(A-)symmetric Epistemic Intervention in Quanti cation and ...
Transcript of (A-)symmetric Epistemic Intervention in Quanti cation and ...
(A-)symmetric Epistemic Intervention inQuantification and Wh-construals
Shi-yue Jeff LinNational Tsing Hua University & National Taiwan Normal University
TEAL-7@Hiroshima University, February 19, 2012
1 Introduction
• Epistemic Containment Principle (von Fintel and Iatridou 2003) refers tothe descriptive generalization that a quantifier cannot have scope over an epistemicmodal.
(1) Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP)
A quantifier cannot have scope over an epistemic modal=⇒ ∗[Quantifieri � Epistemic Modal [. . .x i. . .]]
(2) Necessity Epistemic Modal:
Most of our students must be home by now.a. ∗Most of our students � must/ (most � 2).b. Must � most of our students/ (2 � most).
(3) Possibility Epistemic Modal:
Every student may have left.a. ∗Every student � may/ (∀ � 3)b. May � every student/ (3 � ∀)
• In this article the interaction between epistemic modals and four types of scope bear-ing element (SBE) is taken into consideration and examination, including (i) quan-tificational phrase with dou (QP. . .dou construction)1 (ii) focus operators (zhiyou‘only’), (iii) negation (bu ‘not’), and (iv) wh-construals.
• Goals of this paper:
– Show an asymmetry between epistemic modal auxiliaries (EMAUX = keneng‘may’) and epistemic modal adverbials (EMADV = yexu ‘perhaps’ ) with re-spect to ECP.
1In this article I follow Lin’s (1996) insightful study to assume that the quantificational force inQP. . .dou construction resided in dou(P), rather than in QP like mei -CL ‘every’, which acts more likea plural noun, in Chinese. See also Yang (2002) for an alternative analysis, which assumes mei to be avariable bound by dou.
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(4) Asymmetric ECP Effect:
A scope bearing element (SBE), including QP-dou, negation, and focusoperator, can scope over an EMAUX , but not an EMADV .
a.∗ [QPi/SBE � EMADV [. . . x i . . .]]:
∗Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
douall
yexuEMADV
perhaps
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘For every student x, it is perhaps that x has left/ ∀ � 3.’
b. [QPi/SBE � EMAUX [. . . x i . . .]]:
Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
douall
kenengEMAUX
may
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘For every student x, it may be the case that x has left/ ∀ � 3.’
– Show more than one phenomenon is behind ECP with respect to the wh-construals.
(5) asymmetric epistemic intervention/ECP effect:
A Q-operator cannot bind a variable across an EMADV , but can acrossan EMAUX ; a reason wh-operator (reason how and why) cannot scopeover an EMADV , but can scope over an EMAUX .
a.∗ [Qi-op � EMADV [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]
JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme.what
‘∗What might John have bought? (∗Interrogative)’‘John perhaps had bought something. (Existential/Indefinite).’
b. [Qi-op � EMAUX [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]
JohnJohn
kenengpossible
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme?what
‘What might John have bought? (Interrogative)’‘It may be the case that John had bought something(Existential/Indefinite).’
c.∗ [QREASON � EMADV [. . .]]
∗Weishemewhy
JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
likai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
d. [QREASON � EMAUX [. . .]]
Weishemewhy
JohnJohn
kenengmay
likai-le?leave
‘Why may John have left?’
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(6) symmetric epistemic intervention effect:
Covert movement of a wh-adverbial (manner how) across either EMAUX
or EMADV is generally prohibited.
a. ∗[Qi-op � EMADV [. . . t i . . .]]
∗JohnJohn
kenengmay
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
b. ∗[Qi-op � EMAUX [. . . t i . . .]]
∗JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
(7) symmetric anti-ECP effect:
Wh-construals are prohibited when an epistemic modal occupies thesentence initial position, which is a contrary effect to the claim of theECP.
a. anti-ECP effect (unselective binding):∗[CP Epistemic modal � Qi-op [TP . . . wh(x i) . . .]]
Yexu/kenengperhaps/may
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme.what
‘∗What may John have bought? (∗Interrogative)’‘John may have bought something. (Existential/Indefinite).’
b. anti-ECP effect (covert movement):∗[CP Epistemic modal � Qi-op [TP . . . t i . . .]]
∗Yexu/∗kenengperhaps/may
JohnJohn
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
c. anti-ECP effect (reason wh-operator):∗[CP Epistemic modal � QREASON [TP . . .]]
∗Yexu/∗kenengperhaps/may
weishemeREASON
whyJohnJohn
likai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
– Propose an intervention account:
† Generalized Relativized Minimality theory in Rizzi (2004) is adopted, butit is proposed here that [Epistemic] feature should be also classified withinthe Quantificational class, according to its quantificational nature.
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(8) Feature types:
a. Argumental: person, number, gender, case. . .
b. Quantificational: Wh, Neg, measure, focus. . .[Epistemic]
c. Modifier: evaluative, epistemic, Neg, frequentative, celerative,measure, manner. . .
d. Topic
† According to Lyons (1977)2,
→ a subjective modal is infused into the illocutionary force ofthe utterance, while
→ an objective modal is infused into the truth-conditional con-tent.
→ Accordingly, two different syntax-semantics structural requirementsare proposed: subjective EMADV modifies the utterance andrequires the whole CP as its complement, while an EMAUX ,under its objective reading, requires only a truth-conditionalmaximal projection (= TP) (cf. Huitink 2008).
(9) Syntax-semantics Structrual Requirement:
a. J EMADV [CP] K = subjective conjecture
b. J EMAUX
{[CP][TP]
}K =
{subjective conjectureobjective conjecture
}
† As a consequence,
→ the [Epistemic] feature of an EMADV must undergo feature movementto check/value [uForce] in ForceP as [iEpistemic] in order to modifythe whole CP and to express the conjecture of the speaker. On thecontrary,
→ an EMAUX can be interpreted objectively in-situ because its structuralrequirement can be satisfied by external merger with TP, and ForcePcan be valued as [iDeclarative].
2See also Papafragou (2006), Tancredi (2007), Huitink (2008), Anand and Hacquard (2009), vonFintel and Gillies (2011), and among others for the subjectivity-objectivity distinction.
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(10) Feature Movement of [Epistemic] Feature to ForceP:
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ForceP
TopP
Top′
ModalP
Modal′
TP
. . .
Modal
EMAUX[Epistemic
]
EMADV
yexu[Epistemic
]
Top
DP
Subj
[uForce]
† Finally, based on the insight of Clausal-Typing Hypothesis (Cheng 1991),I assume that a wh-question would require the ForceP to be valued as[iInterrogative] to express questioning (c.f. Pesetsky and Torrego 2004).
(11) Interrogative sentence:
[ForceP [iInterrogative] [IntP Qi-op [TP John mai-guo shemei?]]]=⇒ Questioning:λx . John bought x & tell me the information about x.
† Consequently, the Quantificational [Epistemic] feature would induce threedifferent syntactic effect with respect to the SBEs.
→ First of all, [Epistemic] feature movement would be blocked by an SBEwith Quantificational feature, which is the asymmetric ECP effect.
(12) Asymmetric ECP Effect:
∗[ForceP [uForce] [ QPi/SBE[Quant.
] [ModP EMADV[Epistemic
] [TP . . .]]]]
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×
→ Secondly, [Epistemic] feature would contradictorily compete ForcePwith [Interrogative] for checking/valuation, which results in the block-ing of interrogative reading in wh-construals.
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(13) Asymmetric Epistemic Intervention Effect:
∗[ForceP [uForce] [ Q− op[Int
] [ModalP EMADV[Epistemic
] [TP . . .]]]]]]
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×
6
×
→ Finally, a Quantificational [Epistemic] feature in both EMADV andEMAUX becomes a strong intervener which would block another Quan-tificational feature movement, such as [Wh] feature, of a wh-adverbial.
(14) Symmetric Epistemic Intervention Effect:
∗[CP [ ] [ModalP EMADV/AUX[Epistemic
] [TP . . . wh− adverbial[Wh
] ]]
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×
2 Literature Review
2.1 Drubig (2001)
• Assume the framework in Westmoreland (1998):
i. Epistemic must (in contrast to root modals) is not a modal but must beanalyzed as an evidential marker labelling the proposition in its scope as adeduction. It relates a proposition ϕ to some other information that serves asevidence for ϕ.
ii. The traditional view that may ϕ or might ϕ is true (or acceptable) just aslong as ϕ is consistent with the context does not suffice to capture its meaning;rather: an expression such as might ϕ is used to mean that the contextcontains causal factors that make ϕ plausible.
– In general we may say: just as a question marker takes a proposition andderives a question, an epistemic modal takes a proposition and yields an evi-dentially labelled proposition.
– An epistemic modal, such as must or may, according to this view,is part ofthe metalogical vocabulary, i.e. not equivalent to the square 2 but more likethe sign marking the deduction of an inference.
– Beyond that, the extrapropositional status of an epistemic modal implies thatit takes scope over all propositional operators.
(Drubig 2001, p.2 - p.5)
=⇒ Epistemic modal �{
negation / tense / aspectquestion / focus operator
}
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2.2 von Fintel and Iatridou (2003)
• A specific descriptive condition on Quantifier Raising (QR):
(15) Epistemic Containment Principle (Refined Version):
At LF, a quantifier cannot bind its trace across an epistemic modal.=⇒ ∗[Quantifieri � Epistemic Modal [. . .t i. . .]].
2.3 Tancredi (2007)
• Two types of epistemic modal:
{subjectiveobjective
}
=⇒ only subjective epistemic modal induced the ECP effect.
(16) Subjective ECP Effect in English:
a. #(As far as I know) Every student is perhaps Jones.
b. #(As far as I know) Most students are perhaps Jones
(17) Subjective ECP Effect in Japanese:
a.# Subete-noEvery-GEN
gakusei-gastudent-NOM
moshikashitaraperhaps
JonesJones
de aruCOP
‘Every student is perhaps Jones.’
b.# Hotondo-noMost-GEN
gakusei-gastudent-NOM
moshikashitaraperhaps
JonesJones
de aruCOP
‘Most students are perhaps Jones.’
=⇒ objective epistemic modal could cancel the ECP effect.
(18) Objective ECP canceling Effect in English:
a. (Objectively speaking,) Every student may be Jones.
b. (Objectively speaking,) Most students may be Jones.
(19) Objective ECP canceling Effect in Japanese:
a. (Kyakkanteki-niObjectively
mite)looking
Subete-noEvery-GEN
gakusei-gastudent-NOM
JonesJones
de aruCOP
kamoshirenaimay
‘(Objectively speaking,) every student may be Jones’
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b. (Kyakkanteki-niObjectively
mite)looking
Hotondo-noMost-GEN
gakusei-gastudent-NOM
JonesJones
de aruCOP
kamoshirenaimay
‘(Objectively speaking,) most students may be Jones’
• Analysis: multi-model modal theory of I-semantics
2.4 Huitink (2008)
• Similar pattern in Dutch: where epistemic modal auxiliaries can go, but epistemicmodal adverbials cannot
(20) Scope Over Epistemic Modal Auxiliaries in Dutch:
Iedereevery
studentstudent
kanmay
vertrokkenleft
zijn.be
‘Every student may have left. (∀ � 3 / 3 � ∀)’
(21) ECP Effect in Dutch (Epistemic Modal Adverbials):
Iedereeneveryone
heefthas
hetit
misschienperhaps
gedaan.done
‘Perhaps everyone has done it. (∗∀ � 3 / 3 � ∀)’
• Subjective modality indicates the strength of the speech act, while objective modal-ity contributes to content.
– Default speech act for declaratives: assertion.
– Subjective modals change the speech act.
• Quantifiers contribute to the propositional level of meaning=⇒ they scope under subjective epistemic modals.
Table 1: Modifying Speech Act v.s. Modifying Content
Force ContentAssert rain It is raining
Conjecture rain It mayS be raining.Assert rain It mayO be raining
2.5 Gagnon and Wellwood (2010)
• To follow Beghelli (1997) and Beghelli and Stowell (1997) to propose an topologicalaccount based on the quantificational left-periphery theory:
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(22) [CP Each � Epistemic Modal � Every � [TP . . .]]
(23) Each Cancels the ECP Effect; Every doesn’t:
a.# Every girl might be in love with John, but some of them aren’t.
b. Each girl might be in love with John, but some of them aren’t
3 Case Study in Chinese
3.1 QP. . .Dou Construction
• A counterexample to the ECP can be immediately detected with a direct translationof the English examples into Chinese.
(24) Counterexample to the ECP Effect:
a. Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
douall
kenengmay
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘For every student x, it may be the case that x has left/ ∀ � 3.’
b. Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
kenengmay
douall
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘It may be the case that every student have left/ 3 � ∀.’
• However, it cannot be determined a priori that ECP is inert in Chinese since theECP effect is still observed once modal expressions such as yexu ‘perhaps’ or dagai‘probably’ are present.
(25) ECP effect in Chinese:
a.∗ Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
douall
yexuperhaps
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘For every student x, it is perhaps that x has left/ ∀ � 3.’
b. Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
yexuperhaps
douall
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘It is perhaps that every student have left/ 3 � ∀.’
(26) ECP effect in Chinese:
a.∗ Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
douall
dagaiprobably
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘For every student x, it is probably that x has left/ ∀ � 3.’
b. Mei-geEvery-CL
xueshengstudent
dagaiprobably
douall
likai-le.leave-SFP
‘It is probably that every student have left/ 3 � ∀.’
• Generalization: asymmetric ECP effect.
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(27) Asymmetric ECP Effect:
A scope bearing element (SBE), including QP-dou, negation, and focusoperator, can scope over an EMAUX , but not an EMADV .
a.∗ [CP . . . [DouP QPi dou � EMADV [. . . x i . . .]]]
b. [CP . . . [DouP QPi dou � EMAUX [. . . x i . . .]]]
3.2 Focus Operators
• In Chinese the asymmetry between EMAUX and EMADV would result in an asym-metric distribution also with respect to the focus operator. Specifically, as we haveseen in the previous subsection, we would predict that a focus operator can takescope beyond an EMAUX , but can’t beyond an EMADV
(28) Focus operator zhiyou ‘only’ can scope beyond or behind an EMAUX :
a. Zhiyouonly
kenengmay
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘The only possibility is that John bought this book.’
b. Zhiyouonly
JohnJohn
kenengmay
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘Only John may have bought this book.’
c. Kenengmay
zhiyouonly
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘It may be the case that only John bought this book.’
d. Kenengmay
JohnJohn
zhiyouonly
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘It may be the case that John only bought this book.’
(29) Focus operator zhiyou ‘only’ cannot scope over an EMADV :
a.∗ Zhiyouonly
yexuperhaps
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘Intended: The only possibility is that John bought this book.’
b.∗ Zhiyouonly
JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shubook
‘Only John, perhaps, had bought this book.’
c. Yexuperhaps
zhiyouonly
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘It is perhaps the case that only John bought this book.’
d. Yexuperhaps
JohnJohn
zhiyouonly
mai-guobuy-Prt
zhe-benthis-CL
shu.book
‘It is perhaps the case that John only bought this book.’
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• Generalization: asymmetric ECP effect.
(30) Asymmetric ECP Effect:
A scope bearing element (SBE), including QP-dou, negation, and focusoperator, can scope over an EMAUX , but not an EMADV .
a.∗ [CP . . . [FocusP zhiyou[Focus− op
] � EMADV [. . . x i . . .]]]
b. [CP . . . [FocusP zhiyou[Focus− op
] � EMAUX [. . . x i . . .]]]
3.3 Negation
• There are two types of negative expressions in Chinese: irrealis bu ‘irrealis not’and realis mei(you) ‘realis not’. As noted in Tsai (2009), irrealis bu can be locatedeither beyond or below an epistemic modal, for example:
(31) a. JohnJohn
kenengmay
bunot
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘John may not go to Taipei.’
b. JohnJohn
bunot
kenengmay
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is not possible that John goes to Taipei.’
• However, bu cannot scope over and negate the epistemic modal adverbial, for in-stance:
(32) ∗bu � 3
a. JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
bunot
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is perhaps the case that John doesn’t go to Taipei.’
b.∗ JohnJohn
bunot
yexuperhaps
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is not the case that John perhaps goes to Taipei.’
(33) ∗bu � 3
a. JohnJohn
dagaiprobably
bunot
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is maybe the case that John doesn’t go to Taipei.’
b.∗ JohnJohn
bunot
dagaiprobably
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is not the case that John maybe doesn’t go to Taipei.’
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(34) ∗bu � 2
a. JohnJohn
jueduidefinitely
bunot
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is definitely the case that John doesn’t go to Taipei.’
b.∗ JohnJohn
bunot
jueduidefinitely
qugo
Taipei.Taipei
‘It is not the case that John definitely go to Taipei.’
• Generalization: asymmetric ECP effect.
(35) Asymmetric ECP Effect:A scope bearing element (SBE), including QP-dou, negation, and focusoperator, can scope over an EMAUX , but not an EMADV .
a.∗ [CP . . . [NegP bu[negation
] � EMADV [. . . x i . . .]]]
b. [CP . . . [NegP bu[negation
] � EMAUX [. . . x i . . .]]]
Table 2: Generalization for ECP effect
QP-dou construction Focus operator NegationEMADV
∗QP-dou � EMADV∗Focus � EMADV
∗Negation � EMADV
EMAUX QP-dou � EMAUX Focus � EMAUX Negation � EMAUX
• Interim summary:
(36) Asymmetric ECP Effect:
A scope bearing element (SBE), including QP-dou, negation, and focusoperator, can scope over an EMAUX , but not an EMADV .
a.∗ [QPi/SBE � EMADV [. . . x i . . .]].
b. [QPi/SBE � EMAUX [. . . x i . . .]].
4 Analysis
• Puzzle: why SBEs cannot scope over an EMADV , but can scope over an EMAUX ?
• Speculation: SBEs block the covert [Epistemic] feature movement.
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4.1 Generalized Relativized Minimality
• A modified version of Rizzi’s (2004) generalized relativized minimality theory: toclassify [Epistemic] feature within the Quantificational class.
(37) Feature Types:
a. Argumental: person, number, gender, case. . .
b. Quantificational: Wh, Neg, measure, focus. . .[Epistemic]
c. Modifier: evaluative, epistemic, Neg, frequentative, celerative, measure,manner. . .
d. Topic
• Two supportive views for this classification:(i) Traditional Kratzerian modal semantics and(ii) The ability of wh-indefinite licensing.
4.2 Covert Movement and Intervention Effect
• It has been argued in Pesetsky (2000) that there are two types of covert movement:feature movement and phrasal movement. Furthermore, he also proposed thatintervention effect is induced by feature movement, but not by phrasal movement,for instance:
(38) Wh1-In-Situ Undergoes Feature Movement (Intervention Effect):
∗Which booki didn’t which student read ti?
(39) Wh2-In-Situ Undergoes Phrasal Movement (No Intervention Effect):
Which student didn’t read which book?
• Yang (2008) extended Pesetsky’s speculation and develop a comprehensive studiesin Chinese (see also Yang 2011). Specifically, Yang proposed that wh-adverbialswould undergo feature movement to obtain their scope position, and thus inducethe intervention effect.
(40) Wh-adverbial Intervention Effect:
a.∗ Mei-geevery-CL
renperson
douall
weishemewhy
cizhi?quit
‘Why does everyone quit?’
b.∗ Mei-geevery-CL
renperson
douall
zenmehow
cizhi?quit
‘How does everyone quit?’
• I think that Yang has provided several convincing arguments and natural expla-nations to the intervention effect, based on the generalized relativized minimalityapproach. Thus, I follow these promising works to assume that feature movementwould induce intervention effects, once a intervener with the same feature type werepresent in the syntactic structure.
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4.3 The Syntax of ForceP Valuation
• Question: where and why did [Epistemic] feature move to?
– [Epistemic] feature moves to check/value the [uForce] feature in ForceP toexpress speaker’s subjective conjecture.
(41) [Epistemic] Feature Movement:
ForceP
ModalP
Modal′
TP
. . .
Modal
EMAUX[Epistemic
]
EMADV[Epistemic
][uForce]
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• What’s the distinction between EMADV and EMAUX?
– An EMADV would always undergo feature movement to check/value ForceP,but an EMAUX could optionally do so.
– This distinction is attributed to the syntactic structure of ModalP. More specif-ically, following standard assumption of the Kratzerian modal semantics, anepistemic modal would take a proposition as (one of) its argument (Kratzer1977, 1981, and 1991). Putting this assumption in the minimalist terms, Ipropose that an epistemic modal feature [epistemic], being Quantificational,would require a propositional maximal projection as its sister node.
– The structural requirement of an EMAUX can be satisfied with external merger(Chomsky 2006). That is, through syntactic derivation, an EMAUX , witha [Epistemic] feature, always merged with an propositional maximal projec-tion inherently, and the structural requirement can be subsequently satis-fied. On the contrary, an EMADV , being hosted inherently in the specifier ofModalP, cannot satisfied the structural requirement. Thus, [epistemic] featureof EMADV would undergo feature movement to ForceP since ForceP alwaysdominates a propositional maximal projection, the CP phase.
• Some semantic consequence:
– As noted in Lyon (1977), an objective epistemic modal contributes to thetruth conditional content of the utterance, but a subjective epistemic modalcontributes to the illocutionary force of the utterance.
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– In addition, Tancredi (2007) and Huitink (2008) also argued quite convincinglyfor a distinction between subjective epistemic modal and objective epistemicmodal, and proposed that an EMADV is commonly subjective.
– These arguments probably can be correlated nicely to the assumption thatEMADV always undergo feature movement to ForceP for the structural re-quirements. That is, a sentence would express subjectivity once its ForcePwere valued as [iEpistemic]. On the contrary, an EMAUX optionally valuesthe ForceP and the sentence could be interpreted as Force([iDeclarative]) +EMAUX([Epistemic]), which denotes objectivity.
4.4 The Feature Movement Account
• Given our assumptions, the asymmetrical ECP effect is induced because of theobligatory feature movement of [Epistemic] feature and its structural requirement.Specifically, EMADV must undergo feature movement to ForceP because it sisternode, an intermediate Modal′ is not a propositional maximal projection. On thecontrary, EMAUX can stay in-situ since its structural requirement has been satisfiedwith external merger.
(42) EMADV Induced ECP effect:
∗ForceP
DouP
Dou′
ModalP
Modal′
TP
. . .
Modal
φ
EMADV
yexu[Epistemic
]
Dou[Quant.
]QP
mei-ge xuesheng
[uForce]
6
×
15
(43) EMAUX Obviated ECP effect (Under Objective Reading):
ForceP
DouP
Dou′
ModalP
TP
. . .
Modal
keneng[Epistemic
]
Dou[Quant.
]QP
mei-ge xuesheng
[iDeclarative]
5 Wh-construals
• Epistemic modal would also interact with wh-construals. Specifically, three types ofwh-construals are investigated, including unselective binding, covert wh-movement,and the reason-wh-phrase in CP. We will see various epistemic intervention effectsand propose how to capture these within our framework.
5.1 Unselective Binding
• As indicated in the translations, yexu would be compatible with a wh-argument onlyif this wh-phrase were used as an indefinite wh-expression. By contrast, keneng isnot so restricted and compatible with both interrogative reading and existentialreading.
(44) EMADV within Unselective Binding:
JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme.what
‘∗What might John have bought? (∗Interrogative)’‘John perhaps had bought something. (Existential/Indefinite).’
(45) EMAUX within Unselective Binding:
JohnJohn
kenengmay
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme?what
‘What might John have bought? (Interrogative)’‘It is possible that John bought something (Existential/Indefinite).’
• The similar point can be made clear by a further supportive evidence from instrumental-zenme(-yang) ‘by what means’, which is also sensitive to unselective binding (Tsai1999, 2000, 2008):
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(46) EMADV with zenme-(yang):
∗JohnJohn
yexumaybe
zenme(-yang)INSTRUMENTAL
how-wayINSTRUMENTAL
qugo
xuexiao?school
‘By what means may John go to school?’
(47) EMAUX with zenme-(yang):
JohnJohn
kenengmay
zenme(-yang)INSTRUMENTAL
how-wayINSTRUMENTAL
qugo
xuexiao?school
‘By what means may John go to school?’
• Besides, the phenomena can become even more complicated when the relative po-sition between the subject and epistemic modal are inverse.
• When an epistemic modal precedes a subject and stays at a sentence initial position,the interrogative reading is blocked with respect to both EMAUX and EMADV .
(48) Sentence-Initial EMAUX Blocks Interrogative Reading:
Kenengmay
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme.what
‘∗What may John have bought? (∗Interrogative)’‘John may have bought something. (Existential/Indefinite).’
(49) Sentence-Initial EMADV Blocks Interrogative Reading:
Yexuperhaps
JohnJohn
mai-guobuy-Prt
sheme.what
‘∗What may John have bought? (∗Interrogative)’‘John perhaps bought something. (Existential/Indefinite)’
• An interim summary here is that an epistemic modal seems to display differenteffect with respect to its syntactic position.
– On the one hand, within a sentence, it asymmetrically interferes the unselectivebinding construals: only EMADV blocks the interrogative reading.
(50) Asymmetric Epistemic Intervention Effect:
A Q-operator cannot bind a variable across an EMADV , but can acrossan EMAUX ; a reason wh-operator (reason how and why) cannot scopeover an EMADV , but can scope over an EMAUX .
a.∗ [Qi-op � EMADV [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]
b. [Qi-op � EMAUX [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]
– On the other hand, at the sentence initial position, both EMADV and EMAUX
symmetrically blocked the interrogative reading.
17
(51) Symmetric Anti-ECP Effect (Unselective Binding):
a.∗ [EMADV � Qi-op . . . [Subject . . . [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]]
b.∗ [EMAUX � Qi-op . . . [Subject . . . [. . . wh(x i) . . .]]
5.2 Covert Wh-Movement
• let us consider the case of manner-zenme ‘in what manner’ and its interaction withepistemic modal.
(52) EMAUX Blocks the Wh-Construal:
∗JohnJohn
kenengmay
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
(53) EMADV Blocks the Wh-Construal:
∗JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
• Surprisingly, the asymmetric property is absent. That is, as noted in Tsai (2008),post-modal zenme can only be interpreted as instrumental-how, but not as manner-how.
• On the other hand, EMADV and EMAUX both induced the identical effect; namely,they rule out the sentence with manner-zenme.
(54) Sentence-Initial EMAUX Blocks the Wh-Construal:
∗Kenengmay
JohnJohn
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
(55) Sentence-Initial EMADV Blocks the Wh-Construal:
∗Yexuperhaps
JohnJohn
zenmeMANNER
howMANNER
chulihandle
zhe-jianthis-CL
shi?matter
‘In what manner may John handle this matter?’
• Generalization: epistemic modal is generally incompatible with covert wh-movement:
(56) Symmetric Epistemic Intervention (Covert Wh-Movement):
Covert movement of a wh-adverbial (manner how) across either EMAUX orEMADV is generally prohibited.
18
a. ∗[Qi-op � EMADV [. . . t i . . .]]
b. ∗[Qi-op � EMAUX [. . . t i . . .]]
(57) Symmetric Anti-ECP Effect (Covert Wh-Movement):
a.∗ [EMADV � Qi-op . . . [Subject . . . [. . . t i . . .]]]
b.∗ [EMAUX � Qi-op . . . [Subject . . . [. . . t i . . .]]
5.3 How-Why in CP
• Finally, in addition to the unselective binding construal and the movement con-strual, the structure involving weisheme ‘why’ and reason-zenme ‘reason how’should be taken into consideration, since both of them can be externally mergedhighly in the CP domain (Stepanov and Tsai 2008).
(58) Weisheme ‘why’:
a. Weishemewhy
JohnJohn
kenengmay
likai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
b. ∗Weishemewhy
JohnJohn
yexuperhaps
likai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
(59) Zenme ‘reason how’
a. JohnJohn
zenmeREASON
howkenengmay
zhucook
wancan.dinner
‘How come that John cooked for dinner.’
b. ∗JohnJohn
zenmeREASON
howyexuperhaps
zhucook
wancandinner
‘How can it be possible that John cook for dinner.’
• The inverse order between epistemic modal and the reason wh-operator patternswith both unselective binding and covert movement construal. Both EMADV andEMAUX rule out the structure, displaying the anti-epistemic containment effect.
(60) 3 � Weisheme ‘Reason Why’:
a.∗ Kenengmay
weishemeREASON
whyJohnJohn
ikai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
b.∗ Yexuperhaps
weishemeREASON
whyJohnJohn
likai-le?leave
‘Why is it possible that John left?’
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(61) 3 � Zenme ‘Reason How ’
a.∗ Kenengmay
zenmeREASON
howJohnJohn
zhucook
wancan.dinner
‘How come that John cooked for dinner.’
b.∗ Yexuperhaps
zenmeREASON
howJohnJohn
zhucook
wancandinner
‘How can it be possible that John cook for dinner?’
• Generalization: how-why in CP shows the similar pattern with the unselectivebinding construal:
(62) Asymmetric ECP Effect (Reason Wh-Operator):
c.∗ [QREASON � EMADV [TP . . .]]
d. [QREASON � EMAUX [TP . . .]]
(63) Symmetric Anti-ECP Effect (Reason Wh-Operator):
a.∗ [EMADV � QREASON [TP . . .]]
b.∗ [EMAUX � QREASON [TP . . .]]
5.4 The Comprehensive Picture
5.4.1 Interim Summary
• Table for different wh-construal with different patterns:
(64) Table for Wh-Construal Generalization:
Table 3: Epistemic Modal within the Three Types of Wh-Construals
Unselective Covert How-WhyBinding Movement in CP
[Q(i)-op � EMADV [. . . ti/ x i . . .]] ∗ ∗ ∗[Q(i)-op � EMAUX [. . . ti/ x i . . .]] ok ∗ ok[EMADV � Q(i)-op [. . . ti/ x i . . .]] ∗ ∗ ∗[EMAUX � Q(i)-op [. . . ti/ x i . . .]] ∗ ∗ ∗
5.4.2 Feature Interpretability Contradiction in ForceP
• Explain the various (a-)symmetric epistemic intervention/containment effect withinthe [Epistemic] feature movement framework:
– Feature interpretability contradiction in ForceP:both wh-phrase and EMADV intend to type the whole clause as [iInterrogative]and [iEpistemic], respectively.
20
(65) Feature Contradiction in ForceP:∗ForceP
IntP
TopP
ModalP
Modal′
TP
mai-guo sheme?
EMAUX
keneng[Epistemic
]
EMADV
yexu[Epistemic
]
DP
John
Q− op[Int
][uForce]
6
×
6
×
– Quantificational [Epistemic] feature blocked [Wh] feature movement:
(66) Quantificational [Epistemic] Intervention Effect:∗ForceP
IntP
TopP
ModalP
Modal′
TP
zenme[[Wh][Int]
] . . .?EMAUX
keneng[Epistemic
]
EMADV
yexu[Epistemic
]
DP
John
[ ]
[uForce]
6
×
21
– Symmetric anti-epistemic containment effect: wh-construals are prohibitedwhen an epistemic modal occupies the sentence initial position.
– Epistemic modal is externally merged in ForceP:↪→ [uForce] feature is checked/valued as [iEpistemic]↪→ No place for the [Interrogative] feature↪→ The clause type is incompatible with a wh-phrase.
(67) Anti-ECP Effect (Unselective Binding):
∗ForceP
Force′
IntP
TopP
TP
mai-guo shemei?
DP
John
Int
Qi − op[Int
]
EMAUX
keneng[iEpistemic
]
EMADV
Yexu
6
×
(68) Anti-ECP Effect (Covert Wh-Movement):
∗ForceP
Force′
IntP
TopP
TP
zenme[Int
] chuli zhe-jian shi?
DP
John
Int
[Wh]
EMAUX
keneng[iEpistemic
]
EMADV
Yexu
6
×
22
(69) Anti-ECP Effect (Reason Wh-Operator):
ForceP
Force′
IntP
TopP
TP
likai-le?
DP
John
Int
weisheme[Int
]
EMAUX
keneng[iEpistemic
]
EMADV
Yexu
6
×
6 Concluding Remarks
• To conclude, this article presents the investigation to the ECP effect (von Fintel andIatridou 2003). From many different perspectives, I think Chinese can bring us theEMADV -EMAUX dichotomy, which could possibly be a clue for the comprehensivepicture of the ECP effect.
• In addition to the quantifier-modal interaction, many quantificational constructionincluding focus operator, negation, and wh-construals are discussed and examinedin this paper, and some speculation is provided.
• Specifically, I propose that the ECP effect is a consequence of three independentworking hypotheses: generalized relativized minimality, feature-induced interven-tion effect, and the syntax of ForceP valuation.
• This speculation, however, may be still far from the final destination since manyaspects of this issue still call for explanations and further evidences.
23
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