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A journey towards development: theimpact of local NGO programmes onwomen living in the char lands ofBangladeshNusrat Jahan Chowdhury aa Department of Public Administration , Rajshahi University ,Rajshahi, Bangladesh E-mail:Published online: 21 Jan 2008.

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A journey towards development: theimpact of local NGO programmeson women living in the char landsof Bangladesh

Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury

Both national and international policy-making institutions have acknowledged the contribution

of NGOs in alleviating poverty, through empowering the poor and continuing to support their

endeavours. In Bangladesh NGOs are working at national and local levels, but very few are

working with the poorest and most vulnerable groups who live in the riverine and coastal

areas, known as the char lands. These areas are unlike other parts of the country in terms of

their physical, economic, and social structures, and they require a different approach in

order to address the unique set of problems facing those who live there. Using experimental

and innovative programmes, a small number of local NGOs have begun to make an impact

in an area where government interventions and success are rare.

KEY WORDS: Civil society; Gender and diversity; Social sector; South-East Asia

Background

This article reports on attempts to understand the impact of NGO interventions on the lives of

women living in the char lands – riverine and coastal areas – of Bangladesh. It was conducted

with the co-operation of five local NGOs which adopted an integrated development approach,

specifically intended to bring about positive changes to reduce the vulnerability of such women.

The design of the study emphasises the development of women in relation to their economic

empowerment.

The longitudinal study made use of secondary sources, such as baseline surveys, annual

reports, and other documents relevant to the programmes of the NGOs involved. The data

were collected over several periods between 2003 and 2005, using a combination of quantitative

and qualitative methods, such as field surveys, focus-group discussions, in-depth interviews,

case studies, and observation. The field survey was an important method of data collection

and empirical analysis, enabling careful examination of the impact of the development activi-

ties of the local NGOs on the women. In-depth interviews, discussions with NGO staff, and case

ISSN 0961-4524 Print/ISSN 1364-9213 Online 010117-8 # 2008 Oxfam GB 117

Routledge Publishing DOI: 10.1080/09614520701778975

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studies were also helpful. We opted for a sample survey, because it was not possible to inter-

view all the groups set up by the NGOs.

Selection was based largely on geography, as the groups are located in different parts of the char

districts. We selected 120 respondents from the five NGOs working in the area, in order to under-

stand their level of development and to compare the members’ economic profiles. The study was

conducted in three districts of the char lands: Gaibhandha, Shariatpur, and Kurigram districts. We

also interviewed 25 beneficiaries, chosen to represent all the five NGOs, to try to understand their

level of development and to make a comparative study of the economic profiles of group members.

The year in which involvement with the groups began proved to be an interesting variable.

The five local NGOs selected all receive funding from an international donor: Oxfam GB

(OGB), as part of its River Basin Programme (RBP), which supports programmes in the char

areas with a view to reducing vulnerability and increasing the well being of char dwellers. The

NGOs concerned are Samaj Kallyan Sangstha (SKS), Akota, and Gono Unnayan Kendro

(GUK) in Gaibhandha district; Shariatpur Development Society (SDS) in Shariatpur; and the

Rural Society Development Association (RSDA) in Kurigram District. In order to ensure a fair

representation of views, we selected two groups of 12–15 women from each of the five NGOs.

Objectives of the study

The general objectives of the study were to understand the level of improvement in the econ-

omic status of the women in the char areas and its sustainability, and to assess the impact of the

different NGO programmes on group members. The specific objectives were to study the impact

of local NGO development programmes on the lives of women living in the char lands and to

analyse the development status of group members in relation to the number of years they had

been involved with the NGOs.

Definitions

Local NGOs

The huge growth in NGOs worldwide since the 1970s and early 1980s, with variations in size,

objectives, circumstances, and style of functioning, makes it hard to find a single definition or to

classify NGOs into neat categories (Cernea 1988). However, we can say that NGOs are charac-

terised by their close links to organisations and people at the grassroots, by their emphasis on

self-help and empowerment, and most of all by a certain degree of independence from foreign

policy and economic interests. Their activities are oriented towards meeting the basic needs of

poor people and making a positive contribution to social change. Structurally there are different

types of NGO, depending generally on factors such as size, social class, lifespan, location, per-

sonnel, and the characteristics of the beneficiaries. On the basis of geographical coverage and

funding, NGOs can be classified as mixed, national, international, or local. In this study, ‘local

NGO’ refers to those organisations operating within a few villages in a district, founded and

organised locally and receiving funding from national and international sources (Afroza 2003).

Development

Development may be regarded as both an intentional process and a goal that every country

strives to reach. The core values of development are poverty alleviation, equity, and increased

employment, participation, empowerment, sustainability, gender awareness, and human devel-

opment (Siddique 1994: 59–71). All these factors are interrelated and interact with each other.

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In this article we focus on economic development, in other words poverty alleviation through an

increase in employment and income.

A snapshot of the char lands

The riverine and coastal areas of Bangladesh, known as chars, are areas of new land formed through

the continual process of erosion and deposition by the country’s major rivers. The whole area is

unstable and prone to annual flooding. On the basis of its structure, size, type, and stability,

a char can be categorised in four different ways: as newly raised char land; as old and permanent

char land; as a char with human habitation; or as a char not yet inhabited. On the basis of location,

chars may be isolated from the mainland or located on a riverbed or river basin (river bank).

National data show an uneven distribution of extreme poverty across different regions of the

country. The chars are home to some of the poorest and most vulnerable communities in

Bangladesh; over 80 per cent live in extreme poverty. These communities are also among

the least well served and most chronically marginalised in Bangladesh. Such poverty persists

despite strong national economic growth, and is an example of increasing inequality between

regions as well as between different social sectors within the country.1

The physical, economic, and social vulnerabilities suffered by the char dwellers cause

persistent poverty. A key dimension of the difficult physical environment is its isolation and

its poor communications network, which cuts char dwellers off from the mainland and

results in little or no access to government and NGO services. Although NGOs do work in

some char areas, by their own estimation they are covering no more than 30 per cent of the

total area. The main constraints on the lives of char dwellers are a lack of secure livelihoods,

lack of social and political awareness, absence of alternative life-sustaining means, and frequent

environmental hazards. These factors create the conditions for their social, economic, and

political exclusion and powerlessness.

Situation of women in the char areas

Women living in the char lands are more vulnerable than men. They suffer from chronic and

persistent ill health, receive lower wages than men, suffer domestic violence usually at the

hands of men, generally own no assets or homestead, and are subject to regular moves

because of the hazardous environment. Women are highly vulnerable to physical, sexual,

and verbal harassment. In addition they are overburdened with the responsibility of maintaining

the household when disaster strikes, as it often does. Polygamy is common, because men tend to

leave their families during the lean season and migrate in search of a job; some never come

back, and some take another wife. In addition women face other social and economic problems,

and early marriage, dowry, abuse of women, and maternal deaths are very common in these

areas. Religious and cultural norms restrict female mobility, which is further compromised

by the absence of males during the lean seasons. Religious fundamentalists are active in the

char areas and as a result religious and traditional ideas and beliefs are very much in practice,

increasing the miseries faced by women and young girls.

Findings

The respondents who took part in focus-group discussions perceived the following problems as

the cause of underdevelopment which had pushed them into a vicious cycle of poverty as a result:

. Vulnerability caused by chronic disasters experienced in the char lands. These include flash

floods, early floods, erosion, prolonged flooding, high seas, cold-season drought, and monga

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(the lean season between the cultivation and harvesting periods when there is no work or

income).2

. Lack of access to government services and facilities.

. Inadequate health, education, and agricultural services.

. Lack of alternative means of livelihood and employment opportunities.

. Lack of communication and transport facilities.

. Isolation from the mainland: the chars are often remote, surrounded by water, and beset by

high seas and rapid currents.

Traditional development approaches have not been successful in addressing the problems faced

by the char dwellers. This study suggests that government and other service providers need to

adopt a different approach in order to tackle the unique set of problems that these communities

experience. The term poverty does not adequately describe the char dwellers’ condition; it

would be more accurate to refer to vulnerability, which in this case means the inability to with-

stand shocks and stresses, and being in danger of becoming still more poor and deprived.

By understanding the unique nature of the problems facing those living in the char lands, the

local NGOs working in these areas have been able to initiate development programmes for the

women – especially those living in the remote areas – which aim to reduce their vulnerability.

Through small-scale projects like micro-credit, education, health, agriculture, advocacy, and

training, as well as income-generating activities, these NGOs have brought some positive

changes to women’s lives. They have initiated the formation of women’s groups that provide

health, education, and agricultural services to their members to improve their well being,

while the other types of project significantly reduce the women’s vulnerability by increasing

their income and assets.

The economic development of women in the char lands

The qualitative and quantitative data from our study indicate that the women’s groups have

made a real breakthrough in improving the economic status of their members, and this has trig-

gered positive changes in the economy of the char areas. At the same time these initiatives have

brought some broader socio-cultural changes to the traditional char society.

We observed that the benefits of the various NGO projects have systematically reduced the

vulnerability of the women in the chars. The members themselves acknowledge that the NGO

initiatives have improved their economic situation. Although it is still too early to measure the

long-term results of NGO interventions, our research leads us to believe that in the long run

women in the char lands will benefit from the programme activities.

It is interesting to note the pattern of change in the income level of the group members. The

changes occurred mainly due to the introduction of new off-farm income-generating activities,

raising the levels of homesteads in order to reduce vulnerability to flooding, the establishment

of producer groups, micro-credit and farm activities like crop diversification, vegetable garden-

ing, fish cultivation, and the rearing of poultry and small livestock. With donor support, these

programmes are specially designed to reduce the vulnerability of the char women. All the group

members are involved in various kinds of economic activity that gradually improve their

economic situation and increase their monthly income to a more satisfactory level (see Table 1).

The table shows the average monthly income of the group members from the group’s initial

formation to the time of the survey: with the exception of the Dardi group, this has risen from

650Tk a month to 2300Tk between 2003 and 2005. According to its members, the reason for the

Dardi group’s failure to retain its income level was the frequent river erosion that dispersed its

members, most of whom lost their assets, withdrew their savings, and migrated to other places.

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A further problem was that the leader and staff concerned failed to hold the group members

together and to lead them.

Another interesting finding was that the longer the involvement with the NGOs and group

activities, the higher the average monthly income. Those that were formed during the years

1997–1999 have more income than the groups formed more recently. The reason for the

increase is because the NGOs deliberately designed their programmes to create and ensure live-

lihood security, through more effective agricultural and non-agricultural production, and

engagement with credit and marketing opportunities, to reduce the women’s vulnerability.

Table 2 reveals that all the groups we selected (except Dardi) have been able to sustain or

increase crop production. Most of the groups cultivate a range of crops on their own land

betel or leased land, or under sharecropping systems.

With the support and technical assistance of the NGOs, maize cultivation has become popular

among the char people. Instead of growing the traditional betel leaf, they are now more inter-

ested in maize cultivation, which brings more profit. The members are also receiving help from

the government’s agricultural department, which is advising on cultivation and crop diversifi-

cation, and from an NGO agricultural extension worker. Some groups have even received

shallow machines and tiller pumps from the NGOs, which have solved the problem of how

to irrigate during the dry season. All the group members are involved in homestead and veg-

etable gardening, which earns them additional income after meeting their families’ needs.

In some chars the NGOs have set up solar panels and established markets with a women’s

corner, which increases the mobility of women and their access to financing. These women

used to sell their agricultural produce, poultry, and handicrafts to retailers at much lower

prices. By forming producer groups, they are now selling the products in the market themselves

and so are getting the full price. Frequent river erosion, floods, and shortages of capital are

seen as the most serious problems facing handicraft and producer groups, according to our

surveys.

Most of the groups expanded their number of dairy cattle, and all groups successfully

increased the number of goats and poultry. Many of the group members are involved in

other income-generating activities such as rice processing, rickshaw and van businesses,

Table 1: Changes in the average monthly income level of the study groups (Exchange rate: BangladeshTaka (BDT): US1$ ¼ 69 BDT)

Name of

the group

Formed between 1996 and

1998. Average monthly

income (BDT).

Formed between 1999 and

2001. Average monthly

income (BDT).

Present

income level

Jibika 550 2000

Milan 650 2200

Satata 600 2100

Lata 600 1600

Tushar 550 2200

Akota 600 2000

Aggrogoti 650 1800

Bhorer dak 550 1600

Shesh thikana 600 1700

Dardi 400 900

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tailoring, and vaccination work, and petty trade or grocery shops. In some activities, such as

handicrafts, tailoring, and vaccination, the members receive training and moral support from

the NGOs.

It is important to record that women are often earning wages equal to those of men, whereas

previously they used to be paid much less. In some groups women are even earning more than

their male counterparts, and taking vital decisions about investment and activities. In other

cases, the male partners of group members are investing the loans made to their wives in differ-

ent activities, expanding their small trade businesses and making a profit. In these cases both

wife and husband are working and earning, and this is another reason why the average

monthly income of the groups has improved. The women agree that gender relations have

improved since they have started to earn, invest, and spend the money on their families.

During the study, we surveyed 120 women who belonged to groups set up by the five NGOs.

These women fell into two categories. The first group consisted of members who had been

involved with the NGO programme for more than five years, while the women in the second

group had been involved for less than two years. We found that the women in the first group

were better developed economically and more independent than those who had been involved

for less than two years. To understand the difference in the development of the two sets of

groups, we set some indicators and assessed group members’ involvement in percentage

terms. See Table 3.

When interviewed, the respondents in the first group seemed more confident and vocal in

recounting their experiences. In addition to their successful economic development, these

women have also made significant changes in the social and political arena in the char lands.

Table 2: Areas of economic activity and degree of success among the groups

Economic

development Jibika Satata Tushar

Bhorer

dak

Shesh

thikana Dardi Aggragoti Milan Lata Akota

Agricultural

activities

Crops 1 5 1 5 1 2 1 1 5 5

Gardens 1 1 1 1 5 5 1 1 5 1

Cattle rearing 1 1 5 1 1 5 5 5 1 5

Dairy cows 5 n.i 1 n.i 5 2 5 1 2 1

Goats 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5

Poultry 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Employment

activities

Rice processing 1 n.i n.i 1 n.i n.i n.i n.i n.i 1

Handicrafts n.i 1 5 n.i 5 n.i 1 5 1 n.i

Petty trade 1 n.i 1 1 1 5 1 1 n.i 1

Tailoring n.i 1 n.i 5 5 n.i 5 1 1 n i

Rickshaw 1 1 1 5 1 5 1 n.i 1 1

Fishing 5 n.i 5 1 5 n.i 1 1 n.i 5

Vaccinator /TBA n.i 5 1 1 1 2 1 1 5 n.i

Key to symbols: þ improved; 2failed; ¼ sustained; n.i not involved.

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For instance, most of the women agree that they are now better off and also less vulnerable than

before. Most of them now own land and other assets and have replaced their thatch roofs with

corrugated iron.

The less-established group members were more hesitant and shy about discussing their

experiences. They are still struggling to overcome poverty and vulnerability. Almost all of

them said they did not feel independent or economically better off, but they do agree that

they are bringing in more income since they have got involved with the groups. None of the

members owns land or any tangible assets of her own, but some have rebuilt their existing

houses and raised the homestead to reduce the risk of flooding. The group members are not

as yet fully aware of their rights, and few changes have occurred in their family or social status.

Conclusions

The study sought to understand the impact of local NGOs on the lives of char dwellers, but in

the research process some additional points came out that need to be raised.

First, in some cases we felt that group and NGO staff should be more careful about selecting

the group leader, applying criteria such as experience, level of education, and motivation.

Second, there is a growing demand among small handicrafts groups to raise the credit

ceiling, and a desire for the NGOs to start some micro-enterprise projects. There are concerns

about how to market their products successfully.

During the study we also observed increasing awareness among char dwellers about their

right to government services. This is definitely a good sign, and government service depart-

ments should seriously address the general lack of public services in the char lands.

The rising demand from char dwellers for the sorts of programme provided by the NGOs

cannot be met by the NGOs alone, as they themselves are heavily dependent on donor

funding. We therefore recommend that these organisations should enhance their own financial

and institutional capacity in order to be more effective in implementing and expanding pro-

grammes. For a more sustained positive result, these NGOs must continue their advocacy to

motivate government organisations to provide the services that the char people need. In

Table 3: Group members’ comparative levels of development (as percentage of full membership)

Indicators More than five years Under two years

Income per month (BDT) 2000 900

Owned land 85 20

Home garden 100 55

Livestock 98 60

Fishing net and boat 10 0

Handicrafts 65 25

Petty trade /shop 75 10

Purchased land 85 0

Sold land 0 0

Replaced thatch with tin 90 45

Constructed tin shade bungalow 10 0

Personal assets i.e. gold ornaments 90 5

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addition, greater co-operation and co-ordination between government and NGOs to provide ser-

vices could help to reduce the vulnerability of the char people and support their journey towards

development.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the management and staff of all the five organisations involved and Oxfam GB for

giving me the opportunity and support (transport, accommodation, and information) to complete this

study.

Notes

1. The distribution of income in Bangladesh is highly distorted, with 42 per cent accruing to the highest 20

per cent of the population and only 12 per cent to the lowest quintile. The poverty-monitoring survey

report 2004 of the Bangladesh government revealed that the disparity in per capita incomes in the urban

areas has deepened at a faster rate than in rural areas. The rich saw a household income-level rise of

13.36 per cent during the period studied, while the poor faced a decrease of 3.56 per cent. At the

national level, per capita income increased by 17.51 per cent; 4.82 per cent accrued to the poor,

while the non-poor experienced a 19.38 per cent rise (Byron 2005: 11).

2. The common term in rural areas for monga is mara kartik.

References

Afroza, Begum (2003) Government–NGO Interface in Development Management, Dhaka: AH Develop-

ment Publishing House.

Byron, Rejaul Karim (2005) ‘Rich–poor gap widens’, The Daily Star, 15 May.

Cernea, M. M. (1988) ‘Non-Governmental Organization and Local Development’, Discussion Paper 40,

Washington, DC: World Bank.

Siddique, M. Noor-E-Alam (1994) ‘Towards conceptualising development and its changing ethos’,

Social Science Review XI (2): 59–71.

The author

Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Public Administration at

Rajshahi University. Contact details: Department of Public Administration, Rajshahi University,

Rajshahi, Bangladesh. nusrat_303@yahoo.com

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