9 THE RECEIVING ENVIRONMENT – SOCIO-ECONOMIC ... · 9 THE RECEIVING ENVIRONMENT –...

ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL BV

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9 THE RECEIVING ENVIRONMENT – SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PROJECT AREA

9.1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

To determine the social receiving environment ERM has conducted a series of detailed social studies including: Socio-economic assessment including Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)

and Key Informant Interviews (KII); Health data collection and assessment; Cultural heritage survey and assessment; and Visual and landscape assessment.

This Chapter of the report provides a demographic, cultural and economic overview of the Project Area and also describes the physical infrastructure and services available in the socio-economic Study Area. The purpose of collecting this information is to provide a basis for conducting the impact assessment and to monitor and measure changes against the potential future changes to the socio-economic Study Area due to the presence of the Project. Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and it is bordered by Eritrea to the north and northeast, Djibouti and Somalia to the east, Sudan and South Sudan to the west, and Kenya to the south; as shown in Figure 9.1. It is the second most populous country in Africa (after Nigeria which has a population of 177 million people); with a population of 95 million people. It occupies a total area of 1.1 million km2 – and is divided into nine divided National Regional States or kililoch; namely: 1. Afar National Regional State; 2. Gambela People Regional State; 3. Amhara National Regional State; 4. Benshangul/Gumuz National Regional State; 5. Somalia National Regional State; 6. Harari People Regional State; 7. Oromia National Regional State; 8. The Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State; and 9. Tigray National Regional State. The country also has two chartered cities (1) being Addis Ababa, and Dire Dawa. The regions are further subdivided into administrative zones; see Section 9.3.1 for further detail.

(1) A charter city is one governed by its own charter document, or constitution, rather than by its state, region or nation.


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Figure 9.1 Map of Ethiopia illustrating the location of the Project Area


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The socio-economic Study Area is located in the Afar National Regional State (ANRS), which is in the north-east of Ethiopia. The ANRS region borders Eritrea in the north, Djibouti in the north-east, Somali National Regional State in the east, Oromiya National Regional State in the south, Amhara National Regional State and Tigray National Regional State in the west, as shown in Figure 9.1. The ANRS is divided into five administrative zones (i.e., Zonal); which are further subdivided into 29 Woredas (district municipalities) and 401 rural and 28 urban Kebeles (local municipalities).

9.1.1 Socio-economic Areas of Influence (AoI) – Socio-economic Study Area

The area of influence can be defined as an area likely to be affected by the proposed Project activities during the pre-construction, construction and operations phases. This area also includes: The primary Project site(s) and related facilities that the Project Proponent

develops or controls (e.g., pipelines, access roads, and disposal areas, construction camps) and the additional areas in which aspects of the environment could conceivably experience significant impacts.

Associated facilities that are not developed and funded as part of the

proposed Project, but are essential for the Project and without which the Project cannot proceed, and the associated additional areas in which aspects of the environment could conceivably experience significant impacts.

Areas potentially affected by cumulative impacts resulting from other

developments known at the time of the ESIA, further planned phases of the Project or any other existing circumstances.

Areas potentially affected by impacts from predictable (but unplanned)

developments as a result of the proposed Project (i.e., induced activities), occurring at a later stage or at a different location.

The IFC project area of influence is defined as: The project's area of influence includes the primary project site(s) and related facilities that the client (including its contractors) develops or controls; associated facilities that are not funded as part of the project (funding may be provided separately by a client or a third party including the government), and whose viability and existence depend exclusively on the project and whose goods or services are essential for the successful operation of the project; areas potentially impacted by cumulative impacts from further planned development of the project; and areas potentially affected by impacts from unplanned but predictable developments caused by the project that may occur later or at a different location. The area of influence does not include potential impacts that would occur without the project or independently of the project.”

The socio-economic areas of influence are shown in Figure 9.2; this area takes into consideration the socio-economic characteristics of the population within the socio-economic Study Area.


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Figure 9.2 Project Areas of Influence


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9.2 STUDY METHOD AND LIMITATIONS

The baseline draws on a range of primary data (collected for the purpose of the proposed Project) and publically available secondary data from various sources. The primary data used in this section of the report was collected predominantly through a series of semi-structured, qualitative focus group discussions and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs). Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted with community elders, men, women and Woreda, Zonal, as well as Kebele leaders; while key informant interviews were undertaken with healthcare professionals. Ad hoc conversations and observation also formed a core component of data gathered and used in this section. In addition, feedback received through the Scoping phase public consultation process for the Project has been used to inform this baseline. In order to close any potential data gaps arising due to the absence of House Hold Surveys (HHS), FGDs and KIIs were designed specifically to gather both qualitative and some quantitative data on specific topics relating to potential socio-economic vulnerability in the socio-economic Study Area, such as gender and livelihoods. Broadly the FGDs and KIIs covered the following topics: Demographic description; Local administrative structures and governance; Local economy and livelihoods; Education and health services; and Local utilities and infrastructure.

Table 9.1 below provides the rationale for the use of specific data collection methods.

Table 9.1 Data Collection Method, Relevance and Target Audiences

Data Collection Methods

Justification for Method Used Target Audience

Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) / One-to-one interviews

Provides detailed information through two-way communication.

Interviews are by invitation only, so it is easier to predict and prepare for the types of issues that are likely to be raised.

Allows issues to be verified, tested and solutions developed.

Woreda officials Kebele leaders Medical professionals

Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)

Allows issues to be verified, tested and solutions developed.

Allows for more in-depth discussion and analysis of issues.

Allows for the active participation of specific individuals or groups that may be unable to contribute in more open formats.

Allows for better management of discussions on controversial or highly emotive topics.

Elders, Men, Women (in-depth knowledge of the socio-economic characteristics of the community).


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Data Collection Methods

Justification for Method Used Target Audience

Ad hoc meeting Allows issues to be verified, tested and solutions developed.

Any community member

Observation - Greater population and landscape of the Study Area

No detailed HHSs were undertaken due to time availability, geographical extent and accessibility of the communities in the socio-economic Study Area, but also due to the availability of sufficient secondary data pertaining to the socio-economic Study Area. The villages consulted were selected based on the: Proximity of the village to the Project Area.

The international best practise recommended 500m buffer areas between

the affected communities and Project infrastructure. Gathering and usage of natural resources located on the proposed Project

Site.

Villages that house the local government leaders (kebeles) (refer to Section 9.3.1).

Levels of vulnerability (as defined by the International Finance

Corporation [IFC]) to access to infrastructure, services, employment, livelihoods, poverty, health, education, and gender.

The villages and government authorities engaged are shown in Table 9.2 below.

Table 9.2 Stakeholders Engaged from 28April to 7 May 2014

Date Village/ Gov. Leaders Type of Engagement 28 April 2014

Bada Admeruk FGDs: women, elders and men Bada Admeruk Kebele leaders KIIs: Health Care Practitioner Local guide (to show the team areas used to collect various natural resources)

29 April 2014 Bada Ermile FGDs: women, elders and men Bada Ermile Kebele leaders (for health,

education, finance, agriculture, and others) KIIs: Health Care Practitioner

30 April 2014 Abaa/ Kulili (Elifan Kebele)

FGD: women and men KII: Elder


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Date Village/ Gov. Leaders Type of Engagement 01 May 2014 Dallol Woreda FGD: Woreda Leaders (for health,

education, finance, agriculture, and others)

03 May 2014 Asagosso Baheita Kebele

FGDs: women, elders and men

Asabuya FGDs: women, elders and men 05 May 2014 Musley FGDs: women

KII: local man, and elder (woman) 06 May Mororo KII: local household

Hamad Ela KII: local business woman and man 07 May 2014 Zonal Government FGD/KII: Zone 2 Officials for health,

education, finance, agriculture, and others

Secondary data sources used included that publicly available electronic data as well as hard copy data collected from various government offices. The types of secondary data used included: Reports from the Ethiopian Central Statistics Agency; National Population and Household Census (2007); Reports from the African Health Observatory; Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey 2011; Previous ESIAs/ EIAs undertaken in the area; and Various internet sources.

Limitations

There were several limitations to the socio-economic study, most of which related to time constrains and accessibility of certain sections of the socio-economic Study Area. These limitations are outlined in Table 9.3 below, along with proposed follow-up actions.

Table 9.3 Limitations and Proposed Follow-up Actions

Limitation(s) Follow-up Action(s) Respondents tend naturally to exaggerate their personal situation(s) when being interviewed. This can compromise the quality of data collected during one-to-one interviews as well as FGDs.

Continued testing and ground-truthing of the socio-economic characteristics of the Project Area before proceeding with development.

Not all areas of importance for the use of natural resources were mapped as part of the study as our guides were not familiar with some of these locations.

Prior to the commencement of construction activities, there is a need to work with village elders and try to locate all these areas.

The majority of the secondary data used in the report is outdated, especially information from the 2007 Population and Household Census.

Update relevant sections of the baseline as up to date information becomes available from relevant government offices in order to keep abreast of the socio-economic changes in the country.


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9.2.2 Structure of the Chapter

This Chapter will present the socio-economic and health characteristics of the receiving environment and is structured as follows: Political, Governance and Administrative Structure Demographic Profile Health Care Services Education System Economic and Livelihood Activities Utilisation and Dependency on Natural Resources Vulnerable/ Marginalised Groups Access to Public Infrastructure and Services Cultural Heritage Landscape and Visual

9.3 POLITICAL, GOVERNANCE AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

Ethiopia has a federal system of government which was established in the early 1990s, in accordance with the Charter of the Transitional Government, adopted in 1991. Prior to this, the country was ruled by monarchs until 1974, when the Provisional Military Administrative Council (known locally as the Derg) overthrew Ethiopia’s last monarch, Emperor Haile Selassie. The Derg established a one-party communist state fronted by Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. In 1974 Mengistu was ousted by the military and a coalition of rebel groups, known as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF assumed state power and still continues to govern the country. It developed the constitution in 1995 which established the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) with a pluralist political system. The country is headed by a Constitutional President, currently Mulatu Teshome Wirtu and the government is headed by an Executive Prime Minister, who is elected by parliament. Parliament is divided into two houses; the House of People’s Representatives and the House of the Federation. The structure of government at a Federal level is illustrated in Figure 9.3 below.


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Figure 9.3 National Government Structure

9.3.1 Administrative Structure

The change from monarchy rule to a federal government system resulted in the decentralisation of power and administration. As is mentioned previously, Ethiopia is now divided into nine National Regional States and two city administrations. Each state is drawn along ethno-linguistic lines and is endowed with a degree of self–rule. Each state is headed by a state president which is elected by the state council. These states are further divided into 103 Zones (sub-regions), 800 Woredas (districts), and 15,000 Kebeles (the lowest administrative units). Furthermore, the changes in the government system resulted in the two largest pastoral societies, the ANRS and Somali National Regional State, have their own regional governments. Figure 9.4 shows the four government administrative levels in Ethiopia and their functions.


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Figure 9.4 Administrative Government Structure in Ethiopia

Zone administrations act as mediators between the regional state offices and the Woredas. They are active administrative institutions that oversee the function and activities of the Woredas by co-ordinating development activities, providing public services and technical assistance. Zonal governance structures vary; in some states zones elect councils, which also form executive committees, in others, no such councils exist and zonal executive committee members are appointed by the Regional Council. Woredas are responsible for planning and implementing development activities and social programmes within their areas. They oversee the Kebeles that come under their jurisdiction. Each Woreda has a council and an executive committee; the council consists of elected representatives from the Kebele and the committee consists of approximately 12 members, namely bureau sector chiefs (1). Kebeles are the lowest government administration units. Each Kebele Administration (KA) has an elected leadership which includes a Council, a Cabinet and a Court. The latter is composed of a chairperson, an executive committee and a social justice committee. Kebeles act as mediators between local government authorities and local villages and are charged with: Mobilising village members for communal work, such as the construction

of roads or waterworks.

Communicating government programs and policies to village members. Presenting village requests to formal government institutions (e.g. district

administration).

(1) Yilmaz and Venugopal, 2008


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Enlisting the support of clan or traditional leaders to recognise the Afar

Ada (customary law).

9.3.2 Traditional Governance Structure

In the local area and across the ANRS, traditional governance structures remain a strong and respected parallel administrative system. Traditionally, the Afar society is structured along the lines of sultanates; tribes, clans, lineages and families. The various sultanates located across Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea have generally been recognised as centres of political and spiritual leadership. Whilst the powers of traditional leaders are reported to have declined in recent years, they still hold sway, especially at the local level. Local community members report that it is clan leaders and elders that provide the strongest and most effective leadership structures at the village level, and the majority of Afar community members will defer to their elders for any important matters. In Afar society the clan is the most important political and social unit. A clan is formed by an extended group of families, and serves as a nucleus for administration and cooperation to conduct social activities among clan members. The clan is also the lowest social unit which can hold communal property rights over land and other natural resources. Clan leadership is composed of a three tiered systems composed of clan leaders described in Table 9.4 below. Grading of clans and lineages as young/small/junior (hundah) and elder/bigger/senior (kaddah) is typical amongst the Afar. Different roles are allocated to each lineage: a senior lineage of a clan provides political leadership while a junior one provides ritual leadership or leadership of the sanction-executing unit (fimaa). Typically members of the council of elders (daar-idola) and members of fimaa are recruited from all lineages of a clan.

Table 9.4 Clan Leadership, Roles and Responsibilities

Afar Traditional Leaders Roles and Responsibilities Clan leader (makabans) The makabans is the external representative of the clan and

interacts on behalf of the group with the government administrations and other clans. He is also the arbiter of intraclan disputes.

Council of elders or daar-edola The council of elders or daar-edola are the second most powerful leaders in a clan, and function as the judges of the internal affairs of a clan. They are often elected to their post due to their characteristics of wisdom, impartiality and an ability to make peace. They also act as the chief authority in marriage arrangements and negotiate dowries.

Sanction-executing unit (fimaa/finna) The sanction-executing unit (fimaa/finna) is a multi-purpose institution whose size and number often varies between clans. The fimaa leaders carry out basic village tasks including the execution of sanctions passed by clan leaders, the supervision of more junior fimaa members and, in collaboration with clan elders, help to maintain good relations within the clan.


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Despite pressure from the central government, the traditional Afar social and political organisation is still effective at the local level and continues to play a strong role in governing Afar social, economic and political life. The traditional system often overlaps with the formal administrative system, both formally and informally with clan leaders and village elders commonly represented on the Kebele board.

9.3.3 Women and Governance

The Afar people are a patriarchal society, with leadership roles largely assigned to men and women generally confined to primary care or domestic tasks such as childcare, cooking and fetching water. Access to land and physical possessions are maintained and controlled by the men; in the event of a marital separation, the man acquires both land and possessions. From previous studies conducted in the broader socio-economic Study Area, women claimed that men control the allocation of resources, with the patriarchal system of inheritance perpetuating this phenomenon, even in the event of death. Whilst land is owned by the village (as opposed to by the individual) plots of land are titled to men as opposed to women and it is men (often elders) who decide how it is used, e.g., for construction or farming purposes. A widowed woman is potentially able to inherit the family property for the wellbeing of her children only if she agrees to remain unmarried. However the closest male relative to the deceased (son or brother) is still able to make decisions concerning her resources and physical possessions. Men are recognised as the chief income generators, and a woman’s dependence on a man is widely recognised in the socio-economic Study Area.

9.3.4 Land Tenure and Ownership

In Ethiopia all land belongs to the State; whilst land can be leased to private individuals, they cannot own it. The Constitution provides for equal access, use, transfer and administration over land. It grants access to agricultural land for rural residents, and allows all inhabitants to utilise the land for farming. Farmers and pastoralists are granted lifetime ‘holding rights’ giving them rights to the land except for its sale and mortgage. Land tends to be governed by common property regimes in pastoral areas. In the ANRS, whilst land tends to be allocated by the Kebele, it is administered at the clan level. Furthermore, each clan customarily manages it resources collectively. Afar traditional institutions allow for two types of resource users: clan members with primary rights (Waamo) and neighbouring pastoralists who have secondary rights (Isso) (1). Waamo defines exclusive and in alienable rights of a member of a specific Afar clan or lineage. Waamo rights bestow a given clan or lineage with primary rights to a specified territory, whereas Isso defines secondary inalienable rights which are granted to non-members. As well as imposing certain restrictions on to holders, Isso (literally meaning ‘lease’) are limited in scope and in time. For example, right holders’ are prohibited from cutting down certain trees and are only entitled to a defined grazing land for a specified time period.

(1) Hundie, 2008


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In the socio-economic Study Area, whilst all land is allocated by the Kebele leaders, informal land tenure systems also hold a powerful position within the villages. For example, only the Afar can hold land in the area; visiting or resident highlanders can only rent it. The majority of the Afar in the socio-economic Study Area reported that they owned their houses (94.7 percent) in addition to holding the land they live on.

9.4 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE

This Section provides a description of the demographic characteristics of the federal, regional and local population. The demographic characteristics described below include population size and growth, age and gender distribution, ethnicity and language, religion, population migration and trends.

9.4.1 Federal Level

The population of Ethiopia has grown by an estimated 314 percent since 1950; the reasons for continued high population growth are unclear (1). The current (2014) average growth rate of the population is estimated at 2.9 percent annually. It is predicted that the Ethiopian population will reach the 100 million mark by 2020. The gender distribution of the population is 50/50 percent split. The population is significantly young in the country with an estimated ≥64 percent being under the age of 25 years. Children form 44 percent of this group, with the middle-aged and elderly forming an estimated seven percent. This is a feature typical of developing countries; demonstrating younger populations due to high birth rates, limited family planning and poor access to health infrastructure. Figure 9.5 shows the population size, growth and age and gender distribution.

Figure 9.5 Population Size, Growth, Age and Gender Distribution of Ethiopia

Source: World Bank, CIA, and Population Census 2007

(1) www.worldbank.com

8687888990919293949596

Population Size and Growth in 3 years

2012 2013

2014 2.6% Increase

3.92% Increase

10 0 10Under 1

5-915-1925-3035-3945-4955-5965-69

75+

Population (%)

Age

gro

up

Population by Age and Gender

Male

Female


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The Oromo ethnic group and language are the most dominant in the country at 34.5 and 33 percent respectively; followed by Amhara and Amharic (official language) at 27 and 29.3 percent respectively (1). Afar ethnic group and language speakers represent only 1.7percent of the population. Ethiopian Orthodox, Islam, and Protestant religions are also followed, representing 43, 34 and 19 percent, respectively (2); this is illustrated in Figure 9.6 below.

Figure 9.6 Ethnicity, Language and Religion in Ethiopia

Source: Population Census, 2007 National Migration Patterns

Decades ago conflict and political violence, ecological degradation, famine, poverty, repatriation, rural-urban migration, and resettlement by government were the main drivers of inter-and-out migration (and without any particular pattern) in Ethiopia (3). In subsequent years (1990s and 2000s), however, a clearer pattern of migration has emerged, which includes internal migration (rural-urban and rural–rural migration); government resettlement; and international migration (including international refugees) (4). Inter-migration (e.g., within Ethiopia) is said to be more significant than international migration (at a rate of -0.2 per 1,000 people of the population) (5). The primary inter-migration flows are rural-urban migration, which is driven by the search of business and employment opportunities; and rural-rural

(1) Population Census, 2007 (2) Population Census, 2007 (3) IOM, http://ronairobi.iom.int/ethiopia (4) IOM, http://ronairobi.iom.int/ethiopia (5) www.indexmundi.com/ethiopia

05

10152025303540

Oro

mo

Amha

ric

Som

ali

Tigr

ayan

Sida

mo

Gur

agie

gna

Wol

aytta

Had

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Afar

Gam

o

Unk

now

n

Oth

er

Oromo Amhara Somali Tigray SasamaGurage Welaita Hadiya Afar Gamo Godeo Other

Ethnicity

Language

Ethnicity and Language

43%

34%

19%

2% 1% 1%

Ethiopian Orthodox Islam Protestant Traditional Catholic Other

Religion


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migration, which is an adaptation strategy to poor agricultural and living conditions. Furthermore, drought and food shortages and environmental degradation have propelled internal and cross-border migration whilst natural disasters and localised conflict have led to forced migration in several regions (1). Ethiopia experiences significant cross-border immigration from surrounding countries including pastoralists in search of grazing grounds and water, traders and merchants as well as frequent and significant influx from Somalia, Sudan, and Eritrea caused by conflict and drought. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Ethiopia received over 44,000 new immigrants in the first eight months of 2013, leading to a total population of more than 400,000 immigrants, who are mainly accommodated in camps throughout the country (2); see Table 9.5 below.

Table 9.5 International Migrants in Ethiopia in 2013, and Estimates for 2014 and 2015

Type of Population Origin Dec-13 Dec-14 Dec-15 Total in country Total in country Total in country

Total 409,040 482,950 520,120 Refugees Eritrea 86,010 101,950 116,750

Somalia 235,920 265,630 285,240 Sudan 82,090 110,620 113,510 Various 4,220 4,100 3,970

Asylum-seekers Eritrea 50 50 50 Somalia 200 200 200 Sudan 300 200 200 Various 250 - -

Source: UNHCR http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html The majority (58 percent) of the immigrant population (refugees) in Ethiopia are from Somalia, followed by those from Eritrea and Sudan at 21 and 20 percent respectively. The number of asylum seekers is relatively small in comparison and the reasons for this are unknown.

9.4.2 Regional Level

The ANRS was amongst the country’s least populated regions (lies sixth of nine regions); with a population of 1.6 million in 2012; which accounts for 1.9 percent of the nation population, see Table 9.6. However, this number may have been inaccurate given the remoteness and scattered settlement pattern of the regional population. The population of Zone 2 comprised of 25 percent of the regional population at 391,467; while the Dallol Woreda comprised of the highest percentage of the population (24 percent) of the total zonal population at 92,444 (3).

(1) IOM, http://ronairobi.iom.int/ethiopia (2) http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html (3) The population numbers used were predicted population growth numbers for the Zonal, Woreda and kebele levels for 2012


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Table 9.6 Population Size and Distribution: Regional, Zone, Woreda, and Kebeles

Area Population Size Afar National Regional State 1,602,995 Zone 2 391,467 (25%) Dallol Woreda 92, 444 (6%) Project Affected Kebeles: (Adkuwa, Alefan Kulili, Bada Ermile, Bada Admeruk)

22,938

Sources: Source: http://www.geohive.com/cntry/ethiopia.aspx (accessed on May 14, 2014) The population of the Dallol Woreda is likely to have increased further with the presence of the military, and people moving into the area in search of employment and business opportunities associated with the mining activities that occur across the Woreda. The regional population is said to have an annual population growth rate of 2.1 percent which is 0.8 percent below the national growth rate (1). The average household size for the region was 5.7 people/household; with the rural and urban households averaging 6.1 and 3.9 people/household respectively. The average of gender distribution of the population is 50/50 for the region, zone 2 and Woreda; as indicated in Table 9.7 below.

Table 9.7 Population Characteristics the Afar National Regional State

Afar National Regional State

Zone 2 Dallol Woreda

Population growth rate (% per annum)

2.1 2.2 -

Urban population (% of population)

18 13 8

%age of population below age of 15 (%)

45 43 48.

Gender Split in % Male: 50 Female: 50 Male: 56 Female: 44 Male: 56 Female: 44 Sources: World Bank, 2010 and Population Census, 2007 Table 9.7 further indicates that majority of the ANRS population (82 percent) resides in rural areas and only 18 percent in urban areas (2); and only eight percent at the Woreda level. The population across the region was young in 2007 (during the census) with young children and youths forming 45 percent of the population; with the young population at Woreda level slightly higher than that of the region (by three percent). The young population can be attributed to the early age of marriage amongst the population, which subsequently results in early pregnancies as well as a general lack of knowledge and availability of contraceptives. The predominant ethnic group in the ANRS are the Afar people (90 percent) followed by Amhara, Arogba and Tigray, with smaller numbers (less than

(1) Population Census Commission, 2007 (2) Population Census Commission, 2007


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one percent) of Oromo, Welaita and Hadiya (1). The Afarigna language is widely spoken in the region. The most common religion in the region is Islam averaging 96 percent as indicated in Figure 9.7 (2).

Figure 9.7 Religion: Afar National Regional State, Zone 2, and Woreda

Source: The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar Regional Migration Patterns

Inter-migration is high within the region since an estimated 80 percent of the population of the ANRS are transhumant –pastoralists and migrate in search of grazing areas for their livestock within the regional boundaries (3). Other Afar people migrate out of the region or other parts of the region for trade purposes, and in search of business and employment opportunities. The region and more specifically Zone 2 also have high levels of in-migrants from neighbouring countries (Somalia and Eritrea) and from the highlands of Ethiopia. Zone 2 is the centre of the salt trade, potentially resulting in the higher presence of Amhara and Tigrean groups (traditionally involved in the artisanal salt mining industry). In addition the Ethiopia – Eritrea war has resulted in the displacement of people along the border including Eritreans who are predominantly from the Tigrean ethnic group. Zone 2 is aligned to the north-eastern Eritrean border potentially allowing for easy access from Eritrean Tigreans into Ethiopia. The non-Afars are often involved in a variety of activities including small-scale trade, local government jobs and construction. In-migration of non-Afar groups has been particularly well documented in the southern parts of the region where large commercial farms have been established. For instance, the Dallol Woreda has an estimated 15,000 refugees at present (2014) (4).

(1) Source: CSA, “The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar. 2) Population Census Commission, 2007 (3) The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar (4) Pers Comm, May 2014

0102030405060708090

100

Orthodox Muslim Protestant Traditional Catholic

Afar Region

Zone 2

Dallol Woreda


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9.4.3 Village Level

In the socio-economic Study Area, the population size in various towns varies from 8,968 at its highest and 1,757 at its lowest as indicated in Table 9.8 below. The population of the socio-economic Study Area is dominated by youths, young children and middle aged people with fewer elderly (mostly in their 70s).

Table 9.8 Population Size and Distribution of Villages/ Kebeles Consulted in the socio-economic Study Area

Kebele /Town Population Gender Distribution No. of Households

No. Housing Units

Male Female Adkuwa (Rural Kebele) 8, 968 5,282 3,686 1,258 1,239

Adkuwa Town 1,757 1,050 707 371 334 Simbilali 3,725 2,023 1,702 6,77 670 Alefan-Kulili 3,314 1,840 1,474 509 506 Bheieta 3,405 1,835 1,570 455 426 Bada Admeruk 3,730 2,079 1,651 581 570 Bada Ermile 6,926 3,878 3,048 988 973 Source: Focus Group Discussions, 28 April to 7 May 2014 The population of the socio-economic Study Area is mainly of Afar ethnicity and speak Afarigna language, including government officials; with a few people who speak Amharic (specifically the in-migrant population; the Afar that have received some schooling and/ those who have worked elsewhere outside the region). Islam is the main religion followed by the population. The population is male dominated (64 percent) and 36 percent female. Even though the male population is higher than the female population, there are fewer men residing permanently in the villages, as they often migrate to other areas within the broader socio-economic Study Area, region and Woreda in search of grazing and economic opportunities. Often the elderly men are found residing alongside young boys and youths as well as community leaders/ or Kebele leaders. Migration Patterns in the Socio-economic Study Area

Similarly to the pattern of regional migration, the population of the socio-economic Study Area tend to migrate in search of pastures and collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) i.e., palm leaves as well as trade opportunities. Due to the desert conditions (including drought) in the socio-economic Study Area and to livelihoods that are dependent on agricultural activities (mainly livestock rearing), the male population tends to migrate in search of better pastures. Some of the areas known for their grazing in the socio-economic Study Area are Hamah, Bada, Berketi and Dodom; (refer to Figure 9.18 on Page 9-48). These are close to the villages of Musley, Asabuya, Bada Ermile and Bada, which are located further within a 10km radius of the Project Area. Men will travel up to 50km to reach these various pastures and


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will stay in these areas for four to six months at a time or until the pastures cannot sustain their livestock. They will then move on to other area or track back to their own villages especially once they have received word that the pastures there have recovered. The local population also travels outside the Ethiopian boarder and into Eritrea to purchase and sell goods. In Bada, Ermile and Admeruk people reported that they used to travel to Eritrea to sell livestock and some goods but this has decreased due to the conflict between the countries. In-migration to the socio-economic Study Area is reportedly low consisting of mainly traders and salt miners. In other parts of the broader socio-economic Study Area, in-migration has increased with the start of mining activities of Allana Potash Corp., G&B and Yara Dallol BV and due to the military presence (assisting in the construction of roads). The economic activities associated with the presence of these companies and the military has resulted in an increased migration of highlanders into the area as well as foreign migrants especially from Somalia. This includes both men and women.

9.5 HEALTH CARE SERVICES

This Section provides a description of the Federal, Regional, and Local health characteristics for the socio-economic Study Area. This includes an analysis of the current health context and prevalent diseases, as well as a discussion of the standard and availability of health infrastructure across the Federal, Regional and Local levels.

9.5.1 Federal Level

The health care system in Ethiopia comprises of a three-tiered structure namely tertiary, secondary and primary health care services as shown in Figure 9.8.


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Figure 9.8 Structure of the Health Care System

Source: WHO: Africa Health Observatory In the fiscal year 2004/5, the total and per capita health expenditure in Ethiopia was an estimated 30 percent for government; 37 percent for donors and Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) (international and local); households at 31 percent and private employers and two percent for private funds (1). The heavy financing of the health sector by donors reveal a highly unsustainable sector that can collapse if the donor funding were to cease. Further to this, in many instances the Federal Ministry of Health has no or limited control on the allocation and utilisation of the donations as most come already ear-marked for specific courses or health facility. In 2007, the Federal Ministry of Health developed and implemented a Health Care Financing Strategy; aimed at increase funding for health by improving resource mobilisation; to ensure equitable resource allocation; and efficiency of resource utilisation. Some of the key components of the Strategy include: Revenue retention and utilization; Facility governance; A system of fee waiver and exemption for those who cannot afford to pay; Outsourcing of non-clinical services; and Establishing a private sector to strengthen the supply and delivery of

quality health services (2).

(1)https://www.med.or.jp/english/journal/pdf/2009_04/279_286.pdf (2) http://www.aho.afro.who.int/profiles_information/index.php/Ethiopia:Analytical_summary_-_Health_financing_system#cite_note-eight-2


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The Federal Ministry of Health is envisioning that the implementation of the Strategy will result in effective utilisation of the funds by the various public health programmes implemented, and also allows for regular monitoring and evaluation. The health care system in Ethiopia has a shortfall in available health workforce with a ratio of 0.7 health workers per 1,000 people, which is low compared with the WHO recommendations of 2.3 health workers/1,000 people. The greatest shortfall is for physicians, whose numbers show a decreasing trend over past years and are now 1: 42,706 people; this is among the lowest ratio in sub-Saharan Africa (1). In rural and remote areas, 83 percent of the population is underserved by health workers. Health indicators for the country are provided in Table 9.9 below and reveal a population with a life expectancy of 60 years, and a male population with a short lifespan compared to its female counterparts at 57 and 62 years, respectively. Furthermore, the country has a significantly higher birth rate of 39 births/1,000 people than the death rate of nine deaths / 1,000 people (2); this could provide an explanation for the rapid increase in the Ethiopian population growth rate.

(1) WHO: Africa Health Observatory (2) WHO: Africa Health Observatory


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Table 9.9 Health Profile of the Ethiopian Population

Health Indicators Units / Percentages

Life Expectancy Total: 60 yrs. Male: 57.73 yrs. Female: 62.35 yrs.

Birth Rate 38.7 births/ 1,000

Death Rate 8.87 deaths/1,000

Maternal mortality ratio (deaths/100,000 live births)

676

Total fertility rate (births/woman) Modern contraceptive prevalence rate (% married women 15–49 yrs.) Unmet need for family planning (% married women 15–49 yrs.)

4.8 27.3 25.3

Est. TB incidence (cases/100,000) Case detection rate (% new smear+) Treatment success rate (% new smear +)

261 72 84

Access to an improved drinking water source (% population – total [urban/rural]) Access to an improved sanitation facilities (% population – total [urban/rural])

50.8 [92.8/] 15.5[44.9/9]

HIV prevalence rate (% adults 15–49) (2011) Est. number people living with HIV (2010) Number of adults and children currently receiving antiretroviral therapy (February 2012)

1.5 780,254 275,026

Insecticide-treated mosquito net (ITN) ownership (%)

53.3

Source: WHO: Africa Health Observatory Ethiopia is characterised by a predominantly rural and impoverished population with limited access to safe water, housing, sanitation, food and health care. The disease burden (responsible for 74 percent of deaths and 81 percent of disability adjusted life years lost per year) is dominated by malaria, prenatal and maternal death, acute respiratory infection, nutrition deficiency, diarrhoea and HIV/AIDS (1). As indicated in Figure 9.9, communicable diseases are the main cause of mortality in the country (70 percent) followed by non-communicable diseases (19 percent) and injuries led to an estimated eleven percent of deaths.

(1) http:/ / www. aho. afro. who. int/ profiles_information/ images/ d/ d5/ Ethiopia-Statistical_Factsheet. pdf


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Figure 9.9 Diseases that have resulted in Mortality in Ethiopia

Source: WHO: Africa Health Observatory The limited number of health institutions, inefficient distribution of medical supplies and disparity between rural and urban areas, due to severe under-funding of the health sector, make access to health-care services very difficult even for preventable diseases (1).

9.5.2 Poverty

As mentioned previously, Ethiopia has high levels of poverty, mainly due to the over reliance on rain-fed agriculture sector. The agricultural sector is estimated to make up 45 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and ensures the livelihoods of 80 to 85 percent of the population (2). Changes in the rainfall pattern or worldwide prices for coffee affects the incomes of an estimated 30 to 40 million people and can mean hunger for 10 to 15 million people (3). Chronic food insecurity is a noticeable feature of rural Ethiopia in any year, irrespective of the presence of unusual climatic or economic shocks. The major causes of food insecurity in Ethiopia include land degradation, recurrent drought, poor and inadequate management of risk (associated with natural disasters), population pressure, and subsistence agricultural practices dominated by rain-fed farming and characterized by low inputs and low outputs (4). Over the course of the last decade, Ethiopia has received an average of 700,000 million tons of food aid annually. Across the country, the predictable (chronic) and unpredictable (acute or transitory) needs of the Ethiopian population have largely been met through various emergency relief programmes (5). In turn, they have saved millions of lives and continue to do

(1)http:/ / www. aho. afro. who. int/ profiles_information/ images/ d/ d5/ Ethiopia-Statistical_Factsheet. pdf (2)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html (3)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html (4)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html (5)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html

01020304050607080

Communicable Diseases Non-communicableDiseases

Injuries


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so; it has, however, failed to protect the population’s livelihoods and assets (such as schools, clinics, roads and others). As a result of the above, the Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) was introduced by the Government in 2005; and has since become one of the largest safety net programs in the world. The objectives of PSNP are: To provide transfers to the chronically food insecure population in a way

that prevents asset depletion at the household level; and To creates productive assets at the community level.

Originally, the beneficiaries of the PSNP comprised of households identified in the 262 food insecure Woredas across eight regions (1). In 2006 and 2007, the programme was expanded to include the ANRS and Somali National Regional State, respectively. The program is currently (2014) providing food aid to an estimated 319 Woredas. The program is divided into two components, namely sub-projects and direct-support. These are explained below: Sub-projects – each benefiting community has to annually identify

priorities with the aim that a selected sub-project will contribute to community’s well-being, i.e., construction of a health posts, veterinary clinics, schools, and other public infrastructure that is lacking in the community. These communities receive food supplies (mainly wheat) for six months of the year whilst they are engaged in the public-works projects.

Direct Support Program – this is aimed at households that are described

as labour-poor and cannot participate in public works associated with the sub-project program. These include households with no economically active persons. These families receive food from PSNP throughout the year.

The entire population of the socio-economic Study Area falls under the PSNP; and an estimated 95 percent is on the sub-projects program and the remaining five percent on the Direct Support program. In all villages visited, when people were asked about their livelihoods activities, their responses were similar: “…Safety Net is how we survive as there are no employment opportunities in the area…” Moreover, the Dallol Woreda official; stated that there are always people surviving on PSNP or Emergency Aid in the Woreda.

(1)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html


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Such statements reveal a high dependence of people on the PSNP food supplies, and begs the question of whether people will be able to survive in the area in the absence of the program. The interviewees noted that the food supplies provided as part of PSNP were inadequate and unsustainable as they receive food supplies when they are working on PSNP related projects only. Furthermore, the participants stated that they did not see the correlation between the construction of community infrastructure and the right to food security. As one participant puts it: “… having good infrastructure is not going to ensure food security for my household so I don’t understand why we have to undertake such projects…”


Regionally, health services and infrastructure are also relatively underdeveloped, i.e., of 116 hospitals in the country the Region has four (approximately three percent); furthermore of 14,192 health posts countrywide only 251 are in the Region accounting for approximately 1.7 percent (1). Table 9.10 below shows the distribution of the health care infrastructure and personnel at Federal, Regional and Woreda levels.

Table 9.10 Healthcare Services and Infrastructure in the Afar National Regional State

Health Services & Infrastructure Federal Regional Dallol Woreda

Hospitals 116 4 0 Health Centres 2,142 28 5 Health Posts 14,192 251 15

Healthcare Professionals Physicians (general practitioners and specialists)

1,421 15 13

Health Officers 3,096 29 1 Nurses (Diploma and BSc holders) 26,423 185 22 Pharmacy Professionals 3,624 63 2 Medical Laboratory Professionals 3,672 40 3 Community Health Workers/ Health Extension Workers (HEW)

30,995 572 36

Source: Afar Regional Bureau of Health and Ministry of Health, (2011) Common illnesses found at Woreda level are: Malaria (especially during the rainy season); Upper Respiratory Infection (URI) due to dust; Diarrhoea due to the consumption of un-purified water; TB (reasons unclear); Problems linked to the consumption of un-purified water; Urinary tract /bladder Infection due to unsafe drinking water; Kidney illnesses due to limited water consumption; Sun stroke; and

(1) Afar Regional Bureau of Health and Ministry of Health, 2011


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Eye disease due to dust. According to health officials (1), an estimated 20 percent of the Woreda population has HIV/AIDS; however, they noted that the prevalence numbers were declining. The figure of 20 percent does however seem exaggerated and according to the USAID (July 2008), the level of HIV/AIDS in the ANRS is approximately 2%. No information is available on the provision of anti-retroviral drugs being given to the infected.

9.5.4 Local Level

Access to health care services in the socio-economic Study Area is low due to lack of health care facilities and medicines. Of the villages visited, Bada had access to health centre and a health post, while the remainder of the villages had no formal health facilities or only access to a health post (refer to Table 9.11). Villagers with no health facilities tend to go to the Adukua Kebele for medical care.

Table 9.11 Access to Health care Facilities in the Socio-economic Study Area

Village/ Kebele Health Centres Health Posts Bada Admeruk X X Bada Ermile - X Elifanti Abaa/ Kulili - X Asabuya - - Musley - - Asagosaa - X Loko Oguda - -

All health care facilities in the socio-economic Study Area have medical professionals (i.e, nurses); however, these professionals cannot provide the services needed due to a lack of medication and supplies. This is exacerbated by the lack of electricity for refrigeration of perishable medicines. The main service that the health professionals are able to provide daily is primary care in the form of first aid and the vaccination of children. The vaccines are sent by the Federal Ministry of Health using refrigerated trucks to ensure their viability. Once the health workers have received the vaccines, they must be administered within 12 hours or will become unsafe for use. All seriously ill people are referred to a hospital in Mekele. There are four ambulances across the Woreda; but they often do not have fuel and as such people have to make their own arrangements for the transportation of the sick to Mekele. This is difficult given the lack of public transportation services and low private vehicle ownership in the area. During in-field baseline data collection, villages close to the Project Area reported that Yara Dallol BV has been assisting them with the transportation of gravely ill people to Mekele.

(1) Pers Comm, May 2014


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Water-borne diseases are the most dominant diseases in the socio-economic Study Area, especially diarrhoea due to a lack of potable water, reportedly followed by kidney related illnesses and urinary tract infections. The health workers often hold campaigns promoting free water treatment methods (such as boiling of water before consumption), but people often do not follow advice given and still get sick. Other health risks are linked to the lack of sanitation facilities and people using open spaces to relieve themselves, and in doing so contaminate surface water sources. During diarrhoea outbreaks, the health workers distribute agari (a liquid/ or powdery water purification drug) to households. Kidney illnesses along with urinary tract infections are reported to be caused by dehydration due to the heat and shortage of water in the area. The lack of electricity and medication was reported as being the main challenge facing health care service provision in the socio-economic Study Area. Whilst at village level, communities reported that the lack of potable water and sanitation facilities is the main cause of illnesses and deaths in the socio-economic Study Area. No cases of HIV/AIDS were reported by the local population; suggesting that the prevalence of the diseases is not formally recognised or recorded.

9.6 EDUCATION SYSTEM

The Ethiopian education system consists of four cycles; two cycles of primary and two cycles of secondary schooling (refer to Figure 9.10).


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Figure 9.10 Ethiopian Education System

Source: http://shelbycearley.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/education-in-ethiopia.pdf


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As indicated in Figure 9.10, the education system comprises of eight years of primary education subdivided into two cycles of basic primary (Grade one to four) and general education (Grade five to eight). Secondary education also comprises of two cycles, general secondary education (Grade nine and ten) and preparatory secondary education (Grade 11 and 12). When pupils complete second cycle of primary education they are required to take the Eighth Grade National Examination. Subsequent to attaining their Primary School Leaving Certification Examination (PSLCE); pupils can either continue onto secondary education cycles or enrol for a junior level Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). Those who choose to attend TVET can seek employment once they attain their TVET certification. The second cycle of a secondary education entails a further four years of schooling with those who complete grade nine and ten attaining the Ethiopian General Secondary Education Certificate Examination (EGSECE); if able to complete Grade 11 and 12 pupils can sit for the Ethiopian Higher Education Entrance Examination (1). Key national education indicators are highlighted in the Table 9.12 below; and show an increase in education expenditure of 5.5 percent in 2010 from the four percent in 2004 (2). School enrolment has increased from 68.5 percent to 82 percent in both primary and secondary schooling levels and the government is predicting 100 percent enrolment in primary school at the end of 2014/2015 (3).

Table 9.12 Key National Education Indicators

Indicator Value Enrolment rate % (2011) 82 Education expenditure (% of GDP) (2005 – 2010) 5.5 Pupil-teacher ratio, primary (2010) 54 Pupil-teacher ratio, secondary (2010) 43 Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above) (4) (2008) 29.8 Source: World Bank, Databank, 2011 Literacy levels of the Ethiopian population are significantly low with an estimated 89 percent having no schooling and/ or have attained some primary schooling; as illustrated in Figure 9.11 (5). Of this total, 45 percent of the population has no schooling; while for others (44 percent) have some primary education. As expected, the urban population are more literate compared to the rural population (78.6 and 49.1 percent) respectively. Furthermore, only 0.1 percent completed secondary school in rural areas compared to 3.2 percent in urban areas (6).

(1) Ministry of Education, 2012 (2) World Bank, Databank, 2011 (3) World Bank, Databank, 2011 (4) Expressed as a %age - the number of children enrolled in primary school who belong to the age group that officially corresponds to primary schooling, divided by the total population of the same age group. (5) Central Statistics Agency, 2011 (6) The Central Statistics Agency, 2011


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Figure 9.11 Highest Level of Schooling Attended or Completed in Ethiopia

Source: Central Statistics Agency, 2011


Regionally an estimated 61.3 percent of the total population has not received any education; with an estimated 69.3 percent of those without an education being females and 53.4 percent male (1). This can be attributed mainly to the pastoralist and nomadic lifestyle of the Afar people, since this a key influencing factor in preventing children from attending school (refer to Table 9.13). Other barriers to school enrolment in rural areas include family disapproval, marriage, lack of schooling facilities, poverty, and domestic / farming / herding duties.

Table 9.13 Literacy Levels of the Ethiopian Population

Indicator Percentage No schooling 61.3 Some schooling (primary and secondary) 38.7 Female Literacy rate 38.4 Illiteracy amongst females compared to males 69.3 Some primary education (female) 25 Completed primary education (female) 1.6 Completed secondary education (female) 0.3 Male Literacy rate 52.5 Illiteracy amongst males compared to females 53.4 Some primary education (male) 35.3 Completed primary education (male) 3.4 Completed secondary education (male) 1.2

Source: Final Report: Demographic Health Survey, 2011

(1) Central Statistics Agency, 2011

45% 44%

3% 4% 1%

3%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

No education Some primary Completedprimary

Some secondary Completedsecondary

Tertiaryeducation


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For the 2014 school year, there are 7,500 pupils registered at the various schools in the Woreda (1). Of these, 69 percent are males and 31 percent females. The Woreda has a total of 47 schools of which 49 percent are 1st Cycle Primary Schools, and 42 percent 2nd Cycle Primary Schools and two percent 1st and 2nd Cycle Secondary Schools (2). There are 250 teachers divided amongst the various school levels, resulting in a teacher-pupil ratio of 1:30. The low teacher-pupil ratio is caused by low attendance of schooling in pastoralist communities such as that of the Woreda.

9.6.2 Village Level

Like in many pastoralist communities in the world, the general levels of education in the socio-economic Study Area are low, even by rural standards. This is especially significant amongst the women; with an estimated 95 percent being illiterate in the socio-economic Study Area. The shortage of schools across the socio-economic Study Area, and the traditional/ cultural beliefs that educated women are unmarriageable also contribute to this, along with the amount of domestic work that is expected of a girl child. There is a severe lack of schools across the socio-economic Study Area; and where they are present, they only provide primary education and rarely secondary education. Bada and Ermile were the villages with schools; while Elifan Aba/ Kulili had a school that they could access about one kilometre away from village. Table 9.14 shows the availability of schools in the socio-economic Study Area

Table 9.14 Surveyed Villages and Schools in their Area

Village 1st Cycle 2nd Cycle 1st Cycle 2nd Cycle Distance from Village to School

Primary Education Secondary Education Bada Admeruk 1 1 - - 500 m Bada Ermile 1 1 - - 50 m to 500 m Elifanti Abaa/ Kulili 1 - - - 1-1.5 km radius Asabuya No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita - Musley No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita - Asagosaa 1 - - - 1 km Loko Oguda No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita -

The shortage of schools and the resultant distances that pupils have to travel to reach school has resulted in many children not attending school. Furthermore, the combination of household chores including collection of water and fuel wood, preparing the fields for cropping, and livestock grazing are regarded as more important for the household than children attending school.

(1) Pers Comms, May 2014 (2) Zone-2 Administration Office, May 2014


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Vocational training centres and other institutions of higher learning are not found in the Woreda, its Kebeles or socio-economic Study Area. For a person to obtain higher education they need to relocate to Semera, Mekele, or Addis Ababa; this requires financial support which many families cannot afford to give to their children.

Figure 9.12 Typical School Building in the Socio-economic Study Area

The schooling system in the socio-economic Study Area is also impacted by: A shortage of classrooms resulting in some pupils being taught outside or

under the trees.

A shortage of learning materials (textbooks, chalkboards, pens/pencils, exercise books.

Budgetary shortfalls.

Shortage of qualified school teachers.

High teacher turnover due to the harsh conditions in the area.

9.7 ECONOMIC AND LIVELIHOOD ACTIVITIES

This Section describes the economic and livelihood activities at Federal, Regional and Local levels.


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9.7.1 Federal Level

In 2011, the Ethiopian economy continued to be dominated by the agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting sector with a 46.4 percent contribution to the GDP; this is followed by the wholesale and retail trade, hotels and restaurants sector (18.3 percent) as indicated in Table 9.15 (1). Mining and quarrying only contributed 1.7 percent to the GDP, showing a slightly significant growth to this sector given that its GDP contribution in 2006 was only 0.6 percent (2). The growth of this sector reflected the impact of investments in the expansion of mining activities and exports, especially gold as well as investments in the exploration activities associated with mining.

Table 9.15 Sectorial Contribution to the Ethiopian Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 2012

Economic Sectors Percentage Contribution Year 2006 2011 Agriculture, forestry, fishing & hunting 47.9 46.4 Wholesale and retail trade, hotels and restaurants 14.9 18.3 Finance, real estate and business services 8.5 11.7 Transport, storage and communication 5.6 5.2 Other services 6 4.5 Construction 5.7 4.2 Manufacturing 4.5 3.6 General government services 4.5 3.3 Mining and quarrying 0.6 1.7 Electricity, gas and water 1.9 1.1 Other community, social & personal service activities 0 0

Source: Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2012 In 2011 the Ethiopian economy grew at 11.4 percent. This was facilitated by the continued growth of the industry, services and agriculture sectors which grew by 15, 12.5 and nine percent respectively (3). The agricultural sector (which accounts for 80 percent of the total employment in the country) only grew by nine percent. The sector’s growth was fuelled by the increased cereal production to 19.1 million tonnes in 2011. The sub-sector was boosted by: Good weather in the cereal growing areas; Enhanced government support services to smallholders; Improvement in yields; and Expansion in the area under cultivation (4).

Even though the agricultural sector continues to grow, it is still plagued by challenges especially in the rural areas. These challenges can be attributed to food production that is rain-fed and limited use of improved farming

(1) Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2012 (2) Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2012 (3) Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2012 (4) Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2012


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techniques and continued increase in cost of key agricultural inputs such as fertiliser. This has resulted in a decline per capita food production. Furthermore the rise in population growth rates have contributed to a decline in farm size as some of the land originally used for agricultural purposes is now being used for settlements. As a result an estimated 4.5 million people remain dependent on food relief such as PSNP.


Like the rest of the country, the ANRS is reliant on the agricultural sector for livelihoods; specifically livestock production at 90 percent. Livestock keeping in the region is mainly for subsistence purposes and it is only sold when needed. According to the local authorities, the production of livestock is decreasing in the region especially in Zones 1, 2, and 4 due to recurring drought and land degradation. Livestock produced include camels, goats, sheep and cattle; but of these camels and goats are the most resilient to the harsh climatic conditions of the region. Zonally the proportion of goats was higher at 43 percent, followed by sheep at 24 percent, cattle at 17 percent and camels at 13.5 percent (1). In the southern Zones of the ANRS, along the Awash and Mille River basins, people engage in agro-pastoralism (migrating to and fro from these areas to grow crops). These areas are marked by large scale crop farming, owned by the state or by individuals. Some of the crops grown in the area include cotton, sorghum and vegetables. Livelihoods in Dallol Woreda are similar to those undertaken at regional level, and consist of livestock production and small scale crop production. The quantity of livestock found in the Woreda is indicated in Table 9.16 below.

Table 9.16 Summary of Livestock Population in Dallol Woreda, 2009

Woreda Livestock Types and Number Total Dallol Goats Sheep Cattle Camels Equines Poultry 13,081 17,600 41,783 32,804 1,106 - 106,374 Source: BOFED, 2009: Afar Regional Atlas 2. June 2009 Livestock keeping also forms a significant part of the daily sustenance of households through meat and milk products. While livestock products (viz. skin hides and butter produced from the milk) serve as a source of income for households. The crops produced are consumed or used to barter with neighbours for other household items. Crop production serves as the secondary livelihood activity in the Woreda. Crops grown in the area comprise of sorghum and maize. As depicted in Table 9.17, Kebeles such as Bada Admeruk, Bada Ermile, Leasgedi, Alefan-Kulili, Garsat, Sebiba, Adkuwa (rural) and Asegara are agro-pastoral

(1) BOFED, 2009: Afar Regional Atlas 2. June 2009


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communities. They combine livestock keeping with crop production systems as strategy to overcome consequences of repeated droughts and degradation of natural pasture. Furthermore, these Kebeles have access to somewhat sustainable water sources which allow them to grow crops.

Table 9.17 Livestock and Crop Production by Kebeles in the Dallol Woreda

Kebele Production System of the Kebele Pure-Pastoralism Agro-pastoralism

Iynedeb X Leasgedi X Ma’awo X Sebiba X Berih X Adiaro X Asegara X Adkuwa (Rural Kebele) X Simbilali X Alefan-Kulili X Bheyeta X Garsat X Bada Admeruk X Bada Ermile X

Source: Dallol Woreda Administration Office, May 2014

9.7.3 Local level

Livelihoods in the socio-economic Study Area comprise mainly of agricultural activities; with livestock keeping as the primary economic activity and crop production as a secondary activity along with trading. These livelihoods activities are described in detail below. Livestock Production

The population of the socio-economic Study Area are pastoralists who keep livestock for subsistence and income generation. The most common livestock kept are goats, sheep, cattle, donkeys and camels as ranked by the interviewees. The majority of households in the area keep goats as they are able to survive the harsh climatic conditions of the area. Those residing in close proximity to permanent water sources such as Bada Admeruk and Bada Ermile also keep cattle (which have a low tolerance for heat) and a very low number of households also keep sheep, donkeys and camels. A decade or so ago, wealth in the socio-economic Study Area used to be measured in terms of the number of camels a household owned; however, the price of camels has increased and trade has decreased significantly, as such people can no longer afford to purchase camels as they used to. Currently, a household that owns more than ten goats is regarded as rich; while a household with a large variant of livestock is regarded as very wealthy. Livestock slaughter for household sustenance is not common, households slaughter when they have visitors, weddings, traditional ceremonies or when


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the household wants to purchase clothing and food items. Households tend to rely heavily on livestock products especially milk, which is said to be consumed at all meal-times. Due to a shortage of markets in the broader socio-economic Study Area, the majority of people sell their livestock in Adukua Town (approximately two to three days walk depending on the location of the farmers’ village to the market). The selling price of various livestock is indicated in Table 9.18 below. Camels reportedly fetch the highest price at the markets, followed by cattle.

Table 9.18 Livestock Prices

Type of livestock Current Price Preferred Price ETB USD ETB USD

Camel Male 7,000 350 15,000 750 Female 8,000 400 15,000 750

Cattle Male 3,000 150 6,000 300 Female 4,000 200 5,000 250

Goat Male 1,500 75 2,000 100 Female 600 30 1,000 50 Source: Pers. Comms, May 2014 Furthermore, female camels and cattle fetch the highest prices at the markets because of their milk production levels. The milk can be turned into butter, which is then sold at the local markets and /or to neighbours for household income. Even though goats are a perceived as a sign of wealth, they are currently (2014) fetching the least cash at the market due to their abundance; see Figure 9.13.

Figure 9.13 Goats in the Socio-economic Study Area

Livestock Products

Livestock products that are highly valued by the population are milk, meat, and skin hides (in order of importance); while bones are deemed insignificant.


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Milk produced by livestock is consumed by the household or turned into butter which is then sold. Meat is never sold, rather it is consumed by the household and sometimes shared with the neighbours. Skin hides are used to make mats, strings for beds, furniture and sari (water carrying containers) or coda (milk containers). The various prices and uses of skin hides are summarised in Table 9.19.

Table 9.19 Sale and Uses of Livestock Skin

Livestock Type Price Uses Goat ETB 15 (USD 0.75) Mats and Sari/ Coda Sheep ETB 20 (USD 1) Mats and gifts Camel Not for sale Discarded Cattle Not for sale Mats, strings, and other Source: Pers. Comms, May 2014 Grazing/ Pastures

For the past three years there has been a significant decline in graze due to a lack of rain; which has also increased the amount of time men and young boys spend away from home in search of better pastures. Commonly used pastures in the socio-economic Study Area include areas in and around Adukua, Bahare, Bada/ Musley and Balakia Mountain. The type of livestock grazed in each of the above areas is indicated in Table 9.20 below.

Table 9.20 Livestock Grazing Areas

Grazing Area Types of Livestock Graze in Area Adukua Goats, sheep, camels Bahare Cattle only Bada/ Musley Cattle only Balakia Mountain Goats, sheep, camel Source: Pers. Comms, May 2014 Other prominent grazing areas in the socio-economic Study Area and/ or used by the population are shown in Figure 9.18. People residing in Musley, Bada Admeruk and Ermile tend not to migrate to feed their livestock as they have adequate pastures. Travelling to the various grazing areas can take a day or two depending on the herdsmen’s place of origin and the location of pastures. An elder always accompanies the herdsmen to pastures, so as to negotiate access to pastures with the local villagers. Depending on the availability of the graze, herdsmen can stay in one location for a maximum of six months. The herdsmen are always housed by the host villagers near to where they are grazing their livestock, including relatives. Livestock are also fed sorghum stocks after harvest. Crop Production

Sorghum and maize are the main crops grown in the socio-economic Study Area. All crop production is for the household consumption and only excess


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is sold (which is unusual). Crop production is mainly undertaken by men including ploughing, seeding, weeding, and harvesting; while women assist only with the transportation and storage of the crops. The crops are mainly rain-fed, and where a village is in close proximity to permanent or seasonal water source irrigation occurs (refer to Figure 9.14). However, the close proximity of crops to seasonal and permanent water sources often leads to loss of crops during the highland (Tigray) wet seasons as the water runoff washes away the crops.

Figure 9.14 Crops Produced in the Socio-economic Study Area

Gravel soils occur across the socio-economic Study Area, which has resulted in a shortage of arable land. As a result, some villages practice a sharecropping farming system, so as to ensure that their neighbours (without arable land) get a share of the crops. Sharecropping was reported in Bada Admeruk and Bada Ermile Kebeles and associated villages. Crop production is still reliant on the traditional methods of cropping and no mechanisation or use of fertilisers. This has led to low crop yields; and farmers also believe that their seed-saving methods are the cause of the low yields. As one interviewee stated: “We still use seeds originally used by our fore-fathers and have not changed them. Every season we harvest and save some seed for the next season of cropping may be that is why the crop yields are so low.” This statement bears truth when considering what scientists say about the use of saved seeds. Agricultural studies show that plants, which reproduce through natural means, tend to adapt to local conditions over time, and evolve as reliable performers in their localities a process known as landraces (1). The studies further show that success in seed saving is highly dependent on the users of stored seeds skills of how to better enhance the capacity of their

(1) Jarvis et al., 2000


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landraces. This can be achieved through the use of seed storage methods that maintain viability of the seeds (viz. open pollination) (1)and detection of conditions that will maximise germination and detecting the presence of diseases that are seed-borne, so that they can be eliminated (2). Land preparation for cropping begins in July and actual ploughing in August (the wet season when the ground is saturated). According to the locals, a 100 ha of agricultural land can produce six X 50kg bags of sorghum. Maize is often sold for ETB300 (USD 15)/ 50kg. According to the locals, there are no agricultural extensions or NGOs operating in the area. Sometimes government officials from the Zonal and Woreda levels visit the area but they don’t bring any assistance for the villages. Salt Mining

Artisanal salt mining occurs across the socio-economic Study Area and it is undertaken by both men and women to varying degrees and scales. The women tend to collect salt for household consumption; while men collect salt to generate an income. All interviewees residing in villages in or close to the Project Area ranked salt mining as an important livelihood activity for income generation (salt is freely available and easily accessed), as well as a culturally valued asset for the Afar people. Salt collection occurs in various places across the socio-economic Study Area and in varying quantities (refer to Section 9.8). Artisanal salt mining in the broader socio-economic Study Area is based on the salt flats located north of Lake Assale (refer to Figure 9.15). Salt is created from the annual patterns of water flow and subsidence from the hyper-saline Lake Assale. The salt mining season extends between September and July, and is dependent on the retreat of the water from Lake Assale. During the wet season (July – end August), the high temperatures on the salt pan (50 to 60°C) makes salt mining impossible. Literature sources and local people in the area reference a variety of dates from which the artisanal salt mining and trade began; however, it is widely acknowledged that it is an activity that spans several centuries, geographic locations and ethnic groups.

(1) Open pollination is pollination by insects, birds, wind, or other natural mechanisms. (2) Jarvis et al., 2000


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Figure 9.15 The Artisanal Salt Trade at Assale

People are involved in the salt trade work for a varying number of months, with salt cutters and diggers working for approximately the same amount of time (6.3 and 6.1 months respectively). A salt cutters time ranged between two to 10 months, and a salt diggers time ranged between two to nine months. Salt transporters (via camel) are involved in the salt trade for an average of three months of the year, and are the only group to work in the salt trade one month of the year. When the duration spent working in the salt trade is compared to income received from involvement there is a direct correlation; transporters were recorded to have the lowest income, and cutters the highest. On average a salt cutter will earn more than a transporter or digger in both a good and bad month (refer to Table 9.21).

Table 9.21 Income Generated by Salt Miners

Month Salt Cutter Salt Digger Salt Transporter Good ETB 4,000 (USD 200) ETB 1,134 (USD 56) ETB 5,000 (USD 250) Bad ETB 2,000 (USD 100) ETB 623 (USD 31) ETB 286 (USD 14)

Salt Mining Process

The salt mining process is a well-established practice with systematically defined labour division and elaborated job structures. There are at least four steps of work done by different groups in harmony until the salt blocks reach


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the Berahale collection station. These groups have their own defined job including Deo’dina or Fekolo, Khedli or Eyel’e, Shemel and Arho. The Khedli or Eyel’e groups of workers are only Afars, while the Arho groups of workers belong mostly to Tigrians. A group of two to three men work on hewing the layer of salt crust from the surface, a process known as Fekolo. Workers who work on Fekolo are called Deo’dina in Afar. In the initial process of lifting salt layer from the surface, the Fekolo use axel and two pairs of stick called Feiena. When the salt surface is hit with the Feiena stick and if it makes a sound which signals that the salt layer is detached from the bottom it can easily be hewn. They split the salt layer at the fracture line (Kirkir) and insert the Feiena stick in to the opening to pill it upward. The Feiena workers pill-out as many salt layers as possible in a day and make them ready for the next process of shaping the irregularly shaped salt layers into rectangular blocks. The activity of chiselling and shaping rectangular salt blocks is called Tsereba and the workers known as Khedli in Afar or Eyel’e in Tigrigna languages. This is a very sophisticated and delicate work that needs talent and experience. The salt blocks are shaped by using a special chisel, called Godma. Only the Afar men are allowed to shape the salt blocks and no other ethnic groups. Key informants told that in the past, highlanders also used to work as Tsereba/Eyele; but it has recently become the sole activity of the Afar men only. It is unclear how this change came about, but it is thought that it signifies a sense ownership of the salt resource to the local Afar men; so that they will have authority to determine the size and value of the salt blocks. The people who will finally take the salt loaded on animal back to Berahale are referred to as Arho, of which the majority are from Edaga Hamus and Adigrat areas in the Tigray highlands, and sometimes from as far as the Raya and Weldia areas. The Arho transport the salt blocks up to the town of Berahale. The salt is transported by camel caravan (as shown in Figure 9.16). These camel caravans follow a route along the Sabah River valley, which is the shortest route to Berahale. The journey to Berahale often begins at midday and arrives at the first station on the river side village of Sabha at around 10pm. There, the Arho and their animals rest until 10am the next day and then continue with their journey to Berahale.


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Figure 9.16 Camel Caravans

Upon arrival in Berahale, salt is recorded and sold at the Salt Selling Associations warehouse. Salt is then stored at the warehouse until it is transported out of Berahale by truck to other regions of Ethiopia. According to some locals, a block of Gereweyna (smaller block of salt) is sold ETB 11 to12 (USD 0.50 to 0.60) in Berahale and ETB 25 to 30 (USD 1.25 to 1.50) in Mekele; while a block of Golo’o (bigger block of salt) is sold ETB 15 to 17 (USD 0.75 to 0.85) in Berahale and ETB 35 to 40 (USD 1.75 to 2.0) in Mekele. In addition, the blocks of Gereweyna and Golo’o are further resized in to equal halves prior to selling at the Agulae and Mekele markets. No salt associations exist in the broader socio-economic Study Area; however, in the neighbouring Berahale Woreda there is a salt association. However, the Berahale Salt Association caters for only its own people and no outsiders. Protection of the Artisanal Salt Trade

Recent developments in the greater socio-economic Study Area from other exploration companies have caused some changes to the accessibility of the salt flats. This includes a road and drill pad that has been constructed, and has the potential to encourage vehicles to travel all the way to the edge of the salt mining area. Transportation of salt by vehicles has been rejected by several groups as the services (such as food, accommodation etc.) provided by the villages situated along the salt transportation routes would be lost, the operation of the Arho would cease and there is a risk that trucks would pass straight through Berahale without stopping, rendering the Selling Association redundant. According to local people, previous attempts to introduce semi-mechanised salt mining systems, such as pumping saline water from the lake to evaporation ponds were fiercely rejected by both the local villages and local government, and the activities were stopped. Maintaining the use of donkeys and camels for transport to and from the salt plains appears to be a conscious


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decision by the Afar people and the Tigray transporters as a means to maintain control over the salt industry. There appears to be awareness that many Afar do not have the knowledge, capital, experience or maintenance skills to recruit a fleet of trucks to transport the salt, and mechanised transport would mean that they would be removed from the economic chain. In addition, the use of camels maintains tourist interest in the area and increases income for small shops, hotels and bars. Further self-protection measures include the ‘salt mining rules’ that explicitly state that Ethiopians of other ethnic groups are prohibited from the salt cutting activities, and the rejection of attempts to mechanise the local salt production. Trade and Markets

There are no formal or informal markets in the socio-economic Study Area; however, informal trading occurs in many of the larger villages (viz. Hamad Ela and Berahale). The traders often sell household food items or own and run coffeehouses/restaurants. According to the FGDs the majority of traders in the area are from the highlands including the Mekele, Tigray and Somali. Traders purchase their food items from Mekele and transport it to the villages by trucks. The closest market to the socio-economic Study Area as identified by the local population is in Hamad Ela and Bada; people will walk for two to three days (depending on the location of their village to the town) to sell their produce and/ or to purchase food items and clothing. Hamad Ela has approximately four to five prominent shops that sell a range of products including wheat, coffee, tea and some vegetables, the latter commonly perish due to the lack of fridges in Hamad Ela. Villages in close proximity, Hamad Ela’s shops and restaurants are their key source of food. A considerable portion of clothes, shoes and perfumes are also imported from towns along the Ethiopian border, Djibouti and Tigray region. In addition to the local shops women from the highlands operate tea / or coffee shops with salt trade workers and the military as common customers. Men in Bada Admeruk and Ermile reported that they used to trade across the border in Eritrea but the conflict between the two countries it is no longer undertaken. However, in the women’s FGDs, they reported that men and youths cannot cross the border to Eretria anymore, but women, the elderly and young children still cross the border to purchase some food items or to collect lost livestock. The apparent contradiction in the reports about trading in Eritrea, may be caused by fears of reprimand should either governments hear that people are still crossing the border. Livelihoods Ranking by Gender

There are distinct gender divisions within the livelihood roles of men and women in the socio-economic Study Area. Men are involved in salt mining, fetching fire wood and some were reported to work for companies in the area as labourers and guards. During FGDs women reported they were typically involved in palm eungwa collecting and the creation of woven palm products


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including woven palm mats selen. In some villages women are also involved in small scale trade and the (small scale) salt mining industry. From discussions in the field it was reported that women tend to work longer hours than men (with women working up to 13 hours a day in comparison to an average of seven hours for men). Moreover, men ranked artisanal salt mining most important from an income generating perspective; while women ranked livestock as most important for income generation. There was broad agreement that livestock are a key source of financial capital, and generate considerably higher cash income than other activities. Livestock were also viewed as the only form of savings available for many households. Women have more involvement with livestock rearing activities compared to artisanal salt mining, which may explain the relative importance they give to livestock rearing and therefore the higher ranking.

9.7.4 Employment and Unemployment and Skills Levels

Formal employment levels in the socio-economic Study Area are significantly low, with the majority of the population engaged in subsistence livelihoods activities; as discussed in Section 9.7. Prior to the commencement of mining activities in the area, government services were the only source of formal employment (health care, education and administrative services). The presence of mining activities has; however, slightly expanded the range of potential employers; nevertheless, the lack of education and skills has meant that the local people can only secure temporary unskilled positions with the mines. The current road construction activities, have also afforded the local population (men and women) temporary employment opportunities.

9.7.5 Household Income and Expenditure

Household income levels are very low in the socio-economic Study Area, and is due to the population’s dependence on subsistence livelihoods. The local Afar households in the socio-economic Study Area derive the majority of their income solely from livestock keeping, palm collection (specifically for women), artisanal salt mining, and for those who are civil servants from the government. In turn, the highlanders living in the area often derive their income from their businesses including prostitution. The monthly household income varies from ETB 0 to ETB 300 (USD 0.0 to 15) on a bad month and ETB 600 (USD 30) plus on a good month (excluding business owners and civil servants). The household income is used to purchase food items i.e., coffee, tea, sugar, rice, pasta, spices, oil and wheat. Clothing for young women forms a significant part of the Afar household expenditure as it is believed that a well-dressed young woman will attract a suitable husband. Overall, the lack of employment and business opportunities in the socio-economic Study Area, combined with the reliance on pastoralist-based


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livelihoods activities (which is characterised by high levels of illiteracy), and the harsh climatic conditions; the household income levels are significantly low in the absence of enabling factors. Furthermore, as the average household income is low, none of it is allocated towards savings, which leaves the household vulnerable to non-routine events or unplanned costs.

9.8 UTILISATION AND DEPENDENCY ON NATURAL RESOURCES

Natural resources are fundamental to the survival and livelihood of the majority of people in rural Ethiopia. The most commonly exploited of these are timber forest products (i.e., wood) due to the shortage of electrical power across the country. In terms of non-timber forest products water is the most exploited resource, followed by land which is used for settlements and agricultural activities. Other important non-timber forest products (NTFPs) include honey and beeswax, natural gums and resins, incense, bamboo, and medicinal plants.

9.8.1 Collection and Processing of Palm Leaves

The collection and processing of palm leaves in the socio-economic Study Area is a key livelihood activity undertaken by the local women. The local name for the palm is engwa (scientifically known as hyphaene thebaica). The palm trees are not widespread and tend to grow along the muddy liminal areas of the salt flats. The collection and processing of palm leaves is a traditional day-to-day activity and occupies a significant portion of an Afar woman’s day. In the socio-economic Study Area women prefer to collect their own palm leaves instead of purchasing them from the Adukua market or Hamad Ela. For instance women from Elifan Abaa travel on foot for up to five days with young children to collect palm leaves in the Musley area. They stated that it was the most cost effective way of getting the palm leaves. Aside from its economic benefits, the collection and processing of palm leaves also serves as a means for women to sit together and socialise. Visiting relatives from areas where there are palm resources, often bring palm leaves for their kin. Women collect the leaves in early hours of the morning before the sun gets too hot. They either carry the palm leaves on their backs or use donkeys to transport it for them. Once they reach their homes, the women dry the palm leaves in the sun as part of processing and individual fronds are separated using a small wooden instrument. The individual strands are then braided together and arranged into thin strips which are then sown together to assemble larger palm mats locally known as selen. Palm fibres are also processed into a variety of other products including baskets, ropes and brooms. Selen is mostly used in the construction of the Afar dome shaped houses or as insulation inside the houses. Women also purchase dyes to design a variety of patterns on their palm leave products, as shown in Figure 9.17.


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Figure 9.17 Palm Products

Men play three important roles when it comes to palm products, namely - Transportation of palm to the village on their return from pastures in

villages close to palm resources; Production of beds using the palm ropes produced by women; and Assisting women with the sale of palm products in the markets.

Some women do not collect palm leaves for their own uses, but in order to sell it at the market in Adekua or Hamad Ela. The dry palm fronds cost between ETB 70 and 120 (USD 3.5 to 6) depending on the quantity required. Palm products that generate the most income are beds ETB 1,000 (USD 50); coloured selen ETB 400 (USD 20), and rope ETB 70 to 100 (USD 3.5 to 5). On average, the sale of palm products generates an income of ETB 250 (USD 12.5) in a good month and ETB 100 (USD 5) in a bad month for the household.

9.8.2 Water Resources

Due to its lack of abundance, water is a highly valued natural resource in the socio-economic Study Area. Women and children walk for hours to collect household water daily. All the water found in the area is said to be run-off water from the highlands as the area receives little to no rain. See important water sources as reported by the households in Section 9.10 (Public Infrastructure and Services).


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9.8.3 Grazing Areas

As previously mentioned, livestock keeping is the main subsistence livelihood of the population which gives importance to areas that provide adequate grazing for livestock. Important grazing areas as identified by the surveys are shown in Figure 9.18.

9.8.4 Salt Mining

Salt as discussed in Section 9.7.3 is also an important natural resource for the local communities as it provides a constant source of household income. Important salt collection areas are shown in Figure 9.18.


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Figure 9.18 Important Natural Resources Collection Areas in the broader Socio-economic Study Area


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9.8.5 Collection of Wood/ Fuel Wood

A limited number of large trees are found in the broader socio-economic Study Area and mainly along certain sections of the dry river beds and banks. Wood is not only used as a source of energy for the household but it is used in the construction of houses and some household furniture, i.e., beds and tables (refer to Figure 9.19). Both women and men spend hours collecting fuel wood across the socio-economic Study Area. Based on observations, the population of the area has developed ways of preserving the local wood supply, and instead of uprooting and cutting down trees whenever they need fuel wood, they tend to harvest naturally dried tree branches. Even when they harvest wood for furniture or the construction of houses, people take only what they need and do not uproot any trees.

Figure 9.19 Wood Products

9.9 VULNERABLE/ MARGINALISED GROUPS

Vulnerable or disadvantage groups are defined by IFC as – individuals or groups who could experience adverse impacts from a proposed project more severely than others based on their vulnerable or disadvantaged status. This status may stem from an individual's or group's race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. In addition other factors should be considered such as gender, ethnicity, culture, sickness, physical or mental disability, poverty or economic disadvantage, and dependence on unique natural resources (1). Based on the definition above, the entire population of the socio-economic Study Area can be considered as vulnerable due to their economic disadvantages, dependence on natural resources, health status and gender. The population of the socio-economic Study Area resides in a remote and very poorly serviced location (including a lack of health care, schools, waste

(1) IFC Glossary of Terms, http://www1.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/corp_ext_content/ifc_external_corporate_site/home


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collection and sanitation facilities). Furthermore, there is a severe shortage of potable water in the area which has led to: School children attending school for only two to three hours a day; Women walking for three to four hours to and from water collection

points; Livestock deaths; and Men migrating back and forth from their homes in order to keep their

livestock hydrated. Access to health care facilities is limited, and where they are present, the facilities do not have medicines. Health facilities cannot stock pile medicines due to the lack of electricity and extreme heat. This means the populations’ health status is poor making them more vulnerable (further details in Section 9.5). Large areas of the land in the socio-economic Study Area consist of dirt and gravel with little arable soil available; and where soils occur they are often covered by salt. As such, there is limited land available for growing crops (further details in Section 9.10). The economy of the population depends upon subsistence livelihoods activities such as livestock keeping and growing of sorghum. However, ongoing drought and poor soil quality have led to significant shortages of food supplies, leading to the population relying on Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) and emergency aid for half of the year (details in Section 9.5.2). This leaves the population highly vulnerable to diseases and to high mortality rates. Gender and age vulnerability also occurs in the socio-economic Study Area. This is described below.

9.9.1 Women

Ethiopia is a patriarchal society that keeps women in a subordinate position and there is a generally held belief that women are docile, submissive, patient, and tolerant of monotonous work and violence, for which culture is used as a justification. Furthermore, the vulnerability of women comes from their lack of education. More fortunate women would have received some primary education but many have no schooling. This is partially due to the belief that an educated woman cannot attract a suitable man. In Afar society, women can be inherited at the death of her husband by the deceased’s brother; and a husband can also inherit his deceased wife’s sister. Polygamy is a common practice in the Afar region – men may receive permission to marry up to four wives, but with preconditions. Elder women may be divorced by their husbands who then marry younger girls leaving


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older women alone. The accepted belief that only a male child has the right of inheritance of his family’s has led to fewer women owning their own land. Women do not hold any position of power until they are elderly and/ or if they are considered to have some wisdom. Table 9.22 presents the different daily activities of men and women in the socio-economic Study Area. These activities vary according to commonly accepted gender roles of the communities. Women in the area spend most of the dealing with household activities, which include the collection of water and preparation of meals. According to this calendar, women have less time socialising with other women. In turn, men spend most of their time working on the crop fields /or herding livestock and socialising.

Table 9.22 Daily Calendar for Women and Men in the Socio-economic Study Area

Activities Average Clock Time Spent in a Day Women Men Preparing for pray/ praying time/ Solat 5:00-6:00 am 5:00 am -12:00pm Preparing breakfast & eating 6:00-7:00am 6:00-7:00 am Fetching of water &firewood 7:00am-12:00pm Working in the field - 7:00am -12:00pm Lunch preparation 12:00- 1:00 pm - Social gathering - 12:00- 1:00 Praying (Solat), Lunch eating & making palm mat 1:00- 3:00pm - Praying (Solat), Lunch eating & rest - 1:00- 3:00pm Fetching water 3:00-4:00 pm - Baking bread, preparing dinner, preparing beds for sleep

3:00-4:00 pm -

Chatting with friends, eating dinner - 3:00-7:00 pm Washing dishes & making mat until gets dark and sleep

7:00-10:00 pm -

Source: Pers. Comm, April/May 2014 Table 9.23 shows the division of household activities/ labour.

Table 9.23 Profile of Division of Labour among Family Members in the Socio-economic Study Area

Men Women Boys Girls Household Activity

Water fetching - √ - √ Collecting of fuel wood √ - - - Grinding √ -- - - House cleaning - √ - √ Washing - √ - - Child caring - √ - √ Looking after the family well-being - √ - - House construction √ √ - -

Livestock and Crop Production Agriculture Ploughing √ - √ - Seeding √ - - - Weeding √ - √ - Harvesting √ - √ - Transporting √ √ √ √


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Men Women Boys Girls Storage √ √ - - Livestock Herding(large) √ - - - Livestock Herding (small) √ √ √ √

Income Generating Activities Selling salt √ √ - - Selling palm leaves - √ - - Selling palm mats √ - √ - Fire wood selling √ - - -

Community Management Social obligations √ - - - Development meeting √ - - - Source: Pers. Comm, April/May 2014

9.9.2 Girl Children

There are three specific factors that render young girls vulnerable in Afar society, namely lack of education, the practice of genital circumcision and early age of marriage. Aside from a lack of schooling as discussed above; Afar girls are subjected to genital circumcision. It is estimated that 72 percent of the Afar women have undergone infibulation circumcision. This occurs between the ages of seven to nine; and in some areas it is carried out within the first few days after birth. This practice can leave the girls with severe pain and trauma, shock, haemorrhage, sepsis, urine retention, ulceration of the genital region, and urinary infection, among other complications. In addition, Afar girls are generally married at about 12 to 15 years old and the husband can be as old as 60 or 70 and already married. The girls have little or no choice of a husband once selected for arranged marriage.

9.9.3 Elderly

The elderly within the village are less likely to receive an income and are reliant upon other members of a household. Thus their ability to adapt to potential changes in their environment is reduced. Within this group it is important to differentiate between men and women as women are identified to be more vulnerable than men. Elder men within the village play a prominent role in traditional institutions and village level decision making.

9.9.4 Children and Youths

The general lack of schooling in the socio-economic Study Area as well as the lack of secondary schooling facilities, means that children and youth do not have many alternatives other than continue with pastoralism. This is likely to diminish a young person’s ability to secure formal employment in the future and can result in continued dependency on aid programs for survival. Table 9.24 provides a vulnerability matrix; this presents analysis of the above vulnerability factors to illustrate how baseline conditions can affect access to different forms of capital for sensitive receptors.


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Table 9.24 Vulnerability Matrix

Capital Specific Considerations Assessing Vulnerability of Receptors Vulnerable Receptors Context and Location of Vulnerable Physical Capital Education Facilities

Health Care Facilities Transport Facilities Recreation Facilities Household Goods and Equipment

Minimal access to services and infrastructure due to factors such as cost, distance or quality of services

Provision of key services and infrastructure is poor

Men, women, children, youths and elderly

Minimal access to services including health care and education facilities, roads and public transportation.

People have to travel on foot great distances to access most services including markets.

Household assets are minimal due to a migratory lifestyle of the population.

Social Capital Strong social networks and connectedness Rights / ability to participate in decision making Ability to participate in orthodox economic and social systems

Restrictions on rights and ability to participate freely in governance

Subject to marginalisation and discrimination Subject to violence/ abuse

Girl child and women Minimal participation of women in making household decisions General lack of women participation in leadership roles. Women are viewed as inferior to men and men’s needs are seen as more

important to that of women. Young girls are subjected to female circumcision, early marriages and no

schooling. Women do not control or participate much in household finance issues. Minimal ability to participate in orthodox governance and decision making

systems. Restrictions on rights of association, ability to participate freely in

governance.

Human Capital Knowledge and skills Access to and level of education Ability to Provide Leadership Health and Nutritional Status

Frequent incidence/ high prevalence of health conditions

High rates of maternal/child mortality Low life expectancy Poor food security Presence of vector borne diseases

Women, men, children , youths and elderly In particular: Women and children

Poor soil quality, outdated methods of growing crops, and a lack of water result in low crop yield.

High dependency on food aid for the majority of the year through the SupportNet programme.

Lack of education, skills and employment opportunities is significantly high. Poor health status and low immunity to diseases, illness and incidents

including malaria, malnutrition and birth complications. Limited access to contraceptives and family planning. High maternal and child mortality linked to the shortage of health facilities

and poor living conditions. Diarrhoea and malaria are some of the key health issues that face the area

due to poor environmental health conditions. Economic Capital Diversity of livelihoods

Productivity of livelihood Access to savings and support networks Adequate level of income generation Access to loans and credit

Reliance on one unsustainable principal livelihood Principal livelihoods are relatively unproductive

and/or highly seasonal Low levels of income levels relative to expenditure Low ability to pay for food, key services, resources

and infrastructure Limited access to savings, loans, banking, and

financial support systems

Women, men, youths and elderly In particular: Households dependent on crop production

Reliance on agricultural activities (crops and livestock) in a desert has left the population highly vulnerable especially during the dry seasons or when there is drought.

Income levels are significantly low across the area due to a lack of economic opportunities as well low education levels of the population.

There are no savings, loan, or banking services in the area.


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Capital Specific Considerations Assessing Vulnerability of Receptors Vulnerable Receptors Context and Location of Vulnerable Natural Capital Water

Non-Timber Forest Products Land Timber Pasture

Heavily dependent on a particular resource, with few alternatives available

Resource shortages are frequent and serious Low availability of alternatives for a number of

important ecosystems services Pre-existing exposure to environmental pollution

or contamination

Women, men, youths and elderly In particular: Children and women

Drought is a frequent phenomenon in the area; resulting in a constant water shortages.

Water shortages result in women walking long distances in order to reach viable sources.

School hours have been shortened (three hours a day) due to a shortage of water.

Soil quality is poor and characterised by gravel soils. Pastures for the livestock are limited and often result in conflict between the

various herdsmen.


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9.10 ACCESS TO PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE AND SERVICES

This Section provides the description of access to- and availability of public services and infrastructure in the country, region and socio-economic Study Area. Services discussed include access to water and sanitation, sources of energy/power, waste management services, transportation infrastructure and services, and access to telecommunications.

9.10.1 Access to Portable Water

Access to safe drinking water is very low in Ethiopia, with approximately 49 percent of the population having access to safe drinking water in 2011. The lack of access to safe drinking water and general poor hygiene practices continues to result in diarrheal disease; which is the number one causes of under-five mortality in Ethiopia (1). USAID states that agricultural activities are the largest consumer of water in Ethiopia (93 percent) from both surface and underground water resources. Water abstraction for agriculture; however, represent only four percent of the overall country’s available renewable water resources (2). The rapid population growth and continued variations in rainfall pattern and distribution has led to the country experiencing extreme water scarcity, degraded water quality and chronic food insecurity. Overall, an estimated 51 percent of the population has access to improved water sources which include piped into dwellings/ yard/plot, communal tap/standpipe, borehole, protected well/ spring, rainwater or bottled water; however, in some rural areas these improved water sources are saline meaning people do not consume it. Furthermore, Table 9.25 estimates that 93 percent of the urban population has access to improved water sources compared to 42 percent of the rural population. The remaining rural population (58 percent) relies on non-improved water sources such as unprotected well/ springs, tanker truck/cart with small tank, surface water (river/lake/pond/stream dam), and other sources classified as unprotected.

Table 9.25 Water Sources, Collection and Treatment in Ethiopia

Characteristic Population in Percentages Urban Rural Total

Source of Water Improved source 92.8 41.6 50.8 Non-improved source 7.2 58.4 49.2

Time to Obtain Water (round trip) Water on premises 49 1.4 10 Less than 30 minutes 29.1 34.8 33.8 30 minutes or longer 21.4 63.6 56 Don't know/missing 0.4 0.3 0.3

Person who Usually Collects Water Water on premises 49 1.4 10

(1) www.USAID.gov/ethiopia (2) The Ethiopian water resources are estimated to have an annual renewable annual range of 13.5 to 28 billion m³ (underground water), of which only about 2.6 billion m³ are currently exploitable.


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Characteristic Population in Percentages Adult woman 35.3 69.3 63.1 Adult man 6.6 5.8 5.9 Female child under 15 years old 5.3 17.6 15.4 Male child under 15 years old 2.8 5.2 4.8 Other 0.9 0.7 0.7

Water treatment Prior to Drinking No Water Treatment Used 86.3 91.1 90.2 Uses Water Treatment 12.9 8.3 9.1

Source: Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey, 2011 With reference to Table 9.25, adult women and young girls are solely responsible for collecting water (at 69.3 and 17.5 percent respectively) in households where there is no piped water source in the dwelling/yard/plot. This is witnessed mainly in rural areas; while in urban areas only 35.3 percent of adult women collect water, with some men (6.6 percent) and young girls (5.3 percent) assist with the collection of water. The collection of water tends to take longer in the rural areas compared to the urban areas. Women in the rural areas walk for 30 minutes or longer to and from a water collection point (63.6 percent) with only a limited number whose return trip to a water collection point is less than 30 minutes (34.8 percent). A significantly large percentage of the population does not treat its water before consumption in both rural and urban areas at an estimated 90.2 percent overall (and 91.1 and 86.3 percent respectively). It is unclear why people do not treat their water before consumption, but this may be linked to the lack of financial resources to purchase the necessary treatment or energy (fuel wood) to boil the water before consumption. Majority of the ANRS is desert, which receives an annual average precipitation of 150mm. In general, the water supply rate is extremely low, and women and children spend considerable energy in securing water. The population of the socio-economic Study Area relies on various sources of water, of which are located within a two to ten kilometre radius of their villages. The driest months in the area are May to August and this an extremely hot time of the year where temperatures rise to the 50 degrees Celsius and above. The water sources include springs, wells, rivers and boreholes that pump water into tanks. The majority of the water sources in the socio-economic Study Area are saline and the population tends not to consume it. The presence of the military in the area has also created a new source of water for the local people. The military provide some villages located along the road with water, which the military pumps from an underground aquifer and purifies for its own consumption, but also provides it to the locals in need. The various water sources across villages in the socio-economic Study Area are shown in Figure 9.20.


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Figure 9.20 Some Water Sources in Study Area Socio-economic

Bada water tanks Spring at Musley

Regale/Bada River Bada animal drinking pond

9.10.2 Access to and Availability of Energy Sources

The type of household energy source used in Ethiopia is dependent on the location of the household, i.e., rural or urban area. The common energy sources in the country are fuel wood (85 percent), followed by agri-residue (seven percent), petroleum (six percent) (refer to Figure 9.21). Access to electric energy is low at an estimated ten percent of the population with the majority of those with electricity residing in urban areas (85.2 percent) and only 4.8 percent in rural areas (in 2011). In urban areas, people also use charcoal (29.9 percent) and kerosene (10.1 percent (1)) as alternative sources of energy; while those located in the rural areas tend to use charcoal and dung.

(1) Central Statistics Agency, 2005


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Figure 9.21 Energy Sources and Consumers in Ethiopia

Source: Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) Moreover, Figure 9.21 illustrates that the main consumer of energy in the country are households (89 percent) followed by services (3.6 percent) and transportation (6.1 percent) (1). Fuel wood is consumed by 77 percent of the population. Fuel wood also serves as the main source of energy for household cooking for both rural and urban households (86 and 46 percent) respectively (2). The high dependency on fuel wood and charcoal can be attributed to the lack of electricity infrastructure. The Government’s Universal Access Electricity Program, is an arm of the Plan for Accelerated Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP). This programme aims to increase electricity access to households particularly in rural areas. Between 2000 and 2005 the proportion of households with access to electricity in urban and rural areas rose by ten percent and 1.5 percent (3)

respectively. These figures, however, illustrate the continued rural-urban disparity in provision of and access to basic services in the country. At regional, zonal levels and socio-economic Study Area, access to electricity is low even in government establishments such as schools and health centres and posts. All households in the socio-economic Study area reported that they did not have access to electricity and relied on fuel wood for household cooking with some shop owners use diesel generators.

9.10.3 Waste Management

There is limited secondary information related to the extent of waste management services across Ethiopia; many research papers on waste management have focused on Addis Ababa as a case study. It is clear, though that waste collection is an issue of growing concern in the country. Across the country people with limited or no access to waste collection services tend to dispose of the waste along the roadsides and in the open fields. In areas where there is some access to such services, they are plagued by irregular or unreliable collections.

(1) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) (2) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) (3) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011)

0

20

40

60

80

100

Households Services Transportation Agriculture Industry

Fuelwood Agri-residue Petroleum Electricity Other

Sources

Consumers


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In addition, access to improved sanitation facilities in the country is estimated at 24 percent (1). Approximately eight percent of the rural population has access to improved sanitation facilities and 29 percent (2) in urban areas, with the remaining 63 percent still using open spaces/field for sanitation. The lack of formal solid waste and sanitation facilities does not only result in poor health conditions (and increased spread of diseases such as typhoid) for the population, but it also hinders the Government’s ability to achieve Millennium Development Goal (refer to this Goal in Chapter 5 of the ESIA) as well as the countries development. Similarly to conditions at a Federal level, the ANRS lacks solid waste and sanitation facilities. It is estimated that 91 percent of households use the bush / and open field. Zonally, almost the entire population uses the bush/ open field for sanitary purposes (97 percent). In the socio-economic Study Area, there are no sanitation or/ solid waste disposal and collection facilities. People use the open spaces for sanitary purposes. Diarrhoeal illnesses are high in the area because of the improper management of waste. This is significantly high during the rainy season when all the dirt is washed into the rivers from which people collect water for domestic use. The health officials reported that diarrhoea cases increase significantly during the wet season due to the flooding and to all types of wastes being washed into the water sources.

9.10.4 Transportation Infrastructure and Services

This Subsection discusses road, rail, water and public transportation. Surface Transport Infrastructure (Road, and Rail)

The road network in Ethiopia is less developed as compared with some of Ethiopias neighbouring countries; however, the Government has committed to investing approximately three percent of its GDP to road network infrastructure (3). The current length and surface of trunk road infrastructure is basic and currently adequate in connecting the various regions and the capital city to the coast. In 2010, an estimated 88 percent of the road network was paved - mainly trunk roads. Of the unpaved roads 60 percent were considered as being in good or fair condition (refer to Figure 9.22).

(1) http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ACSN (2) Community based assessment on household management of waste and hygiene practices in Kersa Woreda, Eastern Ethiopia, 2010. (3) http://eneken.ieej.or.jp/data/4496.pdf


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Figure 9.22 Typical Roads in Ethiopia

One of the challenges facing the Government with respect to road infrastructure is the need to increase access to the rural areas. For instance, in 2010, approximately ten percent of Ethiopia’s rural population lived within two kilometres of an all-weather road and this represents a high degree of isolation; given that over 76 percent of the Federal population resides in rural areas. Ethiopia has a limited railway services corridor currently connecting Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa to/and the Port of Djibouti; however, the Addis Ababa to Dire Dawa section of the railway is currently not operational. In 2010 the Government began negotiations and reached an agreement with the governments of China and India to finance the rehabilitation and expansion of the country’s railway network (1). The Government has since rehabilitated the section of the railway servicing the stretch between Dire Dawa and the Port of Djibouti and it is now fully functional. Future plans include the construction of 5,000 km long railway network connecting Addis Ababa to various locations including Mekele. The project will be undertaken in two phases over a five year period and it is expected to create an estimated 300,000 construction jobs and cost US$336 million annually. The railway network will be able to handle approximately

(1) Ethiopia: Government Signs $1.5 Billion New Railway Study MOU, http://allafrica.com/stories/201001190639.html


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six million tonnes of freight per year. The Government of India has given US$300 million for the construction of the Mekele-Djibouti rail line. The country has access to a single port i.e., Port of Djibouti (situated in the neighbouring country of Djibouti) upon which it depends for its imports and exports. The Government has formed a partnership with DP World, the Dubai-based international terminal operator with the signing of a 20 year agreement to manage and invest in the port rehabilitation and expansion. Since the deal was signed the port is said to be operating more efficiently and now includes new functional oil and container terminals. Air transport

Air travel in Ethiopia is run by the state-owned Ethiopian Airlines, which is considered as one of the best three carriers in air transportation in Africa. It has an extensive national and international network. A limited number of private/ charter flights are also found in the country, these mostly service the private sector such as mining companies. General Public Transportation

Public transportation in Ethiopia is widely available in the urban area compared to the rural areas where access is poor. Public transport comprises of minibuses, private taxis, buses, bajaj (tricycle), and tuk-tuk (modified motorcycle that can carry up to six people). In the rural areas, transportation is provided by trucks, donkeys and camels but many people tend to walk to their destinations (refer to Figure 9.23).

Figure 9.23 Various Modes of General Public Transportation in Ethiopia

The ANRS regional capital Semera has access to public transportation including air travel whilst the remaining parts of the region has access to buses, minibuses, camels and other forms of transport. The road infrastructure consists mainly of gravel roads; however, construction of asphalted roads by the Government is currently underway. It is envisioned that this will increase the availability of public transport in the regional and zonal levels.


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Approximately four years ago, there were no asphalt roads in the socio-economic Study Area; however, the presence of the mining companies has resulted in the several kilometres of asphalt roads being constructed, leading into the area. The majority of the roads to the villages are gravel, and impassable in certain sections during both the dry and wet seasons. Public transportation is the socio-economic Study Area is scarce. Most people walk to their destinations or use donkeys or camels. Some hitch rides on trucks belonging to the highlanders. Those who trade in Adukua can walk for up to three to five days to reach the markets so they can sell their livestock or salt (refer to Figure 9.24).

Figure 9.24 Camel Carrying Fuel Wood in the socio-economic Study Area

Telecommunication Services

Ethiopia has Africa’s last big telecommunications monopoly namely Ethio Telecom, a state-owned company for both mobile and fixed-line services. An estimated 25 percent of the Ethiopian population is said to have access to mobile phones while only 2.5 percent has access to internet (1). In 2011, Ethio Telecom stated that it was operating 854,000 landlines, which is approximately one landline per 100 people in the country (2). In 2011, it was estimated that only 0.2 percent of the rural population has access to mobile phones, which can be attributed to a lack of appropriate infrastructure (electricity to charge, and availability of mobile phone towers).

(1) www.economist.com (2) http://www.infoasaid.org/guide/ethiopia/telecommunications-overview#sthash.rGoFqcuW.dpuf


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Similarly to the national level, at a regional and zonal level people do not have fixed-line services and rely on their mobile phones to receive and make phone calls. For instance, whilst visiting Zone 2 government officials, ERM observed that the authorities used mobile phones to call each other for the meetings and to access some of the data that the consultants had requested. Until recently, there were no fixed-lines or mobile phone services in the socio-economic Study Area but again the presence of the mining activities has resulted in a mobile phone tower being installed in Hamad Ela. The service is however poor, and sometimes disrupted for days. Overall, the lack of infrastructure and service development in the socio-economic Study Area can be attributed to the impermanent and scattered nature of its settlements and with no formal settlement pattern. Sometimes, what is referred to as a village consists of only three or four households which have moved from their main village to settle elsewhere within the broader area. For this reason, when the Government installs new infrastructure, it tends to focus on large settlement. Those who have moved away from the large settlements therefore tend to miss out on access to key services.

9.11 CULTURAL HERITAGE

This Section describes the national, regional, and local cultural heritage context for the proposed Project. The national cultural context presents information on the prehistory and history of Ethiopia while the regional context focuses on the northern portion of the Afar Depression, commonly known as the “Danakil Depression.” The local cultural heritage context presents the results of the cultural heritage baseline surveys of the Project Area. The local context provides a description of known and potential cultural heritage sites (both living cultural heritage and archaeological sites) in the Project Area.

9.11.1 National Cultural Context

Ethiopia’s cultural heritage resources are very diverse. Numerous early hominid and Palaeolithic discoveries attest to the region’s role in the process of human evolution and mankind’s expansion out of Africa, while Ethiopian states have been active participants in the flow of goods and ideas between Europa, Asia, and Africa. For millennia, this interaction – coupled with Ethiopia’s diverse cultural makeup – has led to the development of numerous unique expressions of governance, architecture, and culture whose remains can still be seen in the modern day. A summary of the relevant periods and important aspects of each is provided in Table 9.26.


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Table 9.26 Timeline of Ethiopian Prehistory and History

Period Dates Description

Human Origins 5 to 3 MYA

Evolution of early hominids including Ardipithecus, Australopithecus anamensis, and Australopithecus afarensis. Their remains have been discovered in the following locations: Middle Awash Valley and Northern Afar, Ethiopia. Early hominids evolved in Ethiopia during the late Pliocene.

Early Stone Age 1 to 3 MYA

Appearance of Oldowan tools associated with members of the genus Homo. Homo erectus remains have been discovered in the Middle Awash Valley and Northern Afar regions of Ethiopia as well as the Bay of Zula in Eritrea. Development of Oldowan and Acheulian tool technology

Middle Stone Age 1 MYA to 40,000 BC

Appearance of fully modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens). Fossils and dense scatters of Middle Stone Age tools have been found at: Mai Ba'ati in northern Afar and Agherri in the Danakil Depression.

Late Stone Age 40,000 to 1,000 BC

Late Stone Age artefacts and small settlements from this period have been found at Buri Paleolake and the Bay of Zula, southern Eritrea.

Pre-Aksumite Civilization/ Ethiopian Bronze Age

1,000 BC to AD 100

Rise of socio-political complexity and early states, including the Kingdom of Daamat and important site of Yeha in northeast Ethiopia. Evidence of independent domestication of barley in Ethiopia.

The Aksumite Empire/Ethiopian Classical Period

AD 100 to 1,000

Rise and fall of the Aksumite Empire, the first Christian state., Expansion of regional and long distance trade, mineral extraction in the Horn of Africa, and the development of monumental architecture. Domestication of coffee.

Ethiopian Medieval Period

AD 1,000 to 19th century

Period of violence and war punctuated by periods of isolation from the outside world. Founding of the Zagwe Dynasty and the carving of the rock-cut churches of Lalibela. Revival of the Solomonic Dynasty and founding of the city of Gondar. Ethiopian-Adal War.

Modern Period 19th

century to present

Emperor Menelik II secures throne in 1889. Italian invasions in the 19th and 20th centuries. Serious droughts and famines. Communist takeover of the government in 1970s. Formation of Eritrean state, Border conflicts with Eritrea (including 1998-2000 Ethiopian Eritrean War and signing of a peace agreement). Subsequent growth and stability. Earliest documented commercial salt and potash mining in the Danakil Depression.

Human Origins (4.2 to 2.6 Million Years Ago [MYA])

Ethiopia’s Awash River valley, located in the southern Afar Depression (well away from the Yara Dallol BV Project Area), contains the remains of several early hominid species believed to be ancestral to modern humans, including Australopithecus (Au.) anamensis, Au. africanus, and Au. afarensis. The most famous discovery from the Awash Valley is the 3.2 million year old Australopithecus skeleton “AL 288-1,” better known as Lucy, discovered near the town of Gona in 1974 (1) . “AL 333,” a 3.2 million year old site consisting of a mass grave containing thirteen Au. afarensis individuals has also been found in the Awash Valley.

(1) Johanson et al., 1982


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Early, Middle, and Late Stone Ages (2.6 MYA to 1,000 B.C.)

The world’s oldest stone artefacts, dating 2.6 to 1.5 MYA, have been excavated at the Ethiopian site of Gona. The Gona site has provided significant information concerning the earliest tool-using hominid populations, the technological development of stone tool production and use, as well as the evolution of early cultural patterns (1). Numerous other Stone Age sites can be found across the Great Rift Valley from Kenya to Eritrea, including the Early to Late Stone Age site of Mai Ba’ati near the north-eastern Ethiopian city of Mekele, and the Middle to Late Stone Age site of Agherri in the eastern Danakil Depression. (2). Aside from stone tools, genetic plant evidence obtained from Late Stone Age archaeological sites in Ethiopia suggests that early cultivated barley did not diffuse to northeast Africa from the Middle East as previously thought, suggesting independent domestication of the crop within the Horn of Africa (3). Pre-Aksumite Civilization (1000 B.C. to A.D. 100)

Near the end of the Late Stone Age, groups of Semitic peoples from the Arabian Peninsula began moving into the Horn of Africa. The interaction between the native Cushitic peoples and these migrants, coupled with a shift from highly mobile to settled societies, is widely believed to have fostered more complex forms of socio-political organization. The early stages of increasing cultural complexity in Ethiopia developed hand-in-hand with those in the Arabian Peninsula and the seafaring economic networks of the Red Sea. Early Egyptian texts mention a kingdom known as Daamat, which represents the first written reference to Ethiopia, although the nature and extent of the kingdom remains little researched (4). The most important archaeological site dating to the Pre-Abyssinian period is the city site of Yeha, located about 100km west of Aksum. Aksum Period (A.D. 100 to 1000)

The Kingdom of Aksum (or Axum), also known as the Aksumite Empire, was a highly developed civilization most widely known today for its impressive local architectural traditions. Emerging from a blend of native Ethiopian and Arabian traditions, the Kingdom of Aksum used its proximity to the Red Sea trade networks to become a major regional power, eventually controlling portions of both the Sudan and Arabia. At the height of its power in the 4th century AD, Aksum became the first major empire to convert to Christianity. In the 7th century; however, Aksum lost control of its Red Sea ports to Arab traders and soon fell into steep decline.

(1) Semaw, 2000 (2) Aerts et al., 2010 (3) Orabi et al., 2007 (4) Fattovich, 2009


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Extensive regional and overseas exchange networks were the source of the Aksumite Empire’s power. These trade networks reached as far abroad as the Mediterranean Sea and China. Exported goods included agricultural products, salt, gold, iron, ivory and livestock. The 1st century AD Greco-Roman text Periplus Maris Erythraei (“Circumnavigation of the Red Sea”), states that precious metals, Egyptian clothing, wine from Laodicea and olive oil from Italy were imported at the Aksumite port of Adulis (central Eritrea). Aksumite exports included ivory from the Sudanese Nile Valley, gold from southwestern Ethiopia, and salt from the Danakil Depression (1). The coffee bean was first domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands around the 6th century AD, and its later discovery by Arab traders in the 13th century led to its global trading. Ethiopian Medieval Period (A.D. 1000 to 1800)

The centuries following the collapse of the Aksumite Empire are known as the Ethiopian Medieval Period, and are characterised by the interaction – often violent – between the Christian kingdoms of highland Ethiopia and a series of outside forces. Emerging from the remnants of Aksum, the Christian Zagwe dynasty ruled over much of modern Ethiopia and Eritrea during the 12th and 13th centuries AD. The rock-hewn churches at the Zagwe capital of Lalibela are some of best known structures dating from this period. The Zagwe were succeeded by the Solomonic dynasty, who ruled Ethiopia until 1974. For centuries, the Solomonic emperors ruled from traveling royal camps until the Emperor Fasilidas established a permanent capital at Gondar in 1635. The city served as the capital through 17th century, and its public and private architecture – most notably Fasil Ghebbi, the imperial residence – display a variety of foreign influences, including Hindu, Arabic, and European Baroque elements. Increasing Arab control of the regional trade networks and the consolidation of imperial Ethiopian power in the highlands during the Medieval Period also encouraged the spread of Islam across the Horn of Africa. Nomadic groups like the Somali and Afar present in the arid lands east of the Ethiopian Plateau established numerous small Islamic trading states, and in the early 15th century, the Adal Sultanate rose to power in the Afar Depression. Over the next century, the Sultanate engaged in intense warfare with the Ethiopian Empire as each sought to expand its territory. The first sustained direct relations between Ethiopia and Europe began in the early 16th century in response to the Ethiopian-Adal War, when the Portuguese aided the Ethiopians against the Adal Sultanate and their Ottoman Turk allies in one of the first proxy wars between the two European powers. Following an attempt by the Portuguese-supported Jesuit order to convert the population to Roman Catholicism from Ethiopian Christianity during the mid-

(1) Sernicola and Philippson, 2011


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17th century, however, the Emperor Fasilides expelled all Europeans from the kingdom and embarked on a policy of isolation. Modern Period (A.D. 1800 to Present)

Beginning in the second half of the 17th century and continuing until the mid-19th century, the Ethiopian Empire, weakened by internal divisions and war, remained isolated from much of the Western world. This tumultuous period ended when the Emperor Menelik II secured the throne in 1889 and began a process of territorial expansion and political centralization that marked the beginning of the modern Ethiopian state. In 1890, Italian colonial aspirations in the Horn of Africa led to the founding of the Colonia Eritrea along the Red Sea. Following their 1895 defeat in the First Italo-Ethiopian War, the Italians successfully invaded Ethiopia in 1935 and occupied the country until 1941. Following the Second World War, the Ethiopian Empire was re-established under the rule of Haile Selassie, who began a campaign of modernization. The annexation of Eritrea in 1962, however, marked the start of the 30 year-long Eritrean War of Independence; and increasing internal discontent in the early 1970s led to a socialist coup d’etat in 1974. The rule of the Ethiopian one-party state (known popularly as “the Derg”) was defined by violence and corruption, and popular dissatisfaction was further exacerbated by periodic droughts and famine, the worst occurring between 1984 and 1985.1 The Derg regime collapsed in the late 1980s, and following a series of provisional governments, the modern states of Eritrea and Ethiopia were formed in 1993 and 1995, respectively. Disputes about the exact border between the two nations resulted in the Eritrean-Ethiopian War from 1998 to 2000 (2). On 18 June 2000 both countries agreed to a comprehensive peace agreement and binding arbitration of their disputes under the Algiers Agreement. Stemming in part from the country’s long history, several regional organizations are based in Addis Ababa, including the African Union and the offices of various Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs).

9.11.2 Regional Cultural Context

The unique landscape of the Danakil Depression has been a part of the Horn of Africa’s prehistoric and historic-era cultural development over the last 4.2 million years. A lack of research in the Danakil; however, has limited the understanding of the processes and details of this involvement. The baseline information presented focuses on the Danakil Depression’s archaeological past and the culture of the local Afar people.

Located at the northern edge of Ethiopia’s Afar Depression (the terminus of the East African Great Rift Valley), the Danakil Depression was part of an important migration route out of Africa for both modern humans and earlier hominids throughout the late Pliocene, Pleistocene, and early Holocene periods. Evidence for Late Stone Age occupations in the adjacent southern

(1) Clay and Holcomb, 1986 (2) Tesfay, 2000


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Awash River Valley and in the Eritrean portions of the Danakil suggest an extensive occupation of the area. A series of significant Stone Age sites have been identified in the southern Buri Peninsula, Eritrea. These sites are composed of numerous dense clusters of circular stone constructions with associated artefacts dating from the Early Stone Age through the Late Stone Age (1,2). Sites with similar interior structures have been preliminarily identified by ERM in other portions of the Danakil Depression. Key to any interpretation of potential archaeological sites in the Danakil Depression is an understanding of the local climate over the last 50,000 years. Palaeo-environmental data suggest that prior to 32,000 years ago the Horn of Africa possessed a more humid climate resulting in denser vegetation cover during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. Some areas – including the Danakil – were partially covered by paleo-extensions of the Red Sea (Bonatti et al. 1971). A trend towards increasing aridity coupled with cultural developments like the intensification of agricultural activity and increasing demographic pressure from the Late Holocene through the mid–first millennium AD directly contributed to the processes of environmental degradation and declining population throughout the Afar Depression by the late first millennium AD. These historic changes in the local environment mean that areas that seem nearly uninhabitable today may have had springs, streams, lakes or even paleo-sea shores that would have been attractive locations for prehistoric populations. Despite the Afar region’s aridity, the Danakil Depression has served as an important trading link between the Red Sea ports and the highland Ethiopian kingdoms since at least the Aksumite period of the 1st millennium BC. Records indicate that Aksumite caravans exploited the natural salt plains of the northern Danakil and interacted with the local nomadic groups, possibly including ancestors of the modern Afar people. Islam spread through these trade networks during the latter half of the 1st millennium AD, leading to the creation of a series of Muslim trading sultanates throughout the entirety of the Afar Depression during the 2nd millennium AD. With the exception of the Adal Sultanate of the 15th and 16th centuries AD, which challenged the primacy of the Ethiopian Empire, and the modern Afar Sultanate (also known as the “Aussa” or “Awsa Sultanate”), which nominally commands the loyalty of the modern Afar groups found throughout the region, very little is known about the cultural history of the Danakil Depression during the 2nd millennium AD. Rare historical accounts of European expeditions into the Danakil offer variable information. An account of the 1625 expedition of the Jesuit Jeronimo Lobo, (3) provide little information about the region’s cultural heritage, instead focusing on a detailed description of the natural landscape. In 1810 a Mr.

(1) Lightfoot, 1996 (2) Beyin and Shea, 2007 (3) Beyin and Shea, 2011 (4) Smith, 2011


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Coffin, assistant to the British official Henry Salt, travelled through the Danakil en route from Amphillla Bay on the Red Sea to Chelicut, Ethiopia. In 1928, the British explorer L.M. Nesbitt led a small expedition through the Danakil Depression from south to north, traveling over 800 miles during a period of three and a half months (Figure 9.25 and Figure 9.26; Cooke 1867; Nesbitt 1928, 1930a, b, & c). These accounts provide information on the cultural and economic activities practiced in the region during the 19th and early 20th centuries, including the creation of palm frond products and salt mining, which are still carried out by modern Afar populations. Nesbitt’s account specifically documents salt mining at sites near Fia and Lake Assale, as well as the associated centuries-old tensions between various ethnic groups competing over this important natural resource.

Figure 9.25 Nesbitt’s 1928 Route through the Danakil Depression


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Figure 9.26 Tomb Sketches from Nesbit’s Travel Journal

Industrial-scale exploitation of the Danakil Depression’s salt deposits dates to the early 1900s, when Italian prospectors from Eritrea established the Compagnia Mineraria Coloniale to extract potash and sulphur at Mount Dallol between 1916 and 1929 (Nesbitt 1930c; Geological Survey of Ethiopia 2010). Potash mining at Dallol was restarted by the US-based Parsons Company between 1958 and 1968. Abandoned mining camps from both periods can be found throughout the Project Area, including near the crater of Mount Dallol and along the main roads (Figure 9.27).

Figure 9.27 Mining Camp Ruins in the Danakil Depression

9.11.3 Local Cultural context (Project Area)

The Cultural Heritage Study Area was initially defined with two considerations in mind (see Figure 9.28). The first consideration was to make sure that the Study Area covered all proposed Project components and concession areas, many of which extend into the Dallol salt flats to the east. The second consideration was to make sure that the Cultural Heritage Study Area covered all cultural anomalies identified through desktop analysis of


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satellite imagery. Of course, the imagery analysis covered the proposed Project components, but it also extended to the west into the foothills of the Ethiopian Plateau. The reason for this western extension was twofold: 1) to investigate the potential for Paleolithic archaeological sites that existed at elevations above sea level before the Danakil Depression was cut off from the Red Sea about 20,000 years ago, and 2) to provide a better local context for the types of cultural sites within the greater Project Area. Accordingly, the initial Study Area was defined as such. However, once in the field, ERM learned of an important concentration of sites further to the north of the defined Study Area. It was decided to visit these more northern sites as well and so the Study Area was extended to the north.


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Figure 9.28 Cultural Heritage Study Area


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9.11.4 Cultural Heritage Baseline

ERM’s cultural heritage baseline assessment was carried out in three stages over a period of nine months. An initial scoping visit was carried out in October 2013 with the objective of assessing the Project Area and determining the most effective course of action for the follow-on and more detailed field survey. An extensive desktop analysis programme was subsequently carried out in order to inform and guide the follow-on field survey in April 2014. The results of these stages have been examined and used to generate the recommendations that follow. Desktop Results: Literature Review and Satellite Imagery Analysis

The desktop analysis carried out by ERM was comprised of two tasks – a literature review and a remote sensing survey. The literature review consulted a large number of academic, professional, and historical texts in order to determine the history of previous archaeological studies in the Project Area, and identify the types of cultural resources that might be present. Archaeological resources within the Horn of Africa date from the Palaeolithic to the modern era, and include the remains of early hominids, pre-state complex societies, local kingdoms, and medieval empires. Within the Horn of Africa, the geological formation known as the Afar Depression extends across Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti. The Project Area is located in a northern region of the Afar known as the Danakil. The importance of the northern Afar in Palaeolithic times can be tied in part to its position at the northern extent of the Great African Rift Valley, an important natural corridor through which early hominids migrated out of Africa.(1) For example, a one-million-year-old hominid cranium was recently discovered at Buia between the Bay of Zula and Mount Dallol.(2) The presence of Early and Middle Stone Age tools dating between 2.6 million years ago and 10000 BC are documented along the adjacent mountain slopes and alluvial fans to the east and west of the Project Area.(3) Evidence of Late Stone Age occupations in the northern Afar and adjacent parts of Eritrea dating between 10000 and 1000 BC suggest the climatic conditions at that time were more humid. A number of Late Stone Age site complexes have been identified on the shores of Eritrea’s Buri Paleolake and the Bay of Zula. The Buri Paleolake sites are comprised of large, dense clusters of various types of stone cairns.(4) Larger stone cairns of a similar style are known to exist within the Afar, including the Danakil Depression. The subsequent remote sensing survey used publically available, high resolution satellite imagery, which included the following sources: Google Maps, Bing Maps, World Imagery, NASA Blue Marble and USGS Earth

(1) Abate et al., 2010 (2) Abate et al., 1998 (3) Roubet, 1970 (4) Lightfoot, 1996


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Explorer. In addition to the publically available imagery, the Project also provided high resolution commercial imagery (GeoEye) covering the landscape around the Project Area. The goal of the desktop analysis was to visually identify archaeological anomalies within the Cultural Heritage Study Area in order to guide the subsequent archaeological field survey. In order to accomplish this, a 1:2500 grid was set up over the area. Imagery within each grid box was thoroughly examined for evidence of cultural heritage anomalies. In total, 76 archaeological anomalies were identified through the desktop remote sensing analysis (see Figure 9.29).


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Figure 9.29 Cultural Heritage Anomalies Identified During Remote Sensing Analysis


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Baseline Field Survey Results

Guided by the results of the desktop review, ERM carried out a field survey within the Project Area. The objective of this phase of the study was to ground-truth the potential archaeological anomalies that were identified during the desktop remote sensing analysis. Ground-truthing was undertaken by field walking to the locations of the anomalies to assess and verify if they were indeed true archaeological sites. In addition, the locations of any previously unidentified archaeological sites encountered during the survey were also recorded. The ERM field survey recorded the key data - the location, age, function, size, and sensitivity - of all positively-identified archaeological sites. In total, 78 sites were identified in such manner. In the case of those remotely sensed anomalies determined not to be true archaeological sites (i.e. a natural pile of stones), this negative identification was noted, although no additional information was recorded. Also, in several cases, anomalies identified during the remote sensing effort were situated in inaccessible locations (i.e. on top of bluffs or far from passable roads) and were therefor not visited due to health and safety concerns (see Figure 9.30). ERM investigations identified six different categories of tangible cultural heritage resources within the Project Area. A description of each category is provided below, along with photos of the resources and the relative frequency of the identified resources by category. Annex E (Part II of the ESIA) provides a complete list of recorded archaeological sites found during the ERM cultural heritage survey of the Project Area.


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Figure 9.30 Overview of Field Results from Cultural Heritage Survey


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Isolated Cairns

The term cairn refers to a man-made pile or stack of stones. A cairn may serve as a grave, religious structure, storage area, or landscape marker. Cairns can be found either in groups or as isolated features. The most common type of isolated cairn found in the Project Area is the conical cairn (refer to Figure 9.31). The function of the conical cairns is not fully understood, but the most likely scenario is that they are grave markers. However, without more intensive investigations a degree of uncertainty will remain concerning the functions of cairn structures. Nevertheless, there are some aspects about these cairn structures that are known. Based on evidence collected by ERM, it can be conservatively stated that these cairns are more than 100 years of age and, in some circumstances, are likely very much older. The first indication comes from the travel accounts of the British explorer L.M. Nesbitt, who led a small expedition across the Afar in 1928(1). The Nesbitt expedition documented hundreds of large cairn complexes along their route between Afdera and Mount Dallol. At the time, local peoples mentioned that these structures were built by an ancient population that left the area long ago. Nesbitt’s accounts (which describe the cairns as “graves”) are the only published description of these archaeological sites. Additionally, during this survey (and during a different ERM survey carried in 2012 within the southern Danakil) diagnostic Late Stone Age obsidian tools were recorded around several conical cairns. If these stone tools are indeed associated with the original use of the cairns, this suggests that at least some of the encountered cairns could be between 5,500 and 4,000 years old.

Figure 9.31 Isolated Cairn Types Found in Project Area

Cairn Clusters

Cairn clusters or complexes can be characterised as a grouping of multiple cairns; the density of individual cairns within a cluster can vary. Cairn clusters are quite common in the western half of the Project Area, and are sometimes

(1) Nesbitt, 1929

Isolated Conical Cairns


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comprised of several different cairn types. Several complexes are quite large and cover over ten hectares. Most cairn clusters are likely quite old and perhaps date back to the very end of the Late Stone Age (ca. 3000 – 1000 BC), although it is possible some complexes date to the Ethiopian Medieval Period or later. Functionally, it is quite likely that the cairn complexes are cemeteries. Most clusters do not have a bounding wall, but there are a few examples of smaller clusters that are surrounded by a 1 meter tall wall with a south-facing opening. This second type of cairn cluster (see Figure 9.32, right-hand image) appears to be a recent modern period cemetery (19th century AD to present).

Figure 9.32 Cairn Cluster Types Found in Project Area

Cairn Clusters (Cemeteries)

Historic Architecture

There are only two recorded historic structures in the Project Area. The first is located to the north of the Project Area, and is a large stone-built structure that may have functioned as either a mosque or communal gathering area (see Figure 9.33, left image). This structure is in good condition and is probably a modern period construction dating to the 19th century. A more substantial historic structure is the old Parsons’ mining headquarters (see Figure 9.33, right image). This mud-brick building was built in the 1960s and is in dilapidated condition, although the exterior walls remain partially intact. Located just a few hundred meters to the east of the existing Yara Site Camp, the old headquarters building may be of historic interest regarding the mining history of the Danakil.


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Figure 9.33 Historic Architecture Found in the Project Area

Historic Architecture

Military Structures

A current Ethiopian military base is located adjacent to the Yara Site Camp, and dozens of military shooting blinds surround the military base (refer to Figure 9.34). These structures are recently built and are of very low sensitivity. Additional military structures are not common within the greater Project Area.

Figure 9.34 Military Structures Found in the Project Area

Military Shooting Blind

Rock Shelters

Many rock shelters (shallow caves – refer to Figure 9.35) are located in the far western reaches of the Project Area within the deep gullies leading into the foothills of the Ethiopian Plateau. Rock shelters are known to have been favoured habitation areas for early hominids throughout the Great African Rift Valley; however, because the Danakil was covered by the Red Sea until around 20,000 years ago, only those rock shelters that are at elevations above sea level could be considered as potential locations for early hominid shelters. The ERM survey team identified one rock shelter within the Project Area at an elevation above modern sea level. However, it would be necessary to conduct


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test excavations here in order to investigate if early hominid remains or artefacts are present.

Figure 9.35 Rock Shelter Found in Project Area

Rock Shelter (Above Sea Level)

Abandoned Settlements

The most common type of site recorded in the Project Area was abandoned settlements. These sites often come in the form of expansive clusters of dense stone circles, and tend to be located in the western half of the Project Area. These stone circles most likely formed the base of thatched dome tents, which are still in common use by the local Afar people today. The abandoned settlement sites appear to range in date from the very recent past up to 3,500 years old. This assessment is based upon the analysis of numerous artefacts that were recorded at many of these settlements, including ceramics, obsidian stone tools, cowrie shells (see Figure 9.36, bottom left image) and amethyst beads (see Figure 9.36, bottom right image). Based on this information, these abandoned settlements have been identified as some of the more sensitive archaeological resources in the region as they have the most potential to provide insight into how the ancient populations of the Danakil lived.


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Figure 9.36 Abandoned Settlements and Associated Artefacts Found in Project Area

Abandoned Settlements and Associated Artefacts

Specialized Activity Areas Found in the Project Area

A specialized activity area is defined as a location where a specific type of activity took place. For example, one of the more important specialized activity areas discovered in the Project Area was a stone-built animal trap (see Figure 9.37). A stick and rope trigger would have held a worked slab of stone suspended above the entrance to the interior space. When an animal triggered the trap, the worked stone would fall and trap the animal within. The ERM cultural team’s guide claimed that the local population used to build these types of traps until fairly recently, suggesting that this example could date to the 19th century AD. Other specialized activity areas recorded included: storage areas, small seasonal dams, and animal pens, all of which are of low cultural sensitivity.


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Figure 9.37 Specialized Activity Area in the Project Area

Stone-built Animal Trap

Cultural Heritage Baseline Study Limitations and Gaps

The study limitations and gaps for the cultural heritage study include: Uncertainty of Site Function/Age - There is a lack of background

knowledge about the ancient cairn complexes found within the Project Area. Because these resources are a relatively recent discovery in the archaeology of eastern Africa, the function and age of these cairn complexes are not yet fully understood. Without a history of field research and publications documenting archaeological excavations and scientific dating results, any assessment of the ancient cairn complexes remains a preliminary evaluation based upon the experience of the Cultural Heritage experts involved with this study. It is important to note that this gap only applies to the ancient cairn complexes, and there are many other types of tangible archaeological resources which can be assessed with a greater level of confidence.

Sites present but not Identified by the Relatively Rapid Assessment Method Used - There remains the possibility that additional surface archaeological resources exist that were not recorded by either the satellite remote sensing or the field survey. This uncertainty is a consequence of the relatively quick pace of the survey within the Cultural Heritage Study Area. There is also the potential to encounter subsurface archaeological resources; however, this would not be revealed prior to subsurface archaeological investigations or intrusive Project construction activities.

Both of these gaps are common for rapid reconnaissance of a previously unexplored area. The gaps will be further addressed by the mitigation measures presented below.


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9.12 VISUAL AND LANDSCAPE

9.12.1 Visual and Landscape Study Area

A Zone of Theoretical Visibility (ZTV) was produced based on the approximate worse case height of the larger elements of the proposed Project (30m for the Processing Plant and 30m for the Tailings Management Area [TMA]). Due to the flat topography in the Project Area, the ZTVs (see Figure 9.38 and Figure 9.39) suggested widespread visibility. However the ZTV is based on a bare earth model and does not take into account vegetation, buildings or environmental conditions like haze and reflection, which effectively screen or reduce visibility to and from the site. Therefore the geographic extent of the area where landscape and visual baseline data was collected (i.e. the Visual and Landscape Study Area) was up to 12 km from the boundary of the Project Area. At distances greater than 12km it is considered unlikely that the proposed Project will be seen even though the landscape is flat and devoid of any vegetation. This is due to a combination of factors such as the dust, haze and poor visibility conditions which are common in the Project Area and surrounds due to the extreme heat in the baseline environment. The Project Area is located within the Danakil Depression which experiences an extremely hot and arid climate and is commonly known as the hottest place (hottest average temperature) on earth (this is discussed in detail in Chapter 8). The lowlands of the Danakil Depression are characterised by desert conditions with monthly mean temperatures varying from 24.40C during the wet season (June to September) to 46.70C in the dry season (October to May). The Project Area is flat open land largely devoid of vegetation, other than scattered patches of low desert scrub. The Project Area and surrounds do not have any statutory designations with respect to planning or landscape and visual aspects. It is understood that while Development Plans for the wider region are in the process of being prepared, these are strategic and generic and are not specific to landscape and visual matters. There are currently no land use plans in place within the site or in surrounding areas.

ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL B

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Figure 9.38 Processing Plant Zone of Theoretical Visibility with a Height of 30 Metres

ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL B

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Figure 9.39 TMA Zone of Theoretical Visibility with an Eventual Height of 30 Metres


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9.12.2 Baseline

Landscape Characteristics in the Wider Region

As is previously mentioned, the Project Area is situated in the Danakil Depression and is dominated by extensive lowland salt plains and other evaporate deposits (altitude – 120 m below sea level). To the west folded, faulted and tectonically deformed volcanic and sedimentary rocks form a rift escarpment. On the downside (east) of the escarpment alluvial fan deposits and foothills form a transition to the lower salt plains to the east. To the far east and west, relief peaks of highland plateaus are visible from the Project site. On the north eastern edge of the depression, maritime hills border a hot, arid, and treeless strip of land sixteen to eighty kilometres wide. These coastal hills drain inland into saline lakes, from which commercial salt is extracted. The Project Area and Immediate Surroundings Profile

The Project Area is located almost entirely within flat open salt plains with a small area of alluvial fan and foothills landscape to the west. There are no settlements located directly within the Project Area although a number of villages are located in the surrounding area to the west, including Musley and Asabuya. Mount Dallol, a volcano/hydrothermal field around 60m high, lies immediately to the south east of the Crescent concession area. The immediate surroundings to the Project Area are: Open clear salt plains to the north, east and south; Gently rising rocky alluvial fans and foothills to the west featuring

scattered small villages; and Mount Dallol immediately to the east.

Almost all of the land in the Project Area is open with sparse vegetation. The salt plains are largely devoid of vegetation cover with only a strip of scrub vegetation to the west, whereas the alluvial fans contain scattered areas of desert scrub. From the social baseline data collection conducted in April 2014 it can be stated that infrastructure and basic services such as sanitation, water, electricity, telecommunication, police and emergency services are largely absent in the communities surveyed. There are limited dirt roads linking settlements like Musley and Asabuya and these are generally used for salt trade and tourism purposes. There is also a new asphalt road connecting Dallol with the main Mekele-Adrigrat road to the south. There are no substantial physical developments in the immediate and wider area indicating signs of expansion or growth; however, small scale exploratory drilling has been undertaken immediately north, east and south of the Project Area since 2011 (refer to cumulative impact assessment in Chapter 12).


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In essence the area’s sense of place is derived mainly from its ‘arid desert setting’ with only a few scattered settlements. The landscape character areas within the Project Area and surrounds are briefly described in Table 9.27 and have been illustrated in Figure 9.40.

Table 9.27 Landscape Character Areas

Landscape Character Area Description Sensitivity Open arid salt plains Land to the north, east and south of the Project

site comprises flat open salt plains largely devoid of vegetation. The area contains little development, although evidence of small-scale exploratory mining is visible in places to the north of the Project area. The area is also not designated and there are few settlements, no cultural heritage assets and no recognised tourist attractions. This type of landscape forms the majority of the Project Area.

Given that the area is open, desolate with no vegetation, the sensitivity is considered to be low.

Mount Dallol A hydrothermal field in a salt pan containing hot brine springs, sulphur formations and salt column formations. It is an important site for tourists and internationally known for its multi-coloured salt deposits, hot springs and miniature geysers. It is amongst the lowest volcanoes on land in one of the lowest elevations on earth (approximately 116 m below sea level).

Given that the area is visited by tourists and has spectacular characteristic views of the surrounding salt deposits, the sensitivity is considered to be high.

Gently rising alluvial fans and foothills

Land to the west of the Project area comprises open rocky alluvial fan deposits forming a transition between the mountainous rift escarpment to the west and the flat salt plains to the east. The gently rising topography produces a sense of elevation over the salt plains. The gravels and rocks support patches of low desert scrub and thorny plants which gives the landscape a rough texture. The area contains a number of scattered nomadic villages, including Musley and Asabuya, which contain vernacular dwellings made of sticks and mud and generally have low- average build quality. These organic settlements are purely functional and have little or no aesthetic elements within their design.

The area is not designated and has an open, desolate character; however, due to the presence of settlement the overall sensitivity of the area is considered to be medium.


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Figure 9.40 Landscape Character Areas in the Project Area and Surrounds


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9.12.3 Existing Views and Visual Environment

With the assistance of surveys, ZTVs (refer to Figure 9.38 and Figure 9.39) and aerial photography, viewpoints across the Project Area and surrounds have been selected to represent the range of views and types of viewers likely to be affected by the proposed Project. These are described in Table 9.28 below and illustrated as “VP” in Figure 9.38 and Figure 9.39.

Table 9.28 Selected Viewpoints

VP No. VP Location VP Description Sensitivity 1 View from Ashe Ale

(similar views will be available from Lake Assale) (approximately 12km to the south of the Project Area)

View north west across the flat, open expansive salt plains. Dust and haze obscure visibility on the salt plains in the distance. The rift escarpment forms the backdrop above this.

Considering the small number of residents (and small number of tourists) and the nomadic nature of the settlement the overall sensitivity is considered to be medium.

2 View from tarmac road near the military camp and Yara Dallol BV Project Camp (approximately 250m to the west of the Project Area) (similar views available from the military camp)

View east across open rocky ground featuring low desert scrub. The existing military camp and Yara Dallol BV Project Camp are visible in the middle ground. Mount Dallol is visible in the background but partially obscured by haze and dust.

Considering the small number of road users (and residents/workers) the overall sensitivity is considered to be low

3 View from Mount Dallol (approximately 2.5km to the southeast of the Project Area)

View northwest from the summit of Mount Dallol featuring rocky salt formations. Salt stack deposits in the foreground provide intermittent screening to the flat open salt plains in the middle ground of view. The existing military camp and Yara Dallol BV Project Camp are visible in the left of the middle ground, although haze and dust slightly obscure views. The rift escarpment forms the backdrop to the view.

Considering the topographical elevation in relation to the Project site, the small number of tourists and the fact that visitors’ attention is focused on the geological deposits nearby, the overall sensitivity is considered to be medium.

4 View from Musley village (approximately 3.3km to the west of the Project Area )

A slightly elevated view east across the rocky alluvial fans. The flat salt plains are visible in the distance although haze and dust obscures visibility.

Considering topographical elevation in relation to the Project site, the small number of residents and the nomadic nature of the settlement, the overall sensitivity is considered to be medium.

5 View from Asabuya village (approximately 7 km to the northwest of the Project Area)

A slightly elevated view southeast over the open expansive flat salt plains.

Considering the small number of residents and nomadic nature of settlement the overall sensitivity is considered to be medium.


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There are no designated views or views of international/national/local importance within the Project Area and surrounds. However, views of the salt deposits from Mount Dallol are renowned for the spectacular displays of salt and sulphur deposits and views over the surrounding salt plains.

9.13 SOCIO-ENVIRONMENTAL SENSITIVITIES

Chapter 8 presents the sensitivity of the Project Area of influence from an ecological perspective. Figure 9.41 presents the aforementioned biological sensitivities together with the following social sensitivities discussed in this Chapter:

The presence of villages; Cultural heritage sites; Key grazing areas; and Key tourist features (viz. Mount Dallol).


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Figure 9.41 Socio-environmental Sensitivity Map for the Project Area of Influence


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9.13.1 Socio-environmental Sensitivity Description

The Presence of Villages

All villages in the Project Area of influence are considered to be Highly Sensitive, as members of the village are classified as being sensitive to activities associated with the proposed Project. A study specific buffer of 200m has been placed around all villages. This buffer area is also characterised as having a critical to high sensitivity. Cultural Heritage Sites

The cultural heritage baseline surveys identified a total of 78 cultural heritage sites within the Cultural Heritage Study Area. Each site was assigned a sensitivity value based on the criteria detailed in Table 9.29:

Table 9.29 Cultural Heritage Site Sensitivity Characteristics

Cultural Heritage Site Sensitivity

Defining Characteristic(s)

Low Site is not specifically protected under local, national, or international laws or treaties; Site can be moved to another location or replaced by a similar site, or is of a type that is common in surrounding region; site has limited or no cultural value to local, national or international stakeholders; and/or site has limited scientific value or similar information can be obtained at numerous sites. Replicable cultural heritage.

Medium Site is specifically or generically protected by local or national laws but laws all for mitigated impacts; Site can be moved or replaced, or data and artefacts recovered in consultation with stakeholders; Site has considerable cultural value for local and/or national stakeholders; and/or site has substantial scientific value but similar information can be obtained at a limited number of other sites. Non-replicable cultural heritage.

High Site is protected by local, national, and international laws or treaties; site cannot be moved or replaced without major loss of cultural value; legal status specifically prohibits direct impacts or encroachment on site and/or protection zone; Site has substantial value to local, national, and international stakeholders; and/or site has exceptional scientific value and similar site types are rare or non-existent. Critical cultural heritage.

Grazing Areas

Key grazing areas (Sagan, Hamah, Aga and Berketi) in the Project Area of influence are considered to be Highly Sensitive. Livestock keeping is the main subsistence livelihood of the population in the Project Area, which gives importance to areas that provide adequate grazing for livestock. Key Tourist Features

The key tourist feature in the Project Area of influence is Mount Dallol. This feature was delineated through digitisation of the visual perimeter of the feature. Furthermore, a 200m buffer has been placed around the digitised perimeter. Mount Dallol and its associated buffer have been considered to be Highly Sensitive.


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9.13.2 Application of the Socio-environmental Sensitivity Assessment

The socio-environmental map is created as a tool to guide the spatial development of activities/infrastructure in a manner that minimises impacts to both the social and biophysical environments. The following simple approaches should be followed for the planning of activities/infrastructure: Activities/infrastructure should be directed wherever possible towards

the Low Sensitivity areas.

Activities/infrastructure that infringes areas classified as being Highly to Moderately Sensitive should strive to reduce the impacts on these areas that resulted in the sensitivity rating.

Activities/infrastructure are to be planned and implemented in a manner that sustains the key values of Highly Sensitive areas.

Activities/infrastructure should not infringe areas classified as being Highly Sensitive. Only where no feasible alternatives exist should any impacts be allowed on these habitats, and in such cases additional precautionary measures should be taken that reduce the impacts specifically on the biodiversity and ecosystem values for which these habitats have been classified as Sensitive or Highly Sensitive.

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