DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 368 322 HE 027 347

AUTHOR Tierney, William G.; Rhoads, Robert A.TITLE Enhancing Promotion, Tenure and Beyond: Faculty

Socialization as a Cultural Process. ASHE-ERIC HigherEducation Report No. 6.

INSTITUTION Association for the Study of Higher Education.; ERICClearinghouse on Higher Education, Washington, D.C.;George Washington Univ., Washington, DC. School ofEducation and Human Development.

SPONS AGENCY Lilly Endowment, Inc., Indianapolis, Ind.; Office ofEducational Research and Improvement (ED),Washington, DC.

REPORT NO ISBN-1-878380-27-3; ISSN-0884-0040PUB DATE 93CONTRACT RR930200NOTE 123p.; For a related digest, see HE 027 346. Title on

title page is: Faculty Socialization as CulturalProcess: A Mirror of Institutional Commitment.

AVAILABLE FROM ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports, The GeorgeWashington University, One Dupont Cir7.1e, Suite 630,Washington, DC 20036-1183 ($19).

PUB TYPE Information Analyses ERIC Clearinghouse Products(071)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC05 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Adjustment (to Environment); Beginning Teachers;

*College Faculty; *Cultural Context; CulturalInfluences; Faculty College Relationship; FacultyDevelopment; *Flculty Promotion; Graduate Study;Higher Education; Minority Groups; NontenuredFaculty; *Socialization; *Tenure; Women Faculty

IDENTIFIERS *Organizational Culture

ABSTRACTThis monograph examines the importance of

understanding faculty socialization as a cultural process in thecontext of the current changes urged on higher education. An openingsection explores the linLa between culture and commitment and theimportance of understanding such links in light of faculty diversityand other challenges. A second section examines the cultures offaculty life which include national, professional, disciplinary, andinstitutional cultures. A third section defines organizationalsocialization and faculty socialization and describes two generalstages: anticipatory socialization (during undergraduate andparticularly graduate study) and organizational socialization (duringthe early years as a faculty member). The fourth section looks at thenew faculty member as a novice and discusses recruitment, selection,and early experiences. The next section looks at the ritual of thetenure and promotion process. The following section explorespost-tenure socialization: the continuing socialization of seniorfaculty and their role in socializing others. The socialization ofwomen and miority faculty is focused on next. The final sectionlooks at implications for practice and argues that socialization canbe managed for empowerment. An index is included. Appended areseveral brief descriptions of innovative faculty development ideas inpractice. (Contains over 200 references.) (.2)

ENHANONGPROMOTION, TENURE

AND BEYONDFACULTY SOCIALIZATIONAS A CULTURAL PROCESS

WILLIAM G. TIERNEY & ROBERT A. RHOADS

1993 ASHE-ERIC HIGHER EDUCATION REPORTS REPORT SIX

U S DEPArTMENT Of EDUCATIONOtte e l Educaho. 31 Research and Icnorovement

EDt4CATIONAI RESOURCES INFORMATIONCENTER IERICI

tho document has been etworlur ed asrechoeg hon. the 'Dyson et otgehaationorigmatmg

ET Minot changes han,a been wade to imprchtereotoduchon dual y

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2 BEST Y AVAILABLE

Faculty Socialization as Cultural Process:A Mirror of Institutional Commitment

by William G. Tierney and Robert A. Rhoads

ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Report No. 6, 1993

Prepared by

ERIC

In cooperation with

ASI-1*

Published by

TheeprgeSnin School of Education and Human Developmentton The George Washington l'niversity

Clearinghouse on Higher EducationThe George Washington University

Association for the Studyof Higher Education

niveW&SHINGI ON DC

Jonathan D. FifeSc,ries Mitor

Cite asTierney, William G., and Robert A. Rhoads. 1994. FacultySocialization as Cultural Process: A Mirror of InstitutionalCommitment. kSHE-ERIC Higher Education Report No. 93-6. Washington, D.C. The George Washington University,School of Education and Human Development.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 94-66104ISSN 0884-0040ISBN 1-878380-27-3

Managing Editor: Bryan Ho asterManuscript Editor: Alexandra RockyCover design by Michael Dazid Brown, Rockville, Maryland

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-.#01c-; Clearinghouse on Higher EducationSchool of Education and Human DevelopmentThe George Washington UniversityOne Dupont Circle, Suite 630Washington, DC 20036-1183

This publication was prepared partially with funding fromthe Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S.Department of Education, under contract no. ED RR 93.0200.The opinions expressed in this report do not necessarilyreflect the positions or policies of OER1 or the Department.

EXECUTWE SUMMARY

What Is the Significance of Faculty Socialization?Over the last two decades, higher education has come underattack. At the center of much of the criticism lies the UnitedStates professorate. Some critics believe that faculty emphasizeresearch at the expense of quality teaching. Others believethat faculty fail to adequately address today's diverse studentbody. In either case, understanding the many roles facultyplay in the formal and informal life of college and universitysettings is critical if we are to improve our academicorganizations.

The multiple roles faculty adopt reflect their learningexperiencestheir socialization. Hence, understanding facultysocialization is imperative if we ate to change our academicsettings.

How Is Faculty Socializatiou Conceptualized?The values, beliefs, and attitudes held by faculty reflect theirsocialization experiences and, in essence, mirror faculty cul-ture. In examining faculty socialization through faculty culture,we adopt Geertz's view of culture where culture shapes andis shaped by social interaction (1973). To understand facultysocializationhow faculty learn to be faculty--we first mustcome to terms with the cultural forces which shape facultylife: the national culture, the culture of the profession, thedisciplinaty culture, the institutional culture, and individualcultural differences (Clark 1987).

Faculty socialization takes place in two general stages. Theanticipatory stage includes undergraduate and especially graduate learning experiences. During graduate school, prospective faculty are intimately exposed to the norms of the pro-fessorate. At the conclusion of the graduate experience,prospective faculty have a solid understanding of what facultylife is like.

As graduate students leave their student status behind andare hired as new faculty, they enter the second stage of facultysocialization--the organizational stage. During this stage,faculty novices face a number of organizational challengesthrough which they often muddle.by trial and error (VanMaanen and Schein 1979). For many new faculty, the firsttwo years are characterized by loneliness and intellectual iso-lation, lack of collegial suppGrt, and heavy work loads andtime constraints ( Boice 1992).

While significant numbers of new faculty leave academe.

Fa( .Sriciabzutuut (1. Cultural Pr( Pc t's

5

many find ways of coping with the stress of academic life andmove from their novice status to more senior roles. Centralto faculty advancement is the promotion and tenure process.From a cultural perspective, promotion and tenure practicesserve as rites of passage to higher organizational status.

Although the early years of faculty life may be the mostchallenging, experienced faculty also face organizati(malobstacles which require ongoing learning. In this light, facultysocialization must he seen as a continuous process whereeven the most senior faculty must learn and relearn their roleswithin academic institutions.

In addition to being ongoing. socialization is bidirectional.Not only do people adapt to organizations, hut organizationscontinually must adapt to their members. Viewing facultysocdization as bidirectional is crucial in creating diverse academic communities. While professors change to meet thedemands of their academie institutions, colleges and uni-versities must modify their structures to meet the needs oftheir diverse members. This means promotion and tenurerituals, a; well as faculty development programs, must becontinually reviewed.

What Are the Implications?Organizational culture is complex. and individuals who arenew to an organization will interpret that culture in difirentways. Messages get confused and misinterpreted. Our contentkm is that the organizational messages related to succeeding as a faculty memberachieving tenure. for exam-ple- need to be clearly spelled out so that all organizationalmembers have similar information from which to make decisions. In other words. faculty socialization should take placewithin the parameters of clearly articulated organizationalgoals and objectives.

The issues raised throughout this report relate to cultureand commitment: \That are the values to which academicorganizations aspire? I low do they communicate those valuesto organizational members? I low do organizations affirmthose values through various organizational structures? Ourargument thniughout this moncigraoh is that coming to termswith faculty socialization holds answers to the precedingquestions.

6

ADVISORY BOARD

Barbara E. BrittinghamUniversity of Rhode Island

Jay L. ChronisterUniversity of Virginia

Rodolfo Z. GarciaMichigan State University

Elizabeth M. HawthorneUniversity of Toledo

Bruce AnthonyJonesUniversity of Pittsburgh

L Jackson NewellTniversity of t !tab

Carolyn ThompsonState University of New )Ork Buffalo

Fat Idtv .%(,(taltzatton as ("'ulturtil Prt ICSS

7

CONSULTING EDITORS

Louis C. Attinasi, Jr.University of Houston

Kimberly BrownPortland State University

J. Kent CaruthersMGT of America. Inc.

Elsa Kircher ColeThe University of NIichigan

Jane F. EarleyMankato State University

Walter H. GmelchWashington State University

James 0. HammonsUniversity of Arkansas

Robert M. HendricksonPennsylvania State I'niversity

Barbara A. LeeRutgers t 'niversity

Yvonna S. LincolnTexas A&M University

Robert J. MengesNorthwestern University

James L. MorrisonThe University of North Carolina-Chapel 11111

Amaury NoraI vniversity of Illinois Chicago

Robert M. O'NeilI'niversity of Virginia

Raymond V. PadillaArizA)na State l'niversity

Barbara S. PlakensIowa State I niversitv

William RittenbergNlichigan State I iniversity

G. Jeremiah RyanI fart( )rd mmlunitv Cullege

lilt Ay 1.11(1(111Z:tau Ill (IS ( 1111111M Prot e,c, 1 n

Ka la StroopSoutheast Missouri State University

John M. SwalesThe Universiry of Michigan

Ellen SwitkesUniversity of California-Oakland

Jo TaylorWayne State University

Carolyn J. ThompsonState University of New York-Buffalo

William G. TierneyThe Pennsylvania State University

Kathryn TownsThe Pennsylvania State University-Harrisburg

Caroline TurnerUniversity of Minnesota-Twin Cities

Elizabeth A. WilliamsUniveNity of Massachuetts-Amherst

Richard A. YanikoskiDe Paul University

9

REVIEW PANEL

Charles AdamsUniversity of Massachusetts-Amherst

Louis AlbertAmerican Association for Higher Education

Richard AlfredUniversity of Michigan

Philip G. AltbachState University of New York-Buffalo

Marilyn J. AmeyUniversity of Kansas

Louis C. Attinasi,Jr.University of Houston

RobertJ. BarakIowa State Board of Regents

Alan BayerVirginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

John P. BeanIndiana University

John M. BraxtonVanderbilt University

Peter McE. BuchananCouncil for Advancement and

Support of Education

John A. CentraSyracuse University

Arthur W. ChickeringGeorge Mason University

Shirley M. ClarkOregon State System of Higher Education

Darrel A. ClowesVirginia Pol)-technic Institute and State University

John W. Creswell'niversity of Nebraska Lincoln

Deborah Di CrocePiedmont Virginia Community College

Richard Duran'niversity f Calif( vnia

racuM'S(1crafiz-atim as Cultural ke-V

10

x

Kenneth C. GreenUniversity of Southern California

Edward R. HinesIllinois State University

Marsha W. KrotsengWest Virginia State College and University Systems

George D. KuhIndiana tiniversity-Bloomington

Daniel T. LayzellUniversity of Wisconsin System

Meredith LudwigAmerican Association of State Colleges and Universities

Mantha V. MehallisFlorida Atlantic University

RobertJ. MengesN.( irthwestern University

Toby MiltonEssex Community College

James R. MingleState Higher Educatic in Executive Officers

Gary RhoadesI 'niversity of Afixona

G. Jeremiah RyanHarford Community College

Mary Ann SagariaOhio State University

Daryl G. SmithClaremont Graduate Sch(ml

William TierneyThe Pennsylvania State I 'niversitx

Susan TwomblyUniversity of Kansas

Harold Wechsler'niversity of Rochester

MichaelJ. Worth'fhe wge Washinpk in I 'niyersit\

ii

CONMNTS

Forewordxiii

Acknowledgmentsxv

Culture and Commitment1

Significance of the TopicFaculty Diversity

3

Organizations as CulturesColleges and Universities as CulturesSocialization from a Cultural Framework 6

The Cultures of Faculty Life 9

The Culture of the Nation9

The Culture of the Profession11

The Culture of the Discipline13

Culture and the Individual1 -4

The Culture of the InstitutionIS

Faculty Commitments16

Summary18

Conceptualizing Faculty Socialization 21

Organizational Socialization Defined

Faculty Socialization23

Stage One: Anticipawry Socialization 23

Stage Two: Organizational Socialization 25

Dimensions of Organizztional Socialization 26

Summary30

The Faculty Member as Novice 33

Recruitment and Selection 33

The Experiences of New Faculty

Dimensional Analysis38

Summary39

e. Ritual Process of Tenure and Promotion 41

The Tenure and Promotion Years

The Ritual YearSumnlary

SO

Post-Tenure Socialization: Senior Facultyas Learners

53

Senior Faculty as Socializers53

The Obp)ing S cial ization of Senior Faculty 56

Sumnurv60

The Socialization of Women Faculty andFaculty of Color

63

The Revolving 1)oorti(mrces of Socialii.atkm Problems ()

/ 'with-1.S( it udizatioll a.s ru1tz,id PrOCCS.S

I 2

Dimensional Analysis68

Faculty Viömen of Color68

A Rationale for Socialization that Honors Difference 70Summary72

Socialization for Empowerment: Implicationsfor Practice

73Faculty Development and Anticipatory SocializationFacuky Development and Organizational Socialization 76Summary

80Appendix

81References 85Index

97

13

FOREWORD

To be concerned W ith the quality of faculty performance isto be concerned with faculty socialii.ation. Conversely. tounderstand how to maximize the faculty socialization processis to have a powerful tool to affect kmg-term institutionalaccomplishments. It is the socialization ofan individual thatmakes up the sum total of values and norms that directs a perso m's daily responses and behavior patterns The sum of allfaculty sociahzation determine,-; the culture of the organizationand, ultinutelv, how well an organization functions.

The socialization process is most important to those occu-pations that !Unction with little or no supervision. MenthersOlthese occupations. such as the professions represented bymedical doctors, lawyers, and college faculty, are allowed tocontinue without the normal accountability of other occupations. This partially results from the belief that high standards of hehaviow have been instilled within each memberof the profession through extensive schooling and reinforcenlent hy the professional associations. Thus, nlost facultyreceive very little direct supervision of their teaching and research.

I lowever, it has been found that the socialization of facultyas graduate students changes over time. This was explainedby John Creswell in Faculty Research Performance: Lessonsfronz Ilk, Sciences and Social Sciences. an ASHEERIC I ligherEducation Report. Creswell noted that institutions oftenattempt to increase the research productivity of their programshy hiring graduates of top-ranking. highly productive graduateschools. These institutions assume that the new faculty willperform as they were socializ.ed and do nothing to alter theinstitutional culture. 'File result is that within live years, thepro.)ductivitv of the new faculty has dropped to that of the levelof the older faculty. The socialization process has been alteredto the culture of the organization and not the opposite, asassumed when the new faculty were hired.

The mistake made hy institutions is not the expectant inthat the acadenlic output of the institution would be niise(lhy hiring faculty from the highly productive graduate schools.The mistake was failing to) pay attention to) the socializati(111process that is at work within an institution's culture. It shouldbe obvious but it is not --that what is actually done orrewarded is what is valued. In other words, the socializatio IIIprocess is represented hy that which receives constant reinforcement. Ker time, this becomes the culture of the organi/anon It luake, little difference what principles oir values are

hit WO VIC lah:ation a.. Cullum! PnXrn

14

articulated by the institutional leaders if these principles or

values are not reinforced regularly. Examples of this are when

an institution promotes teaching and learning as primaryvalues but offers no training to the faculty and bases promo-

tions on numbers of publications, or when staying on the cut-

ting edge of knowledge is negatively reinforced by the elim-

ination of travel monies to research conferences.In this report by William G. Tierney, professor and senior

scientist at The Pennsylvania State University, and Robert A.

Rhoads, assistant professor of education and research associate

at The Pennsylvania State University, faculty socialization is

reviewed as an integral part of the culture of faculty life. While

this culture is, in large part, that of the institution, it also con

sists of the culture of the nation, profession, discipline, and

individual. The authors examine the socialization process and

how it ultimately affects the success of faculty and their com-

mitment and involvement with the institution.A definition of insanity is to always do the same thing die

same way but expect different results. If institutions wish to

change their outcomes. they must be willing to examine theinterrelated activities that make up the system that producesthe outcomes. A major part of the system is the socialization

process that directly determines the activities and responses

of the faculty. Purposely defining what is desired from this

process and then adjusting the process so it is more likely

to produce that result will help to make significant. long-term.

and permanem changes to the culture and outcomes of the

inst itut ion.

Jonathan D. FifeSeries Editor, Professor of I ligher Education Administration,

and Director, ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher Education

15

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This public-tion was prepared partially with funding fromthe Lilly Endowment. Part of our research efforts involvedinterviewing tenure-track faculty. We appreciate the time they

spent with us and hope that the text accurately reflects someof the struggles they face and ways toovercome these obstacles.

Mwrakzaimn u.s ( II/tura/ hin essXl

CUIXURE AND COMMITMENT

We live. And in living we believe, asrert self, establish orderaround us, dominate others, or are dominated by them.

Action flowing from meaning and intention weaves the

fabric of social reality . . . In this perspective, we may betterunderstand organizations if we conceive them as being aninvented reality (Greenfield 1980, p. 27).

Organizations exist as social constructions (Blumer 1969:

Burke 1966; Mead 134; Schutz 19'0). To be sure, they exhibitformalized structures such as policies, rules, and decision-making committees. but just as importantly, they revolve

around informal codes and expectations shared by organi-zational participants (Wanous 1992). These shared understandings and the for,--1 lnd informal processes used todevelop understanding and meaning account for what we

refer to as organizational culture.Organizational culture shapes members' behavior: yet, at

the same time, culture is shaped by the organizational actors.

Culture is more than something that an organization has:instead, "culture is something an organization is- (Smircich

1983a, p. 347). This sense of culture is captured hest in the

notion of "webs of significance," where people simul-taneously create and exist within culture (Geertz 1973). Incdi

viduals and groups are capable of changing a culture, but they

also react to the culture's powerful mores and parameters.Coll,2ges and universities, as social institutions, each exhibit

a unique organizational culture. Viewing higher educationinstitutions in this manner has been well-documented in Kuh

and Whites ASHEERIC report, The Invisible Tapestry: Culture

in American Colleges and Universities(1988). Their workforms the starting point for this text. Kuh and Whitt noted afundamental aspect of academic culture when they discussed

faculty as one of three predominant subcultures situatedwithin academe; the other two subcultures are students and

administrators.Our framework for this report is to focus on socialization

as a cultural process that faculty become enmeshed within--and change, as well. We comment on the other subculturesof faculty life, such as that of the profession and discipline.

We specifically focus on full-time faculty in our colleges anduniversities. V'e refer to the entire process as faculty

socialization.Our challenge is to define six.-ialization in a "bidirectif )nal"

This sense ofculture iscaptured bestin the notionof "webs ofsignificance."

FaCIllty Sol:la/LW/1(M Its CtilltaalPrOce.V

1 7

manner. By "bidirectional" we mean that socialization is aprocess that produces change in individuals as well as organi-zations. Socialization is not merely the analysis of howan indi-vidual changes to tit within the confines of a particular orgaMzation; we discuss socialization as a way for organizationsto adapt and change to the diverse needs of the 21st celtury.

Significance of the TopicDuring the 1980s and up to the present, higher education hascome under a series of attacks. For some critics, Americanhigher education has become too watered down, and studentsno longer are educated about the longstanding traditions asso-ciated with the American way of life and Western civilization(Bennett 1984; Kimball 1988). Relatedly, in the eyes of someeducators and scholars, higher education has become toocommonplace, and academic excellence has taken a backseatto accessibility (Association of American Colleges 1985; Com-mission for Educational Quality 1985).

Yet another criticism relates to the poor preparation of col-lege graduates as they enter the labor market, ultimatelyreflected in our faltering economy (National Governors' Asso-ciation 1986; Study Group 1984). Still others claim that highereducation underscores the interests and values of dominantcultural groups and therefore neglects the experiences of thedisenfranchised and underrepresented (Rossides 1984; Tier-ney 1992c; Weis 19851.

The position one takes with regard to the preceding argu-ments is contingent upon one's conception of higher education. When we examine how we think of higher learning,questions such as the following take on importance:

Should higher education be the training ground for theAmerican labor force?Should higher education provide students with an essen-tial understanding of the Western tradition?Should higher education serve to legitimize diverse tra-ditions and conceptions of life and human experience?Should higher education provide students with the essential critical values needed to participate as democraticcitizens?

Throughout this report, we contend that faculty lie at the heartof the answers about such fundamental questions. Faculty

18

sit on curricular and admissions committees. construct andteach courses, advise and counsel students. conduct research.

and often serve as advisors to politicians and business leaders.The role that faculty play in the formal and informal life

of-the institution is a key to understanding academic com-munities as cultures, since faculty are shaped by, and in turn,shape the institutional culture. The behaviors that faculty enactin institutional settings largely reflect their socialization experiences and the values and commitments of their institutions.This line of thinking follows the assumption that organizationssocialize their members to adopt congruent values, beliefs,and attitudes. A,s noted, our purpose is not simply to developa schema for efficient recruitment to and retention within theacademy, for to do so overlooks the powerful ideas andbeliefs individuals bring when they enter an organizatic)n.

ks we elabo -ate, although faculty are employed by aca-demic institutions, there are other significant influencesbeyond the institutional culture. Faculty have disciplinary affil-

iations that determine a great deal about their behavior. Theyface the influence of the profession of the professorate. And

the role of a faculty member in the United States is defined1-)- our society's definition of what it means to he a professor.

lb examine faculty life solely in relation to the academicinstitutions that hire faculty neglects significant other factorsthat play a role in faculty socialization, and the focus wouldhe rather limited. If we are to respond adequately to the ques-tions raised by recent critics of higher education, we mustbetter understand the processes of culture and socializationin the academy so that our organizations are more receptive

to new members' ideas, needs, and goals.

Faculty Diversityvarious debates about the purposes of higher education

rage, few individuals argue that higher education should notstrive toward equal opportunity. Ye.t, in spite of this apparentcommon ground, women and people of color remain underrepresented among the American professorate. Women make

up less than 30 percent of the professorate and more than50 percent of the U.S. population (Hamermesh 1992). People

of color make up less than 12 percent of the professorate( "Characteristics of Full-Time College Professors, 198-1992) and account for nearly 20 percent of the overall I'S.population.

l'aculty lc:all:alum as Cultural Pnwes,.

1 3

.1

Obviously. hiring and retaining women and people of cokgis key if we ate to attain equal opportunity in higher educa-tion. A central aspect of achieving equal representation iscuderstanding the socialization experiences of women andpeople of color, and in doing so we are able to considersocialization as an opportunity to enhance academic diversity.From this perspective, an organization's culture is not a monolith to which all individuals must uniformly respond.

A culture is open to different interpretations. One of thekey challenges of understanding culture is discovering howwe might adapt an organization's culture to multiple interpretations; at the same time, how do we develop sharedunderstandings so that we enhance diversity rather thansilence it?

Organizations as CulturesIn the late 19-Os and early 1980s. organizational literature andresearch began to emphasize organizations as systems ofshared meanings (Morgan, Frost, and Pondy 1983; Trice andBeyer 19841. Smircich noted that "the stability, or organiza.tion, of any group activity depends upon the existence ofconlmon nu)des of interpretation and shared understandingsof experience" (1983b. p. 55). Belatedly. Greenfield arguedthat organizational analysis should focus on the shared 'newtjugs people have which define for them how to act withinthe organization (19-73).

Other researchers concerned with understanding organizational culture have focused on the role that leaders playin shaping culture (Clark 19-0; Pettigrew 19-9; Pfeffer 1981:

Pon& 19-8: Schein 1985: Smircich and Morgan 1982; Smirk:MIand Stubbart 1985). Related to much of the work on leadership is the notion that strong or congruent cultures lead toincreased productivity or efficiency (Peters and Waterman1982; Schwartz and Davis 1981; Wilkins and Ouchi 1983).

Deal ancl Kennedy emphasized the role that values, heroes,rituals and communication netvorks play in building strongcorporate cultures ( 1982).

Additionally, various work: ha\ e delineated strategies forunearthing organizati()nal culture (Ouchi and Wilkins 1985;

Trice and Bever 19841. Wilkins, in discussing the "culturalaudit." suggested that analysts examine the assumptions abouten till( iyee work, reward, and punishment to better understand)rganizational culture (19831. Pettigrew emphaNized the analy

0

sis of organizations over time as they move through variouscritical events or social dramas such as transitional phases inleadership turnover (1979). In sum, all of these analyses haveworked from a social constructionist perspective to investigateorganizations as cultures.

Colleges and Universities as CulturesA number of scholars have examined various aspects of aca-

demic life by emphasizing cultural elements. A main focusof early cultural studies was understanding the student expe-rience (Becker 1972; Feldman 1972; Feldman and Newcomb1970; Lunsford 1963; Wallace 1966). More recent efforts in

this area have been conducted by Moffatt, who explored stu-dent culture at Rutgers University (1989), and Holland andEisenhart, who examined how peer culturea "culture ofromance"- influenced the college experiences of 24 womenat two Southern universities (1990).

Identification of student subcultures and group associationshas been a principal area of cultural investigation. ClarkandTrow identified four student subcultures that defined generalorientations exhibited by students: collegiateculture, voca-tional culture, academic culture, and non-conformist culture( 1966). Other researchers have developed similar classifica-

tions and undertaken studies of those subcultures (Horowitz198").

Cultural research also has focused on faculty life. Becherexamined the relationship between disciplinary affiliationand faculty behavior (198-, 1989). Clark explored the rolethat disciplines and institutions play in shaping faculty behav-

ior ( 1987a). Freedman, :n writing about academic culture andfaculty development, described faculty culture as "a set ofshared ways and views designed to make their (faculty) ills

bearable and to contain their anxieties and uncertainties-( 1979, p. 8). Since exploration of faculty life is a primary concern of this text, we devote section two to an extensive dis-

cussion of faculty culture.While much of the early cultural research focused on spe

ci tic cultural groups or subcultures, more recent work hosexamined academic institutions in a more holistic fashion,treating the institution itself as a culturean organizationalcuhure. This research has largely been built upon strategiesemployed by Clark ( 1963. vro I and Riesman and Jencks

( 1962 I.

haw/h. Nu( taktillun Ctiittiral Pr( h. C.:, 5

Tiemey developed a framework for viewing colleges anduniversities as cultures emphasizing an understanding of theenvironment, mission, socialization, information, strategy, andleadership (1988a). Bensimon and Neumann (1992), Birn-haum (1988, 1992), Chaffee and Tiemey (1988), Rhoads andTierney (1992), and Tierney (1988b) discussed academicleadership in light of cultural theories. Tierney has adoptedcultural frameworks to examine institutional mission and cur-ricular decision making as well as the experiences of NativeAmerican students (1989, 1992c). Tierney and Rhoads (forth-coming) utilized a cultural framework in analyzing the highereducation assessment movement. And finally, Bergquist iden-tified four primary cultures at work in acaderne: a collegialculture that relates primarily to academic disciplines, a man-agerial culture that is identified with organintion and admin-istrative processes, a developmental culture that emphasizesthe personal and professional growth of the college commu-nity, and a negotiating culture that focuses on the equitabledistribution of organizational resources (1992).

Socialization from a Cultural FrameworkSocialization is the process through which individuals acquirethe values, attitudes, norms, knowledge, and skills neededto exist in a given society (Merton 1957). Organizationalsocialization is the same process at an organizational level.We analyze organizational socialization as a mutually adaptiveprocess between the organization and the individual. Keyaspects of organizational culture, such as ceremonies, rituals.and rites of passage, provide the necessary experiences bywhich values. beliek, and attitudes are learned. However, asnew members enter the academy, such rituals and ceremoniesoften need to he adapted or changed to meet the changedcontexts that the initiates bring to the organization.

ocialization occurs through implicit and explicit actions.For thculty, implicit socialization may occur around the coffeemachine. in the locker room, or at a wine and cheese party.Implicit socialization is difficult to observe and analyze. forit occurs spontaneously and unobtrusively. Explicit socialization involves clearly delineated cultural structures such asfa ulty development programs and the promotion and tenurepn)cess.

Our principal focus is to examine institutional processesthat explicitly ( wient new faculty. Accordingly, we pay more

r,0

attention to the socialization experiences of new faculty thansenior faculty. We also expend more effort focusing on full-time faculty rather than adjunct faculty.

In the next two sections we explore culture and socialim-don in greater detail. In sections four, five, and six, we discussthe experiences of faculty as they move through multipleorganizational roles and experiences. In the penultimate section, we discuss su:ialization as it relates to issues of diversity.The concluding section outlines institutional actions thatmight improve faculty socialization through the developmentof effective programs and activities that meet the multipleneeds of faculty and enable the organization to adapt andchange.

hit UM S iS (:/1//ri1 Prfk

THE CULTURES OF FACULTY LIFE

The many settings that make [the professoratel a patchu'orkare tied by lines of affiliation that partly knit together theprofession's unraveling pattern In this most varied profes-sion, the tension betaven the many and the one is deeplyrooted in reality. Indeed, antithetical identities and com-mitments abound: the academic profession is haunted bythe play of contrary forces (Clark 1987b, p. 371).

What are those "lines of affiliation," and how does onebecome socialized to them? How do these different "iden-tities" conflict and 'or cohere with one another? In the sec-tion's first part, we identif!,' the many-faceted cultures in whichfaculty become socialized.

Faculty culture may be understood as a complex interplayof symbolic meanings predicated on five sociological forces:national, professional, disciplinary, individual, and institu-tional. In the United States, national influences primarilyderive from the overall culture of North American society andform a backdrop for the other four forces. Professional influ-ences derive from general notions related to what it meansto be a member of the professorate. Disciplinary influences,of course, derive from one's disciplinary affiliation. Individualforces relate to specific individual factors that may contributeto significant differences in faculty experiences. Individualinfluences include, for example, age, class, race, and gender.Finally, institutional influences relate to the institutional culture with which a faculty member becomes associated.

As Clark noted, the complex fabric resulting from these"antithetical identities and commitments" produces facultydifferences across a number of meas. To highlight these dif-ferences. in the section's second part we consider two areasof conflict across faculty cultures: cosmopolitans versus locals,and traditional paradigms versus emerging paradigms.

The Culture of the NationAs any tourist knows, all countries have differences from thatof the visitor's. Behavior in some countries is more formalthan others: In One wuntry, people are prompt: in another,a conc.ern for time may not be so evident. A belief in traditional family stnictures may play a crucial role in the actionsof citizens in one country and not in another. Such differencesare not merely national or individual stereotvp2s-- 'the British,tre fbrmal and N( wth Americans are not' hut also highlight

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the obvious: All cultures are unique and different. Such apoint is especially important when one thinks about one'sown culture, for often individuals think actions are uniqueonly when they differ from one's own societal norms.

In the organizational worlds of the United States, for exam-ple, the organization's participants usually assume thatappointments for meetings may be made weeks in advanceand that a meeting begins on time. The North Americanresearcher who visits a Latin American country and finds theconcept of "time" to be dramatically different often is frus-trated when meetings are not kept or they begin quite late.The simple point here is that caural norms only hold fora specific culture, and how one acts and conceives of rolesand organizations differs dramatically when we comparenational attitudes about specific issues.

The concept of a faculty member in the United States isfundamentally different from that of a professor in an Islamic.Central American, or European nation. For example, in theKoran it is written that "the teacher is like the prophetMohammed and you must respect him." Such a portrait ofa faculty member is vastly different from those of us in theU.S. academy who generally do not enter classrooms withpreordained religious rites of authority. Indeed, the separationbetween church and state in public institutions in the UnitedStates prohibits us from calling upon a religious text to invokeour wisdom. Similarly, the portrait of a woman as a professorin a college classroom may be considered common in theUnited States but provoke serious discussion in a fundamentalist country such as Iran.

In Central America, the concept of a faculty member is oftenof an individual who devotes part of his or her time to teach-ing students, but the individual holds another job as well. Theidea that a professor is supposed to devote a significant por-tion of time to research often is absent. Similarly, conceptssuch as tenure, academic freedom, and institutional autonomyare dramatically different from such concepts in the I TnitcdStates. And finally, in Germany we see significant similaritiesto their U.S. counterparts in the types of work performedbut differences in power structures and lines of authority.

Consequently, individuals who become faculty in the Unit-ed States are socialized to the role before they even begingraduate training. We are socialized to the role of a facultymember by our own experiences as undergraduate students,

25

by the manner in which scholars conceptualize and writeabout North American higher education, and by what federal,state, and local governments and other constituencies suchas private business expect of faculty.

To be sure, all cultures change. The national culture for fac-ulty in the United States, Panama, or Germany, for example,is vastly different in 1994 than it was in 1934. But nonetheless.anyone who enters the academy today is well-socialized towhat faculty are to do and how they are to comport themselves.

The Culture of the ProfessionInfluences related to the nature of the professorate as a pro-fession are intertwined with the national identity. While onemight argue that European universities had an academic pro-fession in the 19th century, in many respects, the academicprofession in the United States was in flux for all of the 19thand a large part of the 20th century. The evolution of the U.S.academic profession finally began to take shape around theend of World War II:

By the end of Wbrki War II, the components of the academicrole had clearly emerged and crystallized into the highly dif-ferentiated model by which we recognize the professortodayteaching research, student advisement, adrninis-tration, institutional and public senice (Finkelstein 1984.p. 29).

From what began as a small group of tutors instructing prospective ministers at Harvard College emerged a professionwhere instruction was only one facet of the overall role ofthe faculty member. We define profession as a form of anoccupational community (Van Maanen and Barley 1984).

A profession is a group of people who engage in similartypes of work, shai common values and beliefs, and derivea similar sense of identity from their work. While faculty maybe quite diverse across institutional t)pe and discipline, theynonetheless perform many similar tasks, share common valuesand beliefs, and identify with one another as colleagues.

Faculty life is a distinct professional sphere governed bythe norms of professional collegiality ( Etzioni 19641. The academic profession exists through the members' Own creativityand skills, and ultimately a member's contribution is judged

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Faculty life isa distinctprofessionalspheregoverned bythe norms ofprofessionalcollegiality.

by colleagues in the profession. Seen in this light, althoughobvious national differences exist, there also are commonal-ities that extend across borders. When someone notes thathe or she is a faculty member, one gains a general pictureof the life of that individual.

Academics create formal and informal bonds around com-mon interests. The guild mentality of the academic professionframes faculty interests in a manner fundamentally different,for example. from that of someone in professional sports orsomeone who is in the dental profession. Again, individualswho decide to join the professoratewhether in the UnitedStates or Guatemala, in a private or public institution, or inthe field of engineering or English literatureshare preor-dained commonalities and are socialized accordingly.

Clark identified three prevailing ideologies across the pro-fession (1987a). One ideology related to the "service ofknowledge,- where faculty described ideals about the investigation of new knowledge. Another ideology concerned thenorms of academic honesty. Faculty indicate that a funuamen-tal belief of their profession is a belief in intellectual integrity.As Clark noted, "In the academic lexicon, knowledge mustbe handled honestly, for otherwise it misinforms anddeceives, is no longer valuable in itself, and certainly of nouse to society- (p. 132). The third ideology related to theimportance individuals placed on the idea of academicfreedom.

With these first two faculty culturesthat of the nation andthe professionwe observe potential conflicts and similaritieson which we elaborate in the section's second part. Briefly,however, an individual raised in Spain will find that what theU.S. system of teaching and evaluation expects of a professoris quite different from what he or she was socialized to expectin Europe. A U.S. professor may experience surprise at thenature of classroom interactions when on sabbatical inMexico.

And yet, certain constants hold firm. The discourse of theacademy, how one relates to one's colleagues, and the mannerin which one conducts his or her "work" often have greatersimilarities across countries than across professions. A Frenchphysicist and a Canadian chemist. for example, are socializedto share common work.related languages and customs morethan would the French physicist with a countr man who isa banker.

1 )

27

The Culture of the DisciplineAlthough our hypothetical French physicist and Canadianchemist may share similarities, a French physicist would sharean even greater sense of affiliation with a Chinese physicist,for they share the culture of a discipline. We may think of disciplines as any number of subgroupings within the prolession.but disciplinary cultures also have unique aspects that social-ize individuals in specific ways.

Some authors regard disciplines through a structural framework noting their appearance as organizational forms (Becher19,:9 ). Others look more closely at disciplinary content andask epistemological questions such as: What is its body of concepts? What are its methods? What ar2 its fundamental aims?(Thulmin 19-2). Still others focus on the content and thestnictural qualities of disciplines. For example, Ladd andUpset ( 19-5) described a discipline as:

a unit of association in which faculty members spend /cowportions of tivir professional lives. These associations arepersonal. A professor will often know members of his fieklat unit.ersities across the country better than he will knowmost peopie in other departments at his own university. Buthis associathms within his field are with bodies of ideas,interests, norms and l'alues, and professional styles as well(p. %).

In understanding what constitutes a discipline, then, it is prudent to include both structural and epistemological qualities.

Over a quarter of a century ago Snow elaborated the notionthat the academic world consisted principally of two cultures:the worlds of the sciences and of the humanities (1959). Ina more recent analysis of faculty culture, we find that the cultural worlds of the disciplines have exploded so that facultyno longer may be divided easily into one of two groups( Becher 1989 1. Interestingly, the idea of a discipline hasbecome more structured and more diffuse.

New epistemological areas of knowledge such as biochemistry and women's studies have arisen, and at the same time,the structures of disciplines have become more rigid anddefined so that one publishes in specialized journals andattends conferences on specialized topics. However, interdisciplinary analysis also has come of age: we now find literary critics w ho use anthropological models and courses that

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combine scientific with historical texts.Socialization to the discipline normally begins formally in

graduate school, although one starts to be socialized to a dis-cipline as an undergradua,e who majors in an area. Graduatestudents learn to master language specific to their field ofstudy, read journals germane to that area, and discover con-ferences that they are advised to attend either to present apaper, meet colleagues, or interview for a job. As we shall seein section five, disciplinary socialization continues as tenure-track faculty struggle to make presentations and publish inrefereed journals pertinent to their disciplinary focus.

Research also has found that significant differences relatedto personal characteristics and attitudes exist across disci-plines. For example. social science faculty are the most polit-ically liberal faculty, whereas the least liberal are those facultyin applied professional careers. "Each discipline," notedBowen and Schuster, "attracts individuals of particular talentsand interests, and the experience of working in each fieldplaces its mark on their personalities" (1986, p. 49). We find,then, yet another cultural cross-current where one's back-ground may attract or repel an individual toward a disciplinaryculture.

Finally, Kuh and Whitt have argued, "The culture of the dis-cipline is the primary source of faculty identity and expertiseand typically engenders stronger bonds than those developedwith the institution of employment, particularly in large uni-versities" (1988, p. 77). This point is important to keep inmind as we begin to deal more specifically with faculty social-ization, for if a discipline plays the preeminent role in facultysocialization, then questions need to be raised about whatinstitutions will be able to accomplish with regard to shapingfaculty culwre.

Culture and the IndividualAnother significant factor in shaping faculty culture is indi-%-idual differences that relate to large categories such as race,class, gender, sexual orientation, or other more microscopicqualities a person may bring to his or her position (Dunn,Seff, and Rouse forthcoming). With regard to social categories,we know, for example, that American Indians make up .7 per-cent of the professorate, Asian Americans 4.2 percent, African.Americans 3.2 percent, and Hispanics 2.3 percent. Womenaccount for approximately 273 percent of the total full-time

29

faculty ("Characteristics of Full-Time College Professors"1992). While these figures lag behind national figures, theynonetheless highlight the significance that diverse groups playin shaping faculty culture. That is, social characteristics suchas gender have a significant impact on how one is socializedto a discipline or organization.

Individuals and social groups experience faculty life inunique ways. An African-American presumably experiencesacademe in a manner different from a Hispanic or Asian Amer-k-an. Men's experiences differ from women's. Since we devotesection seven to the issue of faculty diversity and the uniquechallenges of wonlen and people of color, we save that discus-sion for later. Suffice to say for now that a number of scholarshave documented the experiences of faculty from diverse cul-tural groups, and that academe in general has not done a goodjob socializing individuals to the organization and adaptingthe organization to diverse groups of people (Aisenberg andHarrington 1988; Bernard 1964; Luz Reyes and Ha Icon 1991:McKay 1983; Moore and Wagstaff 1974; Olivas 1988; Simeone1987; Tierney 1992a; Tierney and Rhoads 1993).

The Culture of the InstitutionAll of these faculty cultures are enacted within the organizadon's culture. The national, professional, disciplinary, andindividual influences of a faculty member get played out onthe terrain of the college or university. And further, that terrainis also a faculty culture.

The culture of an organization is determined hy the mannerin which the institution communicates meaning, the purposeof that meaning and how that meaning is to he interpreted.Institutional parameters such as size and type are obviouslya major force in shaping the general orientation of facultywork (Blau 1973; Caplow and McGee 1958 ). However, differences in an organization's mission, how leadership is dem-onstrated, and the symbols the organization uses to communicate among members also affect the daily lives of facultymembers.

Within the culture of an organization is where the conflictswith the other cultures may he seen most clearly. How mightwe enable collegiate organizations to more successfullyorchestrate the manifold cultures whidt shape faculty life?Such work involves an understanding of these faculty culturec,the dynamics of the organization's culture, and socialization.

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TABLE 1

Summary of Faculty Cultures

FACULTY CHARACTERISTICNational Culture Varies by country society (United States,

Brazil. Panama)Professional Culture Varies by (xx-upation (doctor, police

officer, teacher)Disciplinary Culture Varies by area of study (physics, sod

ology, women's studies, engineering)Institutional Culture Varies by institution based on factors

such as type, size, location, public vs.private

Individual Cultural Varies by individual qualities (race, age,Differences gender, sexual orientation, physical

disability)

Faculty CommitmentsAs noted, one faculty culture may overlap, conflict, or beentirely different from another. The faculty member mustwork out these conflicts and trade-offs on a daily basis. Attimes, of course, trade-offs and compromises are impossible;conflict for an individual changes from merely becoming anuisance to the need to find another job. Nevertheless, thestrength of one's socialization into the discipline may affectwhether the individual identifies predominantly with the institution or the discipline. Likewise, institutional type may playa major role in a faculty member's identification with the dis-cipline or the institution.

Other behaviors such as one's commitment to advising,university outreach, or service also are shaped by the inter-section of these complex cultural forces. We offer two examples that highlight faculty differences and are contingent uponthe intersection of cultural forces: commitment to the insti-tution (locals) or to thc discipline (cosmopolitans) and commitment to traditional or emerging paradigms.

Cosmopolitans and localsVarious strategies have been used to delineate faculty life. Aslong ago as 1957, faculty were described in terms of cosmopolitans and locals (Gouldner 1957a, 1957h). Cosmopolitansare -those low on loyalty to the employing organization, highon commitment to specialized role skills, and likely to usean outer reference group orientation- (p. 290). Locals, on the

31

other hand. are "those high on loyalty to the employing orga-nization, low on commitment to specialized role skills, andlikely to use an inner reference group orientation" (p. 290).In terms of the professorate. those faculty more committedto their discipline than to the institution are described as cos-mopolitans, whereas faculty committed to the institution aredescribed as locals.

Obviously, the distinction between cosmopolitan and localspeaks to the culture of the discipline and organization(Becher 1987; Blau 1973; Clark 1987a; Freedman 1979). Oneof the paradoxes of U.S. graduate education is that we trainand socialize the vast majority of those who will become fac-ulty in research institutions, and then that vast majority findsitself in organizations where the culture does not rewardresearch in a manner akin to the research university.

An individual faces a dysfunctional work life where he orshe has been socialized to conduct research but finds thereis virtually no time to do so because of the teaching load. Sim.ilarly, an individual who values teaching may feel undervaluedat an institution where only research is rewarded.

Traditional paradigms and emerging paradigmsIn recent years, much debate has surfaced over issues relatedto science, in general, and theory and method, in particular.These debates tend to revolve around emerging interpreta-tions of science versus more traditional research paradigms.While at one time scientific practice might have had clearlyidentifiable norms (Merton 1973). such an argument is moredifficult to make today (Braxton 1986; Hackett 1990).

Kuhn was one of the first to call attention to the changingface of scientific and scholarly work when he highlighted the"paradigm revolution" (1970 ). Others have described themethods employed by many of today's scholars as "blurredgenres" (Geertz 1983). This trend in science and theory hashad implications for how faculty go about conducting research, especially in the social sciences. A variety of methodokTies and theories have been spawned by this general cri,tique of traditional science. Thus, one of the significant issuesfor ur lerstanding key aspects of faculty culture relates to theprofessor's orientatic H1 toward more traditional scientificmeth(xls or emerging paradigms.

The way scholars omceive 11 kn(Avledge relates to thetypes of inquiries that may he o inducted. Traditionally, knowl

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32

IS

edge has been situated within academic disciplines. Recently,however, some of the bonds that frame the academic disci-plines have begun to crack. "Today, more than at any timein recent memory,- comments Ernest Boyer, "researchers feelthe need to move beyond traditional disciplinary boundaries,communicate with colleagues in other fiekls. and discoverpatterns that connect" (1990, P. 20). The (-hanging structureof the disciplinary culture calls into question what it meansto be a member of a national culture and the structure inwhich organizational cultures place knowledge. That is, ina world where disciplinary culture now incorporates inter-disciplinary thought, traditional departments may no longersuffice.

At a time when knowledge and research findings may hetransmitted across the world in a matter of seconds, the frag-mentation and difference of national cultures may lessen. Atthe same time, in those countries that do not have the re-sources to develop the necessary telecommunications net-works, national and disciplinary cultures may be in evergreater conflict. Conversely, at a stage in the United Stateswhere calls for closer relationships between academe andsociety are commonplace, what it means to be a member ofthe profession may undergo change. This, in turn, will affectorganizational rewards and incentives and one's relationshipto a discipline.

SummaryWe have examined the complex makeup of faculty lives bydiscussing these cultural forces: the academic discipline, theprofession of the professorate, the institution, and individualdifference all framed by the larger influence of the nationalculture of American society. The influences weave a fabricwhich results in faculty differences and similarities evidencedacross a nunther of orientations oi faculty commitments.While there are many points of intersection, we have consid-ered two: commitment to the institution ( locals) or to thediscipline (cosmopolitans) and commitment to disciplinarywork or interdisciplinvy work.

The importance of understanding faculty culture is preem-inent if we are to adequately examine the socialization of fac-ulty. Vbile we have noted that the institution is only one ofthe key forces tLat shape faculty culture and behavior, it nonetheless plays a critical role in the socialization of fkulty. We

33

now consider the specifics of organiz2tional socialization andrelate the discussion to faculty socialization.

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CONCEPTUALIZING FACULTY SOCIALIZATION

The self is not so much a substance as a process in uhichthe contrrsation of gestures has been internalized withtnan oTanic form. This process does not exist for itself butis simply a phase of the u'hole social organization of u.hichale huhridual is a part ( Mcad 1934. p. 1-8).

Socialization is a concept that has concerned social scientiststhroughout the 20th century. For some, socialization is ameans for achieving a sense of solidarity by the institutionalization of shared values (Merton 195; Parsons and Shils1951). For others, socialization is a means for reproducingthe mores of the dominant culture (Bourdieu 19). Sometheorists have investigated s()cialization as a c()mmon needacross all cultures ( LeviStrauss 1963), and others have considered the interacti(m between the individual pswhe andthe social organizati(m ( Goffrnan 1959.196-: Mead 1934).

Many anthropok>gists have thought of some forms of socialization as a ritualized situation (Turner l9"- ). Van Gennep,for example. studied "rites of passage- that socialized individuals to the larger society ( 19(0). These rituals weredesigned to 111(.we individuals from one developmental stageto another. The most ()bvious form of such rituals were thoseused for adolescents who were to become adults. Educationalanthropologists (Spindler and Spii.dler 1989) and socialscientists (McLtren 1986: Tinto 198- ) also have cc msideredhow students bec(ime s cialized to s()ciety through the educational organization.

N,Ve view socializati(m as a ritualized process that. involvesthe transmission of culture. I n what follows, we elaborate onour deriniti(m of (>rganizati(mal m)cialization and then delineate the stages in which faculty become involved.

Organizational Socialization DermedOrganizational socialization is 3 cultural pn)cess that involvesthe exchange of patterns of th(mght and actnin. As a pn)cess.socialization is ong(iing. alth(nigh it (iccurs most clearly whennew recruits enter the organization. For new members, organizational socialization is "the process of 'learning the ropes:the process of being trained. the process of being taught whatis important in ,tn organization" Schein 1968, p. 21. And et,as a process. the organization's members always are imailved

in miciali/ation

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As a process,socializationis ongoing,although itoccurs mostclearly whennetv recruitsenter theorganization.

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A new leader, for example, enters the institution with a sig-nificantly different vision about the organization, and thosein the organization perhaps may have to reframe previouslyheld beliefs. An individual spends a year away from the orga-nization on a sabbatical, and upon return, has a different wayof seeing the institution. And obviously, any long-term mem-ber of an organization will point out how different the orga-nintion is today than when he or she first entered. A culturalview of organizations highlights change rather than stasis. Weneed to consider socialization from a similar viewpoint.

Socialization's purpose is twofold. On one hand, "One ofthe important functions of organimtional socialization is tobuild commitment and loyalty to the organization" (Schein1968, p. 7). Individuals learn about the organization's culture.On the other hand, since an organization's culture is inter-pretive and dynamic, as new members enter the institutionit is resocialized. We are suggesting that since an organiza-rion's culture exists as the product of social relations, as newmembers engage the organization they are able to changeit (Tierney 1992b).

In this regard, our interpretation of faculty socializationdiffers from traditional notions that have stressed a one-directional process (Baldwin 1979; Baldwin and Blackburn1981; Blackburn 1985). In today's diverse society an orga-nization's participants need to re-think how faculty becomeenmeshed within an organizational setting. This point is cru-cial to hear in mind as individuals consider groups such aswomen or African-Americans, since they have heen excludedand 'or underrepresented in academe. Similarly, as young fac-ulty enter an institution with an interdisciplinary orientation,the organization needs to respond in ways different from thepast. How might the organization be transformed as significantcadres of faculty enter with different perspectives and orientations?

We have pointed out how a leader such as a college pres-ident may play a key role in reorienting the organization'sculture, and hence, socialization. Long-term members alsoplay a significant role in socializing the young. The pointstressed here is that as an interpretive site of negotiation, anorganization's culture has the potential to undergo changein any numher of different manners due to the multiplicityof voices that exist. Socialization is a highly charged process,where different individuals and groups come together todefine wganizational beliefs and attitudes. Rather than simply

36

a sense of events, it is an ongoing process which involves vir-tually all organizational actors.

Faculty SocializationA new professor enters a postsecondary institution and in oneway or another becomes accustomed to the organization'snorms. At some institutions. faculty dress formally, while atother institutions, faculty will be found in shorts and sneakers.At one institution, faculty are expected to be in their officesa great deal of time, while at another locale, faculty officesare little more than way stations between classes. Some insti-tutions value research and others teaching. How do individ-uals come to learn about these norms, and how do thesenorms change? Faculty socialization is one area that providesclues.

Faculty socialization is a process with two stages: the antic-ipatory stage and the organizational stage. Anticipatory social-ization occurs largely during graduate school. The organiza-tional stage involves initial entry an 1 then role continuance.The organizational stage occurs w1. n a faculty member entersthe institution for the first time and comes into contact withthe institutional culture. The contact between the prospectivefaculty member and the institutional culture occurs initiallyduring the recruitment and selection process (Wanous 1992).

Stage One: Anticipatory SocializationThe first step in organizational socialization involves antic-ipatory learning on the part of the potential recruit (VanMaanen 19-6, 1983). Anticipatory socialization pertains to hownon-members take on the attitudes, actions, and values of thegroup to which they aspire.

Anticipatory socialization serves three functions: "For theindividual who adopts the values of a group to which he [she]aspires but does not helong, the orientation may serve thetwin functions of aiding his [her] rise into that group and ofeasing his [her] adjustment after he [she] has become a partof it- ( Merton 195-, p. 26C). At the same time, new membersalso begi t. to reframe the group to which they will belong.

During graduate training, for example, students anticipatethe t\pes of roles and behaviors they must enact to succeedas faculty members. Graduate training is where students beginto acquire the values, norms, attitudes, and beliefs associatedwith their discipline and with the profession at large. "As

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young scholars work with professors, they observe and intern-alize the norms of behavior for research as well as supportingmechanisms such as peer review and academic freedom"(Anderson and SeashoreImis 1991, p. 63).

At the same time, graduate students choose dissertationtopics and areas of study that may help dramati,:ally reorienta discipline. Native American Studies and Women's Studiesare hut two examples that benefited by the backgrounds ofthe "new recruits.- These individuals interacted with the"norms" by reconfiguring them. And too, the manner in whichwork is clone also changes as the backgrounds of theserecruits change.

In examining the training of medical students. Becker etal. argued that students create their own culture which aidsthem in surviving medical school (1961). This culture is notnecessarily geared toward adopting the future values and attitudes associated with becoming a doctor hut is more shortterm in its orientation. They described student culture as "theworking out in practice of the perspectives from which thestudents view their clay-to-day problems in relation to theirlong-term goals. The perspectives, themselves collectivelydeveloped. are organizations of ideas and actions- (p. 435).

However. the devekTment of a student culture takes placewithin an organizational context in which various problems,dilemmas, and situations are placed before the medical students by faculty, residents, and interns. While the short-termimplications of the organizational context may be the emer-gence of a student culture geared toward survival, there alsoare significant long-term effects. The general set of perspec-tives that Becker and others highlight as a by-product of med-ical training is one facet of anticipatory socialization.

For aspiring faculty, graduate training, then, serves as a sig-nificant force in socializing students into the roles and expectations associated with faculty life. I low one interacts withstudents and colleagues, the lifestyle one leads, and the journals. conferences. and books that one reads initially arelearned from mentors and peers in graduate school.

These initial socializing experiences that new faculty bringto an institution may not necessarily match the culture of theirnew organizatkm. A biologist trained at I larvard to valueresearch may experience a mismatch of expectations if shearrives at A state college without research facilities. A Inited"Lik's ilku,ruul who is trained to use a seminar style in teach

ing may be surprised if. for one reason or another, his careerbegins in an Islamic university that exclusively employs thelecture.

Our point is straightforward: Socializaion begins ptior toan individual's first day of employment. The individual learnswhat it means to be a member of a profession and disciplineduring one's training, and this learning may be at odds withwhat he or she ultimately finds. Since human beings constantly try to make sense of the culture, the events and messages that are provided during one's initial interaction withan institution send potent symbols. A university may not beable to alter the students' graduate school socialization, butit has vast discretion over institutional structures that frame

the organizational experience.

Stage Two: Organizational SocializationThe organizational stage has two phases: initial entry and rolecontinuance. The entry phase involves interactiom that mightoccur during the recruitment and selection process as well

is the early period of organizational learning that occurs assoon as the individual begins employment.

The role continuance phase begins after the individual issituated in the organization. The organizational stage isinitially framed by activities that occurred during the antic-ipatory socialization of the recruit that has helped shapeunderstandings and responses to the task demands and performance requirements (Van Maanen 1983 ).

When anticipatory socialization for an individual is consistent with that of the organization's culture, then the recruitwill experience socialization processes which affirm the indiyidual qualities brought to the organization. On the otherhand, if the values, beliefs, and norms brought by a recruitare seen as inconsistem with the cultural ethos ol the institution, then the st tcialization experien(e will he more transformative in nature: 'fhe organization will try to rm klitV anindividual's qualities.

In terms of faculty so( i ilization. transformative processesoccur when a faculty member with a research orientationenters an institutional setting where teaching takes precedence, or conversely, when a new faculty member is hired

at a research university hut enters with a teaching orientation.Ohvit ntsk, to a certain degree, everyone goes tl trough trans

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formations upon entering an organization. Organizationalleaders need to be conscious of what kinds of transformationsare important and necessary, and what kinds are trivial.

If recruits survive the initial entry process and the experiences that go along with being a "novice," they graduallymove to a role continuance phase (Corcoran and Clark 1984).Junior faculty must master the necessary academic and culturalskills to attain tenure. Tenured faculty need to become socialized to the responsibilities of academic leadership, and soon. Hence, organizational socialization is a two-phase process.Recruits first enter an organization and begin to "learn theropes" during the initial years of their academic life and thenexpand their organizational role.

Most often, organizational socialization occurs informallyand haphazardly. A new faculty member arrives on campusand learns from other faculty members about the in's andout's of the environment. Younger faculty learn how to actin meetings from the behavior of older colleagues. An assistam professor hears senior faculty speak constantly about theimportance of publications and never mention participationin university service, so she declines to attend the kicultysenate.

Although informal organizational socialization will alwaysoccur, one of the key purposes of this text is to suggest thatan organization's participants need to consider more consciously how to socialize individuals to the organization's culture. When individuals do not make the organization's cultureexplicit to new members, they are assuming that individualsall interpret the institution's symbolic life in the same way.Our suggestion is to consider strategies that socialize theorganization's participants not simply to unquestioned norms,but also to consider what those norms are and how they mightneed to he changed with the inckision of new groups of faculty. Such a process means that all individuals are involvedin ongoing organizational socialization and learning.

Dimensions of Organizational SocializationVan Maanen and Schein have proposed "tactical strategies"for understanding organizational socialization ( 1T'9 ). By Laetical, they refer to the ways that "the experk nel's indivkluals in transition from one role to ant tther are structured fi trthem by others in the organization" ( p. 232). The dimensionsof organizational socialization are: 1) collectke wrsus indi

vidual; 2) formal versus informal; 3) sequential versus random; 4) fixed versus variable; 5) serial versus disjunctive; and6) investiture versus divestiture.

Collective vs. individualCollective socialization refers to funning a group of recruitswho face a common set of experiences together. Examplesof this type of socialization include soldiers during hoot camp,students during graduate school, or a significant number oftenure-track faculty in a particular school or college. Distinctive colleges such as Reed College in Oregon, Deep SpringsCollege in California, or Hampshire College in Massachusettsare examples of a unitary framework for organizational socialization, since their culture is unitary and collective asopposed, for example, to large public institutions that havea more disparate culture.

Individual socialization refers to processing new membersin an isolated and singular manner. Individual socializationmore aptly describes the experiences of faculty in the vastmajority of colleges and universities. Faculty generally arehired on a departmental or divisional basis with little coordination across organizational boundaries. Faculty experiencesthroughout their tenure are generally individualized expeLences. Some institutions provide campuswide orientationand'or development programs, but these are, for the mostpart, short-term experiences.

Formal vs. informalA second tactical dimension of organizational socializationpertains to whether the socialization experiences are formalor informal. Formal socialization relates to those experienceswhere the recruit is separated from other regular membersof the organization while participating in a series of specifically designed activities. Formal socialization is to what wereferred previously as a rite of passage: the initiate undergoesa structured experience to pass to a new stage--complete witha new organizational status.

Informal socialization relates to more laissez-faire expe-riences where the norms of the organization are learnedthrough trial and error. Faculty socialization, generally, is mosttypically a "sink or swim" proposition arid is more informalthan formal. Van Maanen and Schein elaborate on informalsocialization ( 19-9).

raculty Socializathm w Cultur al Process41

teaming through eAperience in the informal sockdization'ruffle . . . place recruits in the positiwt where they mustselect their own socializatnnt agents The value of this modeto the nen ,:omer is then chlermined larwly by the relevantknowledge possessed by an tigtIlt and, of COnrSe. dk, agent'sabdill' to tran.sfer such knoniedge( p. 238 I.

II we agree that facuhy socializatk )n takes place to a significantdegree thniugh an hllOrmal process. then it logically followsthat at a minimum, new faculty need experienced and caringmentors.

Random vs. sequentialAm )(her tactical dimension relates to random versus sequential sticialization. Ranuom socialization pertains to a progres',ion (If unclear (it- amhigut ttl, steps which lead to a target gt)alt)r role. While the goal may he clear, how to act iieve the goalis unclear. Sequential socialization involves discrete andklentifiahk. steps ha- achieving an wganizatit mai role. Thistype of socialization is more ordered and clear and typicallyfalk in line with hinnal and collective socialization processes.

Randi an socialization describes pnicesses associated withfaculty evidenced 'w the tremendous stress. amhiguitv, andconfusion faculty experience in pursuit of prom( aion and tenure. One is never sure how much to vaite. how good ateaL her to he, or what to do in terms of public service to attainpromotion or tenure. Although the target may he clear, theprocess to achieve it is not. Some aspects of the pn)motionprocess in the 1..S. military may he seen as examples ofsequential st)cialization in that certain tests must be taken andpassed, specific skills must be acquired, and certain educa-tional lev..As must be attained beh)re a soldier can be promoted to the next level

Fixed vs. variableFixed versus variable sI wialization pnicesses refer to whetherthe timetable related to moving through different ( Irganizational roles is fixed (precisely spelled out) or variable ( vagueand unclear ) . An example of fixed so( ialization is high schoolgraduatit o 12 years of successful schooling typically movesstimeone to a new status as a high school graduate. Obtainingthe howev"r. might he considered 1 type of variable

vializat ion, in that thc process invokes I ites of passage that

4 2

frequently are unclear and variable across individuals basedon their own level of ability or accomplishment.

Usually, transitions from one role to another for faculty area mixture of fixed and Variable processes. The passage fromnovice through the promotion and tenure process is relativelyfixedusually six years. The role continuance that occurswhen a person passes from an associate professor to a fullprofessor is more an individualistic time frame and thus muchmore variable.

Serial vs. disjunctiveSerial socialization refers to the planned training of an indi-vidual by a senior member. A disjunctive socializatkm processis one where no role models are available for the organiza-tional newcomer. An untenured faculty member might hetrained by a tenured professor, or a new department chairmight learn from someone who has been a chair for a considerahle time.

For faculty, having experienced role models seems critically

important. At a minimum, individuals need peer support. This

is problematic fOr underrepresented groups, since issuesrelated to gender. race, and sexual orientation may make thementoring process m(we difficult.

Investiture vs. divestitureThe final dimension relates to investiture versus divestituresocialization processes, which we discuss in terms of anaffirming versus a transforming socialization experience.Investiture (more affirming) concerns the welcoming of therecruit's anticipatory socialization experiences and individualcharacteristics, whereas divestiture ( more transforming)involves stripping away those personal characteristics seenas incompatible with the organizational ethos.

When newcomers take their first faculty position, two generalized institutional patterns may result. On one hand. the institution encourages and reinforces those experiences learnedin graduate school (investiture). On the other hand, institutkmal gatekeepers might adopt a transfiwmative stance andattempt to restaicture the new member's values, norms, andbeliefs (divestiture). Investiture versus dikestiture processesmay be enacted at the same time, but with regard to differentaspects of the novit. e's tiricntatitIo

Fa( 'dry lahzati(m as Cultural l'n,C(ss

4 3

One is neversure bowmuch to write,how good ateacher to be,or what to doin terms ofpublic serviceto attainpromotion ortenure.

it)

3(1

Subsequently, a new faculty member who did not attaintenure at a research university may be hired by a teachingoriented institution and the faculty member's values, norms.and beliefs associated with the research function may needto be modified. The college may adopt a transformative stancetoward the new faculty member's view of the importance ofresearch. At the same time. this new member may place greatvalue on the teaching role, and the institution likely wouldaffirm this quality. Unfortunately, as we have noted, few realinstitutional mechanisms are enacted in any kind of formalized way. Instead, qualities of new faculty are affirmed ortransformed through informal mechanisms that are, for themost part, imprecise and haphazard.

Another difficulty related to faculty socialization and thenotions of investiture versus divestiture socialization is thefact that dominant norms, values, and beliefs tend to get reproduced. Logically, it follows that if an institution values certain characteristics, it will look for those qualities in newrecruits. However, members of underrepresented groups maybring personal characteristics and anticipauwv experiencesthat are incongruent with some of the dominant values of theorganization, and the organization may enact transformativeprocesses to modify the new recruit.

SummaryDuring the anticipatory stage of graduate school, the prospective faculty member's experience is shaped by four culturalinfluences that produce a general orientation. These culturalforces relate to disciplinary influences, professional influences, individual factors, and influences that derive from sodety.In the second stage of faculty socialization, the recniit beginsto learn about an organization's culture, which becomes thefifth cultural force in shaping the faculty member's occupational life (see Figure I for a visual summary of facultys()cialization).

During stage two, the newly hired faculty member arrivesat an institution and must learn about the organization's cul-ture while at the same time he or she continues to be shapedby the four other cultural influences. Organizational sodalization has two phases: initial entry and role continuance. Theentry phase moves the individual from the role of ()Insidert() n(wice. The role c( wit inuance phase relates t() the continu

4 4

ing relationship between the institution and the faculty memher. Essential to understanding this phase in academe is the

promotion and tenure process.

FIGURE I

Faculty Socialization

STAGE ONEAnticipatory

Four Cultural Influences1. National Culture2. Professional Culture3. Disciplinary Culture-4. Individual Cultural Differences

STAGE TWOOrganizational Socialization

Five Cultural Influences1. National Culture2. Professional Culture3. Disciplinary Culture-4. Individual Cultural DifferencesS. Institutional Culture

Phase One

Entry

Phase Two

Role Ca wainuance

Dimensions of Faculty Socialization1. Collective Indnidual

(group vs. singular )2. Formal Infigmal

( isolated from organizational members or interwoven with organizational members)

3. Random Sequential

( unclear and ambiguous N.s. ordered steps I4. Fixed(specific timetable vs. no timetable )5. Serial Disiunoitv(lead h role models ss. no role m dels )6. Investiture Divestiture

(affirming of individual charaoeristics to transforming individual characterist,cs I

rat UM' ralizatuor 11M Ira (Nc

4 5

.3/

THE FACULTY MEMBER AS NOVICE

Academic life is a mad hazard (Weber 1919, P. 133).

The focus of this section is on the interaction between the

new faculty member and the institution as the employingorganization. This initial entry into the ranks of the profes-

sorate marks the beginning of the organizational socializationprocess. In describing the faculty member as a novice, werefer principally to newly hired assistant professors in their

first years of faculty work. Although socialization has a cumu-

lative effect where an individual's experiences within organ-

izations build on each other, organizational participants must

pay particular attention to those initial experiences that occurfor an individual within an organization.

Over the last decade, for example, research has shown howimportant the first-year experience is for college students.More students depart during their initial year than in subse,

quent years. Patterns of study, interaction, and attitudes areset more clearly in the first year than in any other. We are sug-gesting that the same patterns also occur in faculty roles(Dunn, Seff, and Rouse forthcoming). Of consequence, itbehooves academic leaders to better understand the initialsocializing experiences of the new recruit so that, as with thefirst-year experience for college students, programs of support

might be implemented.\Xe focus on two primary aspects of early organizational

entry: ( 1) the recruitment and selection process as a meansof organizational socialization and (2) the experiences of newhires as they become socialized into their roles as faculty.While we recognize that much of what drives the eat socialization of faculty is, in fact, the promotion and tenure process.

we save that discussion for the following section, since it isthe central socializing ritual of academic life.

Recruitment and SelectionThe recruitment and selection process marks the first formal

communication between the prospective faculty member andthe organization. The lob description that an institution adver

tises tells a prospective employee something about the values

of the institution. Evergreen State College in Washington, fiirexample. requires all applicants to submit a statement about

their philosophy of education and teaching. Other institutionsask applicants to submit writing samples. Still other instituic ins ask individuals to teach a class or presem a paper Some

1.,1( lay .Sch hth..:1111W1 as c 'Whoa! Prck ess

applications must be submitted to the dean of the collegeand others to the chair of the search committee. To the neo-phyte, these are initial cultural clues about what the institutionvalues and how it is structured.

Interviews and the experience that candidates have whenthey visit campus provide additional information (Waggaman1983.). An institution where the president or dean interviewsa candidate offers one kind of information, and an interviewwhere senior faculty are too busy to speak with a candidateprovides another kind of information. An interview wherea candidate must make a formal presentation about a researchtopic highlights an institution's concern for research, whereasthe absence of such a discussion sends another signal.

In general, at the center of the recruitment and selectionprocess is the academic department, where much of the deci-sion making regarding new faculty tends to reside (McHenry1977). Academic departments not only represent concernsrelated to the organization, hut additionally, departments usu-ally are aligned with a discipline. The role of the disciplinein the recruitment and selection process, as well as its influ-ence on the experiences of the new recruit, highlight the pow-erful and ongoing influence of the disciplinary culture.

From a rational perspective of the organization, the primarygoal of recruitment and selection is to match the departmen-tal 'organizational needs and interests with the talents, skills,and interests of the prospective faculty member. The samemight he said of the prospective faculty member (Wanous1992), although in tight job markets candidates often initiallyare thankful to have located a job. A cultural analysis of recruit-ment and selection, however, offers a different interpretation.

Although the process certainly involves finding the right"fit" between organization and candidate, the kind of matchesthat are invol, ed relate primarily to the cultures of faculty life.The cuLtre of the institution may differ from what an individual has learned from the culture of the discipline or nation.The importance of research and teaching and how they firm:tion are the most obvious examples where cultural differenceswill occur. Similarly, the culture of an institution that is pri-marily white or male may differ dramatically from the culturalbackground of an individual who is neither male nor white.

A serious problem may result when a new faculty memberoriented toward a disciplinary culture of research is hired ata teaching oriented institution Braskamp, hwler, and Ory

4 7

1984). Likewise, problems may arise when the oppositeoccurs: when a faculty member with a teaching orientationis hired, only to discover that research is critical. Similarly,implicit messages may be sent that someone does not "fit"

the culture of the organization, when in reality the issue is

that the individual is culturally different from the norms ofthe institution.

The challenge for the institution is twofold. First, the institution's participants need to be reflective about the explicitvalues of the culture. If the institution, for example. believesthat teaching is of paramount importance. then clear signals

need to be sent to the candidate immediately about what is

expected of him or her. Second. the institution's participantsneed to understand how the implicit mechanisms of theorganization's culture operate. so that they might understandhow to make new faculty members welcome. Language.events, and interactions all are loaded with symbolic meaningIf the institution honors diversity, then it needs to considerhow organizational symbols privilege some and silence others.

Further, institutions frequently are in the process ofchange.in which they try to reform the organizational culture by becoming more diverse or increasing the importance of teaching. for example. One way of producing organizational change

is to bring in new people with different values and orientations. Hiring new faculty represents an opportune time toreshape the organization. but these individuals also need thesupport to sustain change. For example, a college dean whogives prominen;:e to teaching in a specific college when theuniversity does not do so will create problems tOr the novicewho listens to the dean hut finds out at prom(Aion and tenurethat the university actually rewards research.

The Experiences of New FacultyOnce a candidate has been chosen and hire I c. ILie new faculty

member enters an experience fraught with unique problemsand concerns. "The new professor's maitir concern is com

petence. . . .This entry period is a time of intense pressure

and considerable growth" Baldwin 1990, p. 311.

Newcomers to academe face a number of organizationalchallenges. Frequently, they either are tested informallformally about their abilities, motives, and values before beinggranted inclusionary rights which permit them 1 to share

organizatit mai secrets. 21 to separate the rhetoric used with

IdtV,Sochlkatl(41 (1.S ( -1111111-4l Prig t'S.,

4 3

.40

outsiders in describing the institution from the rhetoric usedby insiders to communicate with one another; and (3 ) tounderstand the unofficial, yet recognized, norms assodatedwith the actual work occurring and the moral conductexpected of people in specific organizational segments (VanMaanen and Schein 1979).

In many ways, the early years of faculty life are a periodof disillusionment and adjustment (Olsen and Sorcinelli 1992;sorcinelli 1992 ). In a study of new faculty at a large regionaluniversity. Boice reported consistent feelings of lonelinessand intellectual understimulation (1991a, 1992). Relatedly,Boice described general complaints on the part of new facultyabout lack of collegiality. A number of researchers noted find-ings related to time pressures described by new faculty(Mager and Myers 1982; Sorcinelli 1988. 1992; van der Bogert1991). Still others have highlighted the difficulty in learningthe informal aspects of organizational culture (Baldwin 1979;Mager and Myers 1982).

Loneliness and intellectual isolationBased on extensive interviews conducted with four successivenew faculty cohorts, Boice identified feelings of lonelinessand isolation as one of the more significant problems facedby new faculty (1991a, 1992). The long hours required of pro-fessorial work lie at the heart of the loneliness and isolationnew faculty experience. Most facuky novices agree that thefirst year is a difficult time to find room for a life beyond academe. "New faculty were frustrated by lack of opportunitiesto meet other new faculty" (Sorcinelli 1988. p. 128).

Lack of collegial supportIsolation and intellectual understimulation reflect a generallack of collegiality experienced by new faculty. A number ofstudies have shown that new faculty consistently complainabout lack of collegial support (Boice 1991a, 1992; Fink 1984:Reynolds 1992; Sorcinelli 1988, 1992; Turner and Boice 198- ).A new faculty member in a studv conducted by Whitt ( 1991)provides some insight into the general lack of collegiality andthe subsequent isolation new faculty face: "My picture of theculture here is one of fragmentation, probably due to the factthat everyone must do research, and research happens to bea ver lonely type of thing unless people team together-( p 1831,

49

For some new faculty, lack of collegiality is experiencednot so much through a lack Of contact with colleagues asthrough negative interacdons. Boice noted that, "Newcomers

. . routinely reported hostile comments from colleagues withmore seMority- (1991a, p. 32). Relatedly, Boice pointed outthe following complaints about senior faculty: (1) senior fac-

ulty routinely excluded new faculty from departmental deci-

sion making; (2) senior faculty complained about new faculty

seeking professional visibility; (3) senior faculty were dis-

interested in the research of new faculty; (4) senior facultycomplained of the narrow research interests of new faculty;and (5) senior faculty proclaimed that teaching and researchwere mutually incompatible.

Work loads and time constraintsNew faculty consistently comment about lack of time to pursue scholarly work. As van der Bogert noted, "New facultywere frustrated by the lack of time. They could not do all thecourse preparation they telt was necessaty; they greeted cluestions on how much time they were spending on scholarlywork with laughs- (1991. p. 68). For the most part, new fac

ulty tend to spend much more time on lecture preparationand teaching than expected ( Boice 199 lb; Turner and Boice1987 ). Others reported high amounts of stress related to workloads in general ( Sorcinelli 1988: Whitt 19911. Mager andMyers highlighted that 7.1 percent of new education professorsreportedly spend more then SO hours per week on work-

related tasks, and 38 percent spend more than 60 hours perweek 1983 ). New faculty may find it disheartening to learnthat pressures from faculty work loads are unlikely to lessen

any significant degree over one's academic career ( Baldwin

and Blackburn 1981 I.

Informal aspects of organizational cultureNt 1 nlv do new faculty have ti) learn the fOrmalized policiesand practices of their institution, but additionally, "new professors have much to learn about the informal operations and

modes of conduct in the complex organization known as acollege or university" ( Baldwin I p. 19). As we noted insection i me. :in organization's culture is ni( we than the fiymalrules, codes, and regulations that direct members behaviors:itilture is als( tho,e traditions, beliefs, and praoices passed

on fr(wil one generatitm to the next typically learned

- _ - _

hit (1. uftwal Procccs

Jtr1

through oral histories. "Much of what is expected of [faculty]is unstated and unwritten" (Whitt 1991, p. 179):

In a certain faculty lunchroom in a major university schoolof nursing there was a central table uith five to seven chairsaround it. and around the perimeter of the room were additional chairs. Senior faculty members usually brought theirlunches and sat around the center table at noon. juniorfaculty who (1.7ose to bring their lunches and eat in thelunchroom urre never so bold as to sit at the center tablewithout imitation: they sat around the perimeter of theroom. The newcomers to the lunchroom urre faced withsetrral questions: What rites of passage existed for juniorfaculty to gain access to the central table? What were therules that gotrrned group behatior uithin the setting andhow were these determined (Elay Group 1988, p. 88)?

As a novice, the new professor may find the organizationalculture difficult to fully comprehend. 'What is valued mayhe misunderstood or perhaps understood all too clearly"( Mager and Myers 1982, p. 104). The rites of passage andinformal rules that govern group behavior are a significantconcern in a number of areas. For example, what is the roleof a new faculty member at departmental meetings, at facultysenate or union meetings, or at divisional meetings, or,simply, how is one expected to deal with departmental officeassistants? These are the additional kinds of informal dilem-mas posed to the new faculty membermost of which mustbe negotiated through trial and error.

Dimensional AnalysisOne way of looking at the organizational socialization of newfaculty is to analyze their experiences in light of Van Maanenand Schein's "dimensions of organizational socialimtion- dis-(.-ussed in section three. For example, the loneliness and intel-lectual understimulation frequently experienced by new fac-uhy arguably are the by-products of the hyperindividualizednature of early organizational socialization. Individual socialization. as opposed to collective socialization, places neworganizational members within a "sink or swim" setting inwhich they must "hit the ground running" to succeed (Whitt19) 11. Individual socialization typically is associated with

alit Mal hierarchies where the organimtional participant

51

must learn certain skills, attitudes, and values to handle com-plex tasks before moving on to a higher status. Passage to ahigher status involves winning the approval oforganizationalgatekeepers who evaluate each participant on an individualbasis.

The lack of collegial support reported by new faculty canbe linked to the individualized nature of their socializationwhich, for many faculty, stands in sharp contrast to their grad

uate school experiences. "The rich stimulation of graduatestudy days is exchanged sometimes for intellectual barenesswhen the graduate student moves from a collection of desksin a shared room to a private office as an assistant professor"(Mager and Myers 1982, p. 105 ).

Complaints about faculty work loads and time constraintscan be interpreted as an emphasis upon disjunctive versusserial socialization processes. Disjunctive processes are thosewhere little to no mentoring is offered. Serial socializationdepends more upon role models to assist the newcomer in

learning the ropes. Evidence suggests that work loads are fairly

stable c. A er the span of faculty life (Baldwin and Blackburn19811. Yet, in spite of demanding expectations, many faculty

survive and indeed excel. Serial socialization can assist newfaculty by utilizing the experierice and expertise of senior fac

ulty through a mentoring relationship. Ve discuss faculty men

toring in greater detail in sectkm six.The unspoken codes, norms, and mores which are essential

for proper hehavkir as a new- faculty member highlight theinformal aspect of faculty organizational socialization. Infor-

mal socialization is typical of a laissez-faire experience wherethe norms arc expected to be learned through trial and error.Formal socialization processes are less ambiguous and typ-ically result in lesser degrees of stress. As is the case with fac-

ulty work loads, faculty mentors can play a positive role in

helping new faculty learn the subtleties of everyday life and

survive the early years of socialization. In this light, faculty

mentors may he seen as trail guides wh,: help recruits negotiate their way (Wel- the organizational mountain passes that

are the early years of faculty life.

SummaryThe recruitment and selection PR VeSS SerVes as a rite of pas

sage lin- facult\ candidates as they seek organizational entry.

The pi t ine kir ligning values between organizational

___

Fat !illy SIN hdr.-atic,11 (1.1-ultund Prmexs.39

TABLE 2

Summary of Dimensional Analysis

PROBLEM

I Loneliness

understimulation

DIMENSION OF

SOCLkLI7ATION TACI1CM. SUGGESTION

Collective socialization

2. Heaxy work loads Serial socializationtime constraints

3. Learning through Formal socializationtrial and error

Utilize greater groupinvolvement in newfaculty socializ2tion

Improve facultymentoring

Clearly articulate theorganiutional goalsand messages

goals and objectives and candidates skills, abilities, and inter.ests. Once this process is complete, the outsider becomesthe new recruitthe novice.

As new faculty enter the strange social milieu of academe.they face another set of rites of passage as they struggle tomove from the role of initiate to full member. The first fewyears are marked by social and intellectual isolation as theytry to prove themselves worthy of inclusionary rights. Thesefirst few years are the most stressful of all the career stageswithin the professorate. The socialization that occurs in theseearly years is not just a formalized process but also involvesmany complex social mores and nonns that must he mastered.What is the role of new faculty at faculty meetings? Who sitswhere? What are the social customs of informal faculty gath-erings? These are just a few of the less formalized social learn-ing processes that new faculty encounter.

53

THE RITUAL PROCESS OF TENURE AND PROMOTION

.411 of us are under ritual's swery: absolutely none of usstands outside of ritual's symbolic jurkdiction. . . Olderthan written histoty, they (rituals] are what remains oncethe stones and columns hatv disintegrated and the ruinshai.e been cleared ( McLaren 1986, pp. 34-351

SoL alization involves learning the various roles one mustenact in a multitude of complex soc, tl settings. V'ith each roleconies scripts or clues about how to enact these roles. Ritualsare a major form of socialization. From a cultural perspective,promotion and tenure is a ritual process that serves as a riteof passage for new faculty.

Turner described such a process as "rituals of ',LAWS ele-vation" (19'7). He pointed out how the initiate was "con-veyed irreversibly from a lower to a higher position in an institutionalized s).stem of such positions" (p. 167). The ritualprocess is interactive. Organizational actors have opportunitiesto shape rituals, and although a ritual such as tenure and promotion has existed in academe for generations, the pmcessalso changes through time.

In the first part of this section we consider the ritual processof the tenure and promotion years. A ritual is not simply anevent but involves preparation and planning on the part ofa number of social actors. Consequently, we consider the ritual process (a) for the initiate, b) for the institution, and (c)for the discipline.

In the second part of this section. we specifically considerthe ritual eventthe year-long analysis and decision of aninitiate's dossier. credentials. and qualifications. Obviously,we are aware that the ritual will differ from institution to institution. The process. for example. will be different for a community college professor and an initiate at a research university. Our goal is to lessen the mystification involved in tenureand prom(A kin with the intent of prcividing suggestions toimprove the process. Accordingly, we develop the followingscenario of the tenure years for assistant professor Barbara

Mara. a mythical professor at a large university.

The Tenure and Promotion YearsFor the initiateAltiu nigh everyone enters the ritual prticess with the awareness that eventually a judgment will be made about whether()tic me( jcs tenthe and pi-0111(4i( m. most individuals are

0Th \ tati:att,.0 ult unit

54

II

aware dimly of what is required of them. Barbara Mara. forexample, initially was pleased to have attained employmentat her institution; indeed, given the tight job market she wasglad to have found a position in a respected department. Shedid not have many impressions of the university. Her inter-view had been a nervous blur of meetings with senior facultyand the dean. After the phone call from the dean offering herthe position, she had not heard from anyone and did not wantto be a bother, so she didn't call anyone either. But she hadso many questk)ns! She assumed once she arrived on campusshe would receive an orientation where she might find someanswers.

Professor Mara found out indirectly what was expected ofher. The departmental secretary had been a big help. Thcdepartment chair had said his door was always open, but healways seemed so busy; she talked with him little more thanshe talked with any of the other senior faculty. Nlara knew.of course, that she had to teach three courses a semester. andthat one of these was a graduate seminar. Everyone saidresearch was "important,- although Mara wasn't sure whatto expect. She rememhered asking a senior professor abouthow many articles she should try to publish for tenure, andhe had responded that they were not "bean counters. It's quality that counts.- She was not sure at all what "service- meant.

Mara was placed on two collegewide committees. Whenshe attended the meetings, faculty arrived late and left early.Undergraduates constantly seemed to be waiting outside herdoor for an appointment. She liked teaching, hut she was stirprised at how much time it took. A handful of graduate swdents were always waiting for feedback on a proposal, dis-sertation chapter, or job reference. Nlara never seemed to havetime for reflection about research --much less foi a pem ma(life.

No one talked to Mara about her teaching, hut senior facultycontinually seemed to remind her how impt)rtant research\vas to get tenure. There was one other untenured professorin the department, hut his interests were different; she wasn'tsure whY, but stmletimes she felt that she was cumpet ing withhim.

Mara had sent an artide ti) a journal that was hawd on herdissertatii in hut she heard nothing for six nit mills. Shepatiently waited to hear about the status of the piece, and afteranother month w Mo she received a short letter staling that

55

the article was rejected because "the methodology was weakand the findings insubstantial." She reworked the article andsent it to another journal and waited an additional six months.When she heard nothing after another month, she called theeditor. The editor's secretary informed Mara that they weredelinquent in their work and were swamped with submis-sions, but that some decision probably would he made withinsix months.

In the meantime, Mara had submitted two proposals forpresentations at a conference. Both presentations wereaccepted, but she did not receive funding to go to the conference because all the college's funds had been spent. Thedepartment chair told Barbara that the procedure was torequest funds at the start of the school year and that the nextyear, perhaps, there would he funds available for theconference.

After spending personal funds to attend the conference.Mara had three people in the audience for her first paper presentation. Although she had spent an inordinate amount oftime on the papers, one of the three in the audience fellasleep during the presentation. The second paper receiveda better audience, but the discussant for the panel went overtime on his interpretation of another speaker's idea and nevermentioned Mara's paper. One person approached Mara at theend of the session and asked for a copy of her paper. She hadheard that she should bring handouts of the presentationsince it was a good way to network and have one's work read,so she rushed to give the person one of the 50 copies shehad carried from home.

A senior faculty member had told Mara that the deanwanted everyone to attend the university's reception at theconference. "He practically takes attendance.- the senior professor had laughed. The room was packed with people whenMara entered. The only individuals who looked familiar weredepartmental colleagues, but they seemed to ignore her. Shestood alone in a corner of the room and wondered, "Is thisreally worth it? Is this really how I want to spend my life?"

For the institutionBarbara Mara's experience may not be an exact replica of aspecific individual, but there are too man elements that ringtrue to ignore the vignette. Indeed, the preceuing sectionshave discussed problems of loneliness, lack of support. w eak

Faculty Su( kdizatum as Cultural Pm, ess

ProfessorMara foundout indirectlywhat wasexpected ofher. Thedcpartmentalsecretaly hadbeen abig 134.

56

44

mentoring, and other problems that we have portrayed here.The vignette underscores dysfunctional socialization in thatthe novice indirectly has learned a lot about the nature of herinstitution and of academe in general. But are these the lessons that should be taught? We retrace Mara's steps with aneye toward improvement.

Am. new hire will have many questions. fia.. of wn,cn cannotbe answered prior to one's arrival on campus. However, varying forms of written and verbal informatitm can he helpful.A handbook that outlines basic services provides an initialorientation. "Survival guides" and books discuss the experiences of new faculty (Boice 1992; Jarvis 1991; Schuster andWheeler 1990). Such information can be extremely helpfulin aiding an individual to come to grips with the oftenoblique system of needs and demands of academe.

Another Rirm of informatitm revolves around the department chair or senior faculty member. A delicate balance liesbetween paternalism and the handsoff attitude exhibited byMara's department chair. We will return R) this point in sectioneight, hut someone in a senior position should be involvedactively in looking out for a junior person's welfare. At a minimum, a few phone calls prior to the person's arrival to seehow a transition might be smoothed seems prudent.

Upon arrival, formal and informal feedback mechanismsmust be in place. The guessing game that tenure and promo-tion has become in many institutions is unnecessary at a min-imum and, at ..corst, unproductive for the candidate and theinstitution. To be sure, the number of articles that one needsto puhlish is not akin to "counting beans,- but the institutionshould he able to provide systematic. verifiable advice to alltenure-track faculty.

One individual hears for example, that the publication ofone's dissertation does nt) count toward tenure: another individual is told that the publication of a bookeven one's dissertationensures promotion and tenure. One professor saysonly refereed articles count lciward tenure. and am)ther statesthat two non-refereed articles are equal to one refereed article.One person states that co-authored articles are worthless, andanother person says that it is important to co auth( w an articlewith a graduate student as a sign ()I- mentoring.

On a grander scale, the institution may say that teachingis paramount, but a tenure track candidate has a friend whois denied tenure because he has mit pi,blished enough. No

t.)

one says that service is important. for example. but the juniorfaculty member serves on more committees than anyone elsein the department. Would a system that cares for indivklualscreate work that jeopardizes someone's eventual success?

The point here is not that anyone is trying purposefully todeceive the candidate, or that a dean. a department chair, orsenior faculty member are shirking.responsibilities. Rather,the tenure system is an odd potpourri of folk wisdom andhalf truths that far too often provoke bewilderment in a candidate trying to balance a multitude of duties. titimately, promotion and :enure depends on human judgment, and whatoften irks senior faculty is the idea that simple nunthers--"it takes two articles per vear"---will determine if someonesucceeds. At the same time, candidates should be able toreceive verifiable advice, such as, "Only one person has evergotten tenure with less than four refereed articles, and thatperson won a Nobel Prize.-

Our purpose in this text is not to determine institutionalpriorities toward promotion and tenure. but to point out thatthose priorities should be clear. If one's dissertation does notcount toward tenure, then all candidates and all individualson promotion and tenure committees should knAv suchinformation. If the publication of a textbook or a manual doesnot help toward tenure, then again. everyone involved in thepromotion and tenure process should have such information.Obviously, discrepancies may exist across colleges. A handbook may be slighted in the social sciences and be importantin agriculture. Our simple point is that the sTstem should provide systematic. informed commentary to all candidates andindividuals involved in the promotion and tenure process.

Information, advice, and suggestions should be conveyedin two forms. Informal conversations with individuals lessenthe hierarchical nature of senior junior faculty relationshipsand provide the sense of an ongoing dialogue about an indi

vidual's progress. Too often a candidate arrives at a third orfourth year review and no one was aware that he or she didmit publish because of service and teaching commitments.

At the same time. a formal discussion should be held oncea year. In a system ostensibly based on collegiality. wmal

evaluation often seems anathema to juni(w and seMi w faculty

alike. I loweyer, in the absence of such a meeting, the consequence is the guessing game in which Barbara Nlara lwcanieinvolved A formal meeting (wice a Veal' enables a department

ulty 57 .ialization ci.c ( ulturai I'rucess Ic

58

chair to plan for the future and consider relief for teachingfor an individual, and allows the candidate to air any problemshe or she has.

Depending on the size of one's faculty, it may be difficultfor a dean to schedule individual meetings with faculty. Atthe same time, one wonders what can he more important thana decision that potentially involves millions of institutionaldollars (assuming the candidate receives tenure and stays atthe institution). Ve are suggesting that the care and nurturingof junior faculty receives the highest priority by a collegedean. In doing so, the dean is able to develop a specific cli-mate within the college that fosters collegiality and concernfor the community.

An orientation for all new faculty is one way to offer initialinformation about the college and facilitate networking. Anorientation also mi,ht he developed in an ongoing format.because often the information provided during one's firstencounters on campus only take hold once one is involvedin the process. For example. it is helpful at the first meetingto highlight the fact that there is a teaching center on campusto which a novice might turn: this information will be evenmore worthwhile after a semester or two when the initiatebegins to recognize his or her teaching weaknesses. The mainpoint is that although a college dean should not try to fIll thefunction of a departmeiltal chair or senior mentor, the deanshould be in close touch with each tenure-track candidateto provide counsel and advice when necessary.

For the disciplineVe turn to a discussion of the culture of the disciplinebecause it plays a crucial role in the success or failure of acandidate's promotion and tenure. The disciplinary--evenmore than the institutionalculture is where meetings. jour-nals, book publishing. and scholarly networking ()ccur. Again,Barbara Mara's vignette may not be true fOr people in everyaspect, hut there is some truth in all of the examples, and wecan learn more than simply suggesting that it is impolite tofall asleep when a colleague is speaking.

A.s with the discussion ahout the institution. our purposeis not to suggest standards for jtiurnal puhlicati(in. Howe\ er.all N\ riters. and especially younger scholars. need clear feedhat:k ahout the problems encountered in a journal suhmis

`ion simPh say that thy -Inethodolog was weak" does

not help the author, and a disciplinary culture that createsaffirming socialization experiences will try to enlighten ratherthan condemn. Further, the abnormal delay in judging articlesthat often happens in scholarly journals is again, not merelyimpolite, but seriously jeopardizes a candidate's chances fortenure. If a journal is "swamped with submissions- and willtake a :ear to review someone's article, it is incumbent uponthe editor to let the author know immediately so that he orshe may pursue other options.

Senior scholars from the institution and the discipline havea scholarly obligation to advise junior colleagues about pub-lication. As we all know, publication does not merely dependupon the worth of one's ideas. Networking is important andan understanding of which journal is appropriate for a specifickind of article is essential. There is little point to maintainan academic guessing game for junior scholars as they submitone article after another to journals that are ill-suited for theirresearch and professional advancement.

Conferences are one of the more stressful professional activ-ities that a young scholar encounters. As Barbara Maraobserved, many people believed conferences were importantfor "networking," but Mara was unsure just how to go aboutthe task. One way is for session discussants to provide moresystematic feedback to a young scholar's paper than merelya cursory glance. Another possibility is for the disciplinaryorganization to create informal alliances between senior scholars and newcomers if for no other reason than to create afriendly face in a sea of anonymity. A meeting for newcomersand sessions on publishing held by editors of major journalsare examples of positive actions that a professional associationmay develop.

A.s with every suggestion, "networking" should not haveto be a magical process that a candidate discovers on his orher own. Indeed, as we shall see, networking is essential formost individuals if they are to be successfully socialized andgranted promotion and tenure.

The Ritual YearFor the initiateDuring the summer before her sixth ).ear, Barbara Mara beganto assemble her tiles. She had heard that they needed to besubmitted "sometime in the fall,- and with the rusL of activities to which she had become accustomed at the start of fall

racuitr.s.cttaliz..(Itt(in (1. Cultu raI Pnk-esc

GO

semester, she was sure she would not have time to do an ade-quate job on the files if she waited.

She was surprised about how much information wasneeded. She had to submit all course evaluations, a list ofevery committee site had served on, and all her publicationsand presentations. She had her publications and presentationson her vita, so that was no problem. However, she barelycould remember all the committee work she had performethshe only listed some major committees since she had learnedthat service wa.s not so important.

She was disappointed that she did not have more v,Titteninformation about her teaching, but she had not known it wasnecessary. She had become a good teacher, and twice duringthe last two years she even had received a round of applauseat the end of the term from her large lecture class. Thosemoments were the highlights of her career at the university,but she had nothing to show for it. She regretted that she hadnot received any written commentary from students, but shefigured that her teaching scores would suffice.

Mara worried a lot about her references. She had been toldthat she needed to list six people in her field who were qual-ified to judge her work. It was funny and depressing that aftersix years she still had to struggle about whom to suggest. Twoprofessors knew her work quite well and a third was her dis-sertation advisor, but she barely knew the other three indi-viduals she had listed.

At the start of the fall semester her chair had said that hewas sure the file would "fly right through.- since most of herprevious evaluations had been fair. He promised her he wouldtake a look at her files when he got a chance. The new deanworried Barbara, but the school year started and the pace ofher life picked up.

The Friday before the college committee's Monday meetingthe department chair hurried into Mara's office to tell her thatthe college had a new format and she needed to change theway she had presented her files. He also said that the dean'soffice had been late in requesting letters of reference and shestill did not have two letters in her file. She spent the weekendreworking her files and worrying that the other letters wouldarrive.

She received a letter from the dean a month later statingthat her candklacy had been denied. Although her teachingand service were "adequate," her research was viewed as mar

61

ginal .7-)y "scholars in the field." Mara felt alternately angry andsad and wondered what now awaited her.

For the institutionProfessor Mara's initiation ritual ended in failure. The previoussegment outlined what kind of activities might have beenhelpful. But there also are points of intervention and supportthat might be offered once the ritual year has begun. Forexample, the forms the institution requires a candidate to fillout should be clear well before the actual date the forms areneeded. The department chair or senior scholar should reviewthe documents to ensure that the necessary information ispresented as clearly and logically as possible. The candidateneeds to know in his or her first year that all work-relatedinformation' must he kept so that when the forms are filledin, all of one's committee work, for example, will be listed.

The dean's office needs to manage the process so that lastminute changes or gaps do not occur. A faculty member whois on a year's leave of absence may be unable to fill out a letter of review, but such an alence in a candidate's file reflectspoorly on the candidate. A fascimile or express letter to anoutside reviewer asking for an immediate evaluation of a can-didate reflects poorly on the college as well as the candidate.

A new dean certainly has the prerogative to advocate forthe change of pRinu itk in and tenure standards, but thesechanges need to be conducted fairly, clearly, and with fulldiscussion with those individuals under review. In Mara*s case,what was unfortunate was that she did not have better doc-umentati(m of her service and teaching, that perhaps her letters were not as strong as they could have been, and that shehad been led to believe from previous reviews that her workmet the standards of the instituthm. if nothing had changedin her work habits from her previous review to the time fora tenure decision. it seems questionable that she should bedenied tenure. Finally, the manner in which the dean cornmunicated to Mara probably could have been improved.Surely a formal letter is necessary, hut as with the symbolspresent during initial interviews, the manner in which onetreats the initiate after a tenure decision is a p(Aent symholof how the institution values individuals. A meeting with theindividual as well IS job coun el ing and support through( Altthe final year seem warranted

th UM' k 4tCullund

511

For the disciplineOne ptiint remains on which to be commented. and it relatesto the culture of the discipline: scholarly advancement andreview Disciplines have a multitude of ways in which themembers interact It w( mld be naive rli t o sav mistakento assume that the only \\ av Ime becomes km iwn in a fieldis through one's research activities. A host of informal andtOrmal mechanisms exist that facilitate individuals geuinga. quainted. Reviewing articles and presentati( ins, committeew( irk, chairing sessi(ms. and 5( icial activities are examples ofdisciplinary experiences that socialize the initiate to the curture of academic work. These are also activities that enableyounger scholars to come into comact with senior colleagues.It is incumbent on the discipline to incorporate new membersas a means of professional advarkement so that at the timeof tenure review the individual is km rwn in the field.

'The fact renuins. lu wever. that a scholar reviews a candidate's credentials essentially based on the w( wth of one's published material. It seems absurd to send outside reviewerseverything t or m >thing f an individual has written and ask fortheir commentan. in a week's time: such a task is especiallydifficult if the reiewer has no acquaintance with the candidate. I )UrIng the tenure \ears the candidate shimld be enomr.aged to oiler and again, senior scholars should welcome,x.casional re\ iew of an individuars work. Such a relationshipinforms thy senic ir scholar ab(mt the junior colleague's workand pn ides i ingi >iilg analsis so that the mivice mayimproe. At the time iii tenure re\ iew, then. the candidatew ill 10 iid the problem faced lw Barbara Mara and will have.1 handful of senk ir o dleagues who can o imment 0 mlident I\m the mdmvidturs skills and abilities.

Summarye reiterate that this ',CORM is Mit intended I() dilute stan

dards or ref, wilt mstitutli mal beliefs about tenure. ilmvt.Ner.the ritual of tenure ...Ind promotion is embedded in

. ultural s\ stem that an be unpn ied 'rhe mysmisintormati(wi that candidates (.110 miller on

the wa\ to tenure rclew Is millet ess,Irl and benefits mliii incsicmaiik anak,sis and re\ ie iii the tenure process

should be a standard task ol the prnost. s i t% e and the lacscnaie I k. ass) Ii Lit ions alsii need Iii deceliip

thoughtlid irIlmijm It'- iii wa\ s mu \\ iii. 11th c\ niight specirk all\

6.3

aid their junior members. Rituals of transition in traditionalsocieties ensure success: An initiate passes from adolescenceto adulthood. Promotion and tenure cannot be a similar ritualbecause even with the best of efforts, an institution maydecide that an individual is not well-suited for permanentemployment. But as the preceding sections have shown, wesurely can perform better than we have. In section eight wereturn to this theme. btu we now turn to the system of socialization after tenure.

Fa( Cf,t fah:(111(1,1 (is id[I(r(i1 rtut(':-.0

64Sri

POST-TENURE SOCIALIZATION: SENIOR FACULTY AS LEARNERS

Socialization takes place from the womb to tomb. It is arecurrent caul lifelong process taking many forms andoccurring across a u'ide range of settings. Exiting one setting11101'es one into another, and socialization begins anew (VanMaanen 1983. p. 213).

\Then a faculty member receives tenure, organizational lifechanges. The same may be said about moving from associateprofessor to full professor. For a full professor the organiza-tional culture is seen from a different perspective, from a position ostensibly higher up on the organizational hierarchy.Associate and full professors have the ability to assume a variety of roles-- mentor, trusted cc illeague. department chair,institutional leader, and disciplinary scholar. Based on theirextensive knowledge of the organizational culture and history,they are in a powerful position to shape the realities of others.

And yet, as a never-ending process, even the most experienced organizational members undergo socializing expe-riences that require growth and change. Culture is dynamic.and organizational learning needs to be ongoing for allmembers. In this section we examine the post tenure facultymember along two lines: as a socializer of other faculty andas an organizational member involved in ongoing socialization.

Senior Faculty as Socializers\X'e referred in the previous section to the roles senior facultymight play in the advancement of their junior colleagues. Ifthe preceding section was more instrumental, focusing onspecific actions individuals might take, this section is morestrategic. We omsider the manner in which an institution andits senior colleagues might approach the task of mentoring.Specifically, we argue that senior faculty not only have adviceand wisdom to impart but also need to be intellectual learnerswho value the input and ideas of their junky colleagues. Weexamine three roles senior faculty fill in their capacity as cul-ture hearers: the symbolic leader, the trail guide. and the oralhistorian. We highlight how socialization may be viewed ina bidirectional manner so that individuals are not simply homogenized to cultural mvms but valued as impoirtant newmembers to the communit.

The symbolic leader''It is a truism in American higher cduc.it I( in that its managcrs department ( hairpersons. deans. or academic vice pres

l'acutn..,Jkiditzati(al (LC( t.((65

Even the mostexperiencedorganizationalmembersmulergosocializingmperiencesthat requiregrowth andchange.

identsalmost always come from faculty ranks" (Tucker andBryan 1988, p. 81). From these positions they are able toshape the realities of others by offering their own vision ofthe institution. 13ecause of their experience and knowledgeof the organizational culture, senior faculty are capable of giving symbolic meaning to event.s that the faculty novice mightsee as perplexing or chaotic. They do so by focusing attentionon aspects of the institutional culture that are familiar andmeaningful to the college community (Bensimon. Neumann,and Bimbaum 1989).

Leadership not only is a symbolic word. Senior faculty havethe ability to set standards by enacting those standards them.selves. A faculty member who holds an endowed chair, forexample. provides a potent symbol when she regularlyteaches a firstyear seminar. A full professor who seeks outa junior colleague for honest advice about an article on whichhe is working highlights the importance of conversationacross levels. A department chair who solicits input fromjunior colleagues about the nature of the curriculum or whatcourses should be offered in the summer has the potentialto impress on the novice that evet).one's ideas are importantand can effect change in the institution.

The converse. of course, also is painfully true. A novice alltoo often is socialized to a norm where senior faculty havelight (caching loads and junior faculty are supposed to silentlyreieive . riticism from their elders and have no voice in de-partmental or college affairs. To lead by symbol in the mannerwe suggest offers the initiate a fundamental opportunity toshape the culture.

The trail guideSenior taculty find themselves in a position where other less-experienced faculty seek their advice and knowledge aboutthe cultural mitres of the organizatkm. In this regard, seniorfaculty may find themselves in the role of mentor or trustedcolleague. We have considered in section five how individualsmight respond as a mentor with regard to publication, teaching, and other matters.

AS a tmsted and respected olleague. senior faculty alsomay deal with cultural issues that pertain to the organizationand the individual. flow often do I have to go to the office?

fi )1. the offitse mm cldss? What is my roleat tact iltv meetings? Do I have to go to faculty socials? flow

66

dt ) I juggle all these tasks? These are just a few of the clueslions that :night he pised to mentors.

Such questitms often seem trivial; hut they form the coreof the implicit cultural web that hinds memhers. The indiidual who sh(M.', Up at her office once a week when the

norm is that e\ ervone makes a daily appearance or the fellowwho wears sht)rts and sneakers when others work in ties andslacks create prohlems for themselves that they may not real

if an individual wants to violate a nt irm. that is surely theirdecision. I lowever, they at least should he aware they aredoing so: often, cultural transgressions are not purposeful.\lc )st individuals only have a passive awareness of an organization's culture, and they only discover the strength of cultun.. when the have transgressed its hounds.

The informal conversations that take place at lunch. on theroad. or at the faculty mailboxes also are implicit indicatorsto an individual ahout the culture of the organization. Seniorktcultv have the ahilitv to create an inclusive culture wherenewcomer interests get voiced, heard, and honored. As wewill o Insider in the next st lit In. such a point is especiallyimpimant wit'i regard to tit . Trepresented groups.

lenit wing, then, is more volved than merely acting asa trusted colleague and dispensing advice; the mentoring relationship implies commitment and a desire to learn from theIll R lee as well. "It consists of regular meetings and of usefulad\ k c and advocacy between pairs of colleagues over periods))f at least :I \ ear- 1993. p. 30() I. Whether or not colleges adopt a formal mentor program. senior colleagues are

tremendi )us source of cultural and professional guidancekir the no\ ice. and we are suggesting that this role he develt ped in a more inatit way titan typicall occurs.

The oral historianNhich td.N% hat fault need to know ahout life in their instinations w ill not appear in the faculty handhook, the missionstatement. cit the art( cus guides to institutional policies andpr()t edures. I:\ en if institutions adopt the procedures suggesied in this te\t. an atademic istittitiotl still maintains anmat traditit )1) 'riits knowledge is cl intained in the manifoldsk cries t mths that pass from one faculty generation to thenext These (lrgaili/,itinn,il myths re\ eal much ahout the cul

1,1bric ccl the institution and can he a ri..h soLute of (Ali1111.1I Pettigrew nl ites.

hi, jail '114, heir (ail '11 P Cc.'

6 7

lust as ritual may provide a shared axperience of belongingand express and reinforce what is valued. so no,th also plays

its crucial role in the continuous processes of establishingand maintaining what Lc legitimate and that which islabelled unacceptable in an oqanizational culture (1983,

p. 96).

In popular usage, myth implies falsehood. In the sense ofmyth applied here--the anthropological notionmyth is anarrative of events which often have a sacred quality. Myths

link the present to the past.Based on their time in academe and experiences at their

specific institution. senior faculty hold a wealth of instio iticcnal

myths. Brown noted in her study of organizational socialization and storytelling that as members move through thesocialization process. the stories they tell tend to relate moreclosely to organizational values and culture. "These stories

served to integrate the activities of the organization by presenting specific or generalized events as a part of organiza

tional life" (198C. p. 38). This knowledge is passed on to fac-

ulty typically in informal settings where storytelling seems

best suited.A.s with any story, it is open to interpretation and change.

Indeed, faculty ought to utilize their roles as oml historians

not to pass on simplemindedly treasured myths of the past.

but that these myths be used to examine and change the present. Rather than a story that is to be passively accepted, suchstories have the capability I() be IN )mills for analysis and

change. The glorification of the "good old days" may not

appear that way to those of us who were excluded from thosedays; at the same time, an institution bereft of history is an

institution with(nat clear markers about identity and ideology.

The analysis of the past enables junior and senior colleaguesto embark on plans for the future.

The Ongoing Socialization of Senior Faculty

A full professor ret eiyes a memo from the president saying that from now on the administration will onlv useelectronic mail in interoffice cc wresp mdence to save time

and money. Although the professor heard about electnmicmail a kw years ago>, he has never bothered to honk upand r onsequently feels a bit adritt ly the president's note

68

In the dean's address at the start of the school year, shepointed out the financial straits the college was in andsaid she expected all faculty to bring in grants. A lull pro-fessor has never written a proposal in his life and has noidea where to begin.

A young professor in the department asked an older colleague to read a draft of an article. but 'he article had somany new ideas he did not know how to critique it. Hismood alternated between sadness that he was hehindthe times and anger at the younger professor's enamorof trendy ideas.

At least three possible organizational responses exist withregard to these examples. One possibility is for the organization to do nothing. A second response is to recognize aproblem and hold a workshop or two for senior professors.The third reaction is to treat these issues as cultural dilemmasthat pertain to socialization.

Clearly, the first response is inadequate. The second response is functional in nature and responds to an immediateproblem: Someone does not know how to use the computer.so the institution develops a training class to bring individualsup to speed. Although such classe are helpful and necessary.they are reactive in nature and do not adequately treat the

underlyieg cultural issues.The problems presented here are common dilemmas that

confront all seniiir factilt in all types of organizations. If aninstitutit in is able to develop a culture where socializationis seen as ongoing and where all individuals are learners aswell as teachers, then the institution will develop proactivestrategies fi w dealing with socialization in the same way that

they have ih.veloped strategies for aiding younger faculty.The INA its of such an appn mch are that the "problem-

is n( it seen as residing in the individual the senior pn)fessor

is "behind the times.- Rather than using stopgap and reactive

measures, the institutii in is able to plan for the future. As weshall discuss. younger faculty also are able to be seen in a different iiqhi they often will have skills, theories. and methiidilogies they will be able to teach seniiir faculty so the hier

archical nature of seniiir junior relatkwiships will he changed.And the institution will benefit from a culture where individuals embrat c t hang( rather than (me where changes are

Nit lull Suk rah:alum -rdttiral I'n)( '\.

69

fought because senitir faculty seek to maintain the status quo.We are not painting an organizational utopia. We noted that

even the best socialization for younger faculty will result insome individual departures. Similarly, not all senuir facultyvill buy into the coneept of themselves as learners wh° needto he involved in ongoing socialization. Ohviousl\ changesin any number of areas are difficult for institutional members.and it is especially hard for those people who have wiwkedfor a great number of years. The life cycles of individuals alsointeract with any organizatkmal culture. No matter how strategic an organization. some individuals will resist changebecause of personal circumstances. I lowever, far uio (thenan organization responds to dilemmas such as those tutlinedah( we either by de\ eloping a temporary respinse or by notreacting at aft \That we are prop( >sing is a philosophy of hi twan institution might build a community of concern where chi'ference is honored and the culture exists in a structureoriented for change and renewal. \Ne return t i this ((pi( insection eight. but we oiler four areas \\ here culture and sitcialization are especially important for senii ir faculty

Mentoring. It has become c( mink ii Oi point (gat that facultyare trained in a discipline hut the\ are rarely trained 0 t adviseand counsel undergraduate iudents I Bess l9-8: Schuster19901) I. The same point holds true few the menu wing (if juniorfaculty. As with any activity, some individuals will he moreadept as menh Ws than others. I fowever, ever\ one sill lold ha\ ebasic kmmiedge and advice aIR wit lii Ay to help junior facult

A yearl\ workshop is one way to offer information t'. ta. ultv:IN tut lk A\ to work with tenure track faculty. such ( wksin ipis also a good time to highlight what is and is mit needed v,itnregard to tenure. 'Raining sessi( ins 1( ir department ( !tails alsiare helpful and alit Av indi\ iduals tm speak ankingst diemsel\ esabt mt what they do to aid junior faculty. In larger departmentsit is incumbent for seni( w faculty to get utgether to de, idewho will work specifically w ith a \ ounger person and thekinds of activities that might he de\ eloped to aid the

Our point here us that an insuttith itt ( annot ask of Its seniorfatuity what the\ ate not prepared Ill do. \\Orkshops that highlight the changing la( e of academe w ith regard I ii mien .tnipeople (tI Lolor are greath important. In(11\ kkials ale unique.and lust s faculty need It u titdeistamid lit At ti eak ll

7

groups of students they also need training with regard to how

to work with newer members of the faculty. These types ofworkshops emphasize the philosophy of bidirectionalitywhere an institution seeks to enable older faculty to understand the needs of people who might be quite different fromthemselves rather than assume that all groups are the sameand have the same needs. Such activities also are potentorganizational symhols about what the instiwtion values.

Academic leadership. Carlyle may have thought that some"men" are born leaders and others followers, but he was notspeaking of academic leadership (1841). There are variousforms of leadership that an individual may fulfill in academe.

To enable all individuals to fill these roles some form of training is necessary. If we atssume that an individual needs specific help achieving tenure, then it seems logical that therealso will be activities that will aid the post-tenure faculty in

professional advancement.The kind of activities that might be beneficial are training

sessions for faculty governance, an overview of the manifoldproblems that confront academe, and many of the latest

changes that are being implemented in colleges and universities. Unless one's area of interest happens to be higher education. faculty do not have much of an understanding of thediversity in higher education and the array of governancearrangements that exist. lb the extent that senkir faculty candevelop a comparative perspective about the nature of their

institutit ins. they will be better able to understand differences

and create change.

Interchange. Sabbaticals and leaves of absence remain thepreferred way for renewal and training of senk ir faculty ( Clark

1983). Ve reaffirm this point. In economic hard times institutions liave begun to IcKik at sabbaticals as one area that

might be cut to sa-ve income. The fact remains that to keepindividuals current in their field or to develop new areas ofinquiry, individuals need time away from teaching and themultitude (it-duties that encompass faculty life. To rem( 0sabbatit als as an option will only retard fik ultv learning in

skills needed for the future.HoNe er. to reaffirm the need k f sabbatk als does nit unpl\

that sahlutial pt cli. it-, MON he left unquestii ined liie it.lea

Facriltv tt ulturalcct

"1

that an individual automatically receives a sabbatical or thatany topic is worthy of a paid leave of absence seems as absurdas doing away with the policy. Obviously, who decides whatis worthy of investigation is a sensitive issue. We raise thepoint that sabbaticals, faculty interchanges, and leaves ofabsence should not be considered perfunctory rewards, butkey components of resocialization.

New pedagogic and curricular forms. Iiere again is anarea in which younger faculty might offer a roundtahle or talkon current thinking in a specific area. Teachers also mightbecome involved in a forum about how to improve teachingmethods. In many respects, both of these areas are examplesof instances where junior and senior colleagues may worktogether as colleagues rather than as advisee mentor. A facultymember who has taught for 20 years may find a workshopon teaching and learning as helpful as does the junior facultymember.

To the extent possible, departments also might regularlyschedule interchange and observant m in one another'sclasses. Some institutions have developed a system wheresenior faculty sit in on a class of a tenure track faculty memberto pass judgment about the worth of one's teaching. This isthe kind of unidirectii mai socializatk in experience that wewould like to weaken. 'Me implicit lesson of such an experience is that senior faculty are judges. and that junior facultyha e nothing of worth that they might say to senior facultyabout teaching. Instead, a system where every fitculty membersits in another's class offers the possibility of honest interchange across ranks.

SummaryWe have onered strategies for pi ist tenure midalization thathinge on the idea of teachers as learners. Ve reci)gnize thepitfalls of some of tile ideas we have proposed. Some seniorfaculty will resent. if not refuse, to have junior faculty sit intheir classes. A junior faculty memher who precents a paperon a new area of inquiry may be attacked by a senior professor who rejects his or her ideas. sumest that sabbatical polides he reconsidered may allow the intrusion of administraum, in an area that faculty see as their ox.n.

Ilowever. e are suggesting strati:g1 i. responses fin- tenuredfaculty s( i that institutions nught he able o i dyvelt ip specific

policies that are unique to their own college or university.As with the previous section, we are not advocating a specificinstitutional policy, but rather we have offered a strategicresponse. Post-tenure socialization occurs whether or not theinstitution decides to do it. Ve have suggested that institutionsbuild a conscious framework for socialization that is shapedby and helps shape the organization's culture.

Eticulty Su( ralization as Cultural Prucess61

73

THE SOCIALIZATION OF WOMEN FACULTYAND FACULTY OF COLOR

It is curhms and tmrth at hwst a moment's consideration.that civil schools with no women on theirfaculties are symholized as cherishing mothers. El en when/ /Lick. are "(own

on lite faculties, not thei but a mystical female -AlmaMater --nourishes and disciplines her (.1.4il:r4(N

ti.hen nv stout( at boyhood's gate.Shapeless in the hands of fate.Thou dids7 mold us. Dear old vale,Imo men.'into men!

Bernard NO I. p. I

Borders are ,set up to define ilk, places that are safe andunsafe. to distinguish us from them. A border is a diridingline, a narrow strip along a steep edge. A horderlaiul is a

vague and undetermined place Created hv the emotionalresidue of an unnatural INgindarv. It is in a constant stateof fransilion. The prohibited ami fothidden are its inhah

itants(Anialdtia 9 p. 31.

We face at least tWO risks in thk secti n. First. as tw( white

men dehneating the experiences of w( mien and potpie L it

cokw, we run the risk of perpetuating cultural hi wders based

un race and gender creating an us them dichot( nth Vet atthe saint: time, we calm' it deny that man\ wt 'men faculty

certainly not all and many faculty of color agin. nut allface differing and unique challenges in negotiating their \\,:i

Um nigh the at ademic world. A Anzaldua highlights in thepreceding passage. differences such as race and gender arethe residue of unnatural hound:vies I 198 I. Few soLial Lm-ga

nizations promote and sustain social houndanes as well as

academe.hecause we are wi itnig ali, iat mien ,md 'pet,

ple c,f -color,- we run the risk of gnmping everyone together.

as if ever\ Line who is different is similar That is. one assumpnon might he that the Lhallenges faced I-A women tat, ult \ are

the same as those enomntered by African Amerk f»- \all\ L.

American faculty. or that Asian American Eikaili \ are similar

to UM() Luina faLult. \\.e dt nut intend t homogeni/.e ilitft:Fence. Often, the prohlems dm! \winch factihfor examplt.. ale unique to their experien, k' lucked. ,Is

shall disc uss. teeent research highlights that the L 11.111engt--

ailah hilicittaot Its I antral

"4

Few socialorganizationspromote andsustain socialboumlariesas well asacademe.

that women of color face are unique to their own experience(James and Farmer 1993; Etter Lewis 19931 and differ fromthat of male faculty of color and women faculty.

However, what all underrepresented groups face is an overriding organizational culture that often is tdrmed on historicaland social patterns that are both white and male. Our goalin this section, then, is to highlight some of the socializationexperiences of women faculty and faculty of color that tendto perpetuate social boundaries. We also discuss the rationalefor an emphasis on socialization that honors difference.

The Revolving Door\X!omen and people ot color clearly are underrepresentedamong the American professorate. This especially is true whentenured faculty positions are examined. Studies have shownthat a higher proportion of tenure track women faculty andfacuky of color leave the tenure track prior to a tenure decision than do their white, male colleagues (Thck and Patitu1992). While efforts have been made to recruit faculty fromdiverse groups, little has been done to examine the socialization experiences of women faculty and faculty of color.

Research has shown that women are more likely to hedenied tenure or to leave academe altogether and, in general,exhibit differential progress (American Association of l'niversity V.k)men 1989; Dwver, Flynn. and Inman 1991; Rothblum 1988). The same can he said of people of «)lor (Collins1990; Jackson 1991; Suinn and Witt 1982). The ,.endency bywomen faculty and faculty of color to leave acideme frequently is discussed in terms of a "revolving door": New faculty are hired, stay tbr a few years, become discouraged andleave, or are denied tenure and then leave (Cross 1991). Therevolving door represents a socialization process that largelyhas failed for thL organization and the novice. The result hasbeen alienation and departure. What are the causes?Anat arethe solutions?

Sources of Socialization ProblemsJensen noted that characteristics unique to women make theirs(wialization into academic .111ture problematic because theprofessorate is overwhelmingly male (1982). Like Reynolds( 1992), Jensen argued that \\ omen experience m( ire (if anacculturation process than a si icialization process since theymust alter much of their individiial identity As Aiscnherg and

Harrington highlighted, women are, in many ways. "outsklersin the sacred gn we- of academe ( 19881.

People of color frequently represent diverse cultural backgrounds and also face more of an acculturation process or.in the terminol( igy employed here. transformative sociafiza

tion ( Luz Reyes and Ha lcon 1991: Tierney 1992c). With theselarger concerns in mind, based on a review of the literaturewe have identified the following dilemmas related to thesocialization of women and people of color: inadequate anticipatorv s(icialization, weak mentoring relationships, fewer networking opportunities, divergent priorities, and additional

work demands.

Inadequate anticipatory socializationSome of the problems women and people of color face asfaculty relate to anticipatory socializatk)n (Turner and 'Ihomp-

son 1993). \Thi le we have primarily discussed the anticipatoryphase in terms of graduate school, the undergraduate yearsalso serve to introduce individuals to the prospective roles

and expectations of various professions. For example. womenfaculty and faculty of color report that they were less often

encimraged as undergraduates to pursue graduate w(wk

(Olsen 1991). Blackwell noted that one-third of ail dok:t( ral

students receive assistantships. but only one fifth of minwitydoctoral students receive such positions ( 198-i ).

A professor as a mentor is critically important in graduateschoiil. Vet, underrepresented groups often have difficultycreating and sustaining such a relationship. Gender mav piise

dilemmas in developing helpful mentoring relationships(Aisenberg and I iarrington 1988 ). Rise reported that women

tend to have weaker ties with their academic mentors ( 198:i

Clark and Corcoran mned a tendency for advisiirs and othersto doubt a woman's pnential for scholarly pn ducfieity

1986 ).

Weak mentoring as facultyWhile women and people of col ir m (int\ ma\ lace diffi

culties in develi Ting mentoring relationships during undergraduate and graduate :.chool years, the same aim) may he

mid of their experiem es as new. faculty In study (.( inducted

at the I .nivCIslIV \\1st unsin Madison. lack ol institutionalsuppiirt kir lacult \\J,, rept irted as a mai( ir fa( t, it ill an riM )11

RAllst h et ii. Pm) An ingredient in the mippilit ,,v,4ent

Lth VI( iIi Z'atiwl ( u1tio,41 Prpcossf

(311

is, of course. mentoring relationships. Here again, lower per-centages of faculty who left the institution reported receMngprofessional support from an informal mentor.

Melillo developed a profile of the typical academic womanba.sed on subgroups selected from academic physicians andcounseling psychologists and noted a general lack of suitablerole models ( 1981). Simeone observed that women are morelikely than men to be denied opportunities to be mentoredby senior faculty ( 198-1.

Few black academicians benefit frc)m a protege-menuw relationship (Frierson 1990). Only one in eight black facultymembers identify themselves with a mentor (Blackwell 1983,198a ). Washington and Harvey argued that the lack of effectivesponsorship was a significant problem for African Americanand Hispanic faculty ( 1980). "The usual protective networkof sympathetic senior faculty often does not exist- ( p. 26 ).

Fewer networking opportunitiesIn a study of ...I' women and 43 men in tenurearack assistantprofessor positions in psychology at 60 universities, Rosereported that women consistently rated their networks as lesseffective in helping them to build a professional reputation( 19851. Rose also noted that women had fewer ties to theirprevious institutions and had more women colleagues. Onestudy reported that percent of the black faculty surveyedrevealed feelings of isolaticm and alienation ( Anderson, Frier-so:I, and Lewis 1T'9 ). -They do not feel particularly close towhite colleagues and often obtain little professional or emotional support- I p. 100 ). The lack of pt.( dessional support networks is, in part. a by product of minority faculty beinglocated at the periphery of teaching and research. -They areoften in non tenured positions or special programs for minorities- ( Fpps 1989, p. 2S).

Dfrergent prioritieswile researchers hax c raised qiiestions about whether

women are sociali7ed recognive what activities are nu)stimportant fiw academic s(wk ess Widom and Burke 19-'81.\len and WI )men frequently hac different expect,II i inS Ail

11( iw they alkicate family and wc Irk time ( Reynolds 1002).lt tik i, kmind that women value wailing t() a greater degreethan men ( 1(111h( ciming 1 In a study iii universit fac. ulty.

t-7

Olsen discovered that minority faculty are more involved in

service, white women are more involved in teaching. andwhite men are more involved in research (1991). Of course.one needs to remember that research tends to be rewarded,consequently, such work habits partially explain the differ

ential rates of tenure and pn)nuiti(m as well as higher attriti(

for women and people of color.

Additional demandsAdditional demands for women frequently revolve aroundfamily (McElrath 1992). For those women faculty who optto have children, their academic careers become even morecomplicated. This is mt ire true for women than it is for men.since it still is common practice in our soc iety for wtnnen tohandle the majority of child care responsibilities ( Muller

1990). Often the academic world views academic work and

child raising as incompatible. Frequently, this incompatibilityforces women to decide between family or career ( Rothblum

1988).

. haring both a family cincl cm academic career sim

ple matter The tenure system in the I ailed States mis set

up for male faculty nhose wires provided all the homentak

SO that their husbands could der.ote their eneTies solely

to academic career adiancement ( Bronstein. Rothblum.

and Solomon 1993.

Rw faculty of col( tr. additi(mal demands relate to serving on

c(mpus committees where they liequently are selected toincrease representation ( Banks 1984; Blackwell 1988; Gilbert

1990 ). For example, Aguirre surveyed 1-19 Chicaro faculty

in the southwest. reporting that -43 percent were involved in

affirmative action or Mexican American community related

committees and 5- percent were on committees related tothe recruitment and retention or Chicam, students ( 198" ).

Cross highlighted some of the prtblems Native American fat-

ulty experience because ol expectations placed on them toserve as counselors and adv( wales for Indian students AS "cliAS representing Nathe Amei (can peNpectives t ii zit tus cani

pus ci)mmittet-, ( 1991Minority scholars Ilk e the (lit% tilt tlecisi( nit be either

strict acatlenut s. st fit 11,11 td, te.aciv (k.ite st holm,. or qis Ales 011 (111t.' hand, their deciiiins ,tre shaped In an ACA

- -'1,14 adiZallun (Ls ( ultural Pr, 4. ,.\\

BEST WY AW111.10 E

demic culture that expects objective detachment. And on theother hand, their communities need leaders who seek socialaction and political change (Garza 1987-1988).

Dimensional AnalysisFlow can Van Manner and Schein's dimensions of organiza-tional socializatio, discussed in section three be utilized inunderstanding the problems faced by women faculty and fac-ulty of color? One problem identified is inadequate antici-patory socializatkm. All six of the dimensions may be helpfulhere, hut in particular, an emphasis upon serial socializationprocesses seems appropriate. Serial socialization relates toproviding role models who help to initiate newcomers to theorganization. This is also a solution to the second problem:lack of role models for new faculty.

A third problem is that fewer networking opportunities existfor \\omen faculty and faculty of color. A possible solutionis to emphasize collective socialization processes wherewomen faculty and faculty of color participate in initiationrituals involving groups of new faculty. A fourth problemrelates to the divergent demands placed on women facultyand faculty of color. A possible solution relates to key orga-nizational gatekeepers, clearly spelling out what is expectedof women faculty and faculty of color ( sequential socializationprocesses ). And finally, a fifth problem that the research literature has highlighted is that of additional demands placed(in \V( mien faculty and facu'ty of color. A possible solutionis t) encourage diverse groups to become involved in different areas of campus life. but at the same time to make surethey are rewarded accordingly. This relates to divestituresocialization processes. where individual differences areaffirmed. Table is helpful in summarizing the discussion.

Faculty Women of ColorThis sectit m has discussed issues pertaining to women andfaculty of color as if the\ are mutually exclusive categories.Ohvi(mslv. faculty women of color exist in both social Calegc des and face even more c(implex socialization dilemmas.Re( ently, different re:,cal-ch elf( ins have Lk vumented the expericilce \\ (mien of colt r. lames and Farmer, for example,pri Aided a series of essays Jib( Rit the struggles African.-\mericans face in academe C 1()031. VoLuida N1( ises offered

7, )

TABLE 3

Summary of Dimensional Analysis

PROBLEM

1 Inadequate antic i

patory soc ialrzation

2 Weal. mentoring

Fewer nemorkingt ippon unities

Divergent priorities

S. Additional demands

DIMENSION OFSOCIALIZATION

st \ dinlensu ins

serial st mail/anon

Colleclike vialwation

'te(luential sit. Ld1/..0 It In

)jvcsiiture

TACTICAL

SUGGESTION

Better mentormg inggraduate training niabe most imperativeProvide better menhiring for new facultyImplement group mit i

alit ,n processesspell out specific

expectationsAffirm individual chi

ferent. es and all( m

for flexibility

an overview of the experiences of black women in academeand provided an analysis of black wiimen faculty (1989).McKay undersci wed some of the problems of being black and

female:

One constantly feels the pressure of a double edged sword:

simultaneously. cl Pe rl vrse risibility and a convenient inrisibiliti The Sifruill number makes it easy for others to ignore

our Presence. or he aware Qf it. We are treated as blacks.on one hand. as women. on the other We are left consfanth.

taking stock of the landscape as diffewm is.'.iies arise andire have to determine on ubich side. imman or non white,

we wish to be identified ( 1983. p. 1 iS

Funher. a woman professor whit is American Indian. for eXa M

ple. ic highly visible, and e\ en more demands are made.These demands often are made mit fill- a oincern fiir the indi

vidual, but because the persi in represents a specific group.

Fach is asked u i serve on many committees Fach is asked

to speak ft w \arious interests even when he or she may notdesire to do so. Coninmnity grt nips alsu have needs that mustbe met. A1imen faculty ot et ilor. in mans respects, face the

greatest t iges anti ()hen find tht least supi)i tntNieves Squires discussei I M tile ot the dilemmas ot din ikile

disk iiminati, in- being both female and r:tctall itt ,tlinit AIR

Eth hilt:wool ,1.55

different (1991). She noted that if Hispanic women are "tooHispanic." they may have difficulty succeeding in academe."If her Hispanic peers consider her 'too Anglo,' she may losetheir support. They may contemptuously refer to her as a'coconut'brown on the outside but white on the inside-( p. 6 ). The sense of double discrimination may go unrecog-nized by white women colleagues who sometimes exhibitan insensitivity toward cultural differences among women(Alperson 1975).

A Rationale for Socialization that Honors DifferencePeople of color represent diverse cultural groups, each withunique characteristics and ways of viewing and comprehend-ing their social worlds. Melendez and Petrovich pointed outthat "many attitudes and values of the university culture areat odds with the character of Hispanic interpersonal relation-ships. forms of communication, and sex-role expectations"(1989. p. 60). Additionally, cooperation and group cohesive-ness are important values in Hispanic culture and in manyways antithetical to the competitiveness of academic culture(Nieves-Squires 1991). In discussing Latino faculty, Olivasnoted that Litino teachers and scholars can make a differencethrough instruction, writing, service, and their characterizationof social issues ( 1988). "They serve as useful irritants, interpreters of society. and role models for their students" (p. 8).

When an institution looks at difference as a strength ratherthan a weakness, a different view of the organizational worldis developed. Such a view is imperative for the 21st century.It has become commonplace to speak of the need for the citizens of the United States to learn how to live in a multiculturalsociety, because isolation will no longer be a suitableresponse in the future. A central role of postsecondary insti-tutions is to help individuals function in such a world andto equip students with the skills to understand difference.Such a responsibility is not "only" for those of us who aredifferent. As Lorde has pointed out, all too often individualsthink that racism is a person of color's problem, or that lesbianand gay people only know how to deal with homophobia( 1985). And yet, to build an institution where cultural differMCC is the norm. the organizxion's participants all muststruggle to understand the concept of cultural difference. Indying so. socializatkm becomes not an experience whereeveryone must be homogenized, but a process that honors

61

different. e. k not an action wher( tnaj(members try to equip minority members with the skills necessap, tic sur\ e. Rather. sc kializati(in becomes a pnwess ameliable to cultural differences. which in turn enables all organizational members to bect ime cultural learners.

irgam/at 4) tries to honor difference. then fundamental hanges must take place. An instiliaticin, for example. cantic simu lune( tusl expec t pet plc of color to contribtatescholarship in quantity and quality equal to that of their whitemale ct tunterparts and at the same time expect people of

icc fill manifold seI'\ ice needs that go unrewarded. Theservio: roles filled 1)\ pet tple cci colt cr arc imperative to thee\ crucial achte einem of equal representaticni in acaderne.Thereic ire. institutions need to rohink how to award suchacti% Ines.

l:lkwt cull makes 1.Vsl.' cr a promotitm and tenure pa wessthat honors difterence w hen ,,he highlights the culturalidentitx issues invt Ic ed in Limducting research: -My expenent es ccl the things I re.m...aR are ah shaped 1-w the ways

ncgt thate mil identities and social positionings as awhite. middle ilc. able ht tdied vs.( titian and lesbian

iii \ ladist tn, in the I ruled lt.)92, P. ). wtlittit dy that hyr research has aka:, s been grounded in the

nit "1.11 vxprc`i(cii'' " men.s ,onummities Relatedly, it)rec( iii ears researk Ii its telitkd tt demonstrate that men andwomen pea eRe thyir Sc,, A worlds dinerentiv I Chodorow

h w own. existing in a Mak!Cdtic .111c,nal sphere pnblems:

1)1 loth' fl/cc. 1'01\t' Ill Inc 1111111bC1 cl IMMO/ studous

iii httg)(9. cdu( atria! and pncfcwonal sch,al.s faculties, its??

ally prob militantly null( algm, «gamsl a spec. feel .facus

u (one)/ ro.pg (pen Ifrhafr Iklber /rumen's

idle th'cri ATC111 17ccM Mel et

al 1 cli(). p

'lea! I% thew is mu, h rcsisian, ,n the pan ccl fa, ulty Ri

att tic clic tti that Filen \\ omen might (onceiye of

I Hs, clIfterl'iluk h tin assunirition has sq.;lulu ant mirk .itions lot lio\\ licicit % go alit cut their teak hir41,

and rescal, II Re% molds algtit d that women tend ft Ail( 1)1

III( cll' 1.1 .pt.. atm \ ic. cl c c ii intehlri,kaik lent e I 1'102 a

t t l c -.I 1 1 1 , 1 1 .t ' tt bricught 11\

,ilt) i:/.. 1, I :1;41.1,1/"?,

Socializationbecomes notan experiencewhereeveryonemust behomogenized,bia a processthat honorsdifference.

many women faculty to "the more competitive and individualistic views found in research-oriented Etculty cultures"(p. 639). Reynolds also noted:

If a beginning professor enters the department with a viewof social interdependence that is different from wl.kut heor she perceit'es to be the department's view, for example,a view that is more cooperath'e than competititv or individualistic, then it's likely that the professor will undoroacculturation rather than socialization (p. 649).

SummaryAcademic custom and precedence play a major role in therecruitment and retention of women and minority faculty andtheir overall socialization t.xperiences ( Exum et al 1984).Socialization that honors difference is about re thinking custom and precedence. It is about an institutional willingnessto change, to be flexible, to become more inclusive of culturaldiversity. To recruit women and people of color without creating structures that encourage the re shaping of the organizaional culture is an assimilationist endeavor prone to failure.as evidenced by the poor attrition of faculty from diversegroups. As Sirneone states:

It would not be sufficient for higher education simply toincrease the numbers of women and minorities within thesystem tf that srs:em continues to be male dominated inits policies, practices, epistemologies, values, methodologie,sand structures( 198-, p. 21).

Increasing diversity demands structural changes, and socialization is a central ingredient of such change. What are someexamples of socialization processies that honor difference?The concluding section develops a response to this question.

63

SOCIALIZATION FOR EMPOWERMENT:IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE

Tik' quality of higher education and the ability of collegesand unirersfties, of whatever kind, to perform their respec-till, missions is inextricably linked to the quality and com-mitment of the faculty (Schuster I990a, p. 3).

Empowerment is a term whose currency perhaps has confusedits meaning. In the 1980s everyone seemed to want to"empower" usfrom Diner's Club to Geoige Bush. Often.the speakers' use of "empowerment" meant little more thanwanting us to use their services or vote for them. As weemploy the concept here we return to the traditional senseof the term. Empowerment creates the conditions throughwhich individuals and groups are able to gain control of theirlives and prosper. No one can "empower" another person;for an individual or group to become powerful they must acton their own. Power is not something magical given to some-one else. However, individuals do have the possibility ofcreating conditkms that disable or support others.

Facuky socialization is an example of how individuals inan organization have the ability to create the conditions forempowerment. An institution where no mentoring or orien-tatimi program is in place or no thought has been given tothe needs of tenure track faculty is an organization where indi-

viduals must become empowered in spite ofrather thanbecause ofthe organization's culture. Conversely, a coordinated program that takes into account cultural difference,that develops activities to enhance professional training, andthat exhibits concern for individuals is sociahzation forempowernlent. At the same time, even the best of programsonly create the conditions for empowerment, because individuals still must meet the challenges of tenure and professional advan ement through their own initiatives.

In the remainder of this wxt we devote our attention to fac

ulty development as a cultural strategy for shaping facultysoialization. Menges discussed faculty development as a process of becoming "fuller, larger, better. lb develop is to elahorate, to articulate, to disclose" (1985, p. 181). Typically, faeultv development has been conceptualized in tertns of apsychological developmental model: faculty growth is seenlargely as a by-product of individual movement throughoutthe life ck.cle (Freedman [9'9 ). Changes in faculty behaviotan'. in general. the result of individual changes, whk-h typ

Fth-lilty Sot ializettrun (IN Cultural Procoy

;(1

icallv are universal across indieiduals In short. the impetusto change lies within the individual- ( Liverence and Blackburn1)8, p. 23 ).

An alternative view of faculty dock )pment k descrihed beLawrence and Blackburn as a -socialization model- I 1988 I.This view (.1 faculty dock pment reflects the perspecue cadopted here: Individual action and se .cial contexts aremediated by an organization's culture \\ e have highlightedthe cultural prtblems and challenges that different individualsand groups lace when they work in a college or tinieersity.We have paid particular attention u ) the dilemmas encountered by tenure track faculty, women faculty, and faculty tit'color. The remainder of the section divides in half: In the firstpart we consider respinses ) the publeins ;aced with regard

amicipatory and organizational sc , ic cn. in the seoindpart we delineate pc)ssible responses that penain tc the earious dimensions Of organizational sr K. ializatic cu

Faculty Development and Anticipatory SocializationThe kind of experiences one has prior 1() heOlming .1 facultymember frame how an indie idual appn Oche,' his inr her icThe culture of the discipline and the institution liave see eralpossihle avenues I( ir framing sue h experiene cs in a mannerthat will he helpful to the tenure Ira( k 13011R tile:tuber In particular. institutions that offer graduate training need to rethinkthe nature of graduate educati( e are n, ci ailing kw a dmmatic upheaval ccfgriduate training. \\ e JR suggesting thatmore cc Inscious direcuon and structure be \ en u) gXachiateeducatie in.

Increased calk for colleges and um\ ersaies Ic he mc ic , cii

cemed about teaching and learning sus_r,4ests that graduatestudy needs to he altered it cc(' are ni adecin.uelethe future prolessk cn II in'stituth his hehece thatthe c( )mmunity is impc crtant. then that hehel must he rcilee ted111 a graduate stucknt's edu, anon It \ helieec that fie nitnetts( he in, Ire adept at uncle:I-standing ,1 ef..,11\ thensome Ic inn .4 training and intemen, .11 cliglil Ic he e reated liiisillde111., ill graduate school. the dec hue ol cc cnhli1unit e iiiacademe is dec ned as harmful. Wei) we must cc pwill enter acatit!Mu with the skilk ne.1 l'SS,11:\ II 1 Nilld(.1)111111unit

11,it the IMpht ti )1' s.11, `,111,12.l:Sil 'es' \I .1 111111

iffillEn we are P tIll 1il1 it it lift h. cct vo. .1t.e ci I, )1.1, ie tile

S5

those who will populate the organization with the requisite

criteria for work. Presently, graduate training is tied to the cul-

ture of the discipline. Individuals are trained about the nature

of knowledge in a specific area. To recreate graduate educa-

tion does not suggest that individual scholarship will decline

or that programs must be changed entirely. Rather, institu-

tional and disciplinarv culture need to develop creative

responses to the problems faced by academe.For faculty to place higher emphasis on teaching, for exam-

ple, they must be socialized in graduate school lout theimportance of teaching. The implications of such an idea may

be that all graduate students who intend to become faculty

need to take a course on teaching, or that a course might be

co-taught with a faculty member. If service to the community

is important, then an internship in one format or another

could be developed. The clearest way to understand diversity

is to ensure that one's program is diverse. Workshops on

diversity specifically tailored to graduate students are another

possibility. The way to develop scholars who exhibit concern

about community is to develop community in graduate pro

grams. Programs that are overly competitive, emphasize indi

vidual isolation over collaboration, or have no communal

activities are socially created structures that are not necessary

for the advancement of knowledge.Anticipatory socialization also occurs through symbolic

learning. A graduate student whose faculty mentor makes sex

ist jokes learns one lesson about diversity, and a member in

a department where faculty gularly attend training sessions

about cultural diversity lean... another lesson, Faculty who

involve themselves in the life of the community exhibit one

symbol, and professors who do not speak with other col-

leagues offer another. A graduate program where faculty reg

ularly talk about the importance of teaching suggests one idea.

and a program where fa,:ulty exhibit an ongoing desire to

avoid teaching offers another. The clearest examples of antic

ipatory socialization occur in graduate school, where students

mimic the behaviors of their professors because they believe

that is how faculty behave.The culture of die discipline and its members also play a

vital role in anticipatory socialization. It stands to reason that

if graduate training is tied to the structure of the discipline,

then the membership of the discipline must exhibit leader

ship in the reformulation of graduate training. Organizations

I acuity lakatif C.idturat Prmes.S 6

71,

that forcefully call for increased efforts for affirmative actionstrengthen institufionai work in that area. A discipline thatregularly holds workshops on teaching enables faculty toreturn to their campuses and continue the dialogue.

Disciplines and institutions also can strengthen amicipatorysocialization with regard to research and scholarship. Asnoted, the world of publications and conferences is confusingand stressful to novices. When faculty co-author publicationswith graduate students, it helps soon-to-be-scholars under-stand the culture of research. A discipline that welcomes graduate students might include such support for professionaldevelopment as travel money to conferences.

If one's ideas and presentational style at a conference areimportant, then one would expect that a graduate programought to provide opportunities for graduate students to present papers in their programs before they "go public." If stu-dents need to understand how indivkluals evaluate articlesfin- journals, then they should gain experience in judging articies of .heir peers.

The;:e are a multitude of microscopic activities that maybe developed with regard to anticipatory socialization. Itsurely is beyond the scope of this text to list all nossibleactions that an institution might take; however, we have provided an appendix that offers a few exemplary programs thatmight be found useful, as well as texts that speak about settingup such activities (see Appendix). journal editors, for exam-ple, who suggest to a reviewer to add a non binding graduatestudent reviewer to an article is det eloping anticipatory socialization. A faculty member who searches out ways to involvegraduate students in cooperaft.e tasks ofters another fiwmof anticipator). socialization. To the extent that academe wantsto change in specific areas, it behooves its members to cmsider ways to socialize individuals to those new areas whilethey are in graduate school.

Faculty Development and Organizational SocializationEnttyAn institution concerned ail( cut socialization will consciousl)decide how it wants to structure the interview process fiwcandidate. The steps fin. an inter lett pertain ti heft tre. during.and after an interview I low might the insmulic in w rife adescription sc that an individtial has a sense of the collegeor university's unique culture Again, in general, loh de

b7

scriptionsand the interview process itselfare remarkablytied to the disciplinary culture.

A candidate learns that college X needs an assistant professor to teach introductory courses in English compositionand a graduate course in Victorian literature. Countless insti-tutions will advertise such a need. but the advertisement willtell the candidate nothing about the unique nature of the specific college. A candidate could, for example, be :Asked to submit a brief statement about his or her philosophy of teaching.Such a request underscores that teaching will be important.An institution that writes that involvement in Etculty governance is expected of all individuals highlights another distinctive aspect of the institution. An institution that values cultural diversity will not merely cite at the bottom of anannouncement that a specific group is "strongly encouragedto apply," for virtuak all institutions place such a comment.Instead, in the body of the text a specific comment will hemade, and the rspes of journals and individuals contactedabout the position logically will have connections with peopleof color.

If the organization's participants value consistency. thenwnen a candidate sets foot on campus what was said in theapplication will he found. It is absurd for an institution tospeak about the importance of teaching in an advertisementand then only to speak about research when a candidatearives at the institution. A candidate might also get an initialidea ahota what it will take to get tenure, how it occurs. andwho is involved.

We have mentioned the ,,nportance of the dean regularlyspeaking with tenure track faculty. Obviously, the initial interview of a candidate by a dean is a good time to set the tonefor future interactions. Again, if the dean does not intend towork with the candidate, then the individual shoukl at leastlearn from the dean who will be involved. The departmentchair plays a similar role. Institutional services also are at:01able about which the candidate should receive information.If there is a program to assist an individual's spt Rise or partnerin finding employment, then that tpe of information can hesent in a packet of material to the individual. If there is a pngram in place which assists faculty of color, then a perm tjicolor should know that it exists and \Out kind of ser\ I. c it

offers. simpl stated, as with the comments ahl nil ant it ipau 11socialization. a nThitillIdt' of activities provide a candidate mi

FaCnitr .5,r4 tahZaft(M (IS f ./(iffira/ Prfji t,Kc

BEST COPY MAINE83

tial socializing experiences, and to the extent possible an insti-tution needs to consciously plan how to structure the inter-view for the candidate so that the individual receives the kindsof experiences the organization desires.

Role continuanceWe commented in sections five and six about activities thatmight be developed for an individual who is on the tenuretrack or who has achieved tenure. We return now to thedimensions of organizational socialization to outline additional activities that might be developed.

Ohviously, with each dimension both types of activitiesare possible. A tenure-track faculty member, for example, willhave collective and individual experiences. Indeed, a personalways will have unique individual experiences; what weemphasize, however, are those activities that an institutionmight consciously structure to improve the socialization ofits faculty. These suggestions derive from the logic and literature of the preceding chapters and the schema built aroundfaculty socializatk in. The suggestions, at times, overlap with(me another to form a c(thesive plan fig the development offaculty socialization.

CollectiveIndividual (group or individual oriented)Develop ongoing orientation programs for tenure-trackfaculty to facilitate understanding of organizationalculture.I tilize senior faculty in sharing the institutional history.Create informal networks where novices interact withsenior faculty from (nher areas.Involve cohorts of new faculty as much as possible.Develop collah( A-alive work environments and researchopportunities.

Formal lnkomal ( isolated from or interwoven w ith organizational members)

Develop a clear faculty development plan and make itkn()wn thrimghout the institution.Share as (karlv as p)ssible what one needs to do toat hieve tenure.Create earl\ lc\ icw sessions tor the nit( ice with thedepartment (-hair and the dean

8

Build wmal act ik itics k w feedback and review.Encxmrage informal dialc)gue between novices and seniorfaculty.

Random Sequential ( unclear and ambiguous or clearlyordered)

Clarify the kind of information needed in }Him-notion andtenure dossiers.Provide accurate information to help tenure track facultyadjust their priorities.I lighlight the difference between yearly reviews and mid

point reviews.Pftwide dates for informaticin submission.I )evelop specific methods fr inf.( wming candidates oftenure track decisions.

Fixed Variable (Tecific or varying time frame)Recognize that micialization is an ongoing process. anddeveltip programs for the different needs of facultyaccording to their age and professional development.Provide opportunities for reassessing individual interestsand priorities.Provide feedback mechanisms at various times al( ing thetenure track kaite. mindful of individual differences.Make all time frames which affect the lives of faculty clearto them (eliminate surprise reviews or evaluations).Prmide for individual flexihilitv in the tenure and promon( in system based on unique circumstances ( such ashearing or adopting a chilci

Serial Disjunctive ( rule nu )(leis or nu role models)Recognize that faculty sc)cialization is an ongoing poicesswhich includes seniiir faculty.Develop fziculty mentoring programs.Invoke senior faculty in the socialization tit m k es.Develi ill rewards and ink entkes fur senkir tk Illtv ho

serve as menu ws.1 ) 0 n( it merhurdeil undei represented lacultv as menu irs

Investiture 1)k estiture ( affirming ir translorming indk idual

characteristicsDeceit q pt glitlis h r111( ult si iho nnghthe( ( +nit: list( Ire 3Vt.ire ( P t tiltural differences

raCtd/V SeH r1. Prni-00.

tel, 0

I lave an office on campus specifically designed to meetthe needs of faculty of color.Create infiwmal networks for women and people of color.Involve faculty members in the implementation of facultydevelopment programs.Include faculty input in planning faculty developmentprograms.

SummaryThr,mghout this text we have Mmght a balance between delineating what the problems are with regard to socializationand how these problems might be overcome. Unlike certaindilemmas that confront higher education in the l'nited States,the good news about the problem of socialization is thatanswers exist, and these answers do not have to fiscally bank-rupt an institution to implement changes. Creating incentivesfor senior faculty to work with iunkw faculty is more a culturalissue than a fiscal one. An orientation program for new facultyinvolves dialogue and structure more than it does expensiveequipment or outside consultants. A formal, yearly meetingwith one's department chair and dean is a matter of timenot money. Of course costs are related, but if academe doesnot work nu ore strategically in socializing faculty, the loss tothe labor force is even greater; for an institution that desiresto increase the number of women and people of color as faculty, the loss is even greater.

Ultimately. the challenge for an institution's participantsis I( he reflectixe about their organizational culture and howit gt)es about st dalizing its members. I hm do new ntemherslearn about the institution? \Xliat do they learn? Flow doesthe culture exclude some individuals and reward others? V'hatmight he improved? These are cultural questions that fundamentally revolve ai ound issues of si >dal ization. For institutions of the 21st century the struggle will not be merely toreflect on these questions, hut to develop culturally specificstrategies that enhant e faculty socializatitm and. consequently.academic excellence.

APPENDIX

Innovative Faculty Development IdeasThe University of Oklahoma has developed a semesterkmg faculty orientation program. The program involvesweekly seminar-style meetings, and faculty participationhas been high. During the I-4 week program, a range ofumics are covered: special teaching techniques, designinga course, evaluation of one's teaching, health and counseling services, time management, and the tenure.reviewprocess.

The l'niversity of North Dakota has adopted a scholars'mentoring program where new faculty get a chance towork and network with some of the top faculty at theinstitution. One aspect of the program involves readingand then discussing the C'ariwgie Report. "ScholarshipReconsidered.- where the goal is to get new faculty todevelop their oiwn understanding of what it means to bea scholar.

The I'niversity of North Carolina at Chapel I lill has develaped a guide to campus resources geared for the "per-plexed t."NC teacher.- The guide offers suggestions onwhere one might find help about upics ranging fromdeveloping teaching skills to dealing with personal problems. l'NC also has devekiped a guide to help faculty better supervise and train teaching assistants. Emphasizedare issues related to defining the relationship between!acuity and "I'As, pro k-iding support and feedback for TAs,and teacher training resources

The I 'niversity afWisconsin system offers an annual Tat-ulty Ciillege- where faculty spend four days partici2atingin teaching related workshaps. The moist recent editiomincluded pnigrams an active learning, the ethics of teaching. fostering critkal thinking. and mllaborative learning.

Augsburg College in Nlinneapalis has owganized a gaylesbian studs gn )up kir its faculty as well as a mentimingpragram oinnecting nev, fat tilty to) faculty spit-1st ws whapri Ai& gukiano c to) their less expencrk ed colleagues

\\ estern Cm- dim) I ukersir has ado vied a mentaring progran! deygned U ) ()Illy 11tly faculty but seni, cr

.1,11,0?

0 0i

faculty as well. New faculty benefit by learning moreabout their institution, while senior faculty benefitthrough the new roles and responsibilities they assumeas mentors.

Stanford has prepared an extensive handbook on teachingwhich includes a bibliography of works about collegeteaching. They also have organized an extensive videotapelibrary where topic- -elate to course conceptualizationand development, discussion leading, lecturing, andstudent-teacher interactions.

In the spirit of Total Quality Management, the Universityof Colorado at Denver has implemented Student Man-agement Teams designed to bring students and professorstogether to work on academic matters. The programemphasis is on how reflection and discovery can improveteaching and learning.

The Great lakes Colleges Association for the past r ,-earshas offered an annual Course Design and Teaching Workshop. The program targets not only beginning faculty whoseek assistance hut also senior faculty who hope to revitalize their teaching performance.

Key Resources for New FacultyBoice. R. 1992. The New Faculty Member San Francisco:

Jossey-Bass.Boyer, E.L 1990. Scholarship Reconsidered: Priorities of the

Profes.corate Princeton. NJ.: The Carnegie Foundation forthe Advancement of Teaching.

Fink, LD. The First Year Qf CollewMaching New Direcfions for Teaching an,i Learning No. 1'. San Francisco:Jossev.Bass.

Jarvis. D.K. 1991. Junior 1-acidtv De: vlopment A Handbook.New York: The Modern language A.ssociation of America.

Schuster, pl.. and D.VC. Wheeler. 1990. Enhancing FacultyCareers: Strategies for fletelopment and Reneual San Francisctt: j issey Bass.

Sorcinelli M.D., and A.E. Aust in 1992 ilereloping .Vew andjunior Niculty. New Directun Ic w Thaching mid LearningNo. O. San Francisco. lossev Bass

Weimer, M. 1990. Improving College Teaching: Strategies forDetvloping Instructional Effectiivness San Francisco:Jossey-Bass.

at 11/n lall: ql (IN ( %.

ln 4

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INDEX

A

ultures I or subcultures.) ill. S. 6developmenul culture. 0

)rnIal and infivmal honds. 12freedc )m. importance placed on friea of, 12h(wlesty. ni mils of. 12leadership. t... COnegotiating culture ft )(..uses ()r) distribution

of resources. 0nt)1 done a good job socializing individuals

to the organization, 15organization not adapted to diverse groups (If pel,Tile. 15

professi(m. 1 1acculturation pr()cess. See transit irmative st)cializationactit)ns. explicit and implicit, ()affirmatiSe actk)n. ()-frican Amerk.ans faculty. 1.1. 22 See aim) `,Xk mien

feelings of is(llation and alienation. 66lack of effective sponsorship of. 06struggles in atademe.

muen. analysis ()I. 69Aguirre ( 198' ), 6-Arrierit.an Indian

in professor:1k% I 1

woman pn Is r. 09anticipat(wy socialization, 23. 6c

inAkquate.through ,:ymbolic learning, -C -6

Americans in pn)lessorate. 1 I

Augshurg College in Nlinneap()Iis. l

Becher ( 1)8-. 1988 I. ;10921. 6

bidirectionalphilosophy of, Cosocialization. 1 2

hlat k faculty. .YeAl.rican Americans faculty131.13 liss ell ( 198 it. n;

blurred genres. 111( 190LI. 1902 C. 3(1

11(31( t C trtlit nthng C. 60

IM MALT', Ih Mal. 63

Braid lnlh mu 1 1, /8":. I.

ho HUI Sf,t (4.%( lilltind PM( e.v,

Carlyle (1841), 59Central America. 10changes. See socializittion

increasing diversity demands structural. 72Chicano faculty and students, 67Clafk ( 1963. 1970). 5Clark (1987a). 5. 12Clark and Trow ( 1966),"coconut'. descripthm, '0collective socialization processes. 68

vs. individual socializxion. 26collegial

culture. relates to academic disciplines, 6support. lack of, 36

collegiate culture.color, people of, 63comparative perspective about nature of institutions. 59CA.)smopolitans. See discipline. commitment toCourse Design and Teaching Workshop, 82Creswell. John. Faculty Research Performance: Lessons from the

Sciences and Social Sciences, xiiicuhural

audit. 4difference. concept of, 70 "1frameworks. 6moms specific to a given culture. 9

"culture of romance," Sculture, need to he reflective about explicit values of. 35Cultures, colleges and universities as, 6

Deal and Kennedy ( 1982). -4Dean of college.

care and nurturing of junior faculty duty of, 46duties in tenure review, 49

Deep Springs College in California. 2:departmental office assistants, how is one expected

to deal with, 38Dimensional Analysis diagrom of, 40, 69dimensions of organizational socialization. See organizationsdisciplines

behavior and institutions role,commitment to, 16 18culture of, I t

influent es.subgroupings within the profession, 13inment and adjustment j)eriod.

OS

disjunctive socialization processes, 29, 39divestiture. 29double discrimination. 69 -0dysfunctional

Si icializat'on, example of, 4-4work life, 164

Ellsworth 1992 i. -1

empowerment. -3engineering. 12English literature. 12Evergreen mate College. \Xashington. 33

-Fat.tilty C.ollege,- 81Facult

t.-t int ept of. 10

culture. S. 9. 15devekipment ideas. 81 82identity and expertise. 1interchanges, >9-60lack of institutional support factor in attrition. 6>life, as a distinct professional sphere, 11of color. 3, 65. 6-. 68orientat k in program, 81role of. 3roles of senit if. 53 5WOIllen of color. 68

fat Ilh M.Kiali/atic M. Ias empowerment. -3collective pnvedures, -8diagram of. 31formal procedures. -8inftirmal procedures, -9random Pr( /cedures. -9transfr irmative processes. 25variable pnicedures. "9

leedbat.l. mechanisms. need for. iifixed sociali/ation. 28Ii crinal .see rile cci passage

Freedman I 19-9 I. 5

fl1.1 plc. I)ga lesbian stud% gri nip fi if. fat ult I

Germany. 10. 11

rth 101 ,c /1/hZati( id/Ur(/' Pri n

1 9BEST COPY AVAILABLE

111

graduate education,need to re think the nature of, -5definition of training. 23. 24

Great Ltkes colleges Association, 82group hehavkir, infc irmal rules that govern. 38Guatemala, 12guide to campus resources. Sl

lampshire College in M&.sachusetts. 2-handbtit ik tm teaching. 82I larvard. 11. 2-+higher education

assessment mtivement. 0attacks on, 2male domitlated, -2

Ilispanic faculty, 14. See aLco Womenlack of effective sponsorship pnibleni. 00suggested role of, -0t 'niversity culture at odds with culture of'. -0won-ten ill academe, -0

I It gland and Eisenhart ( 19901. Shumanities. world of, 13

1

idei Ilogies. three prevailing professional. 12indiN idual

influences, 9SI vializatiim 38. 39

inEirmal micialization learned through trial and error, 2-Institut See also organizations

as culture,commitment to. 10 1-mission. 0

intellectital integrity, belief in. 12interdisciplinary thought cracks bonds that frame departments, 18inter\ iew. candidate shoukl receive desired experiences. -6 -8imestiture. 20, -9 80Iran. I

;Ind hirMer 08

Kl And Abitt. e Inrk.thlt, l'apeNtry Culture in Arneri«ut ("olltgesand 1 .nivewne ( 19881. I

Kuhn 19-01. 1-

I 1 0

Ladd and Upset ( 19-S I. 13Latino faculty. suggested rIlle of. Seel I ispanic facukyLawrence and Blackburn ( 19881,leaders n )1e in sha1)ing culture. 4leadership. demonstrati()n (If 1 i

kave of absence. 59 60lecture preparsion,lesbian pet )ple that only kn()\\. h()\\. t() deal with h()mphobia. -0Lilly Endowm.:nt. funding from.It vals. See institution. comillitmemkmeliness and isolation felings. 36IA Irde ( l98S1.

Madis(m. l'nited States. -1managerial culture. identified \\ ith organizati( In. 6

McKay (19831. 69medical students, training of 24Nlelendez and Petrovich ( 19891, -0Melillo ( 19811. 66Menges ( 1985). -3mentoring. 58. 65 . See also scholars mentoring program

tmdwomenas trail guides, 39. S Iimplies c(Iminitment and desire to learn from n( wice. SSneed for experienced and caring, 28program for new and senior faculty, 81 82relationships. 60

Mexican American comnlunity related committees. 6-Mexio). 12Nloffatt ( 1989 1.

Moses. )1anda ( 19891, 69myths. definition of in faculty culture. 59

national influences. 9Native American,

demands on Lk ultv as counsekIrs andpri ide perspecti\ es. 6-

,,tudies. 2 tneg( It Wing culture. .See Academenetworking. I-

to). \\ Olnell and IA-Ay (11(.olor. 68. soNew Fa\ultv. Re\ Restion. es I.( )r. 82 8

Nit..\ es !Nutres I 1991 69 -6non conformist \ lilt tlre.

hit Idn 1Alakall(111 tillteral PM( e ill/of

10.2

0Olivas (1988), '0Olsen (1991). 67oral tradition of faculty, 55organizations. See also institution

analysis over time, 4-5as social constructions, 1aspects of socialization, 6culture receives constant reinforcement, xiiientry into, 33dimensions of socialization, 26, 2", 38, 68examine assumptions about work, reward and

punishment,mission, differences in, 15need to explicitly define norms of, 26need to spell out what expected of gatekeepers, 68need to understand implicit mechanisms of the

operation, 3;shared meanings define how to act within, 4stoty telling, ;6symbols used to communicate among members of. IS

Panama, 11. 16paradigm revolut k in. 1"Pettigrew ( 19-9 ). 5

philosophy of education and teaching, statement on, 33professional influences. 9promotion and tenure

as a ritual process,process that honors difference, c.se for, 71

psych( )logy, tenure track assistant profess( ir positk ins in, 66

random scicialization. 28recruitment and selection process. 33. 3-4Reed College. Oregon, r"revolving door." 6.4Reynokls 1992). "1 -2Rhoads, Rohert A.. xivRiesman and Jencks ( 1962 ). 5rite (if passage. 2). 2". 28, 38, iirituak. major 6 trio of socialization. 41role

continuance. 25, 26. 29models use of, -9tin xkls, lack of, CC

13( ise I I 08S 1, (ii )

1 1 1..)

R It g ep, I ersii s

s;thiVtiCalS. (1()

Nt.lit melut wing pn igram. 81-scholarship Rek ( (nsidered.- (.arnegh Report. 81,;cient. es. \v, Hid III. 13sequolual St K 1:111/,141011, 28

serial st it. tal i/at ion. 29.

(1. knt (wledgc. 12

si Met )IIC Nti- 1. (10. -2-sink t 4- swim- situatit (n, 2- 38Snow 19:)) 1, 13

social wt )rkis. men and women perceive diftrentl .

'st icialwatit in model.- 71socialization. O. 21 see alst anticipatory. hiditectional, collective.

distuncove. dysfunoit tnal. faculty. fixed. indivklual. informal,randt tm. sequential. serial am/ transfi wmative mxializatkstv alco rite of. passage, wgan vat k wis am/ wl mien.

Alit Ins that t MAW. 6

hvgins in graduaw schot ii. Ii.changes. needs to be (onsidere..1 from viewpoint of 22[Lunges mer time. milUhl Ifal dileininaN that pertain to.

enahling all to beet Wilt. cultural learner, -1Milo ions with little or no supet \lughl \ charged pit K 22

lit tilt tis diff414110.', :64)04 re thinking custom andw ec et.k.nt. e. 2

"IP iing in" tic ing all wgani/atit (nal ad( ws. 23

putHt Ise (4. 22simatit(n. 21

Spalll. 12nd I nivet sit . 82

udeinstudent experience. understanding. Ssulx ultures Hun academe. ISur\ it al guides. t 4

Meaning, S I

tiategic, 2()hing 1)14'41140N. tnipr(1\ enict ( (1. (4)

tenurepi tonnes silt wild lie IC,Ir.

111(1\ tr.,1 tIlti 110 Lk Olt should reviewSnpt. It ess

/it( 4/4 hiltatt,ft 40 1 ulitural

1 I. 3

BEST COPY AVAILABLE

should require formal discussit WI with candklateeach year. 45

Tierney. William G., xiv. 6Total Quality Management, 82transformative socializauion, 65. See also Wcnnen

1..niversityGil( wad() at Denver, 82North Canilina at Chapel 11111. 81

wth Dak(ita. 81Oklahoma. 8 1Wisconsin. 65. 81

V

Van Gennep. 21Van Nlaanen and Schein ( 19-9 t. 26, r. 38. 68vocational culture. 5

Washington and Harvey ( 1,)89 ), 66NVestern Carolina t-niversity, 81white women faculty insensitivity. -0Wilkins (1983). 4ViMlen. See ak;o African Americans faculty, and Hispanic faculty

advisors douht potential kw scholarly prcx.luctivity.cociperative views of soc.ial interdependence, -1demands of family on, 6-faculty of color, greatest challenges and least suppi wt. 69faculty, 3, 1.4 15. 22. 03, 65faculty, divergent demands (in, 68lack of role modek 66networks less effecti e in huikling professional

reputatkin. 66profile of typical academic. 66social worlds, men and w(imen percei\ e differentl -1Studies. 24transformative Si cial izat ion. 6value teaching to a greater degree than men. b6weaker ties with academic mentors, C6

work loads and time c(instraints. 3-, 0Iksh( 9. yearly. 58

114

ASHE-ERIC HIGHER EDUCATION REPORTS

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'Ititersity. have cosponsored the ASHE ERIC Higher EducationReliort series. The 1993 series is the twenty second overall and thefifth to he published by the School of Education and Human Development at the Ge(irge Washingu in I'niversity.

Each monograph is the definitive analysis of a tough higher education priiblem. based on thorough research of pertinent literatureand instituti(inal experiences. Thpics are identified by a nationalsurvey. Noted practitioners and scholars are then commissionedu ) write the rept ins. with experts providing critical reviews of eachmanuscript helcire publicathin.

Eight nainographs ( 10 before 1085 F in the .ASHEERICIligherEducation Report series are published each .t..ar and are availableon individual and subscription bases. Subscription to eight issuesis $98.00 annually: r8 to members of AAHE. AIR. or AERA: and $68to ASHE members. All foreign subscribers must include an additional$10 per series vear for postage.

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1993 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

1. The Department Chair New Roles. Respon,ibil Ines andChallenges

Alan T Seavenjohn W C resurk and /lame! U t heeler

2. Sexual Harassment in Higher Education: From tronilkiCommunity

Robeil 0 Rigt45. Patmia II Murrell and JoAnn ( cutting

3. Chicanos in Higher Education: ksues and Dilemmas for the21st Cenwry

by Adalberto :Iguinv. . and Ruben 0 Martinez-

,. Academic Freedom in American Ii igher I:dut :Won. Rights.Responsibilities. and Limitations

by Robert K Awl)

S. Nkiking Sense of the I ). illars. The CCsts and I ses C If Fat ultvCompensation

lit Kallnyn .11 oon, and Matilm .1 Auto'

1992 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

I. The Leadership CtCrrip;:ss: Valtit..s and Ethit s III Iiiher EducationJolm R Wikox and Susan I. Ebbs

2. Preparing for a Global Community At hiet ing Iii InternationalPerspeoive in 1 figher Education

,sarah .11 Picky?

3. Quality: Transtt ming Pt )5iNe'( lidary Edli, 31i( ii

Ellen Earle Chaffee and I au rence .shen.

4. Faculty Job Satisfactk iii Women and Nlim Critics in PerilMartha V in,t;:ml Tack and Can d ogan Palau

Reconciling Rights and Resp hut.. CCI (C Clleges nid students: Offensive speet-h. Assembly. I )rtig Testmg. and safety

Gibbs

6. Creating Distinctiveness: Lessons from I 'nu timmon (:ollegesand l'niversities

Barba' Th"."."'" la"'s"" Newell. mid Michael

Instituting Enduring hmmations Achic% ing Conwitni CCI

(Mange in I ligher Educan, inBarbara K Cuny

8 Crossing Pedagi)gical /t. vans I nterna. hing .Assistai its

in I I.ndergraduate Ftlut anonRo.vIvn smith. Palm ta Mid ciialt I .\elm,n. Ralph

Ilarrett. and Janet c c onsteinmude,

iou

1991 ASHE-ER1C Higher Education Reports

1. Active Learning: Creating Excitement in the ClassroomCharles C Bonn'ell and James A. Eismi

2. Realizing Gender Equality in Higher Education: The Need toIntegrate Work Family Issues

Nancy Hensel

3. Academic Advising for Student Success: A System of SharedResponsibility

Susan H. Frost

A. Cooperative Learning: Increasing College Faculty Instructional

ProductivityDatid W: Johnson, Roger T Johnson, and Karl A. Smith

S. High School-College Partnerships: Conceptual Models. Programs, and Issues

Arthur Richard Greenberg

6. Meeting the Mandate: Renewing the College and DepartmentalCurriculum

William Thumbs and trillium Tierney

-. Faculty Collaboration: Enhancing the Quality of Scholarshipand Teaching

Ann E Austin and Roger G. Baldwin

8. Strategies and Consequences: Managing the Costs in IligherEducation

John S. 11:Ugqaman

1990 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

1 The Campus Green: Fund Raising in Higher Educatii inBarbara E Briitingham and Thomas R Pez:ullo

2 The Emeritus Professor: Old Rank New MeanirgJanws Matichjack WS Birch, and Jack .1latthews

3. I ligh Risk- Students in Higher Education: Future TrendsDionne J. lows and Betty Collier Watson

.4. Budgeting for Higher Education at the State Le+ el Enigma.

Paradox. and Ritualflanwl 7: Layzell wul Jan W.

S. Proprietary Schools: Programs, Policies. and ProspeosJohn B. Lee andlamie Iterisons

0 College Choice: l'ndermanding Student Enrollment Bella\ ior

.thchiwl B Paulcen

Pursuing Diversity. Recruiting College Mini irity studentsBarbara Astone and Elsa Nubez.- tli irmat

1 audit _Sot tall.;(401,11 Cultural It 1-

B. Social Consciousness and Career Awareness: Emerging U:nkin higher Education

John S wift Jr.

1989 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

1. Making Sense of Administrative Leadership: The 1: \Mird inI I igher Educatitm

Este la .11. lknsinton. Anna .Veumann. and Robert Birnbaum

2. Affirmative Rhetoric, Negative Action: African American andlispanic Faculty at Predimlinantly White Universities

laloa Washingtan and Witham Thinly

3. Postsecondary Devel( ymental Pn,grants: A 'Raclin( ma! Agendawith New Imperatives

Louise .11. Mmlnisati

-t The Old illege "liT: Balancing Athletics and Academk., iiiligher Educationjubri A' Mc/in ancl latorn«, I. IV Iseman

Challenge of Di\ ersity hut hement .Alienation in theAc,idem?

flagl 5-mith

6 Student Goals for College and Cours;es: A Nlissing Link in Assessing and lmpn wing Academk Achievement

Jima,/ .5 Stark Kathleen 11 Shaw. and .1101(olm hildber

The Student as Cc/filmier Do eh ping A Cammprehensive Inst ItutionAl Respimse

Barberraiaodix

s. Renewing Civic I :apacity. l'reparing lege Students tin- Sers iceand Citizenship

.511:anne Ir awe

^

1988 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

I. Hie Invisible Tipestry. Culture in k..mer.can Colleges andniversities(;e1,Pge Kuh and Elizabeth./ U hal

2. Critical Thinking: Tho . Reseal c IL Pratice, and Possibilities(;(1/1101

3 Do eloping Academic Pi( %rams The Climate fin- Innmat ionThond T Seymmo.

i. Peer Teaching: To Teat II is It Learn lw ite.\ eirbt U /Oman

4; I lighei Education and State ciovernments- Reno\ ed Parmership,:oliperanon ri impenti,

/ ard I hno

1 s

6 Entrepreneurship and I figher Edtk at it )11: Less( ms k tr Colleges,l'ili\ersities, and I ndL1stry

James S Fairuvalher

". Planning for Nlicroccimputers in I ligher Educate( tfl : Strategiesfor the Next Generatic

Rovudds Ferrantejuhn Hayman. Mary Su.vm Carlson. willlany 'billifts

8. The Challenge for Research in I ligher Educatit Hi: I larmoni/mgExcelleilce and

Atait l lindsely and Ruth T Neuman

1987 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

Incentie Early Retirement PR igr:Inis Ii ir Faculty. Intl( cum eResponses to a Changing Emir( in Illent

Jay I Chnmisler aml Thomas R. kepi*. Jr.

2 \'crking EtieLtively with Trwaces. Building cc ,uperaticLeadership

Bathara Tiolor

3 hirmal Reclignition ot Employer sponsored Instruction. conic tand Ctillegialtty in Postsecondar Educaeion

Nancy s Nash and /lir:abed, M. Hawthorne

.1 Learning Styles: Implications tor Impro\ ing Edtwational Practic esch,alcs S (.7ashaer arid / 'Welt. la /1 .111Irr(1/

S. [lighter Education Leadership. Enhancing Skills dm iugh Professional Devc2k,pment Programs

.sharon 1 McDade

o [lighter him ation and the Puhlic Trust Improc ing stature intlleges mid I Ms ersit iesNI( hard I. AUrt'd and Pale Wi'l.c.tmall

illege i udent Outcomes ..Vssessment ,\ 'Kilda )es ipmentPerspectRe

Mamoru Jacobi. .-llexander am! Frank ..11alairs mpollnity from "ctrength strategic Planning t scull

C.ase ExamplesRabert ape

1986 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

I I '(cst tenure Faculty Evaluation Threat icr ()pp, minitI Th141111..11 1 lt aid

2 Blue Ihhh Hi commisstons and Hight.] Lthlt liii HI ( A1.1111411114

At .iiltitit lit /111 the OUNRIVb/M1 A' /I c/)//,( ana I,u,cttn e

/ tit Si.(ht//:(///(q/ ics ( //Mol(/ (P)

1 3 BEST COPY AVAILABLE

110

3. Responsive Professional Educati( in: Balancing Outcomes and

OpportunitiesJoan S. Stark, Malcolm A. Lowther. and &mine .11.K. Hagerty

+ Increasing Students Learning: A Faculty Guide to ReducingStress among Students

Neal Whi(man, ()arid C. Spend/ore. and Claire 11 ("lark

Student Financial Aid and Women: Equity Dilemma?Maly Moran

ii 'Me Master's Degree: Tradition, Diversity. hmt.ivationJudith S Glazer

8

The College. the Constitution, and the Consumer Student: Impli

catkins for 1k I let and PracticeRobert AL Hendrickson and Annette Gibbs

Selecting College and l'niversity Personnel: The Quest andthe Question

Richard A. Kaplowitz

1985 ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports

I flexibility in Academic Staffing: Effective Policies and PracticesKenneth I! .lhoimer, M(erque Bagshaw, and Andrew T

.1Iasland

.2. Associati; ins in Action: 'fife Washington, 1).C. Higher Education

CommunityHadand

3. And on the Set enth Day. Eiculty CA insulting and Supplemental

Monne(am/ RoVer and flarrell R Lewis

Faculty Research Perk mance: Lessons from the sciences and

social sciences.fiditt U. ovsuell

=, At...Oen tit Program Iteviex Instituti<inal Appro:Iches. Expec

tali( ens. and ControversiesClifton F Conrad and Richard F Witcon

6 students in l'rhan Settings: Achieving the Baccalaureate DegreeRichard C. Richardson,Ir and toias U. Bender

serving NI( we Than Students: A Critical Need fin. (-Aillege student

Personnel Seix icesPeter IL Garland

8 Faculty Rink ipation in De( msi en Making Necessity ir Luxun.?

r '(Crid F

'Lltmtlpeiiil -\%.11111)1,. thhqigh 11)1i, (itt I son itII<tt

L.: 0

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WILLIAM G. TIERNEY is professor and senior scientist at theCenter for the Study of Higher Education at The PennsylvaniaState University, where he also teaches courses on organizationaltheory, the curriculum, critical theory, and qualitativemethodology. He has served on the staff at the National Centerfor Higher Education Management Systems in Boulder, Colo.,as a Peace Corps volunteer in Morocco, and as an academicdean at a Native American community college in North Dakota.Tierney recently completed a year in Central America as aFulbright Scholar, studying the relationship of public highereducation to knowledge production in the Third World. Heholds a Ph.D. in administration and policy analysis from StanfordUniversity.

ROBERT A. RHOADS is assistant professor of education andresearch associate at the Center for the Study of HigherEducation. He holds master's degrees from Slippery RockUniversity (student personnel) and The Pennsylvania StateUniversity (sociology), where he also earned his doctorate inhigher education. Rhoads' research interests include studentidentity and development, student and faculty socialization, andorganizational change and innovation.

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