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Voodoo Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old Phenomenon Author(s): David Lester Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 74, No. 3 (Jun., 1972), pp. 386-390 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/671523 . Accessed: 04/11/2014 13:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Wiley and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 157.92.4.12 on Tue, 4 Nov 2014 13:15:23 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Voodoo Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old PhenomenonAuthor(s): David LesterSource: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 74, No. 3 (Jun., 1972), pp. 386-390Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/671523 .

Accessed: 04/11/2014 13:15

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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Wiley and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve andextend access to American Anthropologist.

http://www.jstor.org

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Voodoo Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old Phenomenon

DAVID LESTER Stockton State College

Criticisms of the validity of the phenomenon of death by suggestion are reviewed and rebutted. Two theories of the mechanism of death by suggestion, proposed by Cannon and Richter, are described, and a new theory is proposed. The new theory is based on Engel's concept of the giving up-given up complex in medically ill patients and is shown to be capable of generating testable predictions about the phenomenon of voodoo death.

IT HAS frequently been observed that members of primitive societies have died under the influence of a "voodoo" or a "hex." (Indeed, one can find historical references in less primitive societies to individuals dying as a result of "black magic".) For example, Spencer and Gillin (1899) reported that members of the tribes in Central Australia often attributed deaths to the use of a poison bone. All that was necessary was for an enemy to point the bone at you and intone a curse for a rapid death to overtake you.

Those who have discussed this phenome- non have come up with many intriguing speculations and many criticisms of these speculations. My aim here is to review these debates and to suggest a new hypothesis to account for the phenomenon of voodoo death.

PHYSIOLOGICAL THEORIES

Cannon (1942) reported on work that he had carried out on sudden death in men and animals. Cannon had observed that, when cats were decorticated, they behaved as if they were in a state of rage. They had a very low threshold for the arousal of rage behav- ior, and the rage, when elicited, was not directed toward the frustrating agent but at random. This behavior was called "sham rage" to indicate its similarities to true rage and to emphasize its differences.

Cannon noted that cats occasionally died after showing intense sham rage and his

studies indicated that death was a result of overstimulation of the sympathico-adrenal system. Cannon felt that voodoo death in man bore a close resemblance to sudden death in decorticate cats and he suggested that a similar physiological mechanism might be operating in both cases. Individuals dying under the influence of a hex may die as a result of overstimulation of the sympathico- adrenal system. Prolonged hyperactivity of the sympathetic nervous system reinforced by the effects of adrenalin released from the adrenal medulla accompanied by loss of blood plasma into the interstitial space of the gastrointestinal tract resulted in a state of hypovolemic shock. Cannon was able to find instances of death in men due to hypovolemic shock following minor non- lethal injuries.

Richter (1957) came to the study of voodoo death via his work on rats. He found that, after trimming the fur and whiskers of rats with clippers, some died within a few hours. He investigated the physiological con- comitants of sudden deaths in wild rats under stress, who succumb in this manner much more often than domesticated rats, and concluded that, contrary to Cannon's belief, death appeared to result from hyper- activity of the parasympathetic system. The heart rate of the animals appeared to decrease after the stress was applied and on autopsy the heart was found to be filled with blood.

If domesticated rats were injected with cholinergic drugs which in general have a

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Lester ] VOODOO DEATH 387

parasympathetic-mimetic effect, then they too showed the phenomenon of sudden death under stress.

Richter speculated that the stressful situation in which he placed his rats (whiskers trimmed, restrained in a jar filled with water) allowed the rats no opportunity for escape. They could not flee or fight. He suggested that the situation was one of hopelessness and the animal behaves as if he has literally given up. Richter concluded, therefore, that victims of voodoo death die a parasympathetic death of hopelessness.

CRITICISMS OF THESE THEORIES

Barber (1961) has criticised, not only these theories, but also the whole concept of death by suggestion. Barber felt that it was open to question whether sorcery, witchcraft, or suggestion was ever a direct cause of death in primitive societies. His reasons for his skepticism were as follows:

(1) in the cases reported, the possibility of poison had rarely been ruled out by a toxological examination; (2) in the majority of cases, it appeared that the hexed individu- al refused food and water and his societal members often refused to give him food and water; (3) some instances of voodoo death were probably due to organic illness; (4) many of the reports of ethnographers were based upon hearsay and so open to distortion.

Barber was able to find only one study in which the report was not based upon hear- say and in which the possibility of poisoning and organic illness was ruled out (Simmons and Wolff 1954) and in this case the youth had refused food and water during his nine days of hospitalization and so death was probably due to dehydration.

Barber's criticisms seem to be querulous. That some reports of voodoo deaths are based upon hearsay or may be due to poisoning and organic illness does not rule out the possibility of genuine voodoo deaths. Indeed, Barber acknowledges this in

reporting the case described by Simmons and Wolff.

Secondly, to note that the individual may hasten his own death by refusing food and water does not disprove the notion of death by suggestion but, on the contrary, provides one explanation of how it may operate. Clearly, an incantation of a medicine man or an enemy can induce a member of the society to refuse food and water and so die. This is clearly a case of death by suggestion.

An important question is whether we can find an instance that meets Barber's criteria for death by suggestion-a death in which the role of poison and organic illness is ruled out, that is not based on hearsay, and which takes place suddenly. Barber was not able to find a case that met these criteria.

Before leaving Barber's criticisms, mention must be made of a common error in talking of death by suggestion. Barber and other writers (e.g., Holt 1969) commonly assume that death by suggestion is a phe- nomenon found only in primitive societies. This is not so. The phenomenon can be found in more developed societies and Rich- ter noted a parallel phenomenon has been reported among the Negro population in southern states of this country.

SUDDEN DEATH

The phenomenon of sudden death in humans has been noted for many years now. In a recent review of cases of sudden death, Dynes (1969) noted that there were two types, both occurring without significant anatomical findings at autopsy. One followed prolonged excitement and violence and the other occurred instantaneously and without warning. The following is a case reported by Dynes.

One patient, 26-years of age had been violent and difficult to control inter- mittently over a four year period prior to death, but he did not have the terminal exhaustion syndrome with high fever and coma. The day of death he became strangely quiet, although clear and responsive and not in a stupor or coma. He suddenly fainted and did not revive in

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388 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [74,1972

spite of efforts to resuscitate him [Dynes 1969:26].

Dynes concluded his review by noting that we were far from an explanation of the phenomenon of sudden death.

I would like to draw attention to one speculative possibility here. Both Cannon and Richter based their hypotheses as to the physiological mechanism involved in voodoo death upon work with animals. Further- more, their work was extremely limited. Cannon studied decorticate cats and Richter stressed rats. It is possible that both mechan- isms that they postulated may play a role in voodoo death. Dynes reported two types of sudden death, one following hyperactivity and one following hypoactivity. These seem to correspond to Cannon's postulated mechanism and Richter's postulated mechanism respectively. Perhaps sudden death and voodoo death can result from excessive stimulation of any system of the body.

A NEW THEORY OF VOODOO DEATH

The ideas I am about to propose are not intended to replace the ideas of Cannon or Richter. Rather, they are intended to look for a conceptual framework for voodoo death at a psychological level rather than a physiological level. The ideas are based upon work with humans (and in particular those who are medically ill) rather than animals. The use of research on humans and the emphasis on psychological states will perhaps involve less of a conceptual leap than the ideas discussed above.

Engel (1968) has spent a great deal of ef- fort in seeking answers to the question of why people fall ill at the time they do. What kind of clinical state precedes the onset of illness? Engel pointed out that most lay people take it for granted that a person's frame of mind can affect his propensity to fall ill and die. But physicians and behavioral scientists have been reluctant to accept this idea.

Under stress (stress as felt by the individ- ual himself and not as judged by an outside observer who may minimize the stressful

event), Engel noted a consistent psycholog- ical pattern of responses that was associated with the onset of illness and, on occasions, death. He named this pattern the giving up-given up complex. This complex has several essential features.

(1) The patient reports feelings of being at the end of his rope, at a loss, at an impasse. There are two possible affects here. The patient experiencing helplessness ascribes his feelings of impotence to failures and frustrations from the environment and it is to the environment that he looks for a solution. The people in his life have failed him and it is they who can resolve his dilemma. The patient experiencing hopeless- ness holds himself as responsible for his inability to cope and has no expectation that help from the environment can aid him.

(2) The patient's image of himself is as one who is no longer competent. He may feel worthless or damaged.

(3) The patient no longer is able to obtain gratification from the relationships that he has or the roles that he can play. The helpless patient feels abandoned and the hopeless patient feels inadequate.

(4) The patient loses the sense of con- tinuity between past, present, and future. For the helpless patient there is no present and for the hopeless there is no future.

(5) The patient has memories of earlier periods of giving-up reactivated and, if these older situations were never adequately resolved, then there may be a cumulative effect.

Engel pointed out that this state is only an exaggeration of a normal psychological state. We all reach from time to time psychological crossroads and occasionally, when prompt resolution is impossible, we find ourselves alternating between giving up and struggling for a solution.

Engel felt that when an individual is responding to stress with the giving up-given up complex, disease may supervene. The body has at these times a reduced capability to deal with potentially pathogenic processes. This psychological state, there- fore, contributes to the emergence of the

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Lester ] VOODOO DEATH 389

disease. It does not cause it. It is neither necessary nor sufficient for disease develop- ment.

The disease that may develop may stem from a pathogenic predisposition in the individual or it may reduce the defenses of the individual to infectious diseases. Such a process can be illustrated by many kinds of data: the increased mortality of spouses in the first year after they are widowed (MacMahon and Pugh 1965), the many cases of collapse and death reported in the news- papers as a result of stress, and the many medically ill patients seen in hospitals.

We might note here also in passing, that many medically ill patients appear to be able to tell when they are close to death and can prepare themselves psychologically for this (Weisman and Hackett 1961).

Let us try to conceptualize the state of the hexed individual in terms of this giving up-given up complex. The individual is doomed to die through some acts and verbal behavior of one or more members of his society (or deceased members of his society). Because of the cultural tradition of his society he believes this to be true and the other members of his society believe it to be true. He therefore may well feel helpless or hopeless, depending on whether he tends to externalize blame or internalize blame. The individual's image is changed for the worse. He has broken some societal norm or he has offended some other member of the society. He is worthless or damaged. He can no longer obtain gratification from the relation- ships that he had, for his friends and relatives draw back. To them, he is as good as dead. To use Kalish's terminology, he is socially dead and when he begins to accept his doom he becomes psychologically dead (Kalish 1966). There is no future for the individual. He is to die.

Thus, the condition of voodoo death fits the pattern of the giving up-given up com- plex very well and in this state Engel has shown that the individual is more susceptible to infectious diseases and any pathogenic dispositions that he has are more likely to appear and develop.

In cases of voodoo death it is frequently reported that the hexed individual refuses food and water. This makes good sense. He sees himself as doomed. Nothing can save him. Why accept food and water? To reiter- ate, this in a way makes his death less a re- sult of suggestion.

It is interesting to speculate whether helplessness or hopelessness characterizes hexed individuals. It is conceivable that either affective state may predominate. That the spell is put upon him by another may lead to helplessness, but the fact that often hexed individuals refuse nourishment may reflect their feelings that they are responsi- ble for their doom, and this is hopelessness. This suggests an interesting study that could be carried out investigating when and under what circumstances a hexed individual may refuse food and water. Does such a refusal correlate with where the hexed individual localizes the blame for his condition? Is there a difference in voodoo deaths in which the hex is put upon the individual arbitrarily by an enemy as compared to those where the individual first commits some socially proscribed act?

It is clear that the present hypothesis is capable of generating testable predictions unlike previous hypotheses.

In conclusion, it seems querulous to question the existence of voodoo deaths. Sudden and unexplained deaths are common in medically sophisticated countries, and sudden and unexplained deaths are probably common in primitive societies also. The present hypothesis is based on extensive research on medically ill patients in the more developed countries and thus possesses more face validity than the older hypotheses based on decorticated cats and whiskerless rats. It also localizes the cause of voodoo death in the psychological state of the individual and, clearly, death by suggestion must operate through the individual's psychological state.

REFERENCES CITED

Barber, T. X. 1961 Death by Suggestion: A Critical

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390 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [74,1972

Note. Psychosomatic Medicine 23:153-155.

Cannon, W. B. 1942 Voodoo Death. American Anthro-

pologist 44:169-181. Dynes, J. B.

1969 Sudden Death. Diseases of the Nervous System 30:24-28.

Engel, G. L. 1968 A Life Setting Conducive to

Illness. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 32:355-365.

Holt, W. C. 1969 Death by Suggestion. Canadian

Psychiatric Assocation Journal 14:81-82.

Kalish, R. A. 1966 Life and Death. Paper presented at

the American Psychological Associa- tion, New York City.

MacMahon, B., and T. F. Pugh 1965 Suicide in the Widowed. American

Journal of Epidemiology 81:23-31. Richter, C. P.

1957 On the Phenomenon of Sudden Death in Animals and Men. Psycho- somatic Medicine 19:190-198.

Simmons, L. W., and H. G. Wolff 1954 Social Sciences in Medicine. New

York: Russell Sage Foundation. Spencer, B., and F. J. Gillin

1899 The Native Tribes of Central Australia. London: Macmillan.

Weisman, A. D., and T. P. Hackett 1961 Predilections to Death. Psycho-

somatic Medicine 23:232-256.

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