A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake ...

Original Article

A University for the Arab Minority in Israel:Stake Holders’ Perceptions and ProposedModels

Khalid Arara and Yonis Abu El-Hijab

aGraduate School of Education, The College for Academic Studies, Or Yehuda, Israel.

E-mail: [email protected] Education Department, Sakhnin College for Teacher Education, Sakhnin, Israel.

For decades Arab citizens of Israel have repeatedly proposed the establishment of anArab university in Israel. Although Arab students increasingly study in Israel’s highereducation institutions, Arab candidates still face obstacles in access to Israel’s univer-sities, especially to prestigious faculties such as medicine and many turn to pursue theirhigher education abroad. Instruction in these universities is in Hebrew, and the Arabnational narrative and cultural heritage are generally ignored. In other world states,ethnic minority colleges have successfully promoted the social, political and economicstatus of these minorities. This paper discusses findings from qualitative research, usingin-depth interviews with Arab local government employees, Arab and Jewish academicsand politicians to explore the extent of support for an Arab university in Israel and toelucidate arguments for and against this proposal. Conclusions indicate that likeminority universities in other countries, an Arab university could meet particular needsof the Arab population in Israel and contribute significantly to the state’s academicexcellence and economy.Higher Education Policy (2017). doi:10.1057/s41307-017-0040-1

Keywords: higher education; minority; university; Palestinian

Introduction

Higher education (HE) constitutes a means to bridge social and geographical gaps

and helps to shape a society’s economic and social future (Altbach et al., 2010;

Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010; Wilkins and

Huisman, 2012). In recent years, minority groups have become increasingly aware

of the potential of HE to accelerate their social mobility and their economic and

political status (Altbach et al., 2010; Al-Haj, 2003; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016;

Brooks and Waters, 2011). In world states, academic institutions have served as a

catalyst for the development of national movements helping to clarify and sharpen

minority members’ national consciousness (Abu-Saad, 2006; Arar and Haj-Yehia,

Higher Education Policy, 2017� 2017 International Association of Universities 0952-8733/17

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2016; Reay et al., 2005) leading to calls by minority groups for the establishment of

their own HE institutions.

Israel has a total population of approximately 8 million citizens, 79.3% are

Jewish and 20.7% are members of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority in

Israel (hereinafter, the PAMI), who constitute the state’s largest minority group.

The PAMI population includes 82.1% Muslims, 9.4% Christians and 8.4% Druze

(CBS, 2015). Most of this population is situated in the lowest socio-economic

segments of the society (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Although PAMI students

constitute approximately 13% of the Israeli student population, there are still many

obstacles facing the PAMI student who wishes to study in HE in Israel. For this and

other reasons, PAMI citizens of the state have often proposed the establishment of a

separate university of their own. This study presents a broad reasoned discussion

and rationale for this demand based on empirical research of the views of both

PAMI and Jewish stakeholders in the Israeli HE system. The research aimed to

understand the stakeholders’ perceptions and attitudes toward the establishment of

a Palestinian Arab university in Israel. Our discussion relates to both advantages

and possible disadvantages of such a project.

This paper begins with a survey of literature relating to the successful

establishment of independent HE institutions by ethnic minority groups in other

countries. We then provide a detailed description of the present status of PAMI

participation in HE studies in Israel, paying particular attention to the reasons for

the call for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel, an issue that has

aroused intense dispute, reflecting the conflict of interests in the state (Arar and

Haj-Yehia, 2016). To provide substantial current evidence regarding the extent of

support for an Arab university in Israel and to elucidate arguments for and against

this proposal, we conducted in-depth interviews with local PAMI government

employees, PAMI and Jewish academics and politicians. Our concluding discus-

sion refers to factors and motives that prompted the call for the establishment of the

first Arab university in Israel, indicating possible benefits and difficulties of such a

university for both the minority population and the State of Israel.

Overview of Extant Literature on Ethnic Minority Universities

In various pluralistic societies, minority groups have succeeded in establishing their

own HE institutions, which have contributed to the advancement of their social,

economic and political status as well as to the preservation of their cultural identity

and heritage (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Brooks and Waters, 2011; Reay et al.,

2005). For example, ethnic and tribal colleges and universities have significantly

increased the access of Native Canadians and Americans to HE (Brooks and Waters,

2011) and of the Maori population in New Zealand (see for example the website of

the Tribal University of Awannuirangi — http://www.wananga.ac.nz), and of the

Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-HijaA University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Higher Education Policy 2017

http://www.wananga.ac.nz

African American population in the USA. In contrast to the state’s public colleges,

tribal colleges preserve the cultural identity of minority groups — for instance, by

offering courses in the student’s particular native language and culture in order to

prevent its extinction (American Indian Higher Education Consortium, 1998). These

colleges also provide tailor-made services for minority students, such as culture-

sensitive counseling, elementary education and courses in entrepreneurship for

economic development. Such bespoke services are not usually offered by other

academic institutions that serve broader populations (Wilkins and Huisman, 2012).

African American colleges and universities in the USA emerged as a result of

racist policies prohibiting blacks from studying in institutions for whites (Evans

et al., 2002). Most African American colleges and universities were established at

the beginning of the nineteenth century, when blacks were emancipated from

slavery, usually in locations where there was a large African American population.

Although they were initially private enterprises, later, public colleges became the

norm (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

African American institutions established before 1964 are recognized by the US

government as ‘‘Historically Black Colleges and Universities’’ (HBCU) (Evans

et al., 2002). LeMelle (2002) points out that the HBCU institutions not only

surmounted strong opposition, inadequate availability of qualified black faculty

members and inadequate funding, but perhaps surprisingly also brought American

society closer to the realization of the pluralistic ideal, since they improved the lot

of African American society. According to Gorard (2008), these institutions

prepared students to become citizens, transforming them into skilled people with

self-assurance regarding their identity or the manner they employ to advance

themselves and the interests of the community to which they belong. According to

the National Center for Education Statistics in the USA (2015) by 2015, there were

100 historically black colleges and universities ‘‘The number of students enrolled at

HBCUs rose by 36% between 1976 and 2013 to 303,000’’. However, by 2013, non-

Black students made up 20% of enrollment (Fletcher, 2015, n.p.).

LeMelle (2002) argues African American colleges and universities have

advanced that population’s socio-political status toward enjoyment of the same

rights as white society, enabling African American society to tailor the education

process to its needs and promote African American leadership (Altbach et al.,

2010). Yet, LeMelle also notes that while some people considered that the HBCU

permitted African American students to advance in the most equitable manner,

others viewed these separate settings as preventing the integration of ethnic groups

in the USA (ibid., 193–194). However, Price et al. (2011) claimed that graduates

from HBCU were more positively rewarded in terms of long-term incomes than

their colleagues who graduated from main-stream universities.

In addition to the African American colleges, 33 American Indian Tribal Colleges

were established in the USA and Canada over the last 30 years as part of the

American Indian self-determination movement. A report by the American Indian



Higher Education Consortium and The Institute for Higher Education Policy (2001)

notes the advantages and disadvantages of these niche colleges, indicating that they

‘‘have increasingly become the educational, social, and economic cores of the

reservations and towns in which they are located. In almost every aspect of local

community life, ranging from the provision of public services to the nurturing of

traditional cultural values and beliefs that help develop a social and economic vision

for the future. Faculty at Tribal Colleges play an overarching role by serving as

culturally supportive role models that inspire future success, an especially important

role given the historically low levels of educational attainment for American

Indians.’’ (p. 1). Moreover, they note the role of these colleges in liaison and

cooperation between American Indian communities and state public services.

However, recent reports note a lowering of academic achievements and high dropout

rates especially in peripheral tribal colleges mainly blamed on poor infrastructure,

poor transportation, lack of funding and high costs (The White House, 2014).

The role of universities in the Palestinian Authority territories

A case in point for the possible role of an ethnic minority university in Israel is the

development of Palestinian universities in the territories governed by the

Palestinian Authority (hereinafter: PAT, at present occupied by Israel, but not

part of the Israeli state) and the role that they play for the PAMI. This case is

especially relevant for the discussion of the establishment of an Arab university in

Israel, because the PAMI are the remnants of the same population, which now lives

in these territories, who were cut off by the borders of the new State of Israel in

1948. The establishment of HE institutions in the PAT has helped to shape the

younger generation’s political and cultural identity. These institutions were set up

in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from the beginning of the 1970s, by communal

groups and organizations under Israel’s military occupation (Abu-Lughod, 2000;

Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Many PAMI students now study in these universities

and they allow them to fulfill many of their aspirations. PAMI students’

considerations when choosing a Palestinian university are relevant to the debate

on the justification for an Arab university in Israel. Almost all PAMI prefer to study

disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, paramedical subjects and various branches

of engineering, at Israeli universities, as these offer them professions which can be

practiced independently from the Israeli jobs market, and Israel has a continuous

deficit of doctors and paramedical professionals. Admittance to these disciplines is

significantly easier in Palestinian universities. Communicating in Arabic with

lecturers and students at Palestinian universities is much easier than communicating

in Hebrew at Israeli universities (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

According to Gerner and Schrodt (1999), Palestinian institutions aim to impart

knowledge, and promote intellectual and leadership abilities and conduct research, but

also to advance the development and national integration of Palestinian society (Abu-



Saad, 2006; Mari’, 1978). For PAMI students, studying in Palestinian universities

enrich their awareness of their national and cultural identity as Palestinians and of the

struggle of their people for self-determination (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

To sum up, universities and colleges play a pivotal role in advancing the status of

various ethnic groups, particularly under conditions of political and social subordina-

tion in the promotion of national liberation (Al-Haj, 2003; Mari’, 1978). Political

activism on the campuses helps students develop socio-political awareness and

establish national and social movements (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Reay et al., 2005).

HE for PAMI citizens

Among other motivations, the PAMI use HE to improve their socio-economic

standing in Israeli society (Al-Haj, 2003). This population has internalized the close

link between an academic degree and social status, and they therefore see the

acquisition of HE as a central social goal (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

However, many obstacles face PAMI school graduates who aspire to acquire HE in

Israel, mainly: (1) Language difficulties. The languages of instruction in Israeli

universities and non-Arab colleges are Hebrew and English. These are PAMI students

second and third languages, and they are therefore at a disadvantage compared to

Hebrew speakers when it comes to entrance examinations, interviews and studies (Al-

Haj, 2003; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). (2) A different narrative — despite the

democratic and pluralistic ethos of Israeli HE institutes, they primarily promote the

narrative of the Jewish Israeli population (Al-Haj, 2003). (3) Disadvantageous

education background — the Arab education system has inferior inputs (including

government investment and local community investment) and consequently has

inferior outputs and achievements compared to the Jewish education system. PAMI

students therefore begin their academic studies from an inferior starting point. (4) A

different academic culture — the Arab education system has been characterized as

more authoritative, supportive and grades-oriented than the Jewish education system,

so that PAMI students entering Israeli HE institutions have to adapt to different

teaching–learning methods. (5) Cultural differences — Most PAMI students originate

from small villages where traditional conservative Arab and Islamic norms largely

determine their lifestyle. Many PAMI students especially the female students report a

‘‘culture shock’’ when they first arrive at the ‘‘Westernized’’ Israeli campuses, with

their multicultural ethos and liberal values (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

The establishment of Arab HE institutions is perceived by many PAMI

academics as an important instrument to attain equality of opportunity and socio-

political-economic status in Israel (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). However, as

elucidated here, proposals to establish an Arab university in Israel have been

opposed by Israeli governments, different political parties and the Israeli Council of

Higher Education (CHE). The present study investigated whether there is support

for such a university among stakeholders in the Israeli HE system.



From the middle 1980s, the recommendations of committees established by

Israel’s CHE led to the broadening of access to HE. At the beginning of the 1990s,

it became obvious that various peripheral and minority groups were still not able to

gain proportional access to Israel’s seven universities, due to strong competition

and strict high admission requirements, and the distance of these institutions from

peripheral regions. The CHE authorized the opening of annexes of various foreign

universities, which began to accept students from all population groups throughout

the country (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Volansky, 2012), additionally local private

colleges were opened in peripheral regions, allowing many PAMI students easier

geographical access, but these colleges still do not meet many of the specific needs

of this population.

In the mid-1980s, PAMI students constituted 6.7% of all students in all academic

institutions and around 5% of students studying in master’s degree programs

(Davidovitch and Soen, 2010). By 2015, PAMI students constituted more than 13%

of all students studying for a first degree in all HE institutions, and almost 10% of all

postgraduate students (see Table 1) (Shaviv et al., 2015). As noted, this increase in the

proportion of PAMI students is largely due to the decision to open new academic

colleges in peripheral areas (Volansky, 2012). In addition, three academic teacher

training colleges, teaching in Arabic, were established solely for the Arab population in

areas with high-density Arab population. These colleges have increased the percentage

of Arab educators (especially women), but have also generated a surplus of Arab

teachers. Other main factors for the increase in PAMI students include improved

matriculation success rates in Arab high schools, and an increased proportion of female

PAMI students studying in HE institutes (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

Although the older more prestigious universities still remain largely inacces-

sible, open only for those who are able to attain excellent academic results, some

universities, such as Haifa University, have opened up and afforded Arab students

more opportunities to acquire HE (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). As Yogev (2000)

noted: ‘‘Haifa University is the only one of the universities that strives for an

Table 1 Percentages of PAMI Students in Israeli universities, by level of studies, 2009–2015

Academic year Number of PAMI students

from Israel

% First degree % Second degree % Ph.D.

2009–2010 26,214 10 6.5 3.9

2010–2011 29,298 10.8 7.9 4.3

2011–2012 31,414 11.3 8.7 4.4

2012–2013 34,452 12.2 9 4.8

2013–2014 37,493 12.1 9.8 5.2

2014–2015 82,519* 14.4 10.5 5.9

Source: Stoner and Wizer (2015) details for 2014–2015 from Haaretz newspaper (15.10.2015).

* An additional 86,377 PAMI students studied in general academic colleges and 28,922 in colleges of

education in this year (Central Bureau of Statistics, Annual Data, 2015, Table 8.56).



optimal relative rate of students of Middle Eastern origin [Jews and Arabs] … the

highest relative rate of Arab students exists in this university — almost three times

more than expected [in the past]’’ (ibid. p. 492). Likewise, the Ben-Gurion

University of the Negev, established as part of the Zionist pioneer project, the

University of Bar Ilan, originally established to serve the Jewish religious

population, and the Technion University of Science and Technology (Iram, 2010),

all now admit substantial minority student populations (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

The latest data on the distribution of Arab students between the different

universities from 2011 shows the highest number of Arab students was in the

University of Haifa where they constituted about 25% of all degree students. The

lowest percentage was in Bar Ilan University (not including its annexes some of

which have a relatively high percentage of PAMI students) (Shaviv et al., 2015).

According to an editorial in the Haaretz (2016), ‘‘the percentage of Arab students

studying for a bachelor’s degree at the Technion is now over 20%.’’

In 1993/1994, Arab students comprised just 2% of students studying in non-

university HE institutions offering bachelor’s degree studies (Svirsky and Svirsky,

1997). The opening of the academic colleges expanded and diversified the HE

system and created learning opportunities for new population sectors (Arar et al.,

2016) increasing PAMI student participation in HE. As the Arar and Haj-Yehia

(2016) recently pointed out: ‘‘relatively high rates of Arab students can [now] be

found in the colleges of education (25%) and in the regional colleges (19%).’’

Recognition for Arab colleges was only granted by the Council for Higher

Education to three private colleges of education, which confer B.Ed. degrees in

education (Volansky, 2012): Sakhnin College of Education, founded in 2001; the

Arab College of Education in Haifa and Alqasimi College in Bak’a el-Gharbiyeh,

founded in 1989. However, there is still a deficient supply of HE places for studies

in the sciences, law, and engineering in PAMI-populated regions and in colleges

that would instruct students in Arabic.

Statistics relating to the number and type of HE institutions in Israel for the

2008/2009 academic year appear in Table 2 below:

Even though these last available official data are outdated, our personal

knowledge can confirm that they remain unchanged, and that as Table 2 shows, the

number of Arab colleges established is relatively small in comparison with the

number of colleges established in the Jewish sector, especially when considering

above-mentioned statistic, that PAMI citizens constitute approximately 20% of

Israel’s population.

To illustrate the growth of HE studies among the PAMI over the years, Figure 1

below represents the distribution of PAI students studying first degrees in the

different types of Israeli HEI from 2000 to 2013.

In 2012, there were 29,240 PAMI students studying at all levels of academic studies

in Israel’s HEI. An additional 5210 PAMI students studied in the Open University. Of

the PAMI students studying in the universities, academic colleges and academic



colleges of education, 23,065 were studying for a first degree, 4895 for a second

degree, with a further 510 at PhD-level, and 230 studying at certificate level (Arar and

Haj-Yehia, 2016). By 2013, 36% of the PAMI students in Israeli HEI institutions had

studied for a first degree in the main university campuses, 23% in academic colleges of

education, 19% in publicly funded academic colleges, 11% in annexes of major

universities and approximately 11% in privately funded colleges (ibid.).

However, a very high proportion of PAMI students face severe challenges in

gaining admittance to HE institutes in Israel, especially for medicine, paramedical

disciplines and engineering, and they increasingly turn to universities in the PAT,

Jordan and Europe (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). This very high proportion of PAMI

students who choose to study abroad indicates that the Israeli HE system does not

provide a satisfactory response to the aspirations of these PAMI students.

Figure 2 below represents the distribution of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel

studying for first degrees in the different types of Israeli HEI from 2000 to 2013.

Table 2 Israeli institutions of higher education, by type 2008/2009

Academic institutions State, state religious and ultra-Orthodox Arab sector

Colleges of education (teaching—B.Ed.) 24 3

Non-university academic institutions 27 0

Universities 8 0

Source: Central Bureau of Statistics (2013).

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

PERC

ENTA

GE

YEAR

universi�es

academic colleges

Colleges underuniversi�es responsibility

academic colleges foreduca�on

Figure 1. Distribution of Arab students studying for first degrees by type of HE institution 2000–2013

(percentages).

Source: CBS (2013).



We assume that an Arab university offering the preferred disciplines in Israel,

where PAMI students would not have to compete with Jewish majority students for

the few available places, would reduce PAMI students’ travel abroad for HE.

The call to establish HE institutions in PAMI society

As early as 1979, Nakhleh noted, ‘‘academic education constitutes an important

factor in the struggle for civil and national matters in Arab society in Israel’’

(Nakhleh, 1979, 28) For PAMI society, HE is a national resource that can be

effectively used to ground, preserve and reinforce their Palestinian Arab identity,

culture and heritage (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015),

promoting modernization in their society and reducing the gaps between that

society and the Jewish population.

The call for an Arab HE institution has been raised repeatedly by the various

PAMI political and academic entities in Israel. The first official proposal for an Arab

university was raised by the scholar Dr. Sami Mari’ over 30 years ago in the Knesset

(Mari’, 1978). It was met by fierce resistance from Jewish political parties, who

argued that such a university would not promote integration and would simply be a

hotbed for subversion against the Israeli state. The proposal featured in the Rakah

(Communist) party’s 1975 election campaign in Nazareth, as a proposal for ‘‘The

Galilee University in Nazareth’’. In 1978, in Nazareth, an organization called

‘‘Altsawt’’ (The Voice) began to map the needs of the Arab population and plan for

the establishment of an Arab university in the city. This group of Arab academics

and scholars, conducted a survey among Arab and Jewish intellectuals to examine

the need for a university of this kind, Their results published in 1980 in the book Min

Ajal Almostkabal (For the Future) indicated very strong support for the establish-

ment of the university (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). A proposal by the mayor of

Nazereth in 2000 to establish an Arab university in his town was rejected by the

Council for Higher Education, under the argument that there were too many

13360

37725991

74879260

universi�esOpen UniversityAcademic collegescolleges foreduca�on

studying abroad

Figure 2. The distribution of PAI students, by type of HEI including HEI in Israel and abroad 2011.

Source: Arar and Haj-Yehia (2016).



universities in Israel and that a new Arab university would consequently be of

inferior status and its graduates less suitable for the demands of the Israeli job

market. The idea of an Arab university remains a priority in the agenda of the PAMI,

occupying a central place in every public discussion that deals with the difficulties

and possibilities involved in PAMI access to education, HE and employment, for the

new generation of academics in particular (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). The present

Israeli government has issued a tender for the establishment of an academic college

in an Arab town in Israel. Tenders have been presented by many private and public

institutions including existing universities, which propose the establishment of

university extensions (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

Methodology and Methods

Qualitative methodology was deemed appropriate for this research to provide

detailed understanding of respondents’ meanings, attitudes, and intentions (Cohen

et al., 2011). The study employed semi-structured interviews with predetermined

open-ended questions as an interview guide, allowing respondents to express their

personal viewpoints on the studied phenomena (Ibid). Interview questions included

open questions, for example: ‘‘What is your position on establishing an Arab

university in Israel,’’ or ‘‘can you complete the sentence: establishing an Arab

university in Israel may have an effect in the following areas …’’ and questions to

clarify the interviewee’s descriptions such as ‘‘Can you expand slightly on this

matter’’; and interpretative questions such as ‘‘if I have understood you correctly, in

your view, the establishment of an Arab university can empower and increase

Palestinian Arab citizens’ integration in the Israeli market, is that correct?’’

Interviews were thus designed to glean data on the respondents’ context, their

views concerning the need for an Arab university and its possible characteristics

and benefits, and to explain the rationale underpinning their views. The paper is

based on in-depth interviews conducted in Arabic or Hebrew by the first author

with three different groups. Each interview lasted from 90 min to 2 h.

The research population

Given the nature of the study, purposeful sampling (Creswell, 2009) was used to

allow us to select stakeholders, who were able to relate to the notion of a Palestinian

Arab university both at the affective and effective levels, eliciting information from

role-holders involved in relevant political, social and practical fields. The criterion

for participants’ selection was the researchers’ desire to represent main stakeholders

both at the local and national levels that could reflect public opinion and feelings on

the studied issue. The first group consisted of public figures and the heads of local

PAMI authorities, including three mayors of local municipality governments, three

heads of local government education departments, and representatives of the



Follow-up Committee for Arab Education and the National Council for Local

Authorities, and the chairperson of the National Union of Arab Students. The second

group comprised PAMI and Jewish academics and professors in various Israeli HE

institutions, such as department heads, members of the Council for HE, and directors

of a research institute (a total of three professors), and the third group included

PAMI and Jewish Knesset (Israeli parliament) members including leaders of a range

of PAMI and Jewish political parties (3 Arabs and 3 Jews), including two

government ministers from ruling coalition parties. This large variety of intervie-

wees provided rich, reliable information on the studied issue, allowing us to cross-

check data between the different types of interviewees to increase reliability and

internal validity of the data (Cohen et al., 2011).

Each interviewee received an explanation of the objective of the study and was

assured anonymity and consensual participation; they were able to terminate the

interview if they chose to. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. To

maintain informant confidentially, we use pseudonyms to describe the interviewees

here. Table 3 describes the characteristics of the three groups of interviewees.

Data analysis

Since the collected data consisted of recorded transcripts from the interviews, including

varied responses to open questions, content analysis procedures were used to organize

Table 3 Interviewees’ profiles

Group/role No. Pseudonyms Comments

Group 1

Mayors 3 Saed, Samer,

Jamil

Three of them are mayors of big

Arab cities in different regions in

Israel

Heads of local government education

departments

Chairperson of the National Union of

Arab Students

Representatives of the Follow-up

Committee for Arab Education

3

2

Raed, Alaa, Jamal

Akram

Amer

Heads of education departments in

the above tows

Arab students national union

chairperson

Representative of the follow-up

committee

Group 2

Jewish and Arab professors from

Israeli HE Institutes

7 Sara, Hakim,

Hana, Ami,

Sharan, Jalal,

Alqrinawi

All of them are professors in the

Israel academy including senior

staff: a dean, head of faculty, and a

research unit head

Group 3

Jewish and Arab Members of the

Knesset including government

ministers from different political

parties

5 Haim, Rakefet,

Rasmy, Ahmad,

Hazar



the data and allow inferences to be drawn concerning the characteristics and meanings

of the data. Interview transcripts underwent the four stages of content analysis

delineated by Marshall and Rossman (2012): ‘organization of findings’, ‘construction

of categories, and themes and associations between themes’, ‘examination of emergent

hypotheses’ and a search for ‘different meanings of the themes’. Findings were

organized and coded by comparative analysis including comparison within categories

between their component themes and between the different categories as expressed in

interviewees’ words. In addition triangulation compared data between the different

groups. A comparison between all findings was conducted by the first author in

discussion with the interviewer (the second author), to clarify perceptions and give

meaning to the findings. This cross-checking of interpretations was employed to

reinforce the reliability and internal validity of the findings and eventually led to the

formation of a set of inter-related categories (Marshall and Rossman, 2012). In order to

articulate and highlight the major themes, representative voices and quotes that most

accurately represent the themes are reported in the research findings.

Findings: Arguments for and Against the Establishment of an ArabUniversity

The findings reflect the diverse arguments for and against the establishment of an

Arab university in Israel as voiced by various stakeholders and public figures,

academics and politicians. The findings are presented according to three main

themes that emerged from the analysis and represent stakeholders’ perceptions and

attitudes.

a. Representatives of local and national government

The interviewed public functionaries share similar attitudes toward all aspects of

the establishment of an Arab academic institution in Israel. Many of them expressed

vigorous support for the establishment of such an institution and indicated that it

was an existential need of the Arab minority (see Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). They

claimed that an institution of this kind would solve the problem of discrimination

encountered by Arab students when applying to existing institutions.

Rasmy, an Arab Knesset member stressed that:

It would make HE increasingly accessible to Arab society in general, and

would in particular afford Arab women the opportunity to continue their

studies at the level of HE.

Ahmad, another Arab Knesset member also supported the need for such a

university:



Such an institution would enable Arab students to study in their Arabic lang-

uage and in a climate of Arab culture. In addition, it would serve as an intel-

lectual center for the Arab population, preserve Arab cultural heritage, and help

shape a social and economic leadership that would contribute to the advanc-

ement of the social, cultural and political status of the Arab minority in Israel.

However, some of the public representatives objected to the establishment of an

Arab university meant for Arab students only and in which the language of

instruction would be Arabic. Saed, a mayor of one of the larger Arab cities in Israel

clarified:

Such a step would entrench the segregation and isolation of the Arab pop-

ulation. We need to integrate into Israeli society and advance along social,

economic and political planes.

Interestingly, Samer, also a mayor of one of the biggest Arab cities, argued that

more than one university was needed for the Arabs in Israel:

In the realm of Israeli HE, you find about 7 universities and 60 colleges all

serving the Jewish population’s need. For a national minority that represents

20% of the Israeli population and for equality we need 13 different academic

institutions. This would accelerate the economic development of our towns

and create a socio-economic engine for growth, productivity and the prese-

rvation of our culture.

Akram, a representative of the Arab Students’ National Union clarified:

In the last three decades we have witnessed how a huge number of our

students have moved abroad to pursue their HE, in Jordan and the Palestinian

Authority alone we account for more than 8000 students. They didn’t find

their pathway to Israeli HE institutions for various reasons, including inabi-

lity to be accepted for their academic preference, for medicine or medical

majors, some of them due to cultural and lingual difficulties or a sense of

alienation in the Israeli academy.

Nevertheless, Amer, a representative of the Follow-up Committee explained his

position toward Arab university establishment:

We are an indigenous national minority, we have our own national narrative

and cultural tradition that we must revive and develop through a HE instit-

ution of our own in which we can create knowledge, come together and build

a reality. Of course most people are afraid of the concept because it is

essentially a revolutionary act, or resistance and a place where a liberating

national discourse could develop.



Although some of the elected representative voiced a fear that a niche university

might cause greater segregation, there seemed to be a general consensus among the

elected representatives supporting the establishment of an Arab university in Israel,

to serve geographical, national, cultural and social and economic needs of this

population. This support is reinforced by the fact that many PAMI students do not

find their place in existing Israeli HE institutions and now pursue their HE abroad

(Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Different arguments presented by this group related to

possible features, nature and objectives of such an Arab university.

b. Jewish and Arab Academics

The interviewed Arab academics also supported the establishment of an Arab

academic institution in Israel, stressing the project’s importance for the PAMI on

various planes. Alqrinawi, an Arab academic, noted:

This project is very important for the preservation of Arab heritage, culture

and identity, others have stressed the contribution of the project for the

construction of professional human capital, improving the ability of young

Arab academics to integrate successfully into the Israeli workforce.

Jalal a professor and faculty head in one of the Israeli universities raised

concerns about the reputation of such a university: ‘‘We should set standards of

academic excellence that should characterize an institution of this nature so that it

would be on a par with existing Israeli academic institutions.’’ While Sara, a female

Arab professor elaborated on her expectations regarding the Arab university’s

aims: ‘‘The university is also perceived as a social institution whose main goal is to

impart national cultural capital to a national minority group’’. Additionally, several

academics argued that such a university would be able to provide employment

opportunities for highly qualified Arab academics (Hakim and Jalal).

Interestingly, some of the Jewish academics also supported the project, stating

that: ‘‘It is a legitimate right of the Arab minority’’ (Hana, dean and professor in

HE). However, others opposed this idea for fear that it would cause separatism and

isolationism (the creation of a ghetto). In the words of Ami (a Jewish professor):

‘‘This step would make it difficult for Arab students to integrate into Israeli society

and the Israeli jobs market.’’ They further claimed that it would not solve the

problem of unemployed Arab academics, who are unable to find work in the Israeli

jobs market.

Similarly, Sharan (a Jewish academic) explained his opposition to such an

idea:

When we came here there was no Palestinian university. Did anyone prevent

them from doing that? A university is part of the desire for independence,



usually resistance, as happened in the Palestinian universities in the West

Bank. They were a hotbed of political activism and organization. On the other

hand I support full integration … perhaps establishing an annex of an Israeli

university close to an Arab community that would be supervised by the

university.

The views of Sharan, perversely reinforce the words of Amer, the representative

of the Arab Follow-up Committee noted in the previous section.

Despite their different arguments, it seems that most of the interviewed

academics believe that the establishment of an Arab university would produce

significant benefits. Other academics opposed the idea, rationalizing that it would

threaten the current status quo of integration (Wilkins and Huisman, 2012) and

would contribute to the exclusion and segregation of the minority. Such a

separation already exists between the Jewish and Arab school systems and in the

vocational market, while the universities provide a space where the two

communities meet (Yashiv and Kasir, 2015; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

c. Jewish and Arab Politicians

A considerable number of the Jewish and Arab politicians that we interviewed

agreed in principle to the establishment of an Arab university, but they disagreed on

its characteristics. Differences are evident among the attitudes of the Arab

politicians. Similar to the representatives of the local authorities, some of the Arab

Knesset members stressed the importance of the establishment of an Arab academic

institution, using Arabic as the main language for instruction. Others supported the

establishment of an Arab academic institution whose language of instruction would

be Arabic, but not as an exclusively Arab national institution (Rasmy, an Arab

parliament member). Rifaat clarified: ‘‘An institution of this kind would have to be

open to Jewish and other students as well’’. Thus too, some of the Jewish politicians

supported the establishment of a bilingual Arab academic institution, either a

college or a university, in which both Arab and Jewish students could study (Haim,

a Jewish Knesset member).

However, other Jewish politicians expressed their opposition to the establish-

ment of an Arab university in Israel, arguing that: ‘‘The idea not only contradicts

the notion of coexistence, but also constitutes an obstacle to the integration of Arab

citizens within the country’’ (Rakefet, a Jewish Knesset member and minister).

Moshe (a Jewish Knesset member) added that: ‘‘An institution of that kind would

be liable to create segregation and a breakdown of interaction between Arab and

Jewish citizens and increase alienation between the two peoples’’.

It is evident that most of the interviewed Jewish academics and politicians had

conceptions and attitudes that differed from those of their Arab colleagues.

However, some supported the establishment of a bilingual Arab academic



institution to serve both Arab and Jewish students, based on the principle of

integration rather than segregation. Others opposed the establishment of a separate

Arab university because it would increase segregation and the isolation of Arab

society, and widen the gap between the Jewish and Arab societies, making it

difficult for the graduates of the institution to integrate into Israeli society and into

the Israeli job market.

Discussion and Conclusions

The call of PAMI citizens for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel

is based on various arguments and has stimulated an intense debate, reflecting the

conflict of interests that exists in the state (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Abu-Saad,

2006). In Israel various obstacles make access to Israeli HE institutions difficult for

PAMI citizens (Al-Haj, 2003; Arar et al., 2016) and the underrepresentation of

PAMI students in these institutions (approx. 13% of all students although the PAMI

constitute 20.2% of the Israeli population) (Shaviv et al., 2015) has led to an

increase in the number of PAMI students studying HE abroad Arar and Haj-Yehia

(2016) estimated that in 2012, 9260 PAMI students were studying abroad;

constituting 31% of all PAMI students studying HE in that year, a percentage

studying abroad far higher than for any other minority groups in other countries

(Brooks and Waters, 2011).

The findings from interviews of PAMI public functionaries, and Jewish and

PAMI academics and politicians indicate that perceptions of a future Arab

university range along two central axes: (a) The university as an institution that

constructs national cultural capital, as opposed to a university that helps to develop

human economic capital (Souto-Otero, 2007); (b)The university as an institution

that is run exclusively by and for an Arab minority, as opposed to a university that

is administered in the language of the minority but is not essentially different from

any other Israeli university in which both Jews and Arabs study (see: Ambler and

Neathery, 2009; Altbach et al., 2010).

Along the first axis, there is a distinction between attitudes that support the

importance of national cultural capital and those that support the importance of

human economic capital (Yashiv and Kasir, 2013). Along the second axis, which

relates to ‘‘the character of the society’’, the distinction is between perception of a

university as a creation of a national community and aspirations to produce an

egalitarian, pluralistic civic society (Altbach et al., 2010). These two axes are

depicted in Figure 3 as follows:

The intersection of the two axes enables the identification of four principal

conceptions regarding the characteristics of an Arab university in Israel: (1)

National cultural capital — Communal life (NC): The notion of the university as an

institution for national construction, similar to the model of the national universities



in nineteenth-century Europe, especially in Germany (Altbach et al., 2010). (2)

Human economic capital — National society (HN): A model of autonomy, the

university ensures the continuation of national cultural uniqueness but permits and

equips its students for integration in the state’s employment markets (Gorard, 2008;

Reay et al., 2005). (3) National capital — Civic society (CS): Pluralism — a

university open to both Jews and Arabs, teaching unique Arab-related topics but not

only to Arabs; the creation of a pluralistic society (Brooks and Waters, 2011). (4)

Human capital in the framework of Civic society (HS): A model of an open, secular

society; the annulment of national identities; the university as an instrument of

social change (Case and Huisman, 2016; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010).

The findings from interviews of Jewish academics and politicians indicate that

perceptions of a future Arab university range along two different axes: (1)

segregation versus integration (Grodsky and Jackson, 2009) and (2) monolingual-

ism versus bilingualism (Gurtin et al., 2002; Ross, 2003) (Figure 4).

Previous research indicates that in many countries, independent minority group

colleges served as a substratum for the development of minorities’ national

consciousness and political movements (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Reay et al.,

2005; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010). Additionally, these colleges serve as a

means of advancing minority groups’ social, political and economic status (Abu-

Lughod, 2000; Altbach et al., 2010; Ambler and Neathery, 2009). For Native

Canadians and Americans, tribal colleges facilitated access to HE. These colleges

also provide special services such as bespoke counseling, elementary education and

initiatives for economic development, not provided by other academic bodies

(Evans et al., 2002). They help to preserve native languages and cultures (Brooks

and Waters, 2011; Ross, 2003). They provide knowledge and essential skills so that

Type of capital

C – national cultural

Characteristics of the society C – civic N – national

H – human economic

Figure 3. A model (HCCN) of the principal conceptions in Arab society regarding the characteristics of

an Arab university in Israel.



minority students can rebuild their communal infrastructures (Workman, 2011) and

develop human capital and social leadership (Ambler and Neathery, 2009; LeMelle,

2002; Souto-Otero, 2007). In the case of Palestinian society, HE institutions in the

Palestinian Authority territories have also constituted an important channel for the

shaping of the political and cultural identity of the younger generation (Abu-Saad,

2006; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Ambler and Neathery, 2009).

It is argued that the case of the PAMI resembles to some extent the case of the

ethnic groups mentioned above that have succeeded in establishing their own

institutions and integrating into the multicultural/pluralistic societies in which they

live (Grodsky and Jackson, 2009; Gurtin et al., 2002). Minority colleges improve

the lives of the minority groups and ground their status in various academic fields

(Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

In light of our findings, and in line with the fulfillment of the aspirations of other

world minorities, it seems that an Arab university is perceived as fulfilling two

main objectives for the PAMI: The first is to impart and develop a national cultural

heritage to adults as a part of their national, social and cultural identity building and

the second is to develop human capital in terms of employment qualifications (Abu-

Saad, 2006; Gorard, 2008; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015).

Yet, there are obviously difficulties involved in such a venture. Although

LeMelle (2002) argues that historically black colleges and universities have

advanced the minority’s socio-political status and built an African American

leadership, other scholars view these separate settings as preventing the integration

of ethnic groups in the USA (Altbach et al., 2010) and American Indian colleges

have continually battled with unequal government funding.

Our findings also show that the call to establish an Arab institution of HE within

PAMI society has sparked conflicting views between PAMI public functionaries,

Nature of the society

S – segregation ("ghetto")

Language of instruction

M – monolingual [Arabic] B – bilingual (Hebrew-Arabic)

I – integration

Figure 4. A model (SIBM) of the principal conceptions in Jewish society regarding the characteristics

of an Arab university in Israel.



and academics and politicians from both the PAMI and the Jewish sectors. To a

certain extent, it exposed opposing attitudes and conceptions. However, despite the

fact that there were differences between and within the groups, most members

expressed their support for the establishment of an Arab academic institution in

Israel for the PAMI.

Those who supported the project felt that it would improve the integration of

PAMI society into Israeli society so as to narrow the gap created in various fields

over the years. Among those who opposed the idea, some stressed that a separate

Arab university was actually liable to further segregate and even isolate the PAMI

from Israeli society and would lead to the limitation of employment opportunities

available to its graduates in the Israeli job market (Yashiv and Kasir, 2015). Others

wanted to preserve the status quo — that is, they supported the continued

dependence of PAMI society on the state’s public universities and existing public

and private colleges (Ayalon, 2008; Volansky, 2012). It seems that they opposed

the call of the PAMI to establish an Arab university, fearing that this process would

engender a demand for political and cultural autonomy (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016),

that an Arab university would have inferior status in comparison with established

universities, and its graduates would be stigmatized in the jobs market, delaying

PAMI integration in Israeli society.

It is worth mentioning that the case of the PAMI as a distinct cultural group is

similar to certain cases in which other distinct cultural groups in Israel have

demanded the establishment of their own HE institutions. However, in contrast to

the case of the PAMI, the State of Israel permitted these other groups to establish

such institutions — for example, the state-funded post-secondary-school yeshivas

for the ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities (Volansky, 2012). Although the latter

do not belong to the HE system, the very fact of their existence reflects the State’s

acknowledgment of the right of the ultra-Orthodox public to cultural autonomy

(Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Another instance of the establishment of a private HE

institution for a distinct cultural group is Bar-Ilan University, which was

established by the Mizrachi religious Zionist movement and was recognized by

the CHE as a university in 1970 (Iram, 2010).

It would seem obvious therefore that the PAMI — as a native minority and

distinct cultural group — has the right to establish its own HE institution similar to

those established for other world minorities (Altbach et al., 2010; Brooks and

Waters, 2011). An Arab university could contribute to the advancement of the

social, economic and political status of the PAMI and increase social and academic

cross-fertilization between PAMI and Jewish societies within Israel (Arar and Haj-

Yehia, 2016). Moreover, an Arab university could provide employment as faculty

members for skilled PAMI academics, especially those who hold advanced degrees

(M.A. and Ph.D.) (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015) as

historically black colleges and universities in the USA did for their graduates

(LeMelle, 2002).



However, despite the struggle and requests of the PAMI to establish an Arab

university in Israel, there is a probability that such an institution would only enjoy a

status inferior to that of the state’s universities due to the low socio-economic status

of PAMI society, and this may cause disadvantage to its graduates on attempting to

enter Israel’s jobs market or to continue to higher degrees in parallel academic

institutes. Suitable thought should therefore be invested in planning the necessary

resources especially the provision of sufficient government backing for such a

project.

Finally, the fact that the PAMI have been working unsuccessfully toward

establishing their own HE institution for three decades indicates their lack of power

within these processes, but also testifies to genuine unsatisfied needs. The

establishment of HE colleges in the Israeli periphery, many of them private and

expensive and offering limited disciplines, has not really increased the power of

weaker groups, as could be expected. In this context, the attempt to torpedo the

PAMI community’s proposal for a state-supported Arab university can be seen as a

means of preserving the hegemonic relations of the dominant majority group in the

political establishment vis-a-vis minority national-ethnic groups. Yet the PAMI are

citizens of a country with a developed economy, and PAMI graduates have already

proved that they have much to offer to Israel’s employment market, especially in

the medical and paramedical professions. Despite government declarations and

actual improvements in the provision of higher education for its PAMI population,

it seems that Israel still does not provide sufficient resources for the development of

the human capital potential of the PAMI as an important element for the country’s

growth and development, while for example the historically black colleges and

universities of the USA have enhanced the development of HE among minorities as

a part of their country’s vision for economic growth. The addition of an Arab

university may provide another channel to enhance the contribution of the PAMI to

the state and to a future peace process Inshallah.

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