750351

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"Nebulae in Pariete"; Notes on Erasmus' Eulogy on Drer Author(s): Erwin Panofsky Source: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 14, No. 1/2 (1951), pp. 34-41Published by: The Warburg InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/750351Accessed: 17-04-2015 16:30 UTC

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"NEBULAE IN PARIETE"; NOTES ON ERASMUS' EULOGY ON DURER

By Erwin Panofsky

When Erasmus of Rotterdam, after a long and painful delay, received his portrait engraving by Albrecht Diirer (B. Io7) he was mildly disap- pointed. But with characteristic politeness he attributed the lack of similarity to the lapse of time rather than to a failure on the part of the artist and began at once to look for a suitable way of expressing his gratitude. "Alberto Durero," he writes to Pirckheimer on July 30, 1526, "quam gratiam referre queam, cogito. Dignus est eterna memoria. Si minus respondet effigies, mirum non est. Non enim sum is, qui fui ante annos quinque."1

1 P. S. Allen, Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, Oxford, 19o6 ff., VI, p. 371 f., no. 1729 (cf. also E. Reicke, "Albrecht Diirers Gedichtnis im Briefwechsel Willibald Pirckheimers," Mitteilungen des Vereins fair Geschichte der Stadt Niirnberg, XXVIII, 1928, p. 263 ff., no. 76). It may be well briefly to summarize the antecedents of this ill-starred enterprise. Between August 28 and Septem- ber 2, 1520, Darer had made two charcoal drawings of Erasmus (one of them, L. 361, preserved in the Louvre), neither of which was quite completed; cf. Erasmus' letters to Pirckheimer of July 19, 1523, and March i4, 1525 (Allen, V, p. 307 ff., no. 1376, and VI, p. 45 if., no. 1558; Reicke, nos. 44 and 6o). In the first of these letters Erasmus deplores this state of affairs ("utinam perfecisset") and in the second he explicitly says: "A Durerio, tanto nimirum artifice, pingi non recusem; sed qui possit, non video." The same desire is expressed in a letter of January 8, 1525 (Allen, VI, p. 2 f., no. 1536; Reicke, no. 56): "A Durero cuperem pingi, quidni a tanto artifice? Sed qui potest? Coeperat Bruxellae carbone, sed iam dudum excidi [meaning: "I have long lapsed from his memory], opinor," and Erasmus adds that Durer, working from memory and with the aid of a medal, might try to make him a little fatter: "Si quid ex fusili et memoria sua potest, faciat in me, quod in te fecit, cui addidit ali- quid obesitatis." In the end Dfirer yielded to these entreaties; for, on August 25, 1525, Erasmus already looks forward to receiving his portrait (Allen, VI, p. 154 f., no. 1603; Reicke, no. 63). He had, however, to wait another year. On June 6, 1526, he definitely expects the engraving (Allen, VI, p. 351 f., no. 1717; Reicke, no 75), and it was not until July 30 of this year that he could confirm its arrival. Needless to say, here, as very often

in I6th-century Latin, the words pingere, pingi and pictus refer, not to a painting but to a graphic representation, drawing or print, in contradistinction to a sculpture or medal.

In this connection I should like to offer a suggestion for the interpretation of a puzzling passage in Erasmus' letter to Pirckheimer of January 8, 1524 (Allen, V, p. 381 f., no. 1408; Reicke, no. 46) which reads: "Gaudeo Durero nostro contigisse sutorem suum," "I am de- lighted that our Durer has met his cobbler." Since the letter also mentions the Erasmus medal frequently alluded to in this correspondence (though as an aid to DMirer's memory, and not as a work to be produced with his participation), it has been proposed to emend sutorem into fusorem. However, as Erasmus constantly refers to Durer as "noster Apelles" or "Apelles tuus," the phrase is much more likely to allude to the famous anecdote of Apelles and the critical cobbler (Pliny, Naturalis historia, XXXV, 85: "ne supra crepidam sutor judicaret"). It would seem to be a joke rather than a statement of fact, and we may even venture a guess as to the specific point of the joke. Being in doubt as to whether his letter of January 8 had reached its destination, Erasmus repeated most of its content on February 8 (Allen, V, p. 396 f., no. 14 17; Reicke, no. 47: "An meas acceperis, non satis quivi ex tuis litteris intel- ligere"); and from this second missive we learn that Pirckheimer's "previous letter"- that is to say, the letter already answered on January 8-had mentioned the presence in Nuremberg of Dr. Edward Lee (Leus or Leeus), Bishop of Colchester and, later on, Archbishop of York. According to Pirck- heimer, this bellicose churchman had sharply criticized certain paintings by Direr ("de Dureri tabulis censuram egisse"). But he was also a pet aversion of Erasmus, with whom he

34


"NEBULAE IN PARIETE" 35 About two years later, following a friendly reminder by Pirckheimer,1 the

debt was paid. On March 20, 1528, Erasmus expressed to him his grief for Diirer's mortal illness and added, by way of consolation, as it were: "Arbitror te legisse locum, in quo mentionem illius facio. Totum opus nunc absolutum est. Fortasse dices esse coactius; fateor, sed non dabatur alia occasio, et arbitror eum libellum, qualis qualis est, maxime volitaturum per manus hominum."2 And on April 24, a little more than a fortnight after Diirer's death, he writes: "Quid attinet Dureri mortem deplorare, quum simus mortales omnes? Epitaphium illi paratum est in libello meo."3 It should be borne in mind, though, that this chilly-sounding remark was made after writing a letter of condolence which has not been preserved,4 and that it comes from a man in constant wonder that he himself was still alive5 and who was accustomed to think of his own death "with a kind of pleasure."6

I The epitaphium is, of course, the famous eulogy on Diirer inserted-not

without a certain strain, as the author was the first to admit-into Erasmus' charming Dialogus de recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione which had appeared a few weeks prior to his letter of April 24th.

According to Erasmus' spokesman, Ursus, young boys should receive some instruction in drawing and painting while they are learning to write, not only as a means of recreation (for, "most children are naturally attracted by this art, enjoying to express what they recognize and to recognize what others have expressed") but also because "he whose fingers are practised by shaping lines into all sorts of forms will also draw his letters more smoothly and felicitously, much as those trained in music will pronounce more correctly even when they do not sing."'7 "If you want to have more specific and precise had started a violent controversy in 1520 and in whose writings he was to detect no less than twenty-one heresies in 1527; and we can imagine both Pirckheimer's glee in reporting Lee's encounter with Diirer to Erasmus and the latter's amusement at hearing that the "new Apelles" had fallen foul of the same "cobbler" as he had himself.

1 Letter of October 19, 1527 (Allen, VII, p. 214 ff., no. 1893; Reicke, no. 84): "De Alberti Dureri nomine celebrando mea sponte cogitabam. Tamen admoneri gratum est."

2 Allen, VII, p. 364 ff., no. 1977; Reicke, no. 86.

3 Allen, VII, p. 382 ff., no. i99i; Reicke, no. 90.

4 Cf. Allen, ibidem. r Cf. Darer's Diary of his journey to the

Netherlands (K. Lange and F. Fuhse, Diirers schriftlicher Nachlass, Halle, 1893, p. 164, line 29 ff.). 6 Letter ofJuly 19, 1523 (cf. above, note i) :

"Persentiebam animo voluptatem quandam, quod ex hoc turbulentissimo seculo migra- turus essem ad Christum."

7 I quote from the Leyden edition of I643, p. 70 ff.: "Vt autem qui musices periti sunt, rectius pronuntiant etiam non cantantes: ita qui ducendis in omnem formam lineis digitos, habet exercitatos, mollius ac felicius pinget literas. Siquid super his requiras subtilius exactiusque, extat liber ALBERTI DURERI, Germanice quidem, sed eruditissime scriptus, in quo priscos huius artis heroas imitatus, nominatim Pamphilum natione Macedonem, quum omnium literarum, tum Geometrices & Arithmetices egregie peritum, nam sine his disciplinis artem absolvi posse negabat. Ad haec Apelles, qui & ipse ad Perseum disci- pulum de arte sua conscripsit, multa prae- clare tradit de mysteriis graphices, ex Mathe- maticorum petita disciplinis, & in his non pauca de figuris elementorum ac ductibus, proportioneque literarum. L. Dureri nomen iam olim novi, inter pingendi artifices primae


36 ERWIN PANOFSKY information about this," Ursus goes on to say, "there is a book by Albrecht Diirer, written in German but very learnedly,1 'wherein he emulates the ancient heroes of this art, especially Pamphilus the Macedonian, outstandingly proficient not only in literature but also in geometry and arithmetic, who believed that art could never reach perfection without these disciplines. In addition, Apelles, who himself wrote to his pupil Perseus about his art, brilliantly teaches much of the mysteries of design culled from the doctrines of the mathematicians, and [there is] not a little therein about the shapes and lineaments of the elementary figures2 as well as the proportions of letters."

Here the interlocutor, Leo, conveniently remarks: "Diirer's name has long been known to me among the most renowned masters of painting; some call him the Apelles of our age." And this gives Ursus his chance to launch into the eulogy proper:

"U. Equidem arbitror, si nunc viveret Apelles, ut erat ingenuus et can- didus, Alberto nostro cessurum huius palmae gloriam. L. Qui potest credi? U. Fateor Apellem fuisse eius artis principem, cui nihil objici potuit a caeteris artificibus, nisi quod nesciret manum tollere de tabula. Speciosa reprehensio. At Apelles coloribus licet paucioribus minusque ambitiosis, tamen coloribus adiuvabatur. Durerus quanquam et alias admirandus, in monochromatis, hoc est, nigris lineis, quid non exprimit? umbras, lumen, splendorem, eminentias, depressiones: ad haec, ex situ rei unius, non unam speciem sese oculis intuentium offerentem. Observat exacte symmetrias et harmonias. Quin ille pingit et quae pingi non possunt, ignem, radios, tonitrua, fulgetra, fulgura, vel nebulas, ut aiunt, in pariete, sensus, affectus omnes, denique totum hominis animum in habitu corporis relucentem, ac pene vocem ipsam. Haec felicissimis lineis iisque nigris sic ponit ob oculos, ut si colorem illinas, iniuriam facias operi. An non hoc mirabilius, absque colorum lenocinio praestare, quod Apelles praestitit colorum praesidio?"

II It has been noted that much of this praise is borrowed from Pliny, and

special attention has been called to the close correspondence which exists between Erasmus' "Quin ille pingit et quae pingi non possunt, ignem, radios, tonitrua, fulgetra, fulgura" and Pliny's "pinxit [Apelles] et quae pingi non possunt, tonitrua, fulgetra fulguraque" (Naturalis historia, XXXV, 96).3 Observations like this can easily be multiplied and are by no means limited to Pliny's paragraphs on Apelles. The introductory passage about the painter Pamphilus is lifted from Naturalis historia, XXXV, 76: "Ipse Macedo natione ... primus in pictura omnibus litteris eruditus, praecipue arithmetica et geometria, sine quibus negabat artem perfici posse." The phrase "Observat exacte symmetrias et harmonias" is reminiscent of Pliny's praise of Parrhasius who "primus picturae symmetrian dedit" (Naturalis historia, XXXV, 67) and celebritatis. Quidam appellant horum temporum Apellem."

1 Erasmus refers, of course, to Dtirer's Underweysung der Messung mit dem Zirckel uh Richtscheyt, Nuremberg, 1525. 2 Or, possibly, but less probably, the

alphabet. 3 Cf. H. Wolfflin, Die Kunst Albrecht Darers,

Munich, 1905, P 316; fifth ed., Munich, 1926, p. 400; sixth ed. (K. Gerstenberg, ed.), Munich, 1943, P- 417.


"NEBULAE IN PARIETE" 37

Euphranor who "primus videtur expressisse dignitates heroum et usurpasse symmetrian" (Naturalis historia, XXXV, 128). Diirer's ability to render umbras, lumen, splendorem, eminentias, depressiones makes him a second Nicias of Athens who "lumen et umbras custodiit atque ut eminerent e tabulis picturae maxime curavit" (Naturalis historia, XXXV, 131). And in expressing sensus, affectus omnes, denique totum hominis animum in habitu corporis relucentem he is heir to Aristides of Thebes who "omnium primus animum pinxit et sensus hominis expressit, quae vocant Graeci

o"l (Naturalis historia, XXXV, 98).

No doubt this headlong flight into Pliny evinces a certain embarrassment; Erasmus' response to art, like that of all Northern humanists, was literary rather than visual, and his regard for Diirer, though unquestionably sincere, was born of respectful admiration rather than instinctive predilection. But the very multiplicity of his borrowings bears witness to his desire to do justice to Diirer's universality. Crowned with the crowns of so many different painters of yore, "Albertus noster" grows into an artist of truly heroic proportions and, ultimately, into an almost ideal figure in which his real features all but merge with those of his classical prototypes: while the historical Duirer is credited with Apelles' ability "to depict what cannot be depicted," the historical Apelles-whose treatise ad Perseum is mentioned but in no wise described in Naturalis historia, XXXV, I I--is practically credited with Diirer's Under- weysung der Messung.

All in all, however, Erasmus' synthetic portrait does not lack verisimilitude. By adding ignem and radios to Pliny's tonitrua, fulgetra fulguraque, Erasmus conjures up the Apocalypse and the Betrayal of Christ, the Descent into Limbo and the Resurrection. And in subordinating the whole eulogy to the idea that Durer could do in black-and-white what Apelles could do only in colour, he manages to bring out the all-important fact that Diirer's claim to immortality rests on his greatness, not as a painter but as a draughtsman, engraver, and woodcut designer. It is quite true that the word monochromata occurs in Pliny no less than four times (Naturalis historia, XXXIII, 117; XXXV, 15; XXXV, 56; XXXV, 64).2 But nowhere does Pliny express "admiration for the expres- sive qualities of a mere black-and-white medium,"3 let alone of a medium limited to a linear mode of expression. He describes the monochromata, not as designs but as paintings, and not as paintings in black on white but as paintings in red (cinnabari, minio) or, exceptionally, white (ex albo) on black. He thinks of them-though they were "still in use" at his time-as specimens of a primitive technique which he attributes to the veteres: to painters so early that "their age is not transmitted," and, as a kind of anomaly, to Zeuxis who flourished a hundred years before Apelles; and he would never have thought of marvelling at the expressiveness of this archaic medium, much less of stating that it is "more wonderful to achieve without colours what Apelles achieved with their aid." While the word monochromata is Pliny's, its re-interpretation as what we call the graphic arts is Erasmus'; and nothing could be finer than Erasmus' remark that "he who would spread colours on Diirer's prints would injure the work."

1 This, incidentally, enables us to trainslate Erasmus' sensus more adequately than is the

case in E. Panofsky, Albrecht Diirer, Princeton,

1943, 1945, 1948, p. 44. 2 W61fflin, loc. cit. 3 W61fflin, ibidem.


38 ERWIN PANOFSKY

III Appearances notwithstanding, Erasmus' eulogy is by no means a jumble

of quotations. It is a well-ordered exposition, and this can be demonstrated by an examination of two phrases which, not manifestly derived from Pliny, have always constituted a crux interpretum.

The first phrase reads: "[Exprimit] ex situ rei unius, non unam speciem sese oculis intuentium offerentem." This difficult passage has been thought to imply a contrast between the malerische Erscheinung ("pictorial appearance") and the klare Vorstellung or vollstandige Begreifung ("clear idea," "comprehensive understanding") of the thing itself: "Duirer did not content himself with the accidental view of the object but presents to us a comprehensive image thereof" in emphasizing "the essential" and "the typical" as opposed to the accidental and particular; "Hans von Marees once said that he who does not know that a tree consists of root, trunk and crown will never be able properly to draw a- tree from life."1

This interpretation may be in harmony with Diirer's intentions but it does not, I think, express the meaning of Erasmus. As demonstrated by the ex situ, which would remain unexplained if res were taken to mean a kind of Platonic idea and species the particularized and merely phenomenal appearance thereof, he uses his terms as did the theoreticians of optics rather than the philosophers. Res is the three-dimensional object seen; situs its position in space; and species its visual image or "aspect" which is, by defini- tion, a flat projection of the object. In ordinary visual experience, Erasmus means to say, one object placed in a given position in relation to the eye will present only one aspect. Durer, however, "expresses more than this one aspect" (we happen to know that Erasmus uses non unus as an equivalent of non unus tantum) ;2 he manages to suggestthat the object is a complete, three- dimensional entity extending, as it were, behind the one surface image which "presents itself to the beholder's eye." In short, Erasmus extols Duirer as a stereographer or perspectivist; and if I am not mistaken, his phrase attempts to condense what Pliny says in praise of the same Parrhasius who "primus picturae symmetrian dedit": "Ambire enim se ipsa debet extremitas et sic desinere, ut promittat alia et post se, ostendatque etiam quae occultat"3 ("the surface [of the object] must go around itself and leave off in such a manner that it promises something else behind itself and shows even what it hides"). The phrase "ex situ rei unius, non unam speciem sese oculis intuentium offerentem"-ushered in by Ad haec ("moreover")-thus adds to Duirer's ability to produce an illusion of three-dimensionality by what we would call pictorial means (umbras, lumen, splendorem, eminentias, depressiones) his prowess in the application of projective geometry. It forms a perfectly logical transition to the "Observat exacte symmetrias et harmonias," and a similar composi- tional purpose is achieved by the second enigmatical phrase: "vel nebulas,

1 W61fflin, ibidem and p. 294 f. (5th ed., p. 357; 6th ed., p. 350). 2 Erasmus, Adagia, Basel, 1520, p. 788, 4th Chilias, 5th Centuria, no. XXIX: "Non una

manu capere, oi - &rkp. ?m-rtov,

id est, non una tantum manu capiendum." 3 Pliny, Naturalis historia, XXXV, 67.


"NEBULAE IN PARIETE" 39 ut aiunt, in pariete." With a well-known dictum of Leonardo da Vinci1 in mind, I had mistakenly interpreted these nebulas in pariete as either the in- distinct spots caused by discoloration or fleeting shadows cast by clouds.2 In reality, however, Erasmus here alludes to a passage from the late antique poet Ausonius where the noun nebula is explicitly qualified by the participle picta.

Ausonius' best known poem, "Cupido cruciatur,"3 is prefaced by a letter to his son, Gregorius, in which the author describes the genesis of his poem. In the dining-room of a certain Zoilus at Treves, he says, he had seen a picture of Cupid tortured by his vengeful victims, the mulieres amatrices of the heroic past, and such was his enthusiasm that he decided to "translate the amazement of looking at it into the foolishness of making a poem about it"- a poem in which, as his mock modesty prompts him to add, "nothing is pleasing except the subject (lemma)." It is this poem which Ausonius likens to "a cloud painted upon a wall," the unsubstantial image of an unsubstantial object: "En umquam vidisti nebulam pictam in pariete? Vidisti utique et meministi." And it is to this phrase that Erasmus himself refers in his Adagia: "Clouds upon a Wall. In a letter to his son, Gregorius, Ausonius used the phrase 'clouds upon a wall' for something most similar to nothing or a dream; 'have you ever seen a cloud painted upon a wall?' he says. [By this]- he indicates that the subject (lemma) of the poem subjoined to this letter is trifling and empty; for, a cloud is too unsubstantial to be expressed by colours."4

Erasmus, we perceive, has made a slight but significant change. Ausonius, apparently having in mind illusionistic wall paintings simulating a prospect onto the open sky, thinks of a cloud as an airy yet perfectly. suitable object for pictorial representation5 and applies the simile to his poem only in so far as the latter is derived from a mere picture. Erasmus, however, explicitly including the lemma which Ausonius as explicitly exempts, thinks of a cloud as something which cannot be painted at all ("inanior quam ut coloribus exprimi queat") and, therefore, of a painted cloud as a kind of chimera-as "something most similar to nothing or a dream." And it is precisely in this sense that he exploits Ausonius' phrase in his eulogy on Diirer. As the "ex situ rei unius, non unam speciem sese oculis intuentium offerentem" achieves a transition from "shade, light, radiance, eminences and depressions" to "symmetries and harmonies," so does the "nebulas, ut aiunt, in pariete,"

1J. P. Richter, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, London, 1883, I, p. 254, no. 508; Trattato della Pittura (Lionardo da Vinci, Das Buch von der Malerei, H. Ludwig, ed., Vienna, 1882), I, p. 125, no. 66.

2 Panofsky, op. cit., p. 44. 3 Decimi Magni Ausonii Burdigalensis Opus-

cula, R. Peiper, ed., Leipzig, 1886, p. Iog ff. Cf. A. Warburg, Gesammelte Schriften, Leipzig and Berlin, 1932, I, p. 183.

4 Erasmus, Adagia, p. 405, 2nd Chilias, 4th Centuria, no. XXXVIII: "Nebulae in pariete. Ausonius in epistola quadam ad Gregorium filium, nebulas in pariete dixit, pro re nihili somniique simillima. An numquam, inquit,

vidisti, nebulam pictam in pariete? Car- minis, quod ei subscribitur epistolae, lemma significat, frivolum, ac vanum. Nam nebula res est inanior quam ut coloribus exprimi queat."

5 Cf. also his letter to Q. Aurelius Sym- machus (Peiper, p. 222): "Hoc velut aerius bratteae fucus aut picta nebula non longius, quam dum videtur, oblectat . . ." ("This [scil., the flattering content of a letter from Symmachus at which Ausonius often looks for comfort], not unlike the specious colour of gold leaf or a painted cloud, delights only as long as it is seen").


40 ERWIN PANOFSKY

referring to something entirely devoid of existence, achieve a transition from that which "cannot be depicted" yet belongs to the realm of visible reality ("ignem, radios, tonitrua, fulgetra, fulgura") to that which "cannot be depicted" because it transcends the sphere of even imaginary visibility: "sensus, affectus omnes, denique totum hominis animum in habitu corporis relucentem, ac pene vocem ipsam."

IV So logical is the structure of Erasmus' little discourse that we may feel

tempted to condense its content into a formal synopsis: Introduction. Diirer, the "new Apelles," equals the great painters of classical Antiquity in that he is an artist distinguished also as a scholar and theoretician.

Proposition. Duirer even surpasses Apelles in that he can do with black lines what the latter could do only with colours. Demonstration.

(A) By means of these black lines Diirer expresses the visible world (i) in its pictorial aspects (umbras, lumen, splendorem, eminentias,

depressiones) ; (ii) in its stereographical or perspective aspects (ex situ rei

unius. . . offerentem). (B) He applies the mathematical rules of design and proportion

(Observat exacte symmetrias et harmonias). (C) Moreover he is able to "depict what cannot be depicted," viz.,

(i) luminary phenomena (ignem, radios, tonitrua, fulgetra, fulgura) ;

(ii) imaginary or chimerical concepts (nebulas, ut aiunt, in pariete) ;

(iii) phenomena of a psychological order (sensus, affectus omnes .

. .

vocem ipsam). Summary. All this he represents so perfectly in black-and-white that the addition of colour would be detrimental to his works, which is more admirable than the achievement of Apelles who needed colours to accomplish his purpose. In conclusion I shall attempt to translate the body of Erasmus' eulogy in

its entirety: "I hold that Apelles, were he alive to-day, would as an honest and candid

man concede the glory of this palm to our Albert."-"How can this be believed?"-"I admit that Apelles was the prince of this art, upon whom no reproach could be cast by other painters except that he did not know when to take his hand off the panel-a splendid kind of blame. But Apelles was assisted by colours even though they were fewer and less ambitious [than to-day]-still by colours. Diirer, however, though admirable also in other respects, what does he not express in monochromes, that is, by black lines?


"NEBULAE IN PARIETE" 41

Shade, light, radiance, eminences, depressions; moreover, from the position of one thing, [he expresses] more than the one aspect that offers itself to the beholder's eye. He accurately observes proportions and harmonies. Nay, he even depicts what cannot be depicted: fire, rays of light, thunderstorms, sheet lightning, or even, as the saying is, the clouds upon a wall; all the characters and emotions; in fine, the whole mind of man as it shines forth from the appearance of the body, and almost the very voice. These things he places before our eyes by most felicitous lines, black ones at that, in such a manner that, were you to spread on colours, you would injure the work. And is it not more wonderful to accomplish without the blandishment of colours what Apelles accomplished [only] with their aid?"


Article Contentsp. 34p. 35p. 36p. 37p. 38p. 39p. 40p. 41

Issue Table of ContentsJournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 14, No. 1/2 (1951), pp. 1-136Front MatterThe Lateran Fresco of Boniface VIII [pp. 1-6]The First Edition of Lucian of Samosata [pp. 7-20]New Light on Humanism in England during the Fifteenth Century [pp. 21-33]"Nebulae in Pariete"; Notes on Erasmus' Eulogy on Drer [pp. 34-41]Developments in Renaissance Perspective: II [pp. 42-69]The Belvedere as a Classical Villa [pp. 70-91]Transformations of Dante's Ugolino [pp. 92-117]Miscellaneous NotesAn Italian Poet at the Court of Henry VII [pp. 118-119]Hypnerotomachiana [pp. 119-125]An Illustration of the Ugolino Episode by Pierino da Vinci [pp. 125-127]Titian's Allegory of 'Religion' [pp. 127-132]Antoine Caron's Paintings for Triumphal Arches [pp. 132-134]A Note on Thomas Gainsborough and Adriaen de Vries [pp. 134]Petrarch Minutiae: Correction [p. 135]

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