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Jains in India and AbroadA Sociological Introduction

Jains in India and AbroadA Sociological Introduction

Prakash C. Jain

International School for Jain StudiesNew Delhi

First Edition: Delhi, 2011

©Author 2011All Rights Reserved

No part of this Publication may be reproduced or transmittedin any form or by any means without permission in writingfrom the publisher.

ISBN: 81-86715-79-7

Published by:International School for Jain StudiesD-28, Panchsheel EnclaveNew Delhi – 110 017Ph: 011 – 4079 3387Email: [email protected]; [email protected]: www.jainstudies.org

Printed in India by:Salasar Imaging System Pvt. Ltd.C-7/5, Lawrence Road Industrial AreaDelhi – 110 035Ph: 011 – 27180932Email: [email protected], [email protected]

CONTENTS

Preface ixList of Tables xiiList of Figures xiiiList of Maps xiiiList of Plates xiv

Chapter 1: The Jains 1 - 22

Jainism and its Origin & Growth History of Jainism Sects in Jainism Jain Social Organisation Food, Festivals and Pilgrimage Jains’ Contribution to the Indian Culture & Society Concluding Remarks

Chapter 2: Jain Way of Life 23 - 47

Jain Philosophy Jain Ethics Householder’s Code of Conduct Code of Conduct for Ascetics Practicality of Jain Asceticism for Laity Jain way of Life: Diasporic Context Concluding Remarks

Chapter 3: Jain Demography 48 - 85

Population Size Population Growth Rate Population Variation by States/Union Territories Concentration in Seven States/UT Urbanisation Sex Ratio Literacy, Work Participation and Occupation Concluding Remarks

Chapter 4: Jain Diaspora and Its Linkages with India 86 – 112

East Africa West Asia South and South-East Asia United Kingdom United States of America Canada Diaspora-Homeland Linkages Federation of Jain Associations in North America Jain International Trade Organisation Jain Social Groups’ Federation International School for Jain Studies Bharatvarshiya Digambar Jain Mahasabha Siddhachalam and Sarvodaya Teerth Bhagwan Mahavir Chair for Jain Studies Concluding Remarks

Chapter 5: Towards a Sociology of the Jain Community 113 - 139

Population Dynamics Social Organisation Economic Status Minority Status Political Status Dualistic Organisation Religious Ethic Segmental Orientation Inter-Ethnic Relations Concluding Remarks

Appendices

I. Population of India by Religion Communities, 2001 140-148

II. Distribution of Population of Indian ReligiousCommunities by Caste Categories. 148

III. Text of the Letter to the Prime Minister of Indiafor the enactment of Jain Marriage Act from thenational president of Shree BharatvarsheeyaDigambar Jain Mahasabha, Delhi 149-150

IV. A list of Prominent Jain Public Figures of theTwentieth Century 151-158

V. A List of Jain Associations Abroad 159-169

Bibliography 170-230

Glossary 231-238

Plates 239-242

Index 243-

Publisher’s Note

International School for Jain Studies conducts various programs for thestudents, scholars and faculty members of the universities of North Americaprimarily and Europe, Asia in general. Since its inception, more than 250persons have attended various programs conducted by ISJS. ISJS alumnioccupy positions of significance in their respective universities and areregularly contributing to promote Jain studies, research and publication.Experience of ISJS so far had been the perception of Jainism as being mostlyconcerned with detachment with the world and aiming to attain liberation.This may be true for the monks but partially true for the laity andhouseholders as Jains do form a small but highly educated, prosperous andsocially involved minority community. ISJS had been taking several steps,like organizing eleven one day conferences on Social Consciousness inJainism in the universities of India and abroad and regularly participate inseminars on topics of social relevance.

The present book by Prof. Prakash C. Jain, is the first publication by ISJS onthis topic. Prof Jain is a senior adviser and faculty member of ISJS. I hopethis is the beginning and the book shall arouse more research andpublication in similar or associated topics concerning anthropology, socialand professional ethics, economic, health and political scenario etc. Prior tothis publication, ISJS had translated in English books on metaphysics(Jainism, key to reality, i.e. Tatvarthasutra in questions and answer formand Jain Legend (history of Jainism till 1500 A.D. i.e. Jain dharma ka MaulikItihas by Hasti Malji in 4 volumes) for the benefit of ISJS alumni andassociates and English speaking scholars which were published by differentJain research institutes.

We wish success to Prof. Jain on writing this up to date book on Jains inIndia and abroad and hope it will lead him to undertake more researchprojects on Jain sociology.

Shugan C JainChairmanInternational School for Jain StudiesNew DelhiEmail: [email protected]

ix

PREFACE

Ever since I was exposed to Max Weber’s Protestant Ethic thesis during myM. A. (Sociology) studies programme, I had more or less decided to test thethesis by myself writing a dissertation on Jainism and the Jains. ReadingWeber’s insightful analysis of Jainism contained in Religion of India furtherstrengthened my resolve to do that. An award of Canadian CommonwealthScholarship for Ph.D. programme in the late 1970s that landed me at theCarleton University of Ottawa kept my resolve intact, where I wrote a termpaper on the Jains for a course on Sociology of Religion. Unfortunately itcould not go further for a number of reasons. Instead my academic interestgot shifted to Indian Diasporic Studies – an academic subject that eventuallyearned me a Ph.D. degree. Nevertheless, an updated and thoroughlyrevised version of that term paper constitutes Chapter 5 of the book.

The book begins with an introduction of Jainism with its brief history indifferent parts of India and the sects and sub-sects that developed within itduring the past two thousand years. Some basic social structural featuressuch as family, kinship and marriage are also mentioned alongwith a briefnote on food, festivals and places of pilgrimage of Jains. Chapter 2highlights the salient features of Jain philosophy in terms of its metaphysics,ontology, epistemology and ethics which have been the basis of the Jainway of life for centuries. At the end, the Jain way of life and its practicalityin diasporic context as well as India is critically examined.

During the mid-1990s, the Census of India 1991 data revealed a relativelyslow population growth rate of the Jains vis-à-vis other five major religiouscommunities of India, namely Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians andBuddhists. The findings were reported widely in the media that rekindledmy interest to probe the problem further. Subsequently I wrote a briefarticle entitled “The Jains in the 1991 Census of India” that I sent forpublication to a prominent Jain journal in India. The editor of the journalexpressed his inability to publish the same saying “the committee does notwant to publish it”. I still fail to understand why, given the fact that anarticle based on the 1981 census data was earlier published by the samejournal. My best guess is that perhaps the journal did not want to highlightthe suddenly emerged situation of low fertility behaviour among the Jainsin the 1991 census data. Meanwhile, the 2001 Census data on religiouscommunities in India were also available, which prompted me to revise thearticle in the light of the new data. Chapter 3 in the present volume is anoutcome of that exercise.

x

A large number of Jains are either ignorant about the size of theircommunity and its other demographic aspects, or have serious misgivingsabout it. They often seem to nurse grievances against the Census of Indiaauthorities for under-estimating the Jain population. Many of them suggestat the same time that there are no less than 10 million Jains in India.Notwithstanding such a wild claim, the census data clearly point towards afigure of no more than 4.5 million Jains in India. The 1991 and the 2001Census data also underline the fact of low fertility behaviour among theJains.

The 2001 Census data further underlined the fact of ethnic revivalism thatgot intensified among them during the 1990s, as a result of which about600,000 Jains “lost” to the Hindus returned back to the community. The riseof the Hindu fundamentalism in India since the late 1980s, demolition ofthe Babri Masjid in 1992, and the growing ethnocentrism among othercommunities might have been responsible for this phenomenon among theJains, who otherwise have been very well integrated into the mainstream ofthe Indian society. It would be interesting to note the outcomes of the 2011Census that might tell us whether the process is over or there is more to it.

Having been engaged in the field of Indian diaspora in general for the pastthree decades, it was natural for me to pay some attention to the Jaindiaspora, which currently is estimated at around quarter of a million, and isgrowing steadily. Not only numerous socio-cultural associations havesprung up within the Jain diaspora, a number of Jain temples have beenconstructed in those countries where there is a sizeable Jain community.Lately, Jain diaspora has been in the process of projecting Jainism and theJain way of life as rational and scientific. Towards this goal some literature isbeing produced that put emphasis on the Jainist principles of ahimsa (non-violence), aparigraha (non-possession) and anekant (relativism). Promotionof vegetarianism as well as Jainism as an area of serious academic researchappears to be the twin goals of diasporic Jain activism.

The Jain diaspora has begun to exert its influence on the Jains in India. Inthe process the Jains in India are also trying to reach out to theircounterparts abroad. These mutually reinforcing linkages can best be seenin the activities of such associations as the Federation of the JainaAssociations in North America, the Jain International Trade Organisation,Mumbai and Shree Bharatvarshiya Digambara Jain Mahasabha, Delhi. Theyhave been active in the fields of not only trade and commerce but have alsobeen propagating Jainism around the world. The Jain Diaspora and some ofits activities are highlighted in Chapter 4. An earlier version of this paperwas presented at Bangalore at a conference on the “Diversity in IndianDiaspora” (Jain 2011).

xi

The book contains a large bibliography with special reference to Jainphilosophy and religion, history, demography, anthropology, sociology andother social sciences. Needless to say, the five chapters and a bibliographyconstitute only a small book – essentially an outline of the theme “Jains inIndia and Abroad”. As mentioned above, the genesis of the book lies indifferential circumstances over a long period of time, and therefore acertain amount of repetition of contents has been inevitable. There mightbe a number of other shortcomings in the book. Nevertheless,encouragement received from various quarters finally prompted me to puttogether the book. I earnestly hope that it would be useful to the generalreaders as well as the scholars.

I am grateful to Prof. Nathan R. B. Loewen of Vanier College, Montreal forreading earlier drafts of the manuscript and for making extensive criticismand comments towards improving the same. Some of the Ph.D. scholarsworking under my supervision, particularly Kundan Kumar, Jaffar Ali Khan,Rakesh K. Ranjan, Rajiv Kumar, Rajeevan Kunnath, Navendu Shekhar and Ms.Rajni Bala helped me in a number of ways in finalizing the book. Ms.Chanchal Jain and Mr. Sushil Jana of International School for Jain Studiescomposed the book on PageMaker and assisted in designing the cover pagewith great enthusiasm. I am thankful to all of them. Thanks are also due toDr. Shugan C. Jain, India-Director of International School for Jain Studies,New Delhi for promptly accepting the manuscript for publication on behalfof the School.

And finally, the book is dedicated to the fond memories of my father ShriRatna Chand Jain and my father-in-law Shri C. K. Saxena who, in spite oftheir different socio-economic and religious backgrounds, had somecommon “Jaintlemanly” qualities. The book also purports to be a gift to mywife Dr. Renu Saxena, and our daughters Ms. Rashi Prakash andMs. Sanskriti Prakash who might learn about the Jains a little moresystematically than had so far been possible for me by telling them in bitsand pieces.

Prakash C. Jain

New DelhiMarch 21, 2011

xii

List of Tables

Table 3.1: Variations in the number of Jains since 1891 70

Table 3.2: Demographic Indicators of the six MajorReligious Communities of India, 2001

71

Table 3.3: Total population-Jains, 1961-2001 (India,States and Union territories)

72

Table 3.4: Variations in the Number and Percentage ofJains and Decadal Percent Population Changein Seven major States since 1961

73

Table 3.5: Distribution of Jain population by states,Rural/Urban background and Gender 1991

74

Table 3.6: Distribution of Jain Population by Rural-UrbanBackground

77

Table 3.7: Sex Ratio among the Jains, 2001 78

Table 3.8: Literacy, Female Literacy and WorkParticipation Rate in India by religiousCommunities

79

Table 3.9: Literacy rate among the Jains, 2001 79

Table 3.10: Distribution of Category of Workers byReligious Communities, 2001

80

Table 3.11: Work Participation among the Jains, 2001 81

Table 3.12: Number of Persons and Selected PopulationCharacteritics of Jains in the Districts Having atLeast 10,000 Jains, 1981

82

Table 3.13: District Where the Jains Constitute the ThirdLargest Religious Group

85

xiii

List of Figures

Fig. 1: Variations in the number of Jains since 1891 50

Fig. 2: Total population of Jains, 1961-2001 (India,States and Union territories)

51

Fig. 3: A comparison of decadal population growth ofvarious religious communities during 1981-91and 1991-2001

52

Fig. 4: Decadal percentage of growth of Jains, 1961-2001

53

Fig. 5: Percentage of total number of Jains in sevenmajor states

55

Fig. 6: District where the Jains constitute the thirdlargest religious group

56

Fig. 7: Decadal percent change of population of Jainsin seven major States since 1961

57

Fig. 8: Distribution of Jain population by rural/urbandivide in seven major states

57

Fig. 9: Sex ratio and child sex ratio in various religiouscommunities in India, 2001

62

Fig.10: Literacy and work participation rate by religiouscommunities, 2001

64

Fig. 11: Religious communities and their occupations,2001

64

Fig. 12: Distribution of category of workers by religiouscommunities, 2001

66

List of Maps

Map 1: Sex ratio among Jains in India by districts, 2001 60Map 2: Jains in India: Proportion of population in age

group 0-6 by districts, 200161

Map 3: Literacy rate among Jains in India by districts,2001

63

Map 4: Work participation rate among Jains in India bydistricts, 2001

68

xiv

List of Plates

1. Jain Temple, Ranakpur, Rajasthan. 2392 Jain Temple, Chaitanyadham, Gujarat 2393. Jain Temple, Palitana, Gujarat. 2394. Keertistambha, Chittoregarh, Rajasthan. 2405. Statue of Bahubali, Sravanbelagola, Karnataka. 2406. Statue of a Jain Tirthankar in Jain Temple, Antwerp,

Belgium.240

7. Jain Temple, Dilwara, Mt. Abu, Rajasthan. 2408. Jain Temple, Chicago, USA. 2419. Jain Temple, Houston, USA. 24110. Jain Temple, Boston, USA. 24211. Jain temple, California, USA. 24212. Jain Temple, Kenya. 242

1 | Jains in India and Abroad

Chapter 1

THE JAINS

The Jains are an ancient community of India with their owndistinctive religion and philosophy, worship and rituals, socialcustoms and cultural traditions. Their estimated population in Indiais about five million. About a quarter of a million Jains live indiaspora.

This chapter introduces the Jains in terms of their history, majorsectarian divisions within the community, social organizationalaspects such as caste, family and kinship, life cycle rituals, and food,festivals and the places of pilgrimage. Finally, Jains’ contribution toIndian culture and society is highlighted.

Jains are the followers of “Jina”, the conqueror, the spiritual victor,the one who has conquered all the worldly passions and desires. AJina is a human being who obtained omniscience through his ownefforts. There have been 24 such Jinas of which Mahavir (599-527B.C.E.) was the last. The current Jain Sangh (order) consisting of afour-fold congregation of munis (male ascetics) and aryikas orsadhvis (female ascetics) and shrawak (male laity) and shrawikas(female laity) was established by Lord Mahavir. Besides Jinas, theprofounder of Jainism in different periods in ancient times were alsoknown as Shraman (monk), Arhat (worthy of worship), Arihant(destroyer of passions), and Nirgranth (detached). The religionfollowed by the Jains is called Jainism.

Origin and Growth of JainismMany scholars as well as the Jains themselves trace the origin ofJainism to the first Jain Tirthankar Adinath, or Rishabh Dev who wasborn to King Nabhirai and Queen Maru Devi (Jain, J.P 1983; Jaini1979; Radhakrishnan 2002: 287; Sangave 1980). Adinth “isconsidered as the harbinger of human civilization because heinaugurated the Karma-bhumi (the age of action); founded the socialinstitutions of marriage, family, law, justice, state, etc., taughtmankind the cultivation of land, different arts and crafts, reading,writing and arithmetic; built villages, towns and cities; and in short,


pioneered the different kinds of activities with a view to provide anew kind of social order meant for increasing the welfare of humanbeings” (Sangave 2006: 19). Jains often claim that the indigenousname of India, i.e, Bharat comes after the name of Bharat, the eldestson of Lord Rishabh Dev, in whose favour he had abdicated histhrone and renounced the world. Incidentally, his other prominentson was Bahubali who is also worshiped by the Jains, but not as atirthankar. As already mentioned, Lord Rishabh was followed by asuccession of 23 Tirthankaras ending with Lord Mahavir.

Contrary to this Jainist view of the origin of Jainism, some scholarsbelieve that Jainism constituted a reformatory movement withinBrahmanism and that it was organically connected in a sect-likemanner with Brahmanism. Thus, according to Lunia (1960) bothJainism and Buddhism were not new faiths and they arose as a resultof the “disappointment” of certain Hindus with the Brahmanicalreligion. Similarly taking into account the notion of Indian “Greattradition”, Singh (1973: 46) argues that both Jainism and Buddhismwere the result of, “a process of inner dialectics in the worldview ofHinduism.” In other words, not only Hindu cultural traditioninternally reorganized from time to time (cultural renaissance),“another kind of change in this tradition is revealed in the formationof new, autonomous traditions through differentiation” (Ibid: 45).Thus, according to Singh, Jainism and Buddhism were purelyorthogenetic in nature.

Although from the point of view of national integration this kind of“synthetic” approach is expedient, it is not useful in social scientificunderstanding of history. It mistakenly equates Brahmanism (Vedicreligion) to Hinduism. What is forgotten in this regard is the fact thatHindu Great tradition itself is the result (a process of synthesis) andnot necessarily the cause of a variety of autonomous traditions.

It is being increasingly recognized that “Jainism was not a revolt inthe strict sense of the term against the existing Brahmanicalhierarchy” (Thakur 1975: 251). On the contrary, as part of theSramanic tradition, Jainism had already originated and spreadamong certain ethnic groups. Ethnographic studies of ancient Indiansociety show how before the consolidation of Aryan Vedic tradition,


some of the cults prevailing among the local tribes such as Asura,Pani, Bhils, Nagas, Mundas, etc. went into the formation of Sramanictradition (“one which originated in lay circles”) (see Jain, R.C 1970;also Guseva 1971). During the middle of the first millennium B.C.E,the interaction and assimilation processes between Brahmanic andSramanic traditions were particularly intensive, owing to the factthat monarchic states in the form of Janapadas (republics) werebeing formed uniting several ethnic territories within their borders(Wagle 1966). The process of cultural assimilation was far fromsmooth, because each religious tradition was contending forsuperiority over the others.

The view that Jainism was not merely a protest movement withinHinduism is also borne out by the Jain belief as well as historicalevidence that Mahavir (599-527 B.C.E.) revived the teachings(Chaturyama Dharma) of Parswanath who lived and preached duringthe ninth century B.C.E. and is regarded by the Jains as their 23rd

Tirthankar. In other words, the origin of Jainism can be traced backto at least the ninth century B.C.E. As early as in 1826 a notedIndological scholar H.T. Colebrook (1977 11: 317) observed: “I takeParswanath to have been the founder of the sect (sic) of Jainas,which was confirmed and thoroughly established by Mahavir and hisdisciple Sudharma.” Many contemporary scholars also regardParswanath (899-799 B.C.E.) as the founder of Jainism (e.g., Guseva1971; Jaini 1979: 2, n. 2; Sechubring 1966: 1; Zimmer 1956: 181).

Teachings of Lord Mahavir attempted to undermine some of thebasic elements of the established Vedic/Brahminical social ordersuch as the caste system, dominance of the priestly caste (Brahmins)in socio-cultural and religious matters, ritualistic sacrifice of animals,secondary status of women, slavery, untouchability, monarchicalbasis of policy, etc. Both Buddha and Mahavir “spoke” in thelanguage of the masses and thus sidelined Sanskrit, the holylanguage of the Brahmin elites. Mahavir as well as Parsvanath alsoadmitted women and Sudras into his religious order.


History of Jainism

East IndiaJainism has a long history since at least the 9th century B.C.E. whenthe Chaturyam Dharma of the 23rd Tithankar Parshvanath thatemphasized Satya (truth), Ahimsa (non-violence), Achaurya (non-stealing) and Aparigraha (non-possessiveness) was being preached.Chaturyam Dharma served as precursor to Mahavir’s religious andsocial order. East India therefore figures prominently in the earlyhistory of Jainism. Jainism enjoyed patronage of King Chetaka, theruler of Vaishali, Kings Bimbasar (Shrenika) and Ajatshtru of SisunagaDynasty (642-413 B.C.E.), the Namdas kings (413-322 B.C.E.) and theEmperor Chandragupta Maurya (322-298 B.C.E.) of the MauryaDynasty (See Jash 1989; Tiwari 1996). In this context it is alsosuggested that Jainism was also patronized by Emperor Ashokabefore he got converted into Buddhism. He was also instrumental inspreading Jainism into Kashmir. The grandson of Ashoka, EmperorSamprati also extended patronage to Jainism.

Beyond Eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, Jainism appears to havebeen popular in present day Orissa and West Bengal (Mukherji 1997).In Orissa King Kharavela provided royal patronage to Jainism duringthe second century B.C.E. Jainism continued to be reasonablypopular in Orissa until the seventh century C.E. The Chinese pilgrimHieum Tsang who visited the region in 629 C.E. provides enoughevidence to this effect. In Bengal, among other things, theindigenous people known as “Saraka” (distorted form of the wordshrawak) are considered to be the Hinduized remanants of the earlyJaina people (Sangave 2006: 114). Not surprisingly, somecontemporary Jain scholars and voluntary organisations have beenshowing great concern about the development of Saraks.

South IndiaJainism reached to South India in 3rd Century B.C.E., when in order toescape the 12 years long drought in North India Acharya Bhudrabahuled a Sangh of over 7,000 monks to Shravanbelagola in Karnataka.Emperor Chandragupta Maurya was the part of the delegation.During the Christian era in Karnataka itself a number of rulers fromvarious dynasties such as the Kadamba (3rd to 6th century C.E.),


Ganga (350-999 C.E.), Chalukya (500-757 C.E.), Rastrakutas (757-973C.E.), Western Chalukyas (10th to 12th Century C.E.), Hoyasala (1006-1345 C.E.), Kalachuris (1156-1183 C.E.), etc. patronized DigambarJainism in varying degrees. Jainism also made “contribution to thesuccess and greatness of the Vijayanagar Empire (1336-1565 C.E.)which is considered to have been the most magnificent product ofmedieval Hindu statesmanship” (Jain, J.P. 1983: 29). In Andhra andTamil Nadu too Jainism had considerable influence for more than amillennium in the Christian era (Ayyangar and Rao 1922). The rise ofVaishnavism and Shaivism however forced Jainism to decline by 14th

century A.D. in most of South India.

West IndiaThe migration of Jains from Eastern to Western parts of Indiaprobably occurred sometime in the 3rd Century B.C.E. following thedecline of Jains’ clout in the Mauryan Empire. Some idea of theantiquity of Jainism in West India can be ascertained from the factthat Lord Neminath, the 22nd Tirthankar of the Jains had attainedsalvation on the Mount Girnar in Junagarh district of Gujaratsometime in the second millennium B.C.E. “Furthermore, ancientliterary evidences suggest that Lord Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankar,had visited the Marathavada region and Maharastra during hisreligious propagation tour of different parts of India” (Sangave 2006:119).

In 446 C.E. the council of Jain ascetics met at Vallabhi and put downin writing the Jain canon. As Digambar Jainism flourished in SouthIndia, the West India became the strong-hold of Shvetambar Jainism.In Gujarat Jainism was patronized by the Rashtrakuta, Chalukya andBaghela rulers during 8th to 13th centuries C.E. (Sheth 1953). It wasduring the reigns of Baghelas that the beautiful temples atSatrunjaya, Girnar and Mt. Abu were built by the two Jain ministerbrothers Vastupal and Tejpal.

In Maharashtra from the 3rd Century onwards, “the powerful rulingdynasties like the Satavahanas of Paithans, Chalukyas of Kalyan,Rastrakutas of Malakhed, Yadavas of Devagiri and Silaharas ofKolhapur and Konkan had extended their royal patronage in a largemeasure to Jaina religion” (Sangave 2006: 120). The Jains in


Maharastra can boast of having four major Siddhakshetras (placesfrom where Tirthankars or other saints have attained nirvana) atGajapantha (District Nasik), Magitungi (District Khamdesh),Kunthalagiri (District Osmanabad) and Muktagiri (District Amraoti); alarge number of caves and cave-temples, including the famous onesat Ellora (Dist Aurangabad), Ter (Dist Osmanabad), and Anjaneri (DistNasik); some of the great Jain saints and scholars such asSamantabhadra, Virasen, Jinasena and Somedeva, and the largestproportion of Jain population in India (about 30% of all Jains in 2001Census).

North IndiaFor about a millennium, beginning perhaps in the 3rd century B.C.E.,Mathura, the capital of Surasena rulers, remained the stronghold ofJainism. Ujjain was an important centre of Jainism in central Indiawhich was the capital of Maurya Emperor Samprati (Jaina Asoka),the grandson of Ashoka. Emperor Samprati was also responsible forspreading Jainism to Kashmir, and some other parts of East India.

With minor exceptions here and there Jainism was generallydeprived of royal support during the first few centuries of Muslimrule in north India. As a part of his Din-e-Elahi policy Mughal EmperorAkbar was favourably inclined towards Jainism. He had bannedanimal slaughter during the Paryushan days in his empire in 1583 C.E.Initially Jahangir had revoked this policy, but again decreed the samein 1610 C.E. Emperor Shahjahan was also tolerant of Jainism andallowed a Jain temple to be built in front of the Red Fort mainly forthe Jains in his administration as well as the other residents in thelocality. The presence of the Lal Mandir (red stone Jain temple) inChandni Chowk is an eloquent testimony to this. “During theMohammedan period, the Jainas particularly increased in the nativestates of Rajputana, where they came to occupy many importantoffices under the state as generals and ministers” (Sangave 2006:122). In this context the name of Raja Bhamashah (1542-1598 C.E.),advisor of the Rajput warrior Maharana Pratap of Mewar, easilycomes to one’s mind. He had played a crucial role in numerousmilitary exercises of Mewar against the mighty Mughal army,including the famous battle of Haldi Ghati.


Sects in JainismAny religion and/or system of thought cannot remainundifferentiated or monolithic for a long time. Jainism too has notbeen an exception in this regard. Its spread over the large parts ofIndia, varying interpretations of the Jain canons, and the revoltagainst the existing authorities at the time led to the formation ofsections and sub-sections within Jainism at different points of time inits long history. The most important schism within Jainism in theform of Digambar and Shvetambar sects, known as the Great schism,occurred at the end of the first century C.E., which is about sixhundred years after the nirvana of Lord Mahavir. Scholars point outthat this was the eighth schism within Jainism – the first one causedby Jamali during the life-time of Tirthankar Mahavir himself (Dundas1992: 41; Banks 1986; Jain, M.U.K. 1975; Jain, J.P. 1983). The schismwas not the result of an abrupt doctrinal split, but a long drawn outprocess. The seeds of the Great schism were laid in the migration of

Jainism: Major Sects and Sub-sects

Bhagwan Mahaveer(599-527 BCE)

Shvetambar Digambar

Taranpanth(Ca 1490)

Lonka Sect 1452 CESthanakvasi 1653 CE

Terapanth(1760 CE) Kanjiswami

(1889-1981)Terahpanth(1626 CE)

Terapanth Deravasi/ Murtipujak Sthanakvasi Rajchandra Kanjipanth Bisapanth Terahpanth TaranpanthSub-sects

a section of Jains from Magadha to Shravanbelagola on the eve ofthe 12-year long famine in Eastern India in the 3rd century B.C.E. It issaid that the left-behind Jain monks “had been prevailed upon bytheir lay followers to cover their private parts with a strip of cloth(ardhaphalaka) while begging for alms (Dundas 1992: 43). The


ardhaphalaka sect and its descendents the Yapanias were possiblythe prototypes of Shvetambar Jains. Digambaras and Shvetambarasdiffer on about a dozen minor as well as major points. The majorpoints of difference include the practice of nudity, “soteriology andwomen”, and the possessions of ascetics. Whereas Digambar Jainismrequires its highest ranking ascetics to observe absolute nudity, anddenies them to have any possessions other than pichchhi (broommade of peacock feathers) and kamandala (wooden pot), andbelieves that women cannot attain liberation, the ShvetambaraJainism is liberal on these counts. The Shvetambaras also believethat the 19th Tirthankara Mallinath was a female; Digambaras believethat all the Tirthankaras were male. These and other points ofdifference between the two sects however do not come in the wayof their doctrinal unity. The most influential text of Jainism, theTattvartha Sutra written by Acharya Umasvami/Umasvati (2ndcentury B.C.E.), is accepted by both the sects. The two sects gotfurther sub-divided into a number of sub-sects at various points oftime during the past 500 years or so (See Jain, M.U.K. 1975; Banks1986; Dundas 1992).

Digambara Sub-SectsThere are three major sub-sects within Digambara Jainism, namelyBisapantha, Terapantha, and Taranpantha.

BisapanthThis is the original idolatrous (idol worshipping) stream of DigambarJainism whose followers support the institution of Bhattarak (headof religious monastery or math) that flourished in the medievalperiod from 14th to 19th century. The Panth believes in worshippingidols of Kshetrapals, Padmawati and other deities’ alongwith thoseof the Tirathankaras. The Bisapanthis “worship these idols withsaffrons, flowers, fruits, sweets, scented agarbattis i.e. insense [sic]sticks, etc” (Sangve 2006: 104). Bispanthi Digambar Jains are mainlyfound in south Indian states, Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Rajasthan.

TerapanthThis reformer sub-sect originated within the Bisapantha sometime inthe early 17th century C.E. as a revolt against the domination andconduct of the Bhattarakas. At the same time its origin is also traced


back to the Adhyatma movement in North India in which Pt.Banarsidas figures prominently. According to Lath, “the Terapanthproudly declares itself an offshoot of Banarsi’s Adhyatma, and revershim as its Adiguru, the founder-teacher” (1981: iii). “In their temples,the Terapanthis install the idols of Tirathankaras and not ofKshetrapalas, Padmawati and other deities. Further they worship theidols not with flowers, fruits and other green vegetables (known assachitta things), but with sacred rice called ‘Aksata’, cloves, sandlepaste, almonds, dry coconuts, dates, etc” (Sangve 2006: 104). TheTerapanthis are generally found in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradeshand Rajasthan.

TaranpanthThis non-idolatrous sub-sect was founded by Taran Swamy (1448-1515 C.E.) which was apparently influenced by Islam on the onehand and the teachings of Lonka Shah, the founder of the non-idolatrous Sthnakvasi subsect of Shvetambara Jainism on the other.In their temples, Taranpanthis worship the fourteen sacred books oftheir founder along with the sacred books of Digambara Jainism.Regarding religious or caste distinctions, the Taranpanthis are quiteliberal vis-à-vis other Digambara subsects. Very few in number,Taranpanthis are found in parts of Bundelkhand and Malwa regionsand some areas of Maharashtra. In Bundelkhand, Taranpanthis arealso known as “Samaiyas”.

Besides these three major sub-sects, there are two minor sub-sectsor traditions that emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centurieswithin Digambara Jainism. One of them was originated with ShrimadRajchandra (1867-1901) and the other with Kanji Swamy (1889-1981).These are briefly discussed below.

Shrimad Rajchandra ‘Sub-Sect’A child prodigy, Shrimad Rajchanda (formal name Shri RajchandbhaiRavjibhai Mehta) was born in a merchant family. His father was aVaishnava and his mother a Jain. He was greatly influenced by thewritings of Digambar Jain saint and scholar Acharya Kundkund. In histeachings he emphasized on self-reflection and meditation, besidesadvocating reforms in crippling social customs. “Many of MahatmaGandhi’s beliefs and practices came from his friendship with


Rajchandra. Gandhi’s stance towards equality of women,emancipation of the lower castes, Satyagraha (truth struggle) wasrooted in Rajchandra’s guidance” (Jain 2007: 23). ShrimadRajchandra has a small following in Gujrat, U.K. and the U.S.

Kanji Swamy PanthDuring the past few decades, a new sub-sect called Kanji SwamyPanth (KSP) in Digambara Jainism has emerged which is known afterits founder Kanji Swamy. A Sthankavasi by birth, Kanji Swami whowas based in the town of Sonagarh in Gujarat reinterpreted the firstcentury Digambara Jain sacred text Samayasara written by AcharyaKundkund in a manner and perspective that gives more prominenceto Nischaya-Naya (realistic/essential standpoint) than to Vyavahara-naya (practical standpoint). The nischaya-naya lays emphasis onunderstanding and contemplating on the true nature of the soul witha view of its purification, whereas the vyavahar-naya considered tobe a temporary or transitory view-point helps us in adjusting withthe practical issues in life. Emphasizing the former the Kanji-Panthobviously wants to minimize the religious rituals in Jainism. ThePanth is also not favourable to nudity in Jainism. It is therefore morepopular with the educated class and the diasporic community, andits influence has been steadily increasing. However, anotherscholarly opinion is that “the poorer and lower caste Digambars tendto support the KSP” (Jain, R. K. 1999: 117). In any case, the KanjiPanth has created a sharp division within the Digambara Jaincommunity in north and central India (Jain, Neeraj 2010) The criticsbelieve that it violates the doctrine of Anekantavada – in this contextthe preference of one naya at the expense of the other (See sectionon Jain Epistemology in Chapter 2). Besides Sonagarh, Jaipur andMumbai are the major centres of Kanji-Panth.

Shvetambar Sub-SectsLike Digambara the Shvetambara Jainism too is divided into threemajor sub-sects, namely Murtipujak, Sthanakavasi and Terapanth.These are briefly discussed below.

MurtipujakMurtipujakas (idol worshippers, also known as Dera-vasi or Chaitya-vasi (temple residents), Mandir-margi (temple goers), or Pujera


(worshippers) constituted the original stock of Shvetambara Jainism.They worship idols of Tirthankaras which are richly decorated withcloths. The worship is done with flowers, fruits, saffron, etc. Theascetics, both male and female, wear white cloths and cover theirmouth with strips of cloth while speaking; otherwise they keep themin their hands. They stay in temples or in the especially reservedbuildings known as Upashrayas (Sangave 2006: 108). The followersof this sub-sect are mainly concentrated in Gujarat, but increasinglynow they are also found in most major towns and cities of India.

SthanakvasiThis sect initially known as Lonka sect founded by Lonka Shah inAhmadabad in 1474 C.E. was subsequently reformed in 1653 C.E. bya Surat-based layman, Viraji. At that time followers were known asDhundiliyas (searchers). Then and later on they were also calledSthanakvasi meaning those who performed their religious activitiesnot in temples but in Sthanakas (Prayer Halls). The Sthanakavasis donot believe in building temples, idol-worship, and pilgrimage. Theascetics wear white cloths and cover their mouth with cloth strips.The Sthanakvasis are mainly found in Gujrat, Rajasthan, Punjab andHaryana.

TerapanthAn offshoot of Sthnakvasi sub-sect, Terapanthi sub-sect was foundedby Achrarya Bhikanji in 1760 A.D. Like Sthnakvasis, Terapanthis alsodo not believe in idol-worshipping. Since its inception some 250years ago, it has been closely organized under eleven successiveAcharyas of the Panth, including the current incumbent AcharyaMahashraman. Its 9th guru Archarya Tulsi (1914-97) had earnedconsiderable name and fame for himself for his Anubrata movementthat emphasized five small vows of Jainism for moral wellbeing ofthe masses. Mainly concentrated in certain areas of Rajasthan,Terapanthis are also found in some major towns and cities of northand central India.

To sum up, it is indeed ironical that a religion that professesanekantvad (doctrine of relativisim) should be having so many sectsand sub-sects and that too with arrays of contestations andconfrontations taking place within and among them. Apart from the


contestations involving differences of doctrinal opinions, debates,rivalries and modes of worship, there have also been frequentconfrontations between the Digambar and Shvetambar sects overthe ownership of pilgrimage places (See Jain, R. K. 1999: 76-82). Thusduring the late 1980s there were about 134 such disputes takingplace in India (Dundas 1992: 48).

Jain AssociationsAlmost all the Jain sects, sub-sects and castes have their ownassociations whose annual meetings are organised at local, regionalor national levels. Depending on the level of association and theexigencies of the time, a wide variety of issues pertaining to thecommunity are deliberated on in these meetings and conventions.Thus for example, about 115 year-old Bharatvarshiya Digambar JainMahasabha had deliberated upon a large number of other issuessuch as the need for maintaining a distinctive identity of the Jains;restoration and proper maintenance of Jain pilgrimage places; needfor social reforms within the community, especially regarding childmarriage, dowry system, old-age homes and the homes for thedisabled; education and emancipation of women; demand fordeclaration of Mahavir Jayanti as a public holiday in 1939 and then inthe early 1950s; support for Mahatma Gandhi’s satyagraha,swadeshi and civil disobedience movements, etc. Incidently, at onestage the Jains did demand for a separate electoral roll andrepresentation in the Council, though it did not materialize. Theassociation was also quite vocal in opposing the Hindu Code Bill of1949 and Untouchability Removal and Harijan Temple Entry Bill onthe ground that by the passage of these Bills the Jains too would beaffected by the provisions of the Bills as legally they are clubbed withthe Hindus, whereas in reality the Jains constitute a separate religionand community (See Kothari 2004).

Besides Bharatvarshiya Digambar Jain Mahasabha and the othersectarian associations, the non-sectarian Jain associations too haveemerged from time to time. These include Jain Young MenAssociation (1899), Bharat Jain Mahamandal (1910), Jain PoliticalConference (1917) and Jain Milan (1953). Jain Milan was reorganisedin 1966 as Bhartiya Jain Milan which presently has more than 800units all over India. Besides promoting Jain religion, culture and


literature, the association is devoted to the Jain unity. It also bringsout a monthly magazine Bhartiya Jain Milan Samachar.

Jain Social OrganisationJains’ social organisational patterns closely resemble those prevalentamong the Hindus. The Jains share the kinship and marriagestructures of the regional-linguistic area they are located in. Thus forexample, “the cross-cousin marriage is neither allowed nor practicedby Jains in the northern India but in the Deccan and Karnataka thecross-cousin marriage is not only allowed but preferred also”(Sangave 1980: 156). Caste and sub-sect endogamy and the gotraexogamy are generally practised by the Jains. According to thePeople of India Project reports that were based on surveys ofabout one hundred Jain “communities” (sic), “Cross-cousin marriage[involving Father’s Sister’s Daughter (FSD)] is reported among 14communities (14 per cent against 44.01 per cent at the nationallevel), cross-cousin [involving Mother’s Brother’s Daughter (MBD)]among 15 (15 per cent against a national level 51.09 per cent) anduncle-niece marriage in six communities” (Singh 1998: 1328). Thefindings further suggest that “Sorrorate junior is practised in 44communities (44 per cent against a national average of 58.04 percent) and levirate junior in five communities (5 per cent against anational average of 30.33 per cent)” (Singh 1998: 1329).

Jains prefer adult marriage, arranged through negotiations, but withthe consent of the potential bride and the groom. Earlier, marriagesbefore the puberty of a girl were common, but now the girls aremarried around 18 years of age and boys around 22. Monogamy isan expected norm. As among the Hindus, in Jains too a sindur(vermilion) mark, bindi, toe-rings, mangalsutra and glass bangles arethe symbols of a married woman. Dowry is accepted in cash and kind,and the amount of dowry is on the increase. Residence is patrilocal.Divorce and widow remarriages are generally discouraged. Widowerremarriage however is quite common. According to the findings ofthe People of India Project mentioned earlier, “widows and femaledivorcees are permitted to remarry in 29 communities (29 per centas against a national average of 81.36 per cent), while widowerremarriage is permitted in 97 communities” (Singh 1998: 1329). Jainmarriages are performed at the bride’s residence, though in some


parts of India, especially in Bundelkhand, this trend has beencompletely reversed since about the beginning of the presentcentury, mainly due to the shortage of marriageable girls andeconomic reasons. In the changed circumstances, the financialburden of the marriage mainly rests on the shoulders of the groom’sfamily.

Jains live in both nuclear and extended families. But nuclear familieshave been on the increase in recent decades. As per the 1981 censusthe average size of the household among Jains was found to be only5.86 persons (Jain, M. K. 1986: 43). Sons inherit property, equally.Succession is held by the eldest son. Jain women do not get a sharein their parental property. Prior to 1950s, women were keptsecluded, but now-a-days they are educated, and many of them arefind professional employment (receptionists, teachers, doctors,accountants, IT professionals, etc.). The Jain women are also greatlyinvolved in observing religious rituals and acquiring knowledge ofJain philosophy and religion (Reyneil 1991).

Life-Cycle RitualsThe Jains observe many life-cycle rituals of which the birth, marriageand death are the most important ones. During the seventh monthof pregnancy of a woman, they observe a ritual called Sad in whichthe pregnant woman is offered sweets, fruits, flowers, etc. by thewomen of the family and relatives. In some areas this ritual is knownas Athwan which is observed in the eighth month of pregnancy. Thepregnant woman goes to the temple and worships the deity. A feastis organized on this occasion. Childbirth usually takes place in ahospital or at home under the supervision of a doctor. On the tenthday of the child’s birth the nahavan ritual is preformed when thehouse is cleaned and the mother takes a bath. Birth pollutionremains for 40 days.

The pollution period is followed by Namkaran Sanskar in which thechild is named after consulting the horoscope prepared by a Brahminor Jain astrologer. Cereals are fed to the child, for the first time whenhe is about six months old. The child is bathed, dressed in newclothes and taken to the temple to worship the idol. On his return,


he is fed khir (made of milk, sugar and rice) by the eldest member ofthe family.

The mundan ceremony of a male child is observed in the 3rd, 5th or 7th

year. This is generally done at a pilgrimage place, at a local temple,or in a specified temple for which a vow was taken. It is optional incase of a girl child. The Hajjam (barber) cuts the hair for which he ispaid in cash and/or kind. The child is given a bath and taken to thedeity. A swastika mark is made on his skull. An offering of some cashis given to the deity.

The marriage ceremony is preceded by sagai. The bridge’s parentsand some elder members of the girl’s family go to the bridegroom’shouse and place fruits in the lap of bridegroom. The bridegroom’sparty goes to the bride’s house for godbharai. Appropriate giftsincluding clothes, cosmetics and fruits, are given to the bride.

At the auspicious time, the marriage rite is performed by a Brahminor a Jain priest, amidst the chanting of hymns. Saptadigaman orSaptapadi (walking seven times around the sacred fire) is anessential ritual. The ritual of Kanyadan (giving away of the bride) isperformed by the father, brother, or the guardians of the bride. Thewedding rituals usually come to a close after sindurdan (applicationof vermilion by the bridegroom on the forehead of the bride). On thefollowing day, the bride goes to her husband’s house.

After death, the body is cremated on a fixed burial place, on thebank of a river, lake or pond. The last rites are generally performedby the eldest son. The person who lights the pyre is called the karta(chief mourner). He has to observe several restrictions for a period ofthirteen days. On the day after the cremation, head is shaved by themale members of the family and other relatives who thereafter go tocollect the ashes of the diseased and disperse/submerge them in thenearby water body. This is followed by the Pagdi ceremony in whicha headgear is tied on the head of the karta declaring him the head ofthe family.

Food, Festivals and PilgrimageJains generally are strict vegetarians. Their diet varies according tothe regional-lingustic area they live in. The staple food consists of


roti (bread) and/or rice. They also consume most vegetables andfruits available locally. They also eat pulses like ahrar, moong, urad,chana, moth, massor, rajma, etc. They regularly consume milk andmilk-products like curd, ghee, butter, paneer. Alcoholic drinks areprohibited by the community. Smoking of cigarettes, bidis andchewing tobacco, betel leaf, betel nuts, cardamom and cloves wasquite common amongst the males until a generation ago, but nowthe consumption of tobacco products is on the decline.

Jains generally celebrate all the major Hindu festivals such asRakshbandhan, Dashahra, Deepawali, and Holi. Different reasons aregiven for celebrating them. Thus Deepawali, for example, iscelebrated by the Jains not so much because that day Lord Ramareturned to Ayodhya after the victory over the Lanka king Ravana,but because Tirthankara Mahavira attained Nirvana on the same day.The birthday of Lord Mahavira (Mahavira Jayanti) has been a publicholiday in India since the late British days for which the Jains had toindulge in some politics.

Other important festivals celebrated by Jains are ParyushanParva/Das Lakshan (last eight/ten days of Bhadra) and Ashthanika(the last eight days of Kartika). These are regarded very auspiciousby the Jains. During these days the atmosphere in most Jains familiesis charged with high spirituality and almost all the Jains make it apoint to go to the temples for worship, and recite or listen to thescriptures. In many temples or Sthanakas Pandits are also engagedto deliver religious discourses in the evenings. At the conclusion ofParyushan/Das Lakshan, Pratikraman or Kshamavani ceremony isheld in which repentance of faults and forgiveness is asked for andgiven to all. Some Jains do the same thing through newspaperadvertisements, and/or through sending hand-written or printedletters by post, or through emails.

Jains have a vast network of pilgrimage places (Teerth Kshetras) allover India. These can broadly be classified into four categories. “TheKalyanaka Kshetras, associated with the birth and other memorableevents in the life of the Tirthankaras; the Siddha Kshetras, where theTirthankaras or other saints attained Nirvana; the Attishaya Kshetras,associated with some miracle or myth; and Kala Kshetras, reputed


for their artistic momuments, temples, and images” (Jain, J. P. 1983:128). The following are the major Jain pilgrimage places: Ayodhya,Mathura, Varanasi, Champapur, Hastinapur, Patna, Rajgrahi,Kundalpur, Pawapur, Sammedshikharaji, Giranara, Khandagiri, Taxila,Sonagiri, Devagarh, Khajuraho, Gwalior, Chanderi, Mahavirji, Chittor,Ajanta-Ellora, Ranakpur, Mount Abu, Dharmasthala, Mudhabidri,Sravanabelagola, etc. This is obviously not an exhaustive list.

Jains often go on pilgrimage in groups. During the winter months alarge number of Jains can be seen traveling from place to place inthe reserved buses, jeeps, and cars. Others travel by trains and someeven by air. Air conditioned vehicles, hotels, and dharmashalas havefacilitated the pilgrimage even during the summer months. In recentyears some temple sites in Nepal, Japan, Singapore, Thailand,Malaysia, Kenya, the U.K., Canada and the U.S., etc have been fastemerging as the new pilgrimage places, at least for those who canafford to visit them.

Jains’ Contribution to Indian Culture and SocietyThroughout their long history Jains have made tremendouscontribution to the Indian culture and society which is quitedisproportionate to the size of the community. Undoubtedly, themost lasting contribution of the Jains has been to Indian Philosophy.The Jain philosophy is an original, independent, distinct andcomplete thought system with its own brand of metaphysics,ontology, epistemology, logic and ethics (See chapter 2). Accordingto Jain philosophy, the world is real; it is neither an illusion (maya)nor untrue or unreal (mithya). So is the spirit, or soul. Jainism is alsounique in devising an elaborate theory of Karma that explains theinteractive nature of soul and matter.

Besides the doctrine of Karma, the other original contribution of theJain philosophy is the twin-doctrines of Anekantvad and Syadvad,that is, the doctrines of many-sided view-points, and theircomprehension and expression. Apart from helping one tocomprehend the complete reality, they also promote intellectualtolerance which is very much needed today in order to avoidreligious and ideological fundamentalism.


Jainism has been a living religion for at least 3,000 years now. Itsethical codes of conduct that centre around Anuvratas, andespecially Ahimsa and Aparigraha are of universal value. Jainism isunique in extending the concern of “Live and Let Live” to all thecreatures including microbes and even plants (See Singhvi 1990).Jainism had historically exerted a great influence on Shrishaiva,Vaisnava, Lingayata and other Saint-sects in medieval times in termsof the spread of vegetarianism and teetotalism.

Perhaps the most original items in the Jain ethical codes of conductare Sallekhana (the art of dying) and Kshama (forgiveness). On thewhole, the Jain ethical code of conduct has tended to steer itsfollowers towards rational thinking regarding certain social customssuch as Sati and Shraddha. It also discourages superstitions such asworshipping certain deities for getting cured of diseases, and/orrestoring good health. Again, another characteristic feature ofJainism is the common code of conduct for its ascetics and laymen orlaywomen. This perhaps has been an important factor in the survivalof Jainism for so long even in the face of adverse political conditions.

Next to philosophy and religion, the contribution to languages andliterature by the Jains is quite remarkable (Winternitz 1946). The Jainliterature includes a vast body of non-canonical works, poeticalnarratives (Puranas, Charitras, Kathas, prabandhas, kavyas andmahakavyas, etc) and scientific and technical literature pertaining toastronomy, astrology, cosmology, mathematics, geography,economics, grammar, logic, philosophy, poetics, lexicography, etc.Much of this literature which put Shramanic values to the foreemphasizes misery and sufferings in the world (Samsar) and theways to overcome them not through sacrifices and priestly help butthrough good moral conduct and compassion. Through their writingsthe Jains have enriched not only the ancient languages such asSanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa, but also many modern Indianlanguages, namely, Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada, Tamil andTelugu. Much of this vast Jain literature continues to be stored ininnumerable Jain temples and Shastra bhandaras, and remainsunclassified and unpublished as yet (Balbir et al. 2006: Bhargava1968: 226-55; Jain, K. C. 1991).


Jains’ contribution to Indian arts and architecture is no lesssignificant. Their contribution in these fields covers variousarchitectural forms such as temples, cave temples, temple cities,pillars (manasthambhas) and towers, sculptures, and a wide varietyof paintings, frescoes, and manuscript-illustrations (See Chandra1949; Nagar 2000). Building temples has been a matter of utmostpride for the Jains. Dilwara Jain temples at Mt. Abu, Ranakpur Jaintemples, temples at Khajuraho, ancient cave-temples of Udaigiri andKhandgiri, cave-temples of Ellora, temple cities of Shatrunjaya(Gujarat), Girnar (Gujarat), Sammedshikhar (Bihar), Sonagiri (M.P.),Mudhabidri (Karnataka), the Bahubali statue at Shravanabelagola(Karnataka), the Kirti-Sthambha at Chittor are some of the bestexamples of the Jain architecture (See Singhvi and Chopra 2002).Most of these monuments, particularly the temples, had beenfunded by single wealthy individuals. As temple construction isconsidered a meritorious act, scores of temples are being builtannually by the Jains all over India, in spite of the fact that theirheritage monuments are being neglected in the absence of properfunds and management. Needless to say, the Jain heritage, bothphysical and socio-cultural needs to be appreciated and preserved.

A majority of Jains have always enjoyed relative economic affluenceand a high social status due to the fact that they have been traders,merchants, or bankers. A nineteenth century observer went to theextent of claiming that “half the mercantile transactions of India passthrough their hands” (Thornton 1898: 40). Be that as it may, theJains continue to make their mighty contribution to the Indianeconomy even though the Indian economy itself has undergone asea-change. The Jains have taken the full advantage of moderneducation system and a significant number of them have enteredinto a wide variety of professions and services, besides consolidatingtheir position as trading and commercial petty bourgeoisie in theIndian economy. Additionally, the Jains hold quite a substantialamount of ownership in real estate, share-market and mass mediaand publishing industries. Rajasthan Patrika Group, Lokmat Group(Maharashtra), Gujarat Samachar, The Times of India Group andMathribhumi Group (Kerala) are the outstanding examples of massmedia ownership by the Jains.


Besides the spread of secular education among the Jains, the 20th

century also witnessed the development of Jainology that happenedalong with Indological studies. With the donations of the Jaincommunity, a large number of Jain Sanskrit vidyalayas(schools/colleges) were established in which the intending studentsstudied free of charge subjects like Sanskrit language and literature,grammar, logic and Indian philosophy, in addition to Jain religioustexts. In north India this movement was spearheaded in the earlydecades of the 20th century by Ganesh Pasad Varni, a Kshullaka whowas instrumental in establishing, directly or indirectly, a number ofSanskrit vidyalayas all over north India, including the reputed ones atVaranasi, Arrah, Morena, Jaipur, Hastinapur, Indore, Jabalpur, Katni,Sagar, Mahavirji, Papauraji, Sadhumal, etc (See Varni 1948). Thesevidyalayas produced generations of Jain pandits, priests, andstudents who have helped in raising the level of knowledge aboutJain philosophy and religion among the Jains.

Until about the 1960s Jains’ contribution to the Indian public life inmodern times was quite remarkable. With thousands of themserving jail terms and scores of them having sacrificed their lives asmartyrs during India’s independence movement (Jain, K.C. and JyotiJain 2006), the Jains’ political participation was certainly exemplary,which was further sustained by their disproportionately highrepresentation in the Constituent Assembly of India, and in the firstfew parliaments and in some state assemblies. It is only during thelast four decades that their role in public life has significantlydwindled.

Historically, however, this has not been so. “The Jains, especially insouthern and western India, produced a large number of monarchs,ministers and generals” (Sangave 2006: 134). Even the Jain saintswere no indifferent to the secular affairs of the country. They werefrequently consulted by the kings regarding political matters. Insouth India “the Jain saints were virtually responsible for thefounding of the Ganga kingdom in the 2nd century A.D. and theHoysala kingdom in the 11th century A.D.” (Sangave 2006: 134).

As part of the Shramanic value system, Jainism puts a great emphasison the establishment of egalitarian social order (Nevaskar 1978).


Besides social equality, gender equality is an equally importantconcern for the Jains. It is interesting to note that at least in principleJainism is open to all irrespective of caste, colour, creed, gender orwealth, though in practice Jains observe all forms of discriminationand exclusion. The Jains do accept the Hindu Varna Vyavastha, butonly as a system of division of labour, and not in terms of anyascriptive criterion (birth). What is implied here is the fact that thesocial order is a man-made system, and not a divinely ordained one.This had far reaching impact on the status of Sudras, and also on theinstitution of slavery. Incidently, the Jainist conception of society isanarchist or atomistic. It accepts the view that the society is the sumtotal of individuals. The quality of society is determined by thequality of its constituent units. Obviously, this conception of societydoes not recognize the sui generis (self-dependent) property ofsociety.

The contribution of Jainism to the Indian socio-cultural value systemis subtle and diffused yet quite significant. The five Anubratas ofwhich Ahimsa has become synonymous to Jainism constitute thecore of this value system. The Jainist concern of Ahimsa extendsfrom controlling individual passions to managing inter-personal andfamily relations, to inter-group tolerance, to maintaining worldpeace, and to preserving ecological balance and sustainability (SeeAmar 2009).

Vegetarianism is the most visible expression of Jainist concern toAhimsa. So much so that the overwhelming majority of Jains not only“rigidly abstain from eating non-vegetarian food and intoxicants,some of them even avoid eating roots and tubers like potatoes,onions, garlic, radish and carrot, while many renounce supper andavoid the use of honey and stale butter because they are afraid ofdestroying living creatures in the bargain” (Singh 1998: 1330). Forthe same reason, most Jains drink only strained water, and avoideating after sunset.

Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha in South Africa and India and itsimpact on the racial equality movement of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.in the U.S. are some of the successful political applications of Ahimsa(Hay 1979). Therefore, it was highly appropriate that 2nd October,


the birth day of Mahatma Gandhi, should have been celebrated asthe World Ahimsa Day by the United Nations.

Last, but not the least, Jainism stands for self-reliance, humanismand social welfare. It is often said that there are no beggars andcriminals in the Jain community. The Jains run the largest network ofphilanthropic activities, including schools and hostels, hospitals,dispensaries, birds hospitals, drinking water facilities, and non-governmental organisations for disbursement of loans andscholarships for students, and other forms of charities. Of the 16,000cow-sheds in India, 12,000 shelters are run with the donations of theJains.

Concluding RemarksThis chapter introduced Jains as a community in the wider context ofIndian history and society. It is argued that the Jains belong to theShraman tradition, an indigenous tradition that is older and rival tothe Vedic tradition. As a community, the Jains have been an integralpart of Indian society and culture since time immemorial. Of all thereligious communities in India, the Jains have been closest to theHindus in terms of social organizational features and life cycle rituals,and the overall cultural ethos. So much so that the Jains, in spite ofbelonging to a separate religion, are often subsumed within theVaishya category of the Hindu Varna system – a situation that theyhave been trying to protest and correct since the late 19th centuryand more intensely since the early 1980s by claiming for themselvesa separate community identity as well as the formal legal status.


Chapter 2

JAIN WAY OF LIFE

In the previous chapter some of the basic sociological features of theJain community, and the Jains’ contribution to the Indian culture andsociety have been highlited. This chapter focuses on the Jain identityand the way of life which is mainly derived from their philosophy andreligion, and more specifically from the doctrinally prescribed ethicalcode of conduct. The chapter also takes into account the Jain way oflife in the diasporic context of North America and Europe.

The Jains primarily derive their identity from religion, that is, Jainism.This has been so for centuries now. Time and again the unequivocalemphasis has been placed in Jainism on the moksha-marg as thetrue path of liberation. That the Jain social identity as well as theculture and the way of life are distinct from others is clearlyhighlighted by Prof. Vilas A. Sangave (1980: 350) in his celebratedsociological survey that was done in the late 1940s. He writes that“the features of Jaina culture are quite distinct from other culturesespecially in matters like outlook towards life and world, insistenceon spiritual progress, and observance of Ahimsa or creed of non-violence in all possible ways. The basic difference, it is stated, lies inthe religious philosophy of Jainas and as religion moulds the entireway of life automatically becomes separate from other ways of life.”

Occasionally, a case is made out of the Jains being placed by somescholars in the Vaishya category of the Hindu Varna system. As hasbeen pointed out by other scholars (Banks 1992; Cort 2001; Jain, J. P.1983; Jain, R. K. 1999, Sangave 1980) this claim does not stand up toempirical scrutiny. In most of India, the Jains maintain their distinctway of life and identity. This is not the case, perhaps, where certainJain castes (e.g. Agrawal, Khandelwal and Oswal) closely interactwith their Hindu counterparts leading to even matrimonial relations(e.g. Agrawal, Khandelwal and Oswal Jains in Gujarat, Delhi and partsof Western Uttar Pradesh). The consistent campaign since the early1990s exhorting the Jains to return themselves as Jains in the 2001census and in the 2011 census has further been helpful inconsolidating the Jain identity in terms of religion. It must however


be added that the Jain identity cannot be divorced from its sect/sub-sect as well as the regional-linguistic context in which a particularJain caste or community reside. Additionally, the divide betweennorthern and southern Digambar Jainism can be fruitful incontextualizing any sociological analysis (See Carrithers 1988; Jain,R.K. 1999). More or less the same is true about other religious/ethniccommunities in India, including the Hindus.

Jain PhilosophyIn India Jainism as well as Buddhism has since long been recognizedas a heterodox philosophical system. The traditional Indianphilosophers regarded the two systems as nastik (non-believers, i.e.,non-believers in the authority of the Vedas). As such, they are notpart of the Hindu Shad darshanas (Six philosophical systems).Nevertheless, they have been recognized as formidable, autonomousand independent philosophical systems which merit attention inIndian philosophical discourses. In the West, however, a number ofscholars until the late 19th century treated Jainism either as a sect ofHinduism or as an offshoot of Buddhism (Barth 1969: 151; Eliot 1962;Lilly cited in Shah 1932; Weber 1878; Wilson 1861: 344). AsDasgupta (1963: 169) explained:

Notwithstanding the radical differences in their philosophicalnotions, Jainism and Buddhism which were originally bothorders of monks outside the pale of Brahmanism, presentsome resemblances in outward appearances, and someEuropean scholars who became acquainted with Jainismthrough inadequate samples of Jaina literature easilypersuaded themselves that it was an offshoot of Buddhism.

Thanks to the researches of a number of German Indologists, (Buhler1963; Jacobi 1946), Jainism is no longer considered merely a sect ofHinduism, or an offshoot of Buddhism. In the words of PanditJawaharlal Nehru (1969: 73): “Buddhism and Jainism were certainlynot Hinduism or even the Vedic Dharma. Yet they arose in India andwere integral parts of Indian life, culture and philosophy. A Buddhistor Jain in India is a hundred percent product of Indian thought andculture, yet neither is a Hindu by faith.”


Jain MetaphysicsJainism does not believe in the "Creator" of the universe. It believesin the entity of the world. It further believes that the reality (sat) isuncreated, and is characterized by origination or appearance (utpad),destruction or disappearance (Vyaya), and permanence (dhrauvya).Every object of reality is also characterized by modes (paryays) andqualities (gunas) through which persist the essential sub-stratathrough all the times.

The Universe, according to Jainsim, consists of six substances(dravyas): (i) living creatures or souls (jiva), (ii) matter (pudgal), (iii)medium/principle of motion (dharma), (iv) medium/principle of rest(adharma), (v) space (akash), and (vi) time (kala). These can beclassified into two categories: living and non-living. Whereas jiva isthe living substance, the rest of them are non-living. These dravyasare uncreated and undestructible. Their essential qualities remainthe same; it is only their mode of condition (paryay) that can anddoes change.

Jain OntologyThe characteristic feature of jiva or soul is consciousness. The soul isthe doer of all actions, and is the enjoyer of the fruits of its actions.The souls are of two kinds: (i) Sansarin (mundane) or Baddha (inbondage), and (ii) Siddha (liberated) or mukta (free). Mundane soulsare the embodied souls of living beings in the world and are stillsubject to the cycle of birth and death. On the other hand, Siddhajivas are the liberated souls and they will be embodied no more(Sangave 2006: 30). The liberated souls in their pure conditionpossess the following four attributes: infinite perception, infiniteknowledge, infinite power, and infinite bliss. In contrast, themundane souls exist in the impure state as they are permeated withsubtle psychosomatic matter called karma.

The Jain philosophy is based on the nature and interaction of thetwo constituent elements of the Universe, Jiva and Ajiva. Theinteraction is explained by the doctrine of Karma which is aremarkable feature of the Jain philosophy. According to Sangave(2006: 38), “The supreme importance of the doctrine of Karma lies inproviding a rational and satisfying explanation to the apparently


inexplicable phenomena of birth and death, of happiness and misery,of inequality in mental and physical attainments, and of theexistence of different species of living beings.”

Doctrine of KarmaIn Jainism Karmas are defined as a form of matter (pudgala) whichare very fine and subtle and cannot be comprehended by any of thehuman senses. They are almost psycho-somatic in character andpermeate the universe. Every phenomenon in the universe is themanifestation of Karmic energy.

All the existential conditions and enigmas of the world such as the allpervasive cycle of birth and death, suffering and happiness, widevariety of species of living beings, their differential mental andphysical abilities and other characteristics can be explained by thedoctrine of Karma which, as already mentioned, maintains that thesoul is the doer of action and therefore has to bear theconsequences of karmas. It further maintains that all the worldlysouls are already in bondage of varying degrees. This bondage ofkarmas with soul obscures the innate qualities of the soul.

The doctrine further assumes the transmigration of the soul afterdeath into the next life. The balance sheet of the karmas in this lifeand the previous ones determine the kind and quality of next life.The doctrine further asserts that the moksa or liberation can beachieved only by completely destroying all the karmas. The structureand dynamics of the karma doctrine can be summed up in terms ofthe following seven tattvas or elements:

(i) Jiva, i.e., living substance,(ii) Ajiva, i.e., non-living substance,(iii) Asrava, i.e., the influx of karmic matter into the soul,(iv) Bandha, i.e, bondage of soul by karmic-matter,(v) Samvara, i.e., the stopping of asrava, the influx,(vi) Nirjara, i.e, the gradual removal of karmic matter, and(vii) Moksha, i.e., the attainment of perfect freedom from the

karmas.


Whereas the first two items represent the structural elements of theuniverse, the last five unfold the dynamics of the Karma doctrine.“Stated briefly, karma is matter which ‘flows in’, asrava, and ‘sticks’,literally. What I do, sticks to me, and determines my character, thequality of my life and relationships. My thoughts, emotions and myspeech are also ‘acts’. They are called bhavasrava. They determinemy perceptions, which lead me to act in the way that I do….It is mythoughts and emotions, whether my own or inherited, that draw aveil over my perceptions. Untruth, delusion, and violence are itsoutcome. Jainism suggests to us that anekanta-vada, or the many-sidedness of truth; a-prigraha, or not-grasping; and a-himsa, or not-violence are the true basis of human freedom” (Badrinath 1996).

Karma doctrine is a corner stone of the Jain philosophy. Jain scholarshave gone into great details by classifying karmas into eight kindsand 148 sub-kinds. Based on the criterion whether a particularkarma obstructs or destroys the essential attributes of the soul, theeight karmas are divided into the following two categories: (i) theghatia (obstructive) and, (ii) the aghatia (non-obstructive) karmas.The former category consists of (a) Jnanavarniya (knowledgeobstructing), (b) darshanavarniya (conation obstructing), (c)vedaniya (which causes feelings of pleasure and pain, etc.) andmohiniya (deluding) karmas. In the latter category are included therest of the four karmas, namely: (a) ayuh (age), (b) nama (bodymaking), (c) gotra (family determining) and (d) antaraya (karmaswhich hamper the innate qualities of the soul). It is easily clear thatthe aghatia karmas are mainly concerned with the state andparticular conditions of embodiment (name, age family, etc.).

A cursory look at the typology and functioning of karmas wouldsuggest to their over-deterministic role in human life, but the Jainscholars emphatically maintain that theirs is not the doctrine offatalism. Instead it is only a law of cause and effect. “Jainism doesnot fortify its followers by the terrors of karma nor does it makethem languish in unhealthy, effeminate fatalism, as many peoplethink all oriental religions do, but on the contrary, it trains theindividuals to become a true hero on the battle field of self-conquest” (C. Krause quoted in Sangave 2006: 44).


Jain EpistemologyJain epistemology deals with the nature of objects of knowledge,means of knowledge, and the modes of comprehension andexpression of reality. The objects of knowledge consist of all the sixsubstances and associated phenomena as mentioned earlier. Thesesubstances not only display the properties of quality andmodification, they are also extended over infinite space and time(past, present and future). Additionally they are subject toorigination, destruction and permanence. Moreover, when it comesto social phenomena they are additionally complex by virtue of beingsubjective, symbolic and dynamic, and also diverse over space andtime. Thus, according to Jain philosophers the reality is complex andmultifaceted (anekanta). The recognition of this fact is summed up inthe doctrine of Anekantvad. They further assert that such a realitycan be fully comprehended only by an omniscient being, and not byordinary human beings who have various kinds of limitations in theircomprehension and expression of reality. This is more evident in thelight of the fact that in terms of its means of acquisition, knowledgeis classified by the Jain scholars into five categories: sense knowledge(mati-jnan), verbal or scriptural knowledge (shruti-jnan), extra-sensory perception or clairvoyant knowledge (avadhi-jnan), thoughtreading or telepathy (manahparyay-jnan), and ommiscience,absolute or perfect knowledge (kevala-jnan).

The fact that a human being can apprehend only partial reality ledthe Jain scholars to introduce the doctrine of Nayavada which is asystem of describing reality from different points of view or stand-points (nayas). No single standpoint can be claimed as the only validone. Thus the doctrine recognizes the relative validity of otherstandpoints. At the same time it provides a framework to introduceanother doctrine, namely the doctrine of Syadvada which simplystates that given the fact that our statements are only conditionallyor relatively true, they must be “qualified with the term Syat, i.e. ‘insome respects’, or ‘somehow’, or ‘in a way’, with a view toemphasize its conditional or relative character (Sangave 2006: 48).

Jain EthicsJainism is basically a salvation religion - a religion that puts significantemphasis on attaining moksha. In terms of the karma doctrine, the


complete freedom of the soul from karmic matter is called moksha.In Jainism moksha is not a place in heaven, but the attainment of thestate of liberated soul, a final emancipation from the endless cyclesof birth and death. According to German sociologist Max Weber,Jainism is a liberation religion of “cultured professional monks”, andas such it requires considerable amount of spiritual education andtraining on the part of those who wish to follow the path of Jainism.

The Jain path to salvation consists of simultaneous pursuit of theright belief or perception, right knowledge and right conduct(samyak-darshan, samyak-jnana and samyak-charitra). The threetogether are known as ratnatrayh (three jewels) in Jain philosophy.The right belief consists in believing in the fundamentals of Jainism.According to Acharya Umaswami, “Tattvartha Sraddhanam samyag-darsanam”, that is, right belief is the faith in the true nature of thesubstances as they are (Tattvarthadhigama-Sutra, Chapter 1, Sutra2). At the same time, right belief also consists in believing in the trueJain god, the true Jain scriptures (shastras), and the true Jainpreceptors (gurus). The observance of right belief additionallyrequires the eight essential requisites, freedom from three kinds ofsuperstitious beliefs (mudhatas), and freedom from eight kinds ofpride or arrogance (mada). All these conditionalities are extremelydifficult in practical observance as these are required to be rigorouslyfollowed by those who wish to advance on the path of salvation.

The second jewel of the tri-ratna of the liberation path, the rightknowledge consists in having full comprehension of the real natureof soul and non-soul (i.e. matter) in such a manner that suchknowledge should be free from doubt, perversity, and vagueness orwide finiteness” (Sangave 2006: 58). We have already discussed thefive kinds of means of acquiring such knowledge. How to do that hasbeen deliberated upon at great length in Jain scriptures in terms ofthe right kinds of requirements that are again rigorous inobservances. In short, “the right knowledge can be acquired bypursuit with devotion, by reading sacred scriptures, understandingtheir full meaning and significance in proper time and withpunctuality, imbued with zeal, proper behaviour and open mind”(Sangave 2006: 60).


The right conduct is the third integral component of the path ofsalvation. The right conduct is defined by Jain scholars as proper,appropriate and truly natural conduct of the soul which is conduciveto its salvation. In practical terms it comprises the ethical code andthe rules, and disciplines which an aspirant is required to pursue. InJainism more or less common rules of conduct are prescribed for thelaity and the ascetic of both sexes. Obviously, the rules prescribedfor the laity are less rigorous compared to those for the ascetics forthe simple reason that the householders have to earn theirlivelihood and maintain the family life. Looking at the rigorousconditionalities associated with right perception, right knowledge,right conduct, etc., it is difficult for a sociologist to escape theconclusion that there is a strong element of indoctrination in Jainism.It does allow free inquiry but only within the parameters set by itself.

Code of Conduct for the HouseholdersFour sets of ethical code are prescribed for Jain householders:Twelve vratas, eleven pritimas, six avashyakas, and a number ofappropriate conducts. It would appear that whereas the first twosets of conduct are more specific in nature in terms of their numberas well as observance, the last two sets are general and perhapsflexible in practice. Thus, the fourth set of conducts known asBhadraka (gentlemanly) or marganusari (accessory to the path)consists of 17, 21, or 35 rules according to different authorities.

Twelve VowsThe twelve vows prescribed for a Jain householder comprise thefive anuvratas, three gunavratas and four sikshavratas. The fiveanuvratas, so-called because they are only lesser, partial, limited andqualified vows, and not absolute vows as prescribed for the ascetics,are ahimsa (abstention from violence or injury to living beings),satya (abstention from false speech), achaurya or asteya (abstentionfrom theft), bramhacharya or shil (abstention from sexuality orunchastity), and aparigraha (abstention from greed for worldlypossessions).

The first vow demands abstinence from intentional injury or killing oflife for food, sport, pleasure or some other purpose. As much aspossible violence must be avoided in thought, words and deed.


Defensive violence if necessary however, is allowed for thehouseholder in order to protect his country, society, family, religiousinstitutions, and property. Injury to life is also permitted tohouseholders who might commit it during their vocational callingsuch as agricultural, industrial or other occupational activities. Injuryshould be limited to the minimum possible extent.

The second vow demands that one must not only abstain fromtelling lies, but also avoid using harsh or abusive language. Languagethat hurts the feelings of others or amounts to ridiculing, backbitingand flattery should also be avoided. The third vow achaurya-anuvrata demands abstaining from stealing, robbing, ormisappropriation of others’ property. It also includes abstinencefrom cheating and using dishonest or illegal means in acquiring anyworldly possessions. The fourth vow, shil anuvrata demandsabstention from having sexual relations with anyone except one’sown lawfully wedded spouse. The fifth, parigraha-parimana-anuvrata requires the imposition of a limit on one’s needs,acquisitions and possessions.

During the course of observing the above discussed five vows ahouseholder has to guard himself against committing certaininfringements and transgressions

such as tying up living beings or keeping them in bondage,mutilating them, beating them, overloading them and starvingthem, in the case of the first vow; preaching falsehood,divulging other people’s secrete, forgery, misappropriation,and disclosure of a man and wife’s secret talk, in the case ofthe second vow; adulteration, abetment of theft, receivingstolen property, violation of government laws, and use of falseweights and measures, in the case of the third vow; avoidablematch making, intercourse with an unchaste married person,prostitution, unnatural offence or sex perversion andinordinate sex desire, in the case of the fourth vow; and toexceed the limits set by oneself with regard to landed property,movable effects and riches, servants, pet animals, and otherworldly goods, in the case of the fifth vow (Jain, J. P. 1983: 86-87).


In addition to five anuvratas, a householder is required to practicethree guna-vratas (the multiplicative vows) that enhance the effectand value of the anuvratas manifold. These are: (1) dig-vrata, takinga life-long vow to limit one’s worldly activities to fixed points indifferent spatial directions, (2) desa-vrata, taking a vow to limit theabove also to a limited area, and (3) anarthadanda-vrata, taking avow not to indulge in purposeless moral offences.

Besides five anuvratas and three guna-vratas, a householder is alsorequired to practice four disciplinary vows (siksha-vratas) which areintended to prepare the aspirant gradually for the discipline ofascetic life. These are samayika, prosadhopavasa, upabhoga-paribhoga-parimana, and atithi-samvibhaga. The first one requiresthe householder to contemplate or meditate preferably thrice a dayfor about forty five minutes each. The second vow requires him tofast on two days of the lunar fortnight, namely, the eighth and thefourteenth. The third requires a householder to limit on daily basishis or her enjoyment of consumable and non-consumable items. Andthe fourth vow requires the householder to share food with theguest including ascetic, recluse, pious or needy person.

Observance of five anuvratas and abstention from wine, meat andhoney together constitute eight mulagunas, that is, basic or primaryvirtues of a householder. Similarly, the three guna-vratas and foursiksha-vratas combine to form seven shila-vratas that supplementthe anuvratas.

In addition to the twelve vows, a householder is expected toundergo in the last days of his/her life the process of Sallekhna, thatis, peaceful or voluntary death which is different from suicide in thatthe latter is regarded in Jainism as a cowardly act and even a sin(Streefkerk 1997). For Jains Sallekhna is an equanimously-plannedpreparation for the inevitable death, and therefore a religious act.(Baya ‘Sreyas’ 2007).

That sallekhna/santhara has been a living tradition is borne out bythe findings of a recent study (Baya ‘Sreyas’ 2007) which is based onthe sample size of 350 cases of ‘voluntary peaceful death’(extrapolated figure 2,400 cases) in Udaipur district during the


period 1994-2003.The study suggests (i) that compared toDigambaras (26%), about three times more (74%) Shvetambar Jainspractice santhara; (ii) that overall householders, both males andfemales, embrace the vow of voluntary peaceful death in muchgreater number than their ascetic counterparts (p. 263); (iii) thatwithin the Digambar tradition the practice was found to be five-times less prevalent among the householders (4.3%) than among theascetics (22.3%). The situation was found to be reverse inShvetambar Jainism with 62.3% householders and only 11.1%ascetics practicing santhara. The incidences of voluntary peacefuldeath were reported more from the urban areas (62.9%) than fromthe rural areas (37.1%). The study further suggests that maximumnumber of such incidences take place in the 61-90 years age-groupwith average age of the practitioners being 77 years. Old age and/orincurable disease was found to be the main cause of death. Theoverwhelming majority of people took the vow of santhara whenthey were fully conscious and remained on the death-bed for morethan one day (p. 267).

Eleven Stages (Pratimas)Shravaka-Pratimas consisting of eleven steps plan chart out thecourse of spiritual journey prescribed for the householders. Eachstep like a rung in the ladder progressively leads to the higher stageof spiritual progress. These are briefly presented below.

1. Darsana Pratima: At this first stage the householder is requiredto observe all the practical aspects of the Right Belief. He is alsosupposed to have given up eating meat, wine and honey and fiveudumbara fruits. Hunting, gambling, prostitution and adulteryare strictly prohibited.

2. Vrata Pratima: The householder is required to observe withouttransgression the twelve vows discussed earlier.

3. Samayika Pratima: It consists of self-contemplation andmeditation in general for fortyeight minutes, three times daily sothat one could concentrate on spiritual values, and p

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