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A Study of Girls’ Lack of Access toPrimary Education in the IslamicRepublic of IranGolnar Mehran aa Al‐Zahra University , TehranPublished online: 06 Jul 2006.

To cite this article: Golnar Mehran (1997) A Study of Girls’ Lack of Access to Primary Educationin the Islamic Republic of Iran, Compare: A Journal of Comparative and InternationalEducation, 27:3, 263-276, DOI: 10.1080/0305792970270303

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A Study of Girls' Lack of Access to Primary Education inthe Islamic Republic of Iran

GOLNAR MEHRAN, Al-Zahra University, Tehran

Introduction

Education has long been viewed as an instrument of social change and sustainabledevelopment. More specifically, female education has been regarded as a means ofbringing about gender equality and empowerment (Sutherland, 1991; Tietjen, 1991;King, 1993; Rihani, 1993; UNESCO, 1993; Stromquist, 1994). In post-revolutionaryIran, in particular, the education of girls is considered as an effective tool in creating theNew Muslim Woman—the ideal female citizen who is socialised, politicised, andIslamised to serve the traditional needs of the family as well as the modern demands ofthe country (Mehran, 1991). In fact, commitment to female education is clearlyexpressed in the Plan for the General System of Education in the Islamic Republic ofIran, where it is stated that the Ministry of Education should eliminate any form ofdiscrimination against girls, especially in rural areas and among nomads, and givepriority to girls in the distribution of resources and opportunities (Ministry of Education,1988). As a result, female education has received much attention since the 1979Revolution, illustrated by the increase in the number of women participating at all levelsof education, from literacy classes to universities. The highest rate of female partici-pation in formal education, however, has been at the primary school level.

There has been a significant increase in the number of Iranian girls enrolled in primaryschool since 1979. During the 1976-1977 academic year, girls comprised 38% of thetotal student population aged 6-10 years (Women's Bureau, 1995). Eighteen years laterin 1994-1995, the percentage of female pupils enrolled in grades 1-5 increased to 47%(Statistical Centre of Iran, 1996). Yet despite popular demand for female education andpolitical will to provide formal schooling for girls throughout the country, still 7% ofprimary school age girls do not attend school in Iran (UNICEF, 1996). Although this rateis significantly less than the regional average of 22% in the Middle East and NorthAfrica, it still indicates that a number of Iranian girls do not have any access to schoolingor they drop out before completion of the primary cycle.

A comparative study of primary schooling in the Middle East and North Africaindicates that a gender gap exists between male and female enrolment and completionrates in almost every country in the region and Iran is no exception. In 1995, 93% ofIranian girls completed Grade IV compared to 94% among boys. Primary education final

0305-7925/97/030263-14 © 1997 British Comparative and International Education Society

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grade completion rates among Iranian girls were 90% compared to 92% among boys in1995 (Mehran, 1995). Furthermore, the Situation Analysis conducted by UNICEF-Tehran pointed not only to male-female disparities in education, but also to inequalityamong rural, urban, and nomadic populations and ethnic/linguistic minorities (UNICEF,1993). The above facts led to the design of a joint UNICEF-Ministry of Education Girls'Education Project, comprising three phases—research, implementation and evaluation—aimed at reducing gender disparity in formal education at the primary level.

Phase One which lasted from 1993 to 1995 sought to find out why a number of Iraniangirls still remain out of primary school or fail to complete it once enrolled. During 1996,brainstorming sessions were held in selected provinces to identify facilitating factors thathelp to eliminate or reduce hindering elements leading to girls' non-attendance ornon-completion. Phase Two will be the implementation of pilot projects in the sameprovinces to introduce innovative ways of reaching out-of-school girls. Phase Three willevaluate the results in order to implement the successful strategies at the national level.It should be noted that this article will discuss the results of Phase One and analyse thefactors identified during that period. (The present author has been involved in this projectsince its onset, as education consultant at UNICEF-Tehran.)

Purpose of the Study

Phase One of the Girls' Education Project sought to find out the reasons behind primaryschool age girls' lack of access to primary school in Iran, either due to the fact that theyhad never attended school or that they dropped out before completion. The roots ofnon-attendance may be found primarily in external factors that lie outside the school,such as the girl child's social, economic, political and cultural milieux, hereafter referredto as out-of-school phenomena. Drop-out, however, may be related to both out-of-schoolfactors and elements internal to the system of education. Research shows that drop-outand repetition—two sides of the same coin—are affected by in-school phenomena suchas educational facilities, teaching methods, curricular content, school administration,examinations and lack of enthusiasm, dedication and suitable training of teachers(UNESCO, 1996b). This study, therefore, attempted to find both internal as well asexternal factors leading to the phenomenon of out-of-school girls in Iran.

The Girls' Education Project sought to answer two main research questions: whatfactors prevent school-age girls from attending primary school? And, once enrolled, whatare the causes of girls' drop-out from primary education?

Research Methodology

Purposeful sampling was chosen in order to include provinces with the highest rate ofgender gap in primary education. The provinces identified were Kurdistan, Kohgiluyehand Boyer Ahmad, and Hormozgan. All three are considered among the deprived regionsof the country. In addition, Kurdistan and Hormozgan are characterised by ethnic,religious and linguistic diversity, while Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad is mostlypopulated by nomadic groups. The above provinces are also marked by low literacylevels especially among women. The literacy rate in Kurdistan was 59% in 1991 andwomen comprised 37% of the total literate population in that province. In the same year,68% of those living in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad were literate, with 41% literacyamong women. The literate population in Hormozgan was 65% in 1991; 42% of womenwere literate in that province. The total literacy rate in Iran in 1991 was 74% (Statistical

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Centre of Iran, 1996). At the onset of the research phase, the gender gap in educationin the selected provinces was such that among a total of 224,632 pupils enrolled inprimary school in Kurdistan during the 1993-1994 academic year, 44% were girls,compared to 56% boys. In the same year, 47% of the total 101,169 primary schoolchildren in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad were girls, compared to 53% boys. InHormozgan, girls comprised 46% of the 187,278 pupils enrolled in primary school; 54%were boys (Ministry of Education, 1994).

Since its onset, the unique feature of the Girls' Education Project has been itsparticipatory nature, emphasising a bottom-up approach, and involving communitymembers. Preliminary trips were made by members of the research team to identifylocations with the highest rate of out-of-school girls, gain the confidence of potentialrespondents who tended to be shy and reserved vis-a-vis outsiders, and mobilise thesupport of potential allies among government officials, especially in the Ministry ofEducation, and influential community members. A conscious effort was made to involvewomen at all stages of the research phase, from needs assessment to identification ofproblems and solution.

Based on the belief that the richest sources of valid information are those directlyinvolved in the education of girls, qualitative research methodology was used in whichin-depth, open-ended interviews were conducted with the following: school teachersand/or principals; school drop-outs (girls of age 7-15 who had attended school at somepoint but dropped out); the parents of school drop-outs (father, mother, or both); girlsaged 6-10 who had not attended school; and the parents of girls who had not attendedschool (father, mother, or both). The triangulation of sources of information led tointerviews with 140 teachers/principals, 316 girls and 383 parents. (It should be notedthat this has been the first time qualitative research methodology has been used on sucha grand scale in the field of education in Iran.)

Interviews were conducted by local teachers, both male and female, who were trainedduring educational workshops in the provinces: here qualitative research methodologywas taught and in-depth, open-ended interviewing was practised and evaluated. Localteachers, as opposed to experienced researchers, were chosen due to their familiaritywith community members and their local traditions and native languages. As a result, noresistance was reported or observed during field work. In total, 839 interviews wereconducted in 106 villages by 36 interviewers. In this study, the direct statements of thegirls and their parents as well as the opinions of the teachers/principals are consideredas the raw data and the primary sources of information.

Findings

A quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the interviews held in the threeprovinces led to the identification of three categories of hindering factors—namely,cultural, economic, and educational, in order of priority. In total, 1354 cultural, 1091economic, and 949 educational factors were reported as hindering elements that eitherblock girls' access to schooling or lead to their drop-out once enrolled.

Given the fact that 118 out of 316 girls interviewed have had no school experience,it is not surprising that in-school phenomena do not play a major hindering role. Theexact breakdown of factors leading to girls' lack of access to primary school in the threeprovinces of Kurdistan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad, and Hormozgan indicates thatcultural elements account for 40% of the hindering factors, while economic realities areresponsible for 32%, and educational factors comprise 28% of the total.

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TABLE I. Cultural factors restricting the access of girls to primaryschooling

1.

2.3.

4.

5.6.

7.

8.

Factors

Traditional thinking regarding theuselessness of education for girlsCultural povertyPrioritising the education ofboys over girlsImpact of the community and itsmembers on each otherAbsence of educated role modelsLack of appropriate programmes toadvocate the benefits of educationGirls' own unwillingness toattend schoolOther

Total

Number

335

235168

106

9479

74

263

1354

Percentage

24.7

17.412.4

7.8

6.95.8

5.5

19.5

100

Source: Ministry of Education (1995).

Cultural Factors

Since the factors hindering girls' access to schooling have been derived solely fromin-depth, open-ended interviews, an attempt has been made to classify similar statementsand reasons expressed by respondents into general categories. It is, therefore, importantto recognise the content of each cultural factor listed in Table I.

'Traditional thinking regarding the uselessness of education for girls' comprises ofsuch statements as:

Girls do not need any education.

It is not [morally] right for girls to go to school.

No matter how much they study, girls have to marry eventually.

Girls have to attend to household matters; why do they need education?

Girls belong to others, their husbands' family; why should we send them toschool?

Girls should marry early; how can they use their education?

Girls are of no use to their own family, they belong to outsiders who take themaway. Why should we invest in their education if they are going to leave ussooner or later?

'Cultural poverty', value-laden as the term may be, refers to illiteracy or low levelsof literacy among parents and other members of the community; parents' lack ofattention to the education of their daughters; the limited understanding of the role andimportance of education of girls among their parents; and the negative view of someparents towards education for their daughters, expressed in statements such as:

Girls will not pay attention to religious matters if they go to school.

Girls will learn satanic sciences if they go to school.

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It is wrong and shameful for a [physically] big girl to go to school along withboys. [It should be noted that 'big girls' in this context refer to girls above age9.]

Once they go to school, girls will begin writing letters to boys.

'Prioritising the education of boys over girls' has its roots in the preference for malechildren in general. Most of the parents interviewed declared that given their level ofpoverty and deprivation, they would rather 'spend money' on their boys who will oneday 'bring the benefits of education back to their own family':

Girls are temporary members of the family whereas boys are permanent. Girlsleave the family once they marry, so it is always better to have sons whopermanently live in the family and contribute to it.

Girls come after boys; first boys, second girls. If any money is to be spent oneducation, it should be invested in boys.

The 'impact of the community and its members on each other' can be a potentiallypositive point if it leads to competition for sending their daughters to school. In this case,however, it indicates a blind imitation of those who reject schooling for girls, especiallyif it involves walking long distances to school and/or attending school in neighbouringvillages with whom relations are not particularly friendly. Such negative impact actseven more strongly if there is a 'lack of appropriate programmes to advocate the benefitsof education' by teachers, principals, influential members of the community, prayerleaders, and the media.

More often, however, the 'absence of educated role models' leads to lack of incentiveamong the local community to send their daughters to school for the simple reason thatthey have not witnessed successful educated women whose schooling has benefitedthemselves and their families in the rural/nomadic setting. It is a well-known fact thatrural members in developing countries either migrate to the urban centres in search ofbetter, more advanced educational facilities for their children or witness the migration oftheir male offspring upon their having received a minimal amount of education. As aresult, rural residents do not even have the opportunity to gain insight into the benefitsof education for young men remaining in the villages in terms of better job opportunitiesor living conditions, let alone women. It is, therefore, not surprising that being educatedfails to provide an alternative future for rural girls and their families.

The statement, 'girls' own unwillingness to attend school' raises serious doubts in themind of those familiar with young Iranian girls who usually express great love andenthusiasm for school. Yet once the intervening factors are taken into consideration, onerealises that the combination of parents' unwillingness and socialisation, absence ofeducated girls that can serve as role models, and lack of advocacy measures lead to thegirls' 'internalisation' of lack of interest in school and preference for 'continuing thetradition of attending to household matters as women should do'. It should also be notedthat often field workers were not able to interview the girl child alone, due to variouscultural customs and traditions, and thus the possibility exists that young respondentschose to express their own unwillingness rather than pointing to parental objection ortraditional restrictions. Lastly, the item listed as 'other' includes miscellaneous issues,ranging from the prevalent shyness among rural/nomadic girls; fear of school, embarrass-ment in front of male teachers especially if they are not native residents; and incorrectbirth certificates.

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TABLE II. Economic factors restricting the access of girls toprimary education

1.2.

3.

4.

Factors

Financial povertyMothers' need for the helpof girls in houseworkThe family's need for theeconomic activities of girlsOther

Total

Number

374285

272

160

1091

Percentage

34.326.1

24.9

14.7

100

Source: Ministry of Education (1995).

An analysis of the cultural factors leading to girls' lack of access to schooling pointsto a few realities. First, traditional rural/nomadic culture in Iran, especially in remoteareas, shares much in common with countries with a similar socio-cultural background.A comparative study of girls' drop-out in the Middle East and North Africa producedsimilar statements by respondents in countries ranging from Tunisia to Yemen (Mehran,1995). It would also be interesting to compare the hindering cultural factors inpredominantly Islamic countries with those in developing nations in Africa and South-east Asia. One would not be surprised to observe a similar pattern. Second, only uponfull recognition of the depth of female subordination among certain rural and nomadicpopulations does one appreciate the awareness, will and determination of other sectorsfor whom girls' education remains a human right and a moral obligation, leading to 93%female enrolment at the primary level in Iran in 1995. The importance of providingeducational facilities, the encouragement of most parents, the persistence of the girl childin continuing her education, and the untiring efforts of dedicated teachers who travellong distances to reach isolated communities and remote schools in the face of suchindifference and even hostility become clear only after gaining awareness of the bitterreality that exists in different parts of the country.

Economic Factors

Next in order of priority are economic factors that play a significant role in preventinggirls from attending school or pulling them out once enrolled (Table II).

The fact that financial poverty accounts for one-third of the economic hinderingfactors is not surprising due to the fact that the three provinces selected are among themost deprived in the country. In this study, poverty has been expressed as parents'inability to meet the educational expenses of their daughters; families' low income; andthe priority of covering family expenses as opposed to the cost of education for the girls.It is interesting to note that what is stated as an economic factor is also a cultural one,in that poverty becomes a hindering factor when educational expenses for girls areconcerned. Thus, it is education of girls that is not considered as a priority, not educationin general. A comparative study of whether the same families spend part of their incomeon the education of their sons or not will illustrate if poverty is a hindering factor forboth boys and girls or if it becomes an obstacle only when girls are concerned.

'Mothers' need for the help of girls in housework' also reflects a cultural division oflabour. Caring for younger siblings, fetching water, collecting wood, cleaning the

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animals' quarters, sweeping the house and washing the dishes are listed as majorhousekeeping affairs that are considered as the duties of girls (and not of boys).Performing the above time-consuming tasks keeps the girls busy at all times, preventingthem from attending school.

'The family's need for the economic activities of girls' is yet another hindering factorthat keeps the girls out of school. The girl child's labour force in agriculture, herding,animal husbandry, carpet weaving, gardening and producing handicrafts is crucial in thefamily's economic situation. Whereas the girl's assistance in house-keeping affairs isconsidered a 'woman's duty' and an obligation to reduce the mother's burden, herincome-generating activities in producing goods for sale in the market are regarded asan absolute necessity for the family economy. Thus the young girl's labour is neededboth as the mother's aid and as an economic asset. In fact, the girl child is burdened byboth inside and outside responsibilities, leaving her almost no time for schooling. Theirony of the whole issue is that, despite the use and abuse of her labour during the earlyyears of her life, the girl child is still considered as a 'temporary' member of the familywho will 'eventually belong to others' and is not 'worth investing in'.

Other factors stated by respondents are also economic realities of rural and nomadiclife that "end up discriminating against girls, including: overcrowded households (oblig-ing the girl child, especially the oldest one, to stay home and help the mother); lack offacilities in the place of residence, including lack of wood and water (forcing girls towalk long distances to fetch water and collect wood); absence of employment opportu-nities for the educated in the rural areas (creating further pessimism about the usefulnessof schooling for girls who have 'to stay home anyway and take care of the children');and rural-urban migration as well as the annual migration of nomads (that end up pullinggirls out of school).

The fact that both cultural and economic elements are out-of-school phenomena thataccount for 72% of the hindering factors has important implications for those strugglingto facilitate the access of girls to school and retain them once enrolled. Research findingsshow that cultural beliefs play the most important role. It is clear that changing people'sbelief systems and bringing about awareness among them is a sensitive process that maytake a long time. Long-lasting traditions are hard to change, and those who want to stepin this path must do so without offending anybody or creating any hostility. That is whyonly those in close contact with the rural/nomadic population and those who have gainedthe confidence and respect of the community members over time can play the mosteffective role. Outside 'injection' of new ideas cannot have the same impact and isusually rejected. Furthermore, economic hardship and financial deprivation also pose amajor challenge, since institutions other than the educational system have to carry themajor burden. Equitable distribution of resources not only demands deep commitment tosocial justice among all government sectors, but is also the sole guarantee that occasionalcharity does not replace serious efforts to enhance the quality of life among the mostneedy section of the population.

Educational Factors

The reality that deep-rooted cultural beliefs and economic deprivation have a speciallynegative effect on girls' education is also true about in-school phenomena, in that theshortages of the educational system place further restriction on the access of girls toschool, more than they impose on boys. Table III lists educational factors, the restrictingimpact of which may be partly remedied by the schooling system itself.

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TABLE III. Educational factors restricting the access of girls toprimary schooling

1.2.

3.

4.

5.6.

7.

Factors

School drop-outAbsence of femaleteachersLack of follow-up byresponsible officialsLack of opportunity tocontinue their educationCo-educational schoolsInappropriate behaviour ofthe teacherOther

Total

Number

138123

122

113

9797

259

949

Percentage

14.513

12.8

12

10.210.2

27.3

100

Source: Ministry of Education (1995).

'School drop-out' in this research refers to failure, repetition and weak schoolperformance in general. Many respondents reported low grades and learning disabilities.Parents often stated that once their daughter failed a grade or received low marks, shewas pulled out of school. Upon further probing, interviewers realised that boys are givena second change in case of failure, while very few girls are given the opportunity torepeat their grade, indicating a clear discrimination against girls.

'Absence of female teachers' is both an educational and a cultural factor. Femaleteachers are not sent to remote villages, especially if they are not married, due to lackof appropriate accommodation, cultural norms, religious traditions and the teachers' ownunwillingness, as in other countries (Warwick & Jatoi, 1994). The absence of femaleteachers does not pose a major problem until the girls reach age 9 or the third grade.After that, most families resent sending their daughters to schools where male teachersare present. Parental opposition becomes stronger when the male teacher is an outsider,a 'non-native'. The issue becomes more serious in the case of soldier-teachers—youngconscripts that are sent to teach in villages during their military service upon receivingminimal training in teaching methods. In addition to the parents, the girls themselvesreport shyness and even fear of male teachers.

'Lack of follow-up by responsible officials' was reported by the school drop-outs aswell as their parents. In the majority of cases, neither the teachers nor the principalsattempted to identify the reason for their students' absence, even if the latter hadreceived high grades and had no particular learning or behavioural disorders. Parentswho had originally been reluctant to sent their daughters to school stated that 'if theteacher or the principal does not care, why should I? I need her labour; she helps hermother at home. If the school officials don't care about her education, I don't careeither'. It seems that parents expect teachers to be 'serious about their work'; and younggirls stated that they would have 'gone back to school or convinced their parents to allowthem to return to school if the teachers had cared about them'. The above statementshave serious implications for the educational officials. They symbolise the fact thateducation is not limited to the classroom and the textbook; they indicate the humanelement of teaching—what makes teaching not just a craft but also an art. One shouldnot forget that 'textbooks and other instructional materials are only tools; teachers ... areactive, deliberate subjects and agents of education' (Torres, 1996).

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'Lack of opportunity to continue their education' seemed to be an excuse in thebeginning. Interviewers doubted the truth when some villagers stated that 'there is nosecondary school in our village, and I will not send my daughter to the city to continueher education. Why should she attend primary school at all when there is no future forher? and 'if she cannot continue her education, she better not begin at all'. However,once a significant number of parents expressed the same feeling in all three provinces,researchers began to realise the impact of 'seeing no future for their girls'. Most parentsinterviewed were not convinced that being literate is an asset by itself. They kept asking'for what purpose?'. The basically illiterate environment in which they live, along withan acute absence of educated role models 'who have been able to improve their liveswith their schooling', convinced the community members that 'either you go to schoolto have a better life and be able to continue your education or you don't go to schoolat all'.

Just as in the case of male teachers, 'co-educational schools' do not pose a problemuntil the girl is 'physically big' or she reaches puberty. 'At an early age, co-educationdoes not matter; but later it is not right even among cousins'. The above statementalludes to the fact that in certain villages, and especially among the nomads, schoolchildren are mostly relatives and distant cousins. This is yet another educational realitythat acts as a restricting factor due to cultural beliefs. The separation of schools, logicalas it may be, is not practical at this time due to the absence of physical facilities andshortage of teachers.

Inappropriate behaviour of the teacher remains a bitter reality in rural and nomadicschools. Physical punishment, psychological degradation, imposition of too many restric-tions, excessive discipline, and creating an atmosphere of fear and anxiety, especially byyounger, inexperienced teachers, is a problem for both boys and girls. Parents, however,reported that their daughters 'begin to hate their school and their teacher' immediatelyupon encountering any of the above.

Other educational factors include lack of educational facilities within a short walkingdistance; dilapidated schools and classrooms 'since schools should look better than thehome; if the school is ugly and not fit for humans, then why should our daughters goto school?', the overlapping of the academic year with the agricultural season; lack ofmobile schools for the nomadic population; and lack of latrines which was repeatedlystated as a reason for which girls stopped going to school.

The smaller proportion of educational factors keeping the girls outside the school isin accordance with international research literature that points to drop-out being closelyrelated to external factors (UNESCO, 1980). Although in-school phenomena account foronly 28% of the restricting factors, this is the realm in which educational authorities canintroduce the most fundamental changes and make a difference.

Recommendations

The research findings point to the need for a three-dimensional struggle to reachout-of-school girls. In the beginning, it is important to acknowledge the fact that thesystem of education cannot solve long-standing economic and cultural factors in a shortperiod of time. The formal system of education, however, can address the importanteconomic factors such as the need for girls' labour at home and outside by introducingflexibility in the time-table of schools. By acknowledging the fact that the girls' work isimportant in rural and nomadic populations, while striving to stop any form ofoppressive child labour, the school can help by changing its daily schedule in order to

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meet the needs of the girl child. Free nutrition, covering the hidden expenses ofeducation, and providing free uniforms are measures that can reduce the burden on poorfamilies. Lack of job opportunities in the future may also be remedied by the educationalsystem through the development of a relevant, practical curriculum in which theacademic basics are taught along with useful skills that can help the girls in the future.Creation of jobs and income-generating activities in the rural areas for which schoolingis deemed necessary can also provide an economic incentive.

Addressing cultural factors poses a more difficult problem, since traditional ways ofthinking about the uselessness of girls' education and paying more attention to theschooling of boys are deeply rooted among the respondents. Here, the influentialmembers of the community along with educated role models may begin awareness-raising campaigns in order to advocate the benefits of schooling for girls. The media andmembers of various women's organisations can also play a crucial role in introducingportraits of successful, educated women, especially among locally known figures, suchas female rural teachers, health workers and agricultural extension workers. Introductionof educated role models not only serves as an advocacy measure, but can also play animportant role in fighting female subjection. Moreover, continuous and meaningfulhome-school co-operation can lead to fruitful communication regarding the advantagesof female education as a human right that can increase family income, lead to betterchild nutrition and health, result in lower birth rates, and produce educated daughters inthe future.

Dealing with educational factors may be most feasible in the short run. Schooldrop-out may be addressed by recruiting more female teachers through training localfemale residents to teach at the primary level; separating older boys and girls by holdingclasses in two shifts; training teachers in more innovative and participative teachingmethods while monitoring their behaviour inside the classroom; holding school officialsresponsible and accountable whenever school drop-out occurs; and creating mobilecounselling units that can travel from village to village in order to identify educationalproblems before they lead to drop-out. The family and the school children themselvescan also participate in finding solutions and presenting alternatives. Every effort shouldbe made to invite parents to meetings and village councils in which their opinion abouteducational problems and solutions can be sought, thus creating a sense of responsibilityamong them. Peer counselling and peer tutoring are also measures that can mobilise thechildren themselves as allies in removing potential obstacles. Last, but not least, are theteachers themselves who should be assisted and supported in the difficult task ofteaching in poor, remote areas while confronting indifference, if not hostility, amongmany local residents. Pre-service and in-service training along with continuous supportnot only prepare teachers for this endeavour but also encourage them to maintain humanrelations with female students who have had to surmount many obstacles in order toattend school. In sum, one can say that flexibility, innovation, advocacy, participatorydecision-making and close, intensive home-school relations can reduce the impact ofhindering factors, facilitating the access of girls to school and ensuring their retentionthroughout the primary cycle.

As mentioned earlier, the Girls' Education Project is not limited to field researchalone, and includes implementation and evaluation of pilot projects as well. Upon thecompletion of the research phase, brainstorming sessions were held in the summer of1996 in the selected provinces. At this time, the province of Sistan and Baluchistan wasalso added since it faces similar problems and has already taken some initiatives toidentify the reasons for girls' lack of access to schooling. Sistan and Baluchistan is also

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marked by economic deprivation and ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity. Thegender gap in education is also similar to that of the other three provinces. During the1993-1994 academic year, out of a total of 257,281 primary school children, 44% weregirls and 56% boys (Ministry of Education, 1994).

The brainstorming sessions were innovative, participatory measures undertaken toaccomplish two important tasks. First, they were used as effective tools for advocacy andmobilisation of local and provincial support. The participants included the governor,high-ranking provincial authorities, members of the clergy, influential members of thecommunity, the media, Literacy Movement Organisation, Ministry of Agriculture,Ministry of Health, Welfare Organisation, and members of the Jihad (in charge of thereconstruction of rural areas), educational officers, and rural teachers and principals.Every effort was made to include women in the brainstorming sessions, especially,female teachers and interviewers who worked directly with the rural/nomadic families.

The diversity of participants helped accomplish the second objective—namely, elicit-ing a wide range of strategies from various perspectives. Research findings pointed to thedetermining role of hindering factors out of the school, the elimination of which needsmulti-dimensional solutions and inter-sectoral co-operation. As a result, working groupswere formed in which members from various organisations proposed practical ideas toreduce the negative impact of cultural, economic and educational hindering factors.Upon completion of the four brainstorming sessions, inter-sectoral committees wereformed to formulate specific plans of action. The result will be the implementation ofpilot projects in selected regions of the provinces, in which every effort will be made tointroduce facilitating elements that attract the girls and their families to education andease their stay in school.

Lessons Learned from the Iranian Experience

From a comparative perspective, the study of girls' lack of access to primary educationin Iran may be only one example of many studies conducted on female educationthroughout the world. Furthermore, it may reflect much of the research findings incountries with a similar socio-economic and cultural background. From an Iranianperspective, however, the nature of this study and the way it was conducted containsimportant lessons for those involved in educational research in general and educatorscommitted to gender equality in particular.

The important ingredients of the Girls' Education Project have been communityinvolvement, female participation and inter-sectoral co-operation, all of which have beeninnovative within the Iranian context. Community involvement refers to the participationof trusted, influential members of the local community at all stages of the project,indicating a two-way communication between educational authorities and the directbeneficiaries of the programme. This has been an exception to the rule in a systemtraditionally marked by a one-way, top-bottom communication pattern. Female partici-pation refers to the involvement of women from all strata of the society under study inthe various stages of the research project. A conscious effort was made to includeout-of-school girls and their mothers, as well as female teachers and principals at alltimes. This has been a new experience for women historically excluded in a traditionalsociety, especially in the rural setting. Last, but not least, has been the attempt to bringabout inter-sectoral co-operation to assist the system of education in the endeavour toprovide education for all school-age girls. This has also been a new experience for a

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system in which each sector tends to work independently from the others. The abovethree characteristics have served as important lessons learned in this experience.

The first lesson learned is that participatory research and adoption of a bottom-upapproach that respects the ideas of community members in the villages and involvesthem in the identification of problems and determination of solutions, not only gains theirsupport but also mobilises them as reliable allies upon the introduction and implemen-tation of innovative measures. Many projects, especially in a sensitive area such as girls'education that affects the traditional norms and beliefs of people, have faced numerousproblems exactly because they had been designed and planned behind closed doors in thecapital without consultation with, and involvement of, those directly involved. Recognis-ing the powerful role of prevailing customs and age-old traditions, the present studysought the advice and co-operation of respected and influential members of thecommunity from the beginning. Once involved, community members paved the way forthe research team and removed potential obstacles. This has been an important lesson forboth educational authorities serving in a hierarchical, highly stratified system, andeducational researchers for whom respondents have always been mere informants andnever sources of ideas and suggestions.

Of equal importance has been the lesson learned from the active participation ofwomen at all levels and during every stage. On the one hand, female teachers, principals,and members of the provincial research councils acted as interviewers, supervisors andparticipants in brainstorming sessions. On the other hand, the ideas and suggestions ofyoung girls and their mothers were actively sought in rural areas marked by maledominance, and female shyness and absence from public life. Such efforts led toincreased self-confidence and self-esteem, and promoted the conscientisation and em-powerment of female educators/researchers as well as rural and nomadic women whowere asked to express their opinions for the first time. As such, the latter weretransformed from passive recipients of information to active contributors to knowledgeabout problems faced by women in using educational facilities.

The third lesson includes the co-operation of various government sectors in solvingeducational problems. For too long, the educational sector had been solely responsiblefor providing schooling for all children. In fact, the educational system alone had alwaysbeen blamed for its inability to cover all school-age children, due to such factors asshortage of funds or absence of educational facilities. The research findings of the Girls'Education Project have pointed to out-of-school phenomena that prevent the access ofgirls to education. They have clearly illustrated that children cannot attend school evenwhen teachers, classrooms and textbooks exist. The reason, therefore, must be shortcom-ings or obstacles outside the framework of the school. The very fact that othergovernment agencies, dealing with a variety of activities within the rural setting, havebeen involved at every stage of this project, and accepted responsibility to reduce oreliminate hindering factors within their realm of authority and facilitate access toschooling for girls, is new within the Iranian context. The message conveyed is thatschools alone are not responsible for those who remain out of them, and they should notremain unassisted in the endeavour to provide education for all.

The fourth lesson is learned from international experience which will soon beapplicable to the case of Iran, and that is the need to begin thinking about the qualityand relevance of education. The quantitative expansion of primary education has been adirect result of the revolutionary ideals of equality and social justice. Statistics show thatIran has been quite successful in addressing the issue of education for all at the primarylevel, so that only 4% of all school-age children remained out of the formal educational,

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system in 1995. The next step after bringing the remaining children back to school is toimprove the quality of education, transforming it into an effective tool in meeting thesocial, political, economic, and cultural challenges of the 21st century. The issue ofquality of education is relevant to both boys and girls. Yet an extra effort is to be madefor the Iranian girl child who, as the above-mentioned research has shown, is removedfrom school due to the persistence of traditional beliefs and a variety of tasks inside andoutside the house, and pushed out of it due to the inappropriate behaviour of the teacherand gender-insensitive educational planning that does not consider the extra burdensimposed on the girl in her daily life.

The experience of other nations in designing gender-sensitive curriculum content(Ohsako, 1995), providing gender training for teachers as powerful role models(UNESCO, 1996a), and improving the quality of pupil-teacher interaction and communi-cation can, after being tailored to the special needs and cultural realities of the Iraniancontext, serve as an example for those striving to bring about gender equality ineducation and provide a better future for the young girls living in the deprived regionsof Iran.

Correspondence: Golnar Mehran, 30th Street, Park Avenue, No. 98, Tehran 15119, Iran.

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