A critical comparison of Marx and Durkheim's theories of religion
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Transcript of A critical comparison of Marx and Durkheim's theories of religion
Religion, Culture & Society (MOMD)
Critically compare the theories of religion expounded by
any 2 of the following: Max Weber; Karl Marx; William
James; Emile Durkheim; Sigmund Freud; Carl Jung.
MARX &
DURKHEIM
Student ID: 908911
Word Count: 3,726
INTRODUCTION
Karl Marx and Emile Durkheim are often cited as the founding fathers of the social sciences. In
their respective times they emphasised the social nature of man, and the effect of society on him –
justifying their study of society as they tried to pose alternatives to the abstract and individualistic
view of man that had dominated before them since the enlightenment and Calvinism. They lived in
times of mass scale industrialisation and witnessed mass social change that came as a result of this.
Marx travelled around Europe agitating and preaching revolution, whereas Durkheim was totally
committed to study made every effort to establish social science as a serious academic discipline.
While Marx dealt with the relationship that common religious ideas and organised religions had
with capitalism, Durkheim sought to understand how religion in a social-psychological sense
affected the individual and society, and the relationship between the two. Yet they were both
influenced by the idea that religion is a projection of man's hopes and desires, and were both
atheists, so their works on religion are based on similar epistemological assumptions: And so their
theories are comparable in a number of aspects. The first section of this essay shall briefly outline
the theories of religion expounded by Marx and Durkheim, contextualising them within their
theoretical predecessors, philosophical standpoints and changes in their ideas – for the sake of
thorough and profound critical comparison. So it follows that the second section shall critically
compare different aspects of the theories of religion expounded by Marx and Durkheim, working
through the key themes to outline similarities and differences. This essay will then conclude with a
critical summary of the most important similarities and differences and suggestions for future
analysis of their theories.
KARL MARX
At university in 1835, Marx joined a discussion group of students and lecturers with radical
religious and political leanings called the Doktorklub, more commonly known today as the 'Young
Hegelians', who had a fascinated interest in Hegel's philosophy of history and his analysis of
modern society. Marx and others were dissatisfied with Hegel's conservative, statist leanings but
gave their own critical interpretations to his ideas particularly on the dialectic of history and concept
of alienation. Marx's interpretation was that that the dialectic process of history applied not to ideas
but material factors (which produced ideas), and that the same was true of alienation – he would
later call this 'dialectical materialism' as opposed to what he called Hegel's 'dialectical idealism'. It is
questionable whether Marx really understood Hegel's theory of history, but much of Hegel's a priori
assumptions form a hidden base of Marx's theory.
In perhaps an early indicator to his attitude to God and religion, he prefaced his doctoral dissertation
on the philosophy of nature in 1841 with the Promethean motto “In one word, I hate all the gods”
(Dupré, 2005).
In 1842, when Marx became a communist, he became more attuned to Ludwig Feuerbach's ideas.
Feuerbach, using Hegel's concept of alienation, asserted that man projects his own nature into
religious ideas, alienating himself from his own nature. He said that God was the projection of
man's strongest desires, and that the concept of eternal life was man's projection of his fear of death
– blinding him to his own mortality. Marx agreed with the idea of religion as alienation, but found
Feuerbach's negation of social-economic factors leading to alienation problematic. After having
written 'A Critisim of Hegel's Philosophy of Right' (in 1843), outlining most of his disagreements
with Hegel and laying the groundwork for his 'dialectical materialism', he wrote an introduction to it
(in 1844) as an essay which contained his theory of religion. It contains that phrase 'opiate of the
people' often quoted as the summary of his views, so it would do it justice to quote the passage in
full:
The foundation of irreligious criticism is: Man makes religion, religion does not make man. Reli-
gion is, indeed, the self-consciousness and self-esteem of man who has either not yet won through to
himself, or has already lost himself again. But man is no abstract being squatting outside the world.
Man is the world of man – state, society. This state and this society produce religion, which is an in-
verted consciousness of the world, because they are an inverted world. Religion is the general theory
of this world, its encyclopaedic compendium, its logic in popular form, its spiritual point d’honneur,
its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn complement, and its universal basis of consolation and
justification. It is the fantastic realization of the human essence since the human essence has not ac-
quired any true reality. The struggle against religion is, therefore, indirectly the struggle against that
world whose spiritual aroma is religion.
Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest
against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world,
and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. (Marx, Contribution)
Crucially, Marx has outlined here the dual function of religion. It provides a genuine treatment to
the human from worldly suffering, but one that can never be an escape from worldly suffering,
keeping man sedated: Like a medicine that provides relief but no cure. Later in the passage he
states:
The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happi-
ness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a
condition that requires illusions. The criticism of religion is, therefore, in embryo, the criticism of that
vale of tears of which religion is the halo.
Criticism has plucked the imaginary flowers on the chain not in order that man shall continue to
bear that chain without fantasy or consolation, but so that he shall throw off the chain and pluck the
living flower. The criticism of religion disillusions man, so that he will think, act, and fashion his
reality like a man who has discarded his illusions and regained his senses, so that he will move
around himself as his own true Sun. Religion is only the illusory Sun which revolves around man as
long as he does not revolve around himself. (Marx, Contribution)
Here he is advocating atheism and criticism of religion as a political philosophy, believing it will
awaken man to his real condition and lead to his emancipation, and the true realization of his
essence. However, in spring 1845, Marx wrote his 'Theses on Feuerbach' in which it is not clear
whether he is reacting against theoretical idealism, or merely criticising the 'idealism' of Feuerbach's
ignorance of socio-economic factors:
VII: All social life is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead theory to mysticism find their
rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice.
XI: The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.
(Marx, Theses)
This problematises his theory of religion as 'opiate', the problem is not that this is the inherent
function of religion but that this is how it functions in reality. However, this work was not published
until after Marx's death by Engels – perhaps Marx did not yet want to make this public – and as
such it never became a part of traditional Marxist theory.
Between 1845-46 Marx wrote 'The German Ideology', where he expounded his theory of history
(Marxist dialectical materialism), and developed the concept of ideology. He said that capitalism
had caused a division between mental and physical labour: Mental labour was dominated by the
bourgeois class, and the proletariat were condemned to physical labour. He proposed that due the
detachment of the bourgeoisie to the socio-economic basis of society, their theories became
'ideologies': theories that ignored the social conditioning of the ideas that founded them, yet
presenting themselves as objective. In other words, bourgeois theory perpetuates capitalism by
ignoring reference to the exploitation of the proletariat – Marx believed his theory was true theory
because it addressed this.
On the development and future of religion, Marx believed that early human societies were primitive
communist societies, and that when (for example, if a natural disaster struck the village) they
experienced alienation from their environment, they came up with religious ideas to help them deal
with this. Similarly Marx believed that once material inequalities set in to early human societies,
those who suffered would become alienated and religious ideas would cure them of alienation but
blind them to reality. To Marx, the development of religion was always subordinated to oppressive
economic systems (culminating in capitalism) and the aims of their rulers. However it is crucial to
see that Marx did not see this as primarily due to the development of priestly classes that negotiated
with the rulers for power and control. Although he recognised this reality, asserting that the
development of religion was clerical conspiracy was more of an enlightenment philosophy (Marx's
good friend Engels pointed out the stratification of the clergy, the higher being toned to bourgeois
interests, the lower clergy sometimes lending their support to revolutionary peasant struggles);
Marx identified the cause of religion's development as the alienation of the human essence.
Marx feared that alienation from society would cause more intense and reactionary religion to cover
for it – stalling genuine class consciousness and the possibility of emancipation for the moment. He
predicted, of course, that religion would wither away from human consciousness when humans
emancipated themselves from capitalism, established communism and realised themselves.
DURKHEIM
Towards the end of the 19th century, when Durkheim was rising through the academic rank and file,
anthropology had already been established as a major discipline and was a major influence on
Durkheim's thought by the time he came to establish his theory. Durkheim was a Cometan Positivist
and a social realist (the epistemological perspective that social realities exist independently of the
individual's perception of them). The thesis of Auguste Comte's sociological positivism with which
Durkheim was most concerned was; that the study of society should be based on facts, that the only
way to objective knowledge was by applying the scientific method of the natural sciences, and that
the social sciences would only be truly scientific if free from philosophical and metaphysical
speculations and abstractions (Morrison, p151).
Durkheim's study from which he constructed his theory of religion was of aboriginal religion in
Australia. Apart from this, his theory was also based on the work of anthropologists who had
studied the aboriginal people and their religions. Durkheim sought to study what he believed was a
'simple' and functional religion, in order to find solutions for what he saw as the slow breakdown of
social cohesion in Europe. At the beginning of his main book on religion, 'The Elementary forms of
religious life', Durkheim outlines what he means and does not mean by searching for the origin(s) of
religion: “It is seen that we give a wholly relative sense to this word "origins," just as to the word
"primitive." By it we do not mean an absolute beginning, but the most simple social condition that
is actually known or that beyond which we cannot go at present.” (Durkheim, footnote p8). He
proposes that what should be searched for are the “ever-present causes upon which the most
essential forms of religious thought and practice depend. Now for the reasons which were just set
forth, these causes are proportionately more easily observable as the societies where they are
observed are less complicated.” (Durkheim, p8). This was his justification for the aboriginal
communities in Australia being the ideal case-study, and concluded from his study of aboriginal
religion that “A religion so closely connected to a social system surpassing all others in simplicity
may well be regarded as the most elementary religion we can possibly know.” (Durkheim, p167,8) –
in other words; simple societies will have simple religions. He saw the development of religion as
an evolutionary process; changing and/or becoming more complex in order to meet the needs of
society. He believed all religion started with totemism; where expressions of a society's values are
eulogised and sanctified. He identified the division between sacred and profane (which he
emphasised, is not the same as good and evil) as the defining characteristic of any religion. He also
concluded that religious sentiment is reinforced by 'collective effervescence', a euphoric feeling of
solidarity that is felt at collective gatherings (whether explicitly religious or not).
Durkheim described the phenomenon of societal disunity as 'anomie', and noted that increasing non-
religiousness paralleled this increasing anomie. Durkheim believed this happened because religion
no longer catered for people's needs in a society that was radically and rapidly changing – and he
feared that this would lead to breakdown (and identified it as a social cause of suicide), and
proposed a constructed 'civil religion' as a solution to this. It should be noted that Durkheim was
inspired by the ideals of France's Third Republic, and he feared what other ideas could take the
place of these Republican values in anomie, a vacuum or mass uncertainty of belief in society.
Durkheim proposed 'civil religion' because to him civil religion was a dynamic of social life itself,
and so it would only be logical to study how it functions and fill the gaps with ideals that would
bring French society together.
CRITICAL COMPARISON
Durkheim's seeking of a simple religion in the aboriginal societies of Australia is profoundly
problematic. For one, he assures his readers that he will not use his study of them to draw baseless
conclusions on religion in the West in the following manner: “they are rudimentary and gross; we
cannot make of them a sort of model which later religions only have to reproduce.” (Durkheim, p8).
And yet despite this supremacist dismissal, this was his only actual study of religion, so it is
inevitable that his views on religion in general were based on a study on totemic aboriginal religion.
With all due respect to the aboriginal religions, it is certain that Christianity and Islam (the two
major world religions) never began as totemic religions; in their local origins they were a reaction
against corruption of Jewish priests and totemic clan-polytheism respectively.
To be fair to Durkheim though, he was one of the first to propose the idea of common forms of
religious practice being shared by all the world's religions, and among the non-religious. Marx's
view of the origin of religion makes more sense of the transition from polytheism/totemism to
monotheistic faith: Over the course of time, religious stories covering for various types of alienation
from the environment become numerous and contradicting, causing clan societies to become
alienated from their previous religious practices – requiring new and reformed beliefs. However this
view is still problematic: For example, there is very little indication that most of Arabian society in
the time of Muhammad felt alienated from Arabian polytheism; there was no collective effort by
Arabian tribes to construct this 'new' religion (while it is accepted by Muslims that Islam was new
to the Arabians, they emphasise that Islam is a return to the old and true religion); indeed there was
many clans who renounced Islam after the death of the prophet – leading to the apostasy wars.
Do we eulogise and sanctify everything that we find to be good in our lives; or do we only do this
when we feel alienated from the world around us – searching for “the soul of soulless conditions”
(Marx, A Contribution to Hegels Philosophy of Right - Introduction) It seems that Marx identifies
the causal origins of religious sentiment, yet he fails to see how this plays out on his own belief in
socialism (although there is evidence that later in his life he attempted to break away from his own
idealism); whereas Durkheim identifies how cultures (such as football) can become religious, yet
fails to identify alienation as a cause due to his regrettable view of the aboriginal peoples as living
in blissful ignorance of modernity. Both views are grounded in a presupposition of social evolution
that dissuades one from taking them seriously. Already by having explained a mere part of these
men's theories we have had to introduce errors in their epistemology and methodology, and the
effect of eurocentrism on their theories, particularly a failure to understand Islam; and indeed these
are recurring themes throughout this comparison of their work.
For Marx, religion keeps man sedated, by declaring his own nature to be other than his, and this is
alienation. For Durkheim, it brings society together, and anomie poses a risk to this. Both thinkers
have faults in their theory, and this inevitably comes from their theoretical-philosophical
standpoints. Durkheim was a pro-establishment functionalist, he saw no problem with the structure
of society and he was not a structuralist in the Marxist sense, as he spoke of social relations and of
‘social facts’ (phenomenon that are not bound by individuals in society and influence their
behaviour – sounds like social structure). Marx was an essentialist, religion was alienation. And by
religion Marx meant the religions, leaving no room for Durkheim’s concepts such as ‘civil religion’
or ‘organic solidarity’. Ironic, as Marxist theory in general could be described as a constructed civil
religion, channelling organic solidarity into Marxist conclusions. Indeed Feuerbach, who so
influenced Marx, made God into man – releasing his potentialities. Yet man wanting to be God is a
religious pursuit. It is also ironic that Marx never thought of his theory as an ideology, in the same
sense he described the German ideology. Marx showed evidence of potentially breaking out of his
own idealism, yet he never applied this to his theory of religion – perhaps the equation of religion
with alienation was too powerful, and to taint it with doubt would not advance the cause of political
atheism for the sake of waking the proletariat up to their material condition. However, undeniably
the idea that religion can and does keep people sedated is fairly well grounded. Were it not for
Marx’s essentialism, the possibility of religion as opiate could be applied to Durkheim’s concept of
religion: Opening up the possibility of understanding how secular nationalisms, for example, can
keep people sedated and obedient. On the other hand, Durkheim must be critisised for failing to see
that religion as a protesting expression of a solidarity founded upon class difference.
Durkheim was describing with the term 'anomie' what Marx spoke of as alienation, only their
concerns were reverse; due to the pro-establishment functionalism of Durkheim and Marx's
structuralist conflict theory. For Durkheim, the worry was about the disorder it could cause in
society, and what would fill the vacuum in the abscense of wholesome religion, whether organic or
mechanical. For Marx, religion was what people turned to as a result of alienation.
Durkheim was right to be concerned – luckily he didn't live to see the rise and results of politically
fascist civil religion in Germany in the form of Nazi ideology. And even today, in secularised
European countries, we can observe people finding collective effervescence and other aspects of
religiousness in sports, television shows, clubs, gigs, and still of course in the differing nationalisms
to be found in Europe, whether the secular state ideology of France or the attachment to England
displayed by the English Defence League. In a sense, one could say that Durkheim was right in that
people are finding 'new totems'. However a minority religion in Europe today defies all of this; the
Muslim community. Durkheim's theory alone cannot explain how these urban Muslim minorities
believe and practice similarily to, and feel bonded to, Muslim societies living in what is effectively
natural anarchy with an agriculture based economy. Durkheim studied collective effervescence and
solidarity as localised phenomena, but not as universal ideals/commands.
Fortunately for Marx's prediction, humankind has not yet emancipated itself from capitalism.
Nevertheless, attempts to reach communism resulted in the establishment of socialist states in the
age of capitalism. Marxist ideology as developed by Lenin became, unquestionably, the state dogma
in the USSR, and because Marx advocated atheism in order to destroy capitalism these states were
also committed to atheism as a political philosophy. However the USSR became what many
socialists (whether Marxist or non-Marxist) would describe as a 'defunct workers state'. With the
continuing existence of a capitalist world economy, and the attempts by the capitalist powers to
defeat socialism, the USSR went through the totalitarian repression (of religion and society) by
Stalin in order to compete with capitalism, and eventually became 'state-capitalist', and collapsed.
Russia then saw a resurgence of Orthodox Christianity as the sphere of religion was liberalised.
Marxists point out that this only confirms Marx's thought and that the Russian revolution was
premature, as the revolution had been defeated elsewhere in the world. Is this to be celebrated or a
cause of concern? Unfortunately, the reductionism of Marxist analysis seems self-confirming. Take
the case of the Islamist Revolution in Iran, one of the most important anti-imperialist powers in the
world today, and in real terms not too different from Bolívarian Socialism in Venezuela. Is this
dismissed as merely another historical aberration? The essentialist idealism of Marxist dogma
prevents it from engaging with Islamism as it understands itself, and it's forever yet unfulfilled
prophecy of communism justifies the negation of all defunct workers states and religious
revolutions (or revolutionary interpretations of religions) as invalid, rather than re-assessing itself.
CONCLUSION
Both theories of religion had useful concepts to offer, but both Marx and Durkheim were too tied up
in theoretical rigidity. While Marx bucked against the idea that he himself had fell into materialist
idealism, Durkheim was too caught up in the idea of his own objectivity, as if his conscience could
render itself conscious to itself. Only the work of the radical poststructuralists can save the theories’
concepts from being lost. Marx is to be commended more for his critique of capitalism, rather than
his almost identical critique of ‘religion’ which ignored that religion is not just a structure, but a
property of social relations. He allows no place for God in his theory, because it is an ideology.
Durkheim on the other hand did not present us with an ideology and had concepts about the
function of religion to offer, which if separated from the dominating assumptions of his times which
coloured his reading of them, are of benefit to theists and non-theists alike in understanding
religious behaviour.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dupré, L. ‘Marx, Karl’ in; Encyclopedia of Religion, Ed. Lindsay Jones. Vol. 8. 2nd ed. Macmillan
Reference (Detroit, USA). p5745
Durkheim, E. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, George Allen & Unwin Ltd (London).
Marx, K. A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right (introduction), Ed. Joseph
O’Malley, Cambridge University Press, 1970. (accessed on web:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1843/critique-hpr/intro.htm)
Marx, K. Theses on Feuerbach in; ‘Marx/Engels Selected Works, Vol. 1. Progress Publishers
(Moscow) 1969, p13-15. (accessed on web:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/theses/theses.htm)
Marx, K. A Contribution to the Critique of political Economy, Progress Publishers (Moscow),
1977. (accessed on web: http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/
preface.htm)
Morrison, K. Marx, Durkheim, Weber: formations of modern social thought, 2nd edition. SAGE
publishers (London). p151