BHARATH NIRMAN

KK RURAL WATER MAINTENANCE

LL SUVARNA JAL

MM NATURAL CALAMATIES

NN AFFECTED BY EPIDEMIC DISEASES

OO CONTRIBUTION FROM PUBLIC OR

PRIVATE INSTITUTION, INDUSTRIES

OR INDIVIDUAL ETC.

PP OTHERS (NOT SPECIFIED)

QQ OTHERS (DEBT HEADS*)

Abdul Nasir Sab State Institute of Rural Development, Mysuru · OSR Own Source Revenue PRI...

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Transcript of Abdul Nasir Sab State Institute of Rural Development, Mysuru · OSR Own Source Revenue PRI...