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Title A sketch of Solon grammar

Author(s) Tsumagari, Toshiro

Citation 北方人文研究, 2, 1-21

Issue Date 2009-03-31

Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38236

Type bulletin (article)

File Information 01_p1-21.pdf

Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP

https://eprints.lib.hokudai.ac.jp/dspace/about.en.jsp

A Sketch of Solon Grammar

Toshiro TSUMAGARI

Graduate School of letters,Hokkaido University

Abstract:The present paper is intended as a grammatical sketch of Solon,a Tungusic lan-

guage spoken in northern Inner Mongolia, China. The first section is a brief introduction

including an explanation for dialects and previous literatures. The second section is devoted

to phonology and the third to morphological description. In the fourth section,various types

of noun phrase and sentence structure are illustrated. Finally,issues of lexical borrowing are

briefly touched upon. Though the present sketch is far from a full grammatical description,

it might be of some use for those who wish to get some general idea of this minority language.

The first version of this sketch was contributed to a chapter of the Tungusic volume of

grammatical description series. For some reason the volume has not appeared for several

years, so that I will publish my chapter (with minor revisions) separately here with the

permission of the volume editor Alexander Vovin.

1.Introduction

Solon is spoken by the majority of the Ewenki (Chi.Ewenke)people in Hulun Buir city in

northern Inner Mongolia,China. Their official center is the Ewenki Autonomous Banner,just

south of Hailar district. Some speakers live also in the Nonni basin of Heilongjiang province.

Their official name Ewenke(from their self-designation ewe kii)comprises three groups which

are rather different both in their languages and in their historical backgrounds. Thus,accord-

ing to the Chinese terminology,the Ewenki people are subdivided into:(1)the Solon Ewenki

(Chi.Suolun Ewenke), (2)the Tungus Ewenki (Tonggusi Ewenke), and (3)the Yakut Ewenki

(Yakute Ewenke). Of these three, the Solon group accounts for 90 per cent of the total

population of some 29000 Ewenkis (1992). In Chinese usage,the“Ewenki language”(Ewenke-

yu)practically means the language of the Solon group,while the languages of the other two

groups are regarded as the dialects of the former. According to the generally accepted

linguistic classification of Tungusic, however, the language of the Solon group should be

regarded as a separate language(i.e.Solon),not as a dialect of Siberian Ewenki(Rus.Evenk)

as the name implies. On the other hand,so-called“Tungus Ewenki”(aka Khamnigan Ewenki)

and “Yakut Ewenki”(aka Oluguya Ewenki), together with the language of the “Orochen”

(Elunchun)which is another officially recognized Tungusic minority in China,can be identified

1

as dialects of Ewenki proper (see Janhunen 1991 and Tsumagari 1992,1997b).

The origin of the name“Solon”is not clear enough,but some scholars regard it as related

to a Tungusic word meaning “upstream”(e.g.Cincius 1997). The number of speakers of Solon

is estimated at some 15000(cf.Hu et al.1988),most of whom also speak Chinese,(some variety

of)Mongolian,and sometimes Dagur as well. The Solon language has no written form,and

they usually employ Chinese and/or Mongolian(formerly also Manchu)as a written language.

The first noteworthy collection of Solon words is found in Ivanovskij(1894). Kaluzynski

(1971)and Aalto (1976, 1977)are based on the lexical materials collected in the early 20th

century by F.V.Muromski and G.J.Ramstedt respectively. The first grammatical descrip-

tion with a lexicon(2000 items)and texts was published by Poppe(1931),which has practically

been the only reliable and available source for a long time. Cincius (1997)is her posthumous

publication on the outline of Solon grammar. Since 1980s Chinese scholars have made much

contribution to the study of the Solon language. Among them, Chaoke is a native Solon

(Ewenke)linguist who has published many papers and books on Solon(most titles are listed in

Chaoke 2003). He is a co-author of the Solon volume of the grammatical sketch series of

minority languages in China (Hu & Chaoke 1986) and a collection of folklore texts with

Mongolian translation (Chaoke et al.1988). With the collaboration of Japanese linguists,he

made a collection of basic sentences with Japanese translation(Chaoke,Tsumagari& Kazama

1991)and a grammatical sketch with conversational sentences(Chaoke&Nakajima 2005). He

also published a substantial volume of classified vocabulary(Chaoke 1991,over 4300 items),for

which a Solon index with English equivalents was prepared by the present author(Tsumagari

ed.1993). Chaoke has also published a more detailed grammar (Chaoke 1995)and a compre-

hensive morphophonological study (Chaoke 2003). A Solon-Chinese dictionary (over 17000

entry words)is now available as a result of the collaboration of local talents (Dorji ed.1998).

As a comparative vocabulary of“dialects”of Chinese Ewenki(Ewenke-yu),including Solon and

two above-mentioned varieties of Ewenki proper,see Chaoke& Tsumagari(1995). Recently,

S.Kazama prepared two collections of folktale text in collaboration with a Solon speaker

(Kazama& Tuoya 2007,2008).

These published materials are of course valuable sources for the study of Solon,but some

of them seem to be lacking in full exactitude and consistency both in phonological analysis and

in grammatical description. It is particularly regrettable that the above-mentioned Chinese

works have generally paid little attention to the previous foreign literatures. The present

sketch intends to provide a new outline, based on both Russian and Chinese descriptions

(especially Poppe 1931, Hu & Chaoke 1986, and Chaoke 1995)with necessary modification

derived from author’s own observation and interpretation.

2.Phonology

In the following description,we basically keep the Solon inherent phonology in mind:in recent

loanwords,especially from Chinese,some exceptions will appear.

北方人文研究第２号 2009年３月2

2.1 Consonant phonemes and consonant assimilation

We recognize the following seventeen consonant phonemes in Solon:p t k b d g m n c［］

j［］s x l r w y［j］. Though

h

is added as a separate phoneme in some descriptions (e.g.

Chaoke 1995, cf. also Kazama & Tuoya 2007:3), it may be interpreted as an allophone of s

before i

l

. Moreover, it is possible that c is another allophone of s, but tentatively distin-

guished here. Any consonants except and r may appear in word-initial position. The

phonological distinction between and n in word-final position,as admitted in Chaoke(1991,

1995),is dubious:we employ n in this position,which is often realized as nasalization of the

preceding vowel. One of the characteristic phenomena in Solon phonotactics is regressive

assimilation (either full or partial) found widely in two adjacent consonants, not only dia-

chronically but in synchronic process as well:e.g.rg/bg＞gg,rk/bk＞kk,lt/kt＞tt,rd/gd＞dd,

kc/sc/bc＞tc,nb/b＞mb etc.

2.2 Vowel phonemes and vowel harmony

There are eight vowel phonemes in Solon:rounded o［］o［o］u［］u［u］and unrounded a

e［］i

l

［e～］. Each vowel can occur not only singly(as a short vowel)but also as a long

vowel:for the transcription of the latter,two identical vowels are employed here. The vowel

a

usually occurs as a long vowel

e s

.

The vowels are divided as follows in view of vowel harmony:

close e o u

neutral i

e

open a o u

As a rule,the close vowels do not coexist with t

i

e open ones in a word,and vice versa.

Neutral vowels can occur with either of them. According to the stem-vowels,most of suffixes

and endings show a vowe

y

-alternation either in two-way a～e/u～u or maximally in six-way a

～e～o～o～u～u. In the description below,suffixes and endings will generally be referred in

the representative form with a or u. The vowel harmony rule is, however, not so strictly

applied and the close vowels may sometimes appear after the open ones.

2.3 Syllable structure

The syllabl

el

tructure is generally represented as(C)V(V)(C),where the parenthesized elem

2

nts

are optional. Any consonant may occur in syllable-

i

nitial or syllable-final position. Thus,as

far as phonological level is concerned,any consonant cluster occurs neither word-initially nor

finall

u

,though,as a result of the vow

ss

reduction mentioned below,a final cluster occasionally

occurs phonetically.

t

.4 Accent and vowel reduction

Usual

p

y the vowel of the f

c

rst syllable is stre

bl

ed and pronounced clearly,while the short vowel

on and after the second sylla o e e e ends to be reduc e d and sometimes dr as p .d in c l s h ep

Toshiro Tsumagari A Sketch of Solon Grammar 3

A high pitch,on the other hand,falls either on the last syllable(if the syllable contains VV or

final C)or on the penultimate syllable(otherwise). If we admit the pitch pattern of a word as

such,we can partly resort to it,in its turn,to decide the phonological shape of a word.

3.Morphology

3.0 Morphological process

Morphological process in Solon is basically suffix-agglutinative:e.g. xaxraa-sul-nii-s (Poppe

1931:117)［chicken-PL-GEN-2S］‘of your chickens’. However, the regressive assimilation

mentioned above often causes an alternation of the stem-final consonant:xe er-du＞xe ed-du

［chest-DAT］‘to the chest’, is-caa＞it-caa［reach-PAST］‘(has) reached’. The treatment for

such a stem alternation is a problem in morphophonology in Solon. In the transcription below,

we basically keep the original stem form since the alternation is mostly optional and automati-

cally determined by surface phonetic rules. In some cases, however, we must admit an

alternative stem as a result of dropping a stem-final consonant:juug-du＞ (juud-du＞)juu-du

［house-DAT］‘to the house’

3.1 Noun

3.11 Declension

Solon has a case system consisting of some thirteen cases including the unmarked nominative

form which, in turn, serves for the stem of oblique cases. As one of the characteristic

peculiarities common to the Tungusic languages in China (cf.Tsumagari 1996,1997a),there is

an established genitive in Solon. Besides the vowel harmony alternation,some case-endings

have allomorphs according to the stem-final phonemic structure(-V♯/-C♯). The following is

an example of the paradigm of beye‘man’and morin‘horse’(modified from Hu& Chaoke 1986:

22-23):

Nominative beye morin

Genitive beye-nii morin-ii

Accusative beye-we morin-ba

Indefinite Accusative beye-ye morin-a

Dative beye-du morin-du

Locative beye-lee morin-dulaa

Directive beye-txii morin-tixii

Prolative beye-lii morin-dulii

Ablative beye-duxi morin-duxi

Elative beye-giiji morin-giiji

Delative beye-leexi morin-dulaaxi

Instrumental beye-ji morin-ji

Comitative beye-gilii morin-gilii

4 北方人文研究第２号 2009年３月

The indefinite accusative(“partitive”in Poppe 1931:113),as in other Tungusic languages

which have the same case,is generally recognized as the case for indefinite object. There is,

however,room for further investigation on the precise function of this case(cf.Kazama 1997).

For example, it is not clear enough what is the difference from the unmarked (nominative)

object.

The ablative is the case for a starting point or a standard of comparison. The elative

implies‘from the direction of something’and the delative(the term employed in Poppe 1931:114)

seems to mean something like‘from the area or side of something’. A systematic explanation

for the distinction among the three also remains to be made.

Another problematic case is the comitative. There is a newly introduced form-t

ti

from

Mongolian,which has nearly the same function with the comitative proper and seems to be

partially replacing it. The relation between the two,together with the comitative usage of the

instrumental case,needs further consideration.

3.12 Personal endings

The nominative form and the other case forms can be followed by one of the following personal

endings which indicate the person and number of possessor:

SG PL

1st -bi［-beye～-weye］ -mun～-mun (EXCL)

-t(i) (INCL)

2nd -s(i) (～C-ci) -sun～-sun (～C-cun～-cun)

3rd -nin(i)［-ni］ (the same as SG)

Reflexive ［-bi～-wi］［-beli～-weli］

The forms in square brackets are for oblique cases. The reflexive forms,meaning ‘one’s

own’(SG or PL),indicate that the possessor(s)is/are the same with the subject of the sentence.

In the reflexive paradigm,the unmarked(nominative)form with the reflexive ending functions

as a direct object,not as a subject. The same is the case with the 1S oblique ending:the form

in -beye～-weye without any case marking is employed as a direct object. The third person

accusative takes the form of-waa-ni～-wee-ni etc. Note that the third person usually has no

distinction in number both in nominal and verbal morphology.

In possessive forms,most of the other Tungusic languages make an obligatory distinc

y t

on

between inalienable and alienable possession:the latter is marked by a peculiar suffix added

before the personal ending:e.g.Ewenki dili-w‘my(own)head’/dili-i-w‘the head (of a hunted

animal etc.)belonging to me’. In Solon, however,we find neither such distinction nor the

suffix. Instead,there is a tendenc

ti

hat an alienable possessee is remained unmarked(without

personal marking),only preceded by a genitive possessor:e.g.min-ii jaxa‘my baggage’,min-ii

bi ok g ‘my bo ’.

5 Toshiro Tsumagari A Sketch of Solon Grammar

3.13 Plural suffix

Plurality is represented by the suffix -sal etc.,which can be attached to the stems (optionally

with the final n omission)meaning human,animals,and inanimate things as well:omol

iv

-sal

‘grandsons’,xol

hi

-sal (＜xol

d t

n)‘snakes’,jolo-sol ‘stones’.

In general,the use of plural forms is somewhat emphatic,and the unmarked form is also

employed to refer to plural entities,especially when preceded by a numeral or a quantitative

adjective:ilan ute‘three sons’,baraan xonin ‘many sheep’.

There is another kind of suffix -s

is

n which is added either to place names or to personal

names (or kinship nouns), and means ‘those who live somewhere’and ‘someone’s family,

someone and others’respectively:imin-s

-b

n ‘those who live in Imin’,ulji-s

li

n ‘the Uljis’.

The independent noun ulur (or olor?)‘people,fellows’is sometimes employed to express

plurality of human nouns:sawi ulur ‘students’.

3.2 Pronoun

3.21 Personal pronouns

SG PL

1st bii ［min-,ACC minewe］ buu［mun-,ACC munewe］(EXCL)

miti (INCL)

2nd sii ［sin-,ACC sinewe］ suu［sun-,ACC sunewe］

The personal pronouns,except for the 1P inclusive form,are inflected on the basis of the

alternative stems given in square brackets. The case-endings are basically the same as nouns,

but actual occurrence of several cases is much restricted. The accusative forms are somewhat

irregular as shown above. For the third person,demonstrat

me

e pronouns eri/tari ‘t

).

s/that’

an

st

heir plural forms ersel/tarsal～taccil‘these/those’,elur/talur (＜eri/tari ulur)‘these/those

people’etc.are usually employed. Only rarely is used the original third person pronoun nugan

(PL nugan-sal),which may express politeness to the referent.

3.22 Reflexive pronoun

The form meeni‘oneself’

s/

used for both numbers. It is inflected with the stem meen-plus a

case-ending which is followed by the singular reflexive-ending:e.g. DAT meen-du-wi, INS

meen-ji-wi,but ACC meen

et

i (with no case-marking). By redup

rm

cation,meeni meeni means

‘each’(cf.Ma.

tu

ni meni～meimeni ‘id.’

an

3.23 Demon

e

t

rative pronouns

The forms eri‘this’and tari‘that’are used both independently and attributively. In some case

forms,they have reduced stems:e.g.DAT e-du/ta-du,LOC e-lee/ta-laa

tu

c. There are several

derivative fo n ‘s:eyye/tayya ‘this/that (with a contemp

/t

ous tone)’, ennegen/t

’e

naga

et

lik

bu hi tu that (attri at tively)’, is/tn t at y .‘i c a h h w t


3.24 Interrogative pronouns

There are following interrogative pronouns:ii, oxon ‘what’;aawu, nii ‘who’;iir, iggu ‘which’;

ooxi, adi ‘how many,how much’.

Some case forms and derivative forms of these pronouns serve as interrogative adverbs:

ooxidu ‘when’, iilee‘where’, iittu ‘how’etc. Among other interrogative adverbs are:yoodon

‘why,how’,oondii ‘what kind of’.

3.3 Adjective

3.31 Conversion

Adjectives show no inflection for themselves but are often converted into nouns,thus taking

number,case and personal markings:e.g.nisuxun-sel-we-ni (Hu& Chaoke 1986:41)［small-PL-

ACC-3］‘the small ones (ACC)’. Either by conversion or by adding the instrumental case-

ending,adjectives may function as an adverb:sii ayaxan/ayaxan-ji aasin-caa-si-gii?［you good/

good-INS sleep-PAST-2S-Q］‘Did you sleep well?’

3.32 Derivation

One of the productive denominal adjective suffixes is-si,which derives an adjective with the

meaning of‘having/with ―’,sometimes with a semantic change:mugun ‘money’＞ mugun-si

‘having money, rich’, antan ‘taste’＞ anta(n)-si ‘tasteful, delicious, sweet’, naalla ‘hand’＞

naalla-si ‘crafty’.

By adding various suffixes to an adjective,intensities or other semantic differences may be

expressed:aya ‘good’, aya-xan ‘rather good, healthy’, aya-xaya ‘almost good’, aya-kkan ‘very

good’.

3.33 Reduplication

To express emphatic meaning, a characteristic partial reduplication is employed, which is

almost the same with the Mongolic and Turkic patterns and also found in other Tungusic in

China but not in Russian Tungusic (Tsumagari 1996):ab aya‘very good’,xob xonnorin ‘coal-

black’,nem nemikkun ‘very thin’.

Another type of reduplication combined with suffixation is found in color adjectives(Hu&

Chaoke 1986:40-41):si arin ‘yellow’＞ si a si a-ljaxun ‘deep yellow’,ularin ‘red’＞ ula ulari-

ljaxun ‘deep red’.

3.4 Numeral

3.41 Cardinal

1 emun 2 juur 3 ilan 4 digin 5 t a

6 ni un 7 nadan 8 jaxun 9 yegin 10 jaan

11 jaan emun 12 jaan juur 20 orin 30 gotin

40 dexi 50 t

u

60 ni u

en

70 nada

ji 80 jaxu r n 90 yere 0 j 100 namaa aa 20 i a u m j


1,000 (emun)mi an 10,000 (emun) tumun

The numerals 20,30,40 and 90,as well as 1000 and 10000,are borrowings from Manchu or

Mongolian:cf.Ma.orin,Mo.χorin ‘20’;Ma.γusin,Mo.γucin ‘30’;Ma.dexi‘40’;Mo.yiren‘90’;

Ma.Mo.mi an ‘1000’;Ma.tumen,Mo.tumen ‘10000’. Instead of the suffix -

im

from 50 to

80,another form in -rnii (to arnii, ni urnii etc.)is adopted in Poppe(1931:107).

3.42 Derivative numerals

Ordinal numerals are derived from cardinals by adding the suffix -si (or-ci)with the stem-final

consonant dropped:emu-si, juu-si, ila-si, digi-si, to a-si, ni u-si, nada-si, jaxu-si, yegi-si, jaa-si.

For the‘first’and‘second’,suppletive forms from Manchu are also adopted:uju ‘first’(＜Ma.

uju ‘id.＜head’),jai ‘second’(＜Ma.jai ‘id.＜next’).

Among other derivational suffixes which are added to cardinal stems(with final consonant

omission)are:Iterative -raa (digi-ree‘four times’;also analytically digin mudan), Collective

-nn

ra

(ila-nn

53

‘three (persons) together’, but juur-ii/juur-n

e s

‘two (persons) together’),

Distributive -tal (emu-tel ‘one each’), Restrictive -xxan (juu-xxen ‘only two’) etc. (cf. Hu &

Chaoke 1986:42-45).

3.5 Verb

3.51 Derivation

Verb stems can be extended by adding various derivational suffixes which serve to change

voice or aspectual and other meanings of the primary stem. Among productive suffixes are:

Passive-wu～-guu (jawa-wu-‘to be held’),Causative-xaan (eme-xeen-‘to make someone come’),

Reciprocal-ldi,-maasi (jawa-ldi-‘to grasp each other’,taa-maasi-‘to pull each other’),Progres-

sive-ji (

el

anda-ji-‘to be snowing’),Purposive-naa (jawa-naa-‘to go to catch’),Regressive-rgi

(eme-rgi-‘to come back’),Optative-muun (jeb-muun-‘to want to eat’)etc.(cf.Hu & Chaoke

1986:60-64).

3.52 Conjugation

Verbs are inflected by adding various verb-endings which are divided into four groups accord-

ing to their functions:(1)imperative endings,(2)final(finite)endings,(3)participle(verbal-noun)

endings, and (4) converb endings. Most of these endings may further be combined with a

personal ending,which is sometimes fused with the former,resulting a personal-conjugational

complex. Some typical endings of each group are given b

ti

ow as a person-number pa

.

r

digm.

3.

d p

Imperative forms

Imperative forms include not only th

on

econd person forms,but also those for the first person

(meaning volition or invitation)and fo

e

the thir

tu

erson(‘Let him/them do!’). There is a tense

distincti at between pres t nt and fu al re,the latter implying a pos

)

poned re r

o

iza

et

on (‘Do l e

n! .c’


Present imperative forms

SG PL

1st -gati/-kti -gati-mun (EXCL)

-gaari (INCL)

2nd -xa -xa-ldun

3rd -gini (the same as SG)

Future imperative forms

SG PL

1st -duuni -daa-mun (EXCL)

-daa-weli (INCL)

2nd -daa-wi -daa-sun

3rd -daa-ni (the same as SG)

3.54 Final forms

Present indicative forms for jawa-‘to hold’:

SG PL

1st jawa-mi jawa-mun (EXCL)

jawa-tti (INCL)

2nd jawa-ndi jawa-sun

3rd jawa-ran (the same as SG)

If the verb-stem ends in n,a slight modification including a link-vowel a～e appears:e.g.

aasin-‘to sleep’, 1S aasin-ami, 1P.EXCL aasin-amun, 1P.INCL aasin-ati, 2S aasin-andi, 2P

aasin-asun,3 (SG/PL)aasin-an.

3.55 Participle forms

Present -r, -ra～ -da

Future -jigaa

Past V-saa～ C-caa

Generally,participle forms have three syntactically different functions:(1)an attribute of

a noun (see 4.14 below);(2)a verbal-noun,which may take a case-ending (see 4.27);and (3)a

predicate,which is frequently used in both future and past tense. Each ending may take a

personal marker which is partially the same with nominal possessive marker,but with no 3rd

person marking:1S-w(～-uu combined with preceding aa),1P.EXCL-mun,1P.INCL-ti,2S-si,

2P -sun.

3.56 Converb forms

Converb is a modifier of the main verb of complex sentences(see 4.27 below). Some converbs

require personal marking of the doer,which is generally different from that of the main verb.


Other converbs,which take no personal ending,usually share the same subject with the main

verb.

Coordinative converb -mi:Simultaneous action by the same doer(s);‘(with)―-ing’. Also

as an infinitive,representing some complement of the main verb.

Subordinative converb -kci ～ -cci:Preceding action by the same doer(s);‘after―-ing’.

Perfective converb -taan(i):Perfect preceding action by the same doer(s);‘after finishing

―’.

Durative converb -gii:Continued or repeated action by the same doer(s),often employed

repeatedly;‘after/while―-ing many times’.

Conditional converb-kki:Imperfect conditional action by a different doer(s)marked by a

personal ending;‘if,when―’.

Successive converb -jixi, -jixaa: Preceding action by a different doer(s) marked by a

personal ending;‘just after,as soon as―’.

Some particles originate from a converb form of bi-‘to be’or oo-‘to become,to do’. As

conjunctive particles,the subordinative converb of each verb is employed:exin oocci axin‘elder

sister and elder brother’;imin doo-nii muu-nin aruxxun bicci antasi.(Hu & Chaoke 1986:100)

［Imin river-GEN water-3 clear PT sweet］‘The water of Imin river is clear and sweet.’A topic

particle bikki(wi) ‘as for’comes from the conditional converb of bi-often with a reflexive

marker:tari doo-nii gebbi-nin bikkiwi imin doo gun-en. (Chaoke 1995:112)［that river-GEN

name-3 TOP Imin river say-PRES］‘The name of the river is called Imin river.’

3.57 Auxiliary verbs

Some verbs may be employed as an auxiliary after some conjugational forms of another

(semantically main) verb, thus expressing analytically various aspectual, modal and other

meanings (cf.Poppe 1931:121-123).

The verb bi-‘to be’has wide range of auxiliary use. For instance,a past form followed

by bi-see［be-PAST］refers“remote past”:uli-cee bi-see.［go-PAST be-PAST］‘(He)has already

gone.’With a future form, subjunctive meaning is expressed:ga-jiguu bi-see.［take-FUT.1S

be-PAST］‘I might have taken.’With a coordinative converb,durative or imperfect aspect is

implied:aasi-mi bi-see.［sleep-COOR be-PAST］‘(He)was (still)sleeping.’

The verb oo-‘to become’preceded by a coordinative converb means possibility,permission

or obligation according to the context:ebbesi-mi oo-dan.［swim-COOR become-PRES］‘(It is)

possible/permitted/expected to swim.’ The verb nee-‘to lay,keep’,used as an auxiliary after

a subordinative converb,adds a perfective or resultative meaning:xorii-cci nee-see.［arrest-SUB

lay-PAST］‘(They)have arrested(him).’,ommo-cci nee-suu.［forget-SUB lay-PAST.1S］‘I have

forgotten.’A benefactive meaning is expressed by the verb buu-‘to give’with a coordinative

converb:irda-mi buu-xe.［comb-COOR give-IMP.2S］(also as a contracted form irda-mbuux;

Poppe 1931:123)‘Comb my hair for me!’ The verb isi-‘to see’has an auxiliary meaning ‘to try’


after a coordinative converb:ji-mi isi-xe.［eat-COOR see-IMP.2S］‘Try to eat!’.

4.Syntax

4.1 NP structure

The head noun of noun phrases is always preceded by any kind of modifier.

4.11 Adjective＋ Noun

Usually,adjective has no inflection (unless nominalized)and shows no agreement with head

noun in number,case or person:aya xonin‘good sheep’,aya xonin-sal (PL),aya xonin-ba (ACC),

aya xonin-bi (1S ‘my good sheep’).

4.12 Numeral＋ Noun

As mentioned above, a numeral will preferably be followed by an unmarked form of noun

rather than a plural form (see 3.13). No case-agreement is found between a numeral and a

noun,as often found in other Tungusic languages.

4.13 Genitive＋ Noun

In possessive construction,a possessor noun or a personal pronoun usually takes the genitive

form, while a possessed noun may take the corresponding personal suffix: sin-ii aawun-si

［you-GEN hat-2S］‘your hat’, xonin-ii nanda-waa-ni［sheep-GEN skin-ACC-3］‘sheep skin

(ACC)’. In Solon,however,the personal possessive marker is not obligatory but often omis-

sible,especially in less intimate relation between possessor and possessee(cf.3.12 above). On

the contrary,the construction with unmarked possessor followed by marked possessee(xonin

uldu-nin［sheep meat-3］or its case form,e.g. xonin uldu-duxi-ni［sheep meat-ABL-3］)rarely

occurs in Solon. In other Tungusic languages,which generally lack genitive in their noun case

system,such a head-marking construction is inevitably adopted:cf.Uilta ulaa ulise-ni［reindeer

meat-3SG］‘reindeer meat’.

Occasionally,the third person ending -nin (for nominative case)seems to function virtually

as a subject/topic marker in a sentence:uxur-nii uldu-nin xonin-ii uldu-duxi antasi. (Hu &

Chaoke 1986:28)［cattle-GEN meat-3 sheep-GEN meat-ABL delicious］‘Beef is more delicious

than mutton.’Note that the oblique phrase xonin-ii uldu-duxi has no personal marking though

the same relation is expressed with double-marking in the subject phrase. Note also that the

marker-nin sometimes seems to play the role of a nominalizer:b on-nin aya［big-3 good］

‘The big one is good.’

4.14 Relative clause＋ Noun

A participle form followed by a head noun functions as a relative clause. In this usage,the

participle usually requires no personal marking. Some nominal arguments other than subject

and object may also be relativized as long as their semantic relation is traceable from the


context:

tiinug eme-see beye［yesterday come-PAST man］‘the man who came yesterday’.

suu/sun-ii waa-ra xonin［you.NOM/you-GEN kill-PRES sheep］‘the sheep you kill’.

nantun-du nini-r teggu［Nantun-DAT go-PRES road］‘the way to Nantun’.

tarigan xadi-r erin［field reap-PRES time］‘the time when one reaps a field’.

4.2 Sentence structure

Sentences basically have the SOV type of word-order. The predicate,usually placed on the

sentence-final position,can make a full sentence even by itself. The following is not so much

a formal syntactic analysis as a rough illustration of Solon sentences with minimum practical

classification. Most of the sentences are derived from Hu& Chaoke 1986(abbreviated as HC

below),Chaoke 1995 (abbr.C),and Chaoke,Tsumagari& Kazama 1991 (abbr.CTK).

4.21 Nominal/Adjectival sentences

No copula or predicative personal marking is needed in present indicative sentences:

(1)bii malsin.

［I stock.farmer］

‘I am a stock farmer.’

(2)bii malsin bi-suu.

［I stock.farmer be-PAST.1S］

‘I was a stock farmer.’

(3)eri juu arakkun.

［this house clean］

‘This house is clean.’

(4)eri juu arakkun bi-see.

［this house clean be-PAST］

‘This house was clean.’

(5)eri inig mandii exuddi.

［this day very hot］

‘It is very hot today.’

Sometimes with the subject/topic marker si (＜Chi.shi)and/or the emphatic declarative

particle sinje:

(6)tiinug dolob uttuli-see morin si eri sinje.(C 225)

［yesterday night run.away-PAST horse TOP this PT］

‘The horse which ran away last night is this.’

4.22 Existential/Possessive sentences

Possession is represented either as an existential sentence with bi-‘to be, exist’or by a

possessive adjective suffix -si ‘having,with’. The form in -si can also modify another noun:


(7)sire-nii oroon-du-ni bitig bi-si-n.

［desk-GEN surface-DAT-3 book be-PRES-3］

‘There is a book on the desk.’

(8)min-du juur exin bi-si-n.

［me-DAT two elder.sister be-PRES-3］

‘I have two elder sisters.’

(9)tari ilan ute-si.

［he three son-POS］

‘He has three sons.’

(10)morin-si beye

［horse-POS man］

‘a man who has/is riding on a horse’

4.23 Negative sentences

Negation is primarily expressed by the negative verb e-‘do not’with the participle form-ra of

negated verb:

(11)bii emun naan e-si-m saa-ra.(CTK 12)

［I one yet not-PRES-1S know-PRES］

‘I don’t understand anything.’

(12)tari beye e-see nini-re.

［that man not-PAST go-PRES］

‘He didn’t go.’

For the negation of nominal/adjectival sentences,an adjective onto‘different,not’or aasin

‘no’is employed:

(13)eri min-ii morin onto.

［this me-GEN horse not］

‘This is not my horse.’

(14)sin-ii jinji-saa-si negeen amakkun onto.(C 190)

［you-GEN talk-PAST-2S alike easy not］

‘It is not so easy as you said.’

(15)gaga-nii juu-nin e-duxi goro aasin.(C 223)

［elder.brother-GEN house-3 this-ABL far no］

‘My brother’s house is not far from here.’

The latter aasin is also used to express nonexistence, with which the preceding noun

(nonexistent) occasionally takes the indefinite accusative case or also in -la, which may

tentatively be called abessive,found in the same construction of some other Tungusic:

(16)beye aasin juug-du ii-mi e-si-n oo-do.(C 222)

［man no house-DAT enter-COOR not-PRES-3 become-PRES］


‘It is not allowed to enter a house where no one stays.’

(17)eri uxur-nin iige-ye aasin.(HC 118)

［this ox-3 horn-INAC no］

‘This ox has no horns.’

(18)baita-ja/-la aasin.

［matter-INAC/-ABES no］

‘No problems.’

Prohibition is expressed by the(irregular)imperative form of the negative verb:

(19)e-ji s o-ro.

［not-IMP.2S cry-PRES］

‘Don’t cry.’

Another expression which practically means prohibition makes use of the negation of the

verb oo-‘to become,fit’,just found in (16)above.

There is a negative adverb unege‘not yet’,which is followed by the negated verb in the

participle form -ra.

(20)unege eme-re.(HC 90)

［not.yet come-PRES］

‘(He)has not come yet.’

4.24 Interrogative sentences

The interrogative clitic -gii is added to the end of yes-no questions, with which a rising

intonation is usually accompanied. In answer, the interjection word en/oo/oon etc.may be

headed for affirmative answer,and onto/aasin for negative:

(21)eri uxur aya-gii?

［this ox good-Q］

‘Is this ox good?’

(22)eri bitig sin-ii-gii?

［this book you-GEN-Q］

‘Is this book yours?’

(23a)oon,min-ii.

［yes me-GEN］

‘Yes,(it is)mine.’

(23b)onto, eri sin-ii.

［no this you-GEN］

‘No,(it is not mine but)yours.’

For confirmation of a statement,a sentence-final particle baa (＜Chi.ba)is occasionally

employed:


(24)tari uli-see baa? (HC 107)

［he go-PAST PT］

‘He went,didn’t he?’

For wh-questions,no interrogative marking is needed except for some emphatic particles:

(25)eri si oxon yeeme? (CTK 72)

［this TOP what PT］

‘What is this?’

(26)sin-ii gebbi-si aawu? (CTK 13)

［you-GEN name-2S who］

‘What is your name?’

(27)sii iilee tegeji-ndi? (CTK 12)

［you where live-PRES.2S］

‘Where do you live?’

(28)beejin jakka ooxi goro bi-si-n? (CTK 10)

［Beijing up.to how far be-PRES-3］

‘How far is it to Beijing?’

4.25 Comparative sentences

Adjectives and adverbs have no grammatical degree of comparison. The compared object

takes the ablative case:

(29)eri uxur morin-duxi sampal.(HC 40)

［this ox horse-ABL agile］

‘This ox is agile than a horse.’

(30)eri inig tiinug negeen tannagan exuddi onto.(CTK 45)

［this day yesterday alike such hot not］

‘Today is not so hot as yesterday.’

Superlative meaning is expressed by adding the adverb miin/miinti ‘most’:

(31)iggu-nin miin aya? (CTK 37)

［which-3 most good］

‘Which is the best?’

The following idiomatic expression makes use of a“nominalized”adjective:

(32)talar aya-nii aya-waa-ni ga-mi gurun-du-wi buu-see.(C 211)

［they good-GEN good-ACC-3 take-COOR country-DAT-REF give-PAST］

‘They chose the best of the bests and offered it to their country.’

4.26 Passive/Causative sentences

Passive and causative sentences are expressed morphologically by adding a suffix to a verb-


stem respectively(for several verbal derivational suffixes,see 3.51 above). As a rule,the agent

in passive sentence takes the dative case,while in causative the agent(causee)is marked by the

accusative or instrumental case. The sentence (39) is an example of a passive-causative

combination:

(33)bii e-du munda-wu-suu.(HC 62)

［I this-DAT hit-PASS-PAST.1S］

‘I was hit by him.’

(34)xonin tuulge-du jawa-wu-saa.(HC 26)

［sheep wolf-DAT capture-PASS-PAST］

‘A sheep was captured by a wolf.’

(35)aba min-ewe teggen-e xool-xeen-see.(HC 61)

［father me-ACC cart-INAC put-CAUS-PAST］

‘Father made me put the cart (to a horse).’

(36)bii unaaji-wi esuude-xeen-emi.(HC 62)

［I sister-REF clean-CAUS-PRES.1S］

‘I make my sister clean (the room).’

(37)sii tari-ji bitig-wi eeri-xeen-ke.(C 80)

［you him-INS book-REF read-CAUS-IMP.2S］

‘Make him read your book!’

(38)sun-ii mojaan-ji oo-xoon-coo addar-sun mandii nandaxan.(C 80)

［you-GEN craftsman-INS make-CAUS-PAST box-2P very beautiful］

‘The box you had the craftsman make is very beautiful.’

(39)tari min-ewe munda-wu-xaan-caa.(C 81)

［he me-ACC hit-PASS-CAUS-PAST］

‘He let me be hit.’(＝He made someone hit me.)

4.27 Complex sentences

Sentences with various converbs;note that the converbs with personal marking (42, 43)

have a different subject from that of main verbs:

(40)bii moolaa-taani beyusi-geti.(HC 82)

［I make.firewood-PERF go.hunting-IMP.1S］

‘Having finished making firewood,I will go hunting.’

(41)tari arxi imi-gii imi-gii sotto-soo.(HC 83)

［he liquor drink-DUR drink-DUR get.drunk-PAST］

‘He drank and drank and got drunk.’

(42)sii uli-kki-si, bii uli-mi.(HC 79)

［you go-COND-2S I go-PRES.1S］

‘If you go,I will go.’

(43)bii uxxe-du ii-jixee-weye, batu min-ewe tan-saa.(HC 80)

［I door-DAT enter-SUC-1S Batu me-ACC notice-PAST］


‘As soon as I entered the door,Batu noticed me.’

Participle forms can make a noun clause and function as a sentence element with some

case ending. The dative forms are used adverbially to express time,reason etc.:

(44)sin-ii jinji-saa-wa-si saa-suu.(C 194)

［you-GEN talk-PAST-ACC-2S know-PAST.1S］

‘I understood what you said.’

(45)morin ugu-r-du-wi aya-ji xise-xe.(C 195)

［horse ride-PRES-DAT-REF good-INS be.careful-IMP.2S］

‘When you ride a horse,be careful enough!’

(46)sin-ii eme-see-du-si buu addaji-mun.(CTK 21)

［you-GEN come-PAST-DAT-2S we be.glad-PRES.1P.EXCL］

‘We are glad that you came.’

Concessive meaning is expressed by a clitic-xat ‘yet’or a particle jaarin ‘though’:

(47)iittu jinji-saa-xat asir aasin.(CTK 63)

［how talk-PAST-yet merit no］

‘Whatever (one)says,it is no use.’

(48)ooxi jogo-soo jaarin, bu-see beye daxii e-jigee iinigge-r xun.(CTK 69)

［how grieve-PAST though die-PAST man again not-FUT revive-PRES PT］

‘No matter how(you)grieve,a dead person will never revive again.’

Quotational sentences make use of gu ken ‘saying’or some other forms of the verb gun-

‘to say’:

(49)kinoo isi-mi gu ken joonji-mi.(CTK 53)

［movie see-PRES.1S saying think-PRES.1S］

‘I think that I will watch a movie.’

(50)tari sin-ewe da a-ya e-ji imi-ra gunji-ren.(HC 144)

［he you-ACC tobacco-INAC not-IMP.2S drink-PRES say-PRES］

‘He says that you should not smoke.’

Note that the sense subject of indirect speech is in accusative case in (50)above.

5.Lexical influences from surrounding languages

5.1 Loanwords

There are many Chinese loanwords:s ko ‘window’, xooco ‘train’, d

r;

nsi ‘television’, g bii

‘pen’,liib

in

‘week’etc. Not only nominals,but also other parts of speech are borrowed:an

adverb maa

1

an ‘promptly’,an interjection wei‘hi,hello’,or even grammatical particles like si

(a subject/topic marke Ch see 4.2 f above) and baa (an sentence- (24 al marker; e) i) e. n s


words may function as verbs with a verb-formative suffix:ga bii-da-‘to use a pen,to write with

a pen’.

From Mongolian:ajil ‘work’,bitig ‘book’,aduun ‘herd of horses’,amidral ‘life’etc. As a

grammatical element,the Mongolian comitative case-ending-tai is introduced to the Solon case

system as a quasi-comitative form in-t

ve

:ninixin-t

n w

-wi［dog-COM-REF］‘with one’s own dog’.

Another widely used Mongolian word is yeeme either as an expletive noun‘thing’or a sentence-

final particle (25). Since many Mongolian words have their counterparts in Dagur,which is

another influential Mongolic language among Solon people,it is often difficult to decide which

the direct source of borrowing is. Such words as xaxraa‘chicken’and dusee‘wall’may safely

be attributed to Dagur.

Russian was another source of borrowings:kinoo‘movie’,xarandaa‘pencil’,xileeb‘bread’,

doottor ‘doctor’,m

ca

ter ‘meter’etc.

From Manchu,besides some numerals (see 3.41,3.42),the names of month are employed:

an

iv

b

ca

‘January’,unsun b

tt

‘November’,jurgun b

ri

‘December’(＜Ma.aniya biya lit.‘year

month’,om

s

on biya,jorgon biya respectively). Among other Manchu words are:sew‘teacher’

(＜Ma.sefu ＜Chi.shifu),baita‘matter,business’,mudan ‘time(s)’(cf.3.42).

5.2 Loan translation

Chinese lexical influence is also manifest in the presence of compounds and phrases based

on loan translation:sel teggu‘railway’(lit.‘iron road’;Chi.tielu),doligu gurun‘China’(lit.‘central

country’;Chi. zhongguo),da a taan-‘to smoke’(lit.‘to pull tobacco’;Chi.chouyan),d

co

xo

munda-‘to make a telephone call’(lit.‘to hit telephone’,Chi.da dianhua).Some of these may

actually be based on the Mongolian or Dagur equivalents.

A more syntactic influence is found in so-called correlati

NO

sentences i

e c

hich an interroga-

tive pronoun or adverb is repeated correlatively: ooxi gada-kki-si ooxi buu-kti. (Chaoke,

Tsumagari& Kazama 1991:26)［how.much take-COND-2S how.much give-IMP.1S］‘How much

you need,so much I will give you.’(cf.Chi.yao duoshao gei duoshao).

Abbreviations for glosses and languages

ABES abessive,ABL ablative case,ACC accusative case,CAUS causative,Chi.Chinese,COM

comitative case,COND conditional converb,COOR coordinative converb,DAT dative case,

DUR durative

in

nverb,EXCL exclusive,FUT future,GEN genitive

Ru

se, IMP imperative,

INAC indefinite accusative case, INCL inclusive, INS instrumental case,LOC locat

pe

e

so

se,

Ma.Manchu (wri

er

en),Mo.Mongolian (w

er

tten),

ra

M nominativ

so

ase,PASS passive,PAST

pa

a

t participle,PERF perfective converb,PL plural,POS possessive,PRES present participle,

PT particle,Q

a s

terrogative clitic,REF reflexive possessive,

lu

s.Russian,SG singul i r,SUB

subordin o tive converb,SUC successive converb,TOP t

p

pic particle;1S 1st

rs r n.

n s

n

ngular,2S

2nd per a on singul o r,1P 1st p l l so p plu a P 2,2 r n nd 3 e r, p d 3


References

Aalto,P.

1976,1977. G.J.Ramstedts Onkor-solonisches Worterverzeichnis.Rocznik Orientalistyczny 38:31-

41,39/1:55-84.Warszawa.

Chaoke

1991. Eunkigo kisogoishuu (＝Ewenke basic vocabulary). Tokyo:Institute for the Study of Lan-

guages and Cultures of Asia and Africa,Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.

1995. Ewenkeyu yanjiu (Researches in the Ewenke language).Beijing:Minzu chubanshe.

2003. Ewenkigo keitai-on’inron oyobi meishi-keitairon (＝Morphophonemics and noun morphology of

the Ewenke Language).Tokyo:Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and

Africa,Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.

Chaoke et al.

1988. Ewenke minjiangushi (＝Ewenke folktales).Hailar:Neimenggu chubanshe.

Chaoke& M.Nakajima

2005. Ewenkigo eno shootai (＝Invitation to Ewenke language).Tokyo:Daigaku shorin.

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1995. Ewenkigo sanhoogen taishoo kisogoishuu (＝A basic vocabulary of three Ewenki (Ewenke)

dialects).Otaru:Center for Language Studies,Otaru University of Commerce.

Chaoke,T.Tsumagari& S.Kazama (eds.)

1991. Solongo kihon reibunshuu (＝Solon basic sentences).Sapporo:Faculty of Letters,Hokkaido

University.

Cincius,V.I.

1997. Solonskij jazyk. In Jazyki mira: mongol’skie jazyki, tunguso-man’chzhurskie jazyki, japonskij

jazyk, korejskij jazyk:226-236.Moskva:Izdatel’stvo INDRIK.

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1998. Ehan cidian (An Ewenke-Chinese dictionary).Hailar:Neimenggu wenhua chubanshe.

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1988. Manchu-Tungus languages.In S.A.Wurm et al.(eds.)Language atlas of China:C-5.Hong

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1894. Mandjurica I: Obrazcy solonskago i daxurskago jazykov.Sanktpeterburg.［Reprinted in 1982,

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Janhunen,J.

1991. Material on Manchurian Khamnigan Evenki.Helsinki:Finno-Ugrian Society.

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gen.Rocznik Orientalistyczny 34/1:39-77,34/2:15-56.Warszawa.

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of Foreign Studies.

Poppe,N.N.

1931. Materialy po solonskomu jazyku.Leningrad:AN SSSR.

Tsumagari,T.

1992. A basic vocabulary of Khamnigan and Oluguya Ewenki in northern Inner Mongolia.Hoppoo

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ソロン語の文法概略

津曲敏郎

北海道大学大学院文学研究科

本稿は中国・内蒙古自治区北部のツングース系少数民族言語ソロン語について、文法事項を中心

に概略したものである。ソロン語の話者は中国ではエウェンキ族（温克 Ewenke）に分類され、

その言語もエウェンキ語と呼ばれている。しかしながらツングース諸語の分類上、ロシア・東部シ

ベリアから極東に広く分布するエウェンキー語（Ewenki,Evenki）とは（同系ではあるが）一般に

別言語と位置づけられている。ソロン語についてはロシア人を含む西洋人の先駆的な研究に続き、

1980年代以後、中国人研究者による記述研究がなされてきたが、残念ながら両者の研究成果が十分

に統合されているとは言えないのが現状である。こうした状況を踏まえ、本稿ではロシア・中国双

方の先行文献に基づきながら、筆者自身の観察と解釈を加えて、この言語の音韻・形態・統語上の

特徴を概略し、若干の語彙に関する問題にも触れる。


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