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Oriental Senators in the Service of Rome: A Study of Imperial Policy down to the Death of

Marcus AureliusAuthor(s): C. S. WaltonSource: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 19 (1929), pp. 38-66Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/297315.

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ORIENTAL SENATORSIN THE SERVICE OF ROME:A STUDY OF IMPERIAL POLICY DOWN TO THE DEATH OF MARCUS

AURELIUS.By C. S. WALTON.

The careers of Roman senators born in the Eastern half of theEmpire' are interesting and worthy of study for several reasons.They include men who influenced affairs in such different ways asHerodes Atticus and Avidius Cassius, and the rarity of the honour,in the earlier cases at least, led to an unusually large output ofinscriptions which form a good source of information as well as anattractive field for conjecture. Besides this, the purely prosopographicalinterest, it is possible by following up and seeking to account for thegradual increase of the number in connection with other evidence,to supplement our rather meagre knowledge of life in the GreekEast, and also, in the period before the death of M. Aurelius, to watchthe working of the diarchy at a time when the Senate's prestige wasat its highest and the emperors were most concerned to maintain itsefficiency. It will be necessary to establish with the greatest accuracythe claims of such senators to oriental birth,2 and the number willbe found smaller than is usually supposed; but, to avoid the monotonyof a detailed catalogue of mere names, it will perhaps be best if theclaimants are introduced successively into an historical frameworkin which will be traced the growing tendency to improved relationsbetween East and West, and the development of the emperors'policy towards the East, so far as it was definite enough to be calleda policy at all.The two barriersto the ultimate inclusion of orientals in the Senatewere, first, the mutual prejudice and dislike felt for each other bythe Roman-Italian governing class and the inhabitants of the GreekEast, and, second, the objection of this governing class to any widen-ing of the circle from which the Senate could be recruited. Thesecond was the less formidable and, as is well known, it gradually

1The most recent comprehensive work is L. Hahn,Rdmische Beanete griechischer und orientalischerAbstansnezsngn der Kaiserzeit (Festgabe des altenGymnasiums, Niurnberg, i926). See also Dessau'sarticle in Hermnes xlv, I9IO. Stech, SenatoresRosnani qui fuerunt inde a Vespasiano usque adTraiani exitum (Klio, Beiheft x, I9I2) gives an ex-haustive list which it is a pity he did not carry onfurther, as G. Lully, De senatorunsRonsanorssnsatria(Rome, 1918), is not to be relied on in the case of

oriental senators. It will be apparent how muchI owe to the prosopographical articles of E. Groag inPauly-Wissowa and to A. Stein, Der r6mischeRitter-stand (Munich, I927). I wish also to express mythanksto Mr. H. M. Last, without whose encourage-ment this would not have been written.

2 Except where the context shows ' Greek' tomean a native of Greece proper, ' Greek' and'Oriental ' are used throughout indifferently.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 39disappeared1 fter the onslaught of Claudiushad opened the Senateto the most Romanised of the Gauls: moreover, the persecutionsunderNero andDomitian,the Civil Warof 68-69, and the reluctanceof the old families to have children, made the recruiting of theSenate from wider sourcesa necessity. The first barrierwas themore seriousand the more lasting. On the Roman side there wascontempt and distrustof the Greek character.2 It was bad enoughwhen Greeks became part of the government under Claudius;orientals in the Senate would have been still more shocking. Onthe Greeksidethe prejudicewasas real,and perhapsmorereasonable.The Romans,with theirpassion or order andcentralisedgovernment,had come and taken the fun out of Greekcity-life3 and, worse, theyalwayswanted money. And so in their eclipse the Greeks ived ontheirpast history. Those who could boastedof their connectionwithAthens and Sparta,4 and all dreamed of a return to the ' GreatAge' of Greece, which some identified with the fifth century5 andsomewith the conquestsof Alexander. To this return the empireofRome was a perpetualobstacle,and Plutarch6constantlywarns hiscompatriotshow thingshave changedand howhopeless t is to attemptanythingbut resignedco-operation. Powerless o revolt, they could,and did, jeer effectively; muchof the praiseof Alexanderwas an in-directjibe at the Romansfor their defeatby the descendantsof thoseEasternpeoples that Alexanderhad mastered,and for their failuretoavenge it by more than a paltry ' diplomatic success.'7 A most

See Stech, op. cit.2 The locus classicsssis Cicero pro Flacco, passis',esp. ?4, on their lack of religio. Those who arefamiliar with the inscriptions wvlil appreciate theremark, ? 13, that to be an Olympionices " est apudGraecos, quoniam de eorum gravitate dicimus,prope maius et gloriosius quam Romae triumphasse."He makes a distinction between the inhabitants ofGreece Proper, Athens and Sparta, and those ofAsia Minor, which was perhaps generally admitted,though here it suited his case to stress it. ? 25shows thast one reason was the menmory of thebarbarities committed in Asia on Roman citizensduring the Mithridatic War. Chapot, Le s,sonderoinaui, E. T. I928, p. 173, thinks that part of theprejtudicewas due to the Greeks having been forcedby circumstances to piracy. Note that evenLachares, head of the Spartanfamily of the Euryclids?vo-Teias aturtig Iep7reoW c7reXesKoOs7, I'lutarchM. Antonius 67. Juvenal's. well-knowni remarksabout the Greeks, e.g. iii, 28, were by his timeprobably less representative of general feeling.; Plutarch, Praecept. reip. ger. 805A.4I.G.R.R. iii, 500, apxet roj -ye'vos ci7r6 TeKXE[dav6poV Kai 'Aju1KX6] I AaKEcatgcovt[Fw, andO.G.I., 497, X KI(a3upTWrCrowXLs 7rotKoS

[aKe[atc/ovr1WPailvU-yyyevig 'AO@vaiwv.The historical parallels, frequent in Dio, areinvariably from the fifth century. It is interestingthat Aristeides, in cns Pdi,u-v 69, p. I Io iK. tries todiscredit it.

GPraecept. reip. ger., passinl Csp. p. 813 E, 814 Aand c, 824 C.The emphasis which Augustus put on therecovery of the standards in the Res Gestae and,pictorially, on the statue from Prima Porta, wouldseem intended especially for the oriental mind,accustomed to symbolic actions. Livy feels, despite

his determination to avoid digressions (ix, 17)," tameli tanti regis ac diicis mentio, quibus sacpctacitis cogitationibus volutavi animum, eas evocat inmedium, ut quaerere libeat quinam eventus Romanisrebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum, futurtisfuerit." He then maintains at length and with someheat that Alexander wvotuldave found his matchin any of the great Romian generals of the period.Especially significant is his indignant cry (ix, i8, 6)."Id vero pericullur erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis quiParthorumii-uoque contrainomen Romanum gloriaefavent dictitare solent, ne maiestatem nominisAlexandri, qenem ne famna quidemn illis nottimarbitror fuisse, sustinere non potuerit populus R.,et. . . a-dversus tin nemo ex tot proceribtusRomanisvocem liberam missurus fuerit " A new inscrip-tion from Ephesus (Keil, 7ahresh. I926, p. 263)shows there was there still in the time of Trajana priesthood of Alexainder; the holder, a courtphysician c.alled T. Statilius Crito, being describedas iepea 'AvaKropcWv KaL tAAc

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40 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.amusing instance of the Greek contempt for the Romans is in Dio'sBorysthenicus. Every one in the town, he says, wore long hair,except one ' the object of general derision and dislike. He was saidto pursue this habit for no other reason than toadying to the Romansand making a show of friendliness to them.' Dio, indeed, at leastunder Traj'an, was a strong supporter of the Roman regime; but heknew that, in public, susceptibilities had to be respected-a curiousexample is his speech2 to the Rhodians, where he discourses at lengththough on a somewhat absurd subject, with nothing but the mostcasual reference to the existence of the Roman Empire. Sometimesfeelings were too strong to be repressed. Cyzicus, for example, lost itslibertas for ill-treatment of Roman citizens,3 and the first of therecently-published edicts 4 from Cyrene shows that the Greeksthere had reason to complain of the deliberate partiality of Romanjurymen. Perhaps that was also the case at Cnidus, 5 where Augustusintervened against misdirected severity in the treatment of twoGreeks.In the light of this we may perhaps anticipate so far as to discussa reason that has been given both for the small number of orientalsenators6 and for their employment for some time in Easterncommands alone.7 The suggestion is that distinguished Greeksdid not speak Latin. It has been thought, indeed, that some of theblu'ndersmade by Appian, who was apparently in the imperial service,are due to his mistranslating a Latin authority. The question of simplefact, to what extent Latin was spoken in the East, cannot be definitelyanswered for lack of evidence; not much can be inferred from bilingualinscriptions being common in cosmopolitan and business centres likeEphesus and Pisidian Antioch. 8 If these distinguished Greeks did notspeak Latin, it must have been either because they could not or becausethey would not. It seems uncharitable to suppose that educated andwealthy Greeks could not speak Latin, when this was the only otherworld-wide language besides their own; not, as nowadays, whenthere are at least four. More probably, if the ignorance of Latindid exist, it was deliberate; and we can imagine that aristocraticfamilies, like the Euryclids at Sparta, might disdain to learn alanguage which had comparatively little literature and culturebehind it. But it is absurd to suppose that Greeks who really

1 Dio, Borysthenicus xxxvi, I7 (Bude ed., ii,p. 17).2 Dio xxxi.3 Tac. Ann. iv, 36; Suet. Tih. 37; Cass. Diolvii, 24.4 Notiziario archeolooico iv.; 1.R.S. I927,p. 34, vide especially lines 17 ff.5 I.G.R.R. iv, 1031. It looks, however, morelike an outburst of their fellow townsmen. Thestone was engraved with another inscription acentury later at Astypalaea; so perhaps they were

ashamed of this permanent record of their remark-able behaviour, and got rid of it.6 By Stein, op. cit., p. 397.I By Groag, in discussing Ti. Julius CelsusPolemaeanus, P.-W. x, 544 ff.8 e.g. the inscription of the bibliotheca Celsianaat Ephesus. It is interesting, as Dessau (Hermes,loc. cit.) in trying to disprove an Ephesian origin forC. Vibius Salutaris points out, that his tribe,Oufentina, besides being uncommon there, ismis-spelt on the Latin side of the titulus (O.G.I.48o) as Vof.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 41wanted to enter the imperial service, as we shall see they did,would be deterred from acquiring Latin by any such prejudice. Iftherewas anykindof ignorance hat disqualifiedhem from asenatorialcareer andone which wasdifficult for them to remedy,it would havebeen their ignoranceof so muchRoman aw as wasindispensable or aprovincialgovernor, and this may partly explain what will be seenlater, why most of the Greek senators known to us entered veryyoung, and alsowhy, when a familybecamesenatorial, t was usuallynot the memberof it then old and past his primewho had made itdistinguished, hat first entered the Senate, but his son or grandson,who wasstill young enough to.acquireRoman ways. By this practicethe emperors no doubt hoped to lessen the prejudice which theircolleagues n the Senatewould feel against those who had not had aRoman upbringing.3If this sketchof the feelingsof both sides has stressed hose of theGreeks, it is partly becausethey are less generally appreciated andless apparent n the literaryevidence,and partlyto showthat, wherethe prejudice was reciprocated, t was naturally eft to the Romans,as masters of the situation,to makethe first moves toward a betterunderstandingby means of concessions. The situation at thleend ofthe civil wars was not one in which such moves could be made.While Octavianno doubt owed his successmainlyto his seemingthemost likely to establishsettled peace, he had calledout to his supportthe latent anti-oriental feeling too strongly to avoid founding hisposition in peace-time on a Western and Latin basis, even if he hadany personal desire to do otherwise. There were so many moreurgent and seriousproblemsto settle that a merelysentimental one,as it seemed, of winning sincere loyalty to the Empire in the East,wasbound to be left to morespacious imes. Although,as in the caseof Cyrene, when it was a question of mere justice, he was willingenough to help the Greeksat the expense of the Romans,there is noevidence that he encouraged them otherwise. It might have beenexpected, for example, that the Mytilenaean Potamo, whoseimportance for his city can be judged from the inscription5whichcouples him with Pompeiusand the ' divine' Theophanesas w?-ocuandwhohad beena usefulfriend of Julius Caesar,would be recognisedin some way. Yet, so far from being made an equeslikeTheophanes,he was not even a Roman citizen. It was different with Pompeius

1 So Dessau, loc. cit. p. Z3. He couples thecitizenship and a knowledge of Latin with " einigeKentniss des romischen Rechts" as essential to acandidate for honours.2 This is also, surely, why Ti. Celsus Polemaeanusand C. Julius Severus were adlecti inter aediliciosand tribunicios respectively, and not as usual interpraetorios. They had not reached praetorian age:it was not done simply because they were orientals.The habitual preference for young men also explains,

in part, why Augustus passed over Agrippa andTiberius in favour of Marcellus and C. and L.Caesar.3 This aspect of the prejudice was probablymore real than that based on a consciousness ofdifferent nationality, which scarcely existed in anymarked degree till recent times.4 See P.I.R. s.v. 25.,5I .G.R.R. iv ,55-

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42 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.Macer, son of Theophanes and already of equestrian rank; but hisappointment as pfocuratorl of Asia under Augustus seems likely tohave been due to Tiberius, whose friend he remained at the timewhen Strabo wrote. The same influence is to be seen in the admissionof his grandson, Q. Pompeius Macer, to the Senate in the first year inwhich Tiberius controlled the elections.2 But this innovation haddisastrous results when in 33 A.D. 3 all were involved in a charge ofconspiracy. Nevertheless Tiberius, as always, withoiut departing fromthe policy of Augustus, managed to acquire considerable popularityin the East, and mainly through his help at the time of the earth-quakes was permanently remembered there with gratitude. He mustalso have conferred personally the citizenship on those orientalfamilies whose descendants afterwards appear with the namesTiberius Julius, such as Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus and Ti. JuliusAlexander.The accession of Gaius was greeted with frenzied delight4 incertain parts of the East, but his reign was too short and the literarytradition is too unreliable to show how far his own ideas would haveinfluenced relations with the Greeks. The attitude of Claudius isequally a matter for inference. He was severe with Greek citizenswho could not speak Latin,5 but his historical studies led him toexpress open sympathy with the Greeks, at any rate of the mainland,6in terms that later became commonplaces ; but Greece had no longerany economic or strategic importance to interfere with historicalsentiment in its treatment. Certainly he was free with the citizen-ship, which we know he gave to a batch of Spartan youths on hisaccession, a fact attested by the frequency of the name Ti. Claudiusat Sparta. Yet, except where, as here and in Bithynia, 8 there isindependent evidence to prove his interest, it would be a mistake tosuppose that all bearers of the name owed their citizenship toClaudius: Nero was also Ti. Claudius in. law, and his beneficiarieswould take the name. Apart from the Greek freedmen, Claudiusemployed for the first time a number of equestrian officials who werecertainly or probably Greeks9 ; this, however, was not because they

Strabo, p. 6I8 C.2 Praetor in A.D. I5; Trac.Alnn1. i, 72 and DessauI.L.S. 9349.3 Tac. Ann. vi, I8.4 Philo, Leg. ad Gaiunz, p. 546 ai. fist. Cf. atAcraephii, Dessau I.L.S. 879z. The Assii (S.I.G. (3)797) describe it as ?7 KaT' e6X)v 7ratsv dvOpcbroseeX7rtGfetoa 7yemovia and speak of -rov 2' 20aTovdtvOpc*7rotsalh'voIej Iv0v evo6i7Wro3. Also atCyzicus (S.I.G.(3), 798). Here, as in their latererection of a triumphal arch to Claudius withhis favourite title of " devictor xI regun," theywere no doubt working with an eye on their lostlibertas.Suet. Claud. s6, z and Dio LX7 17, 4.6 Suet. ib. 42.

Dio LX, 7, z. For the name Ti. Claudius atSparta see Kolbe in I.G. v., p. xvi.8 Cf. Pliny, ad Traian. 70-71. The emperorwho favoured the grandfather of Dio Chrysostomand gave him the citizenship (Dio xli, 6) wouldbe Claudius (so von Arnim, Dio von Prusa, i898,p. I23).11 e.g. C. Stertinius Xenophon I.G.R.R. iv, io86,4ir 7c?v 'EXXfl[VLKDV acroKpt[lrwv. and hisbrother Ti. Claudius Cleonymus I.G.R.R. iv, io6o,trib.leg. Priniigen. both of Cos. Ti. Claudius Balbillus,later viceroy of Egypt (see Stuart Jones in I.R.S.xvi, 18-vo). C. Julius Aquila of Amastris (DessauI.L.S. 5883, road-building " de sua pecunia inhonorem Ti. Claudi Germanici ") received praetor-ian ornamenta; Tac. Ann. xii, i5 and zi.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN TIHE SERVICE OF ROME. 43were Greeks, but because they were efficient, and the home civilservicewas not yet sufficientlydistinct from the emperor'shouseholdto appealto Italiansand Westernersof equalability. Fresh evidence,which is unfortunatelyratherperplexing,on the attitude of Claudiushas been recently provided by two inscriptionsl of the Euryclidfamilydiscoveredat Corinth. Up till now, it hasalwaysbeensupposedthat this family, boasting its descent from the Castores,was themostobstinatein its anti-Romanand anti-imperialprejudice,andthatevery head of it knownto us wasat loggerheadswith the government2until the sympathetic attitude of Hadrian finally reconciled them.But now one of the new inscriptions speaks of C. Julius Laco asprocuratorof Claudius,and the other of his son, C. JuliusSpartiaticus,most oddly, asprocuratorof Caesar presumablyNero) andAgrippinaAugusta3 and as having been tribunusmilitum and received theequus ublicus rom Claudius. The mostobviousexplanationwould bethat the principate of the Euryclid family at Sparta was knownofficially-outside Sparta-as an imperialprocuratorship,an interest-ing piece of tactful compromise. It now appears that the words ofStrabo4 referringto the fortunesof Eurycles,father of Laco, mustmean that Laco succeededhim and was later banishedby Tiberius,and the inscriptions rom Corinth makeit probablethat his ultimaterestorationwasdue, not to Gaius(as hadbeen inferred romhisgeneralpolicy of restoring small principalities),but to Claudius. Laco's

1AImer.Yourn.Arch., i926, p. 390. Ti. ClaudiCaesar.IAug. Germanici Iprocuratori I C. Julio C.f.Fab. Laconi I augur. agonothet. I Isthm. etCaesareon. IIvir quinq. cur. fla. Aug. CydichusSimonis I Thisbeus b.m.lb., p. 393. C. Julio Laconis f. Euryclis n. Fab.Spartiati[co Ip]rocuratori Caesaris et AugustaelAgrippinae, trib. mil., equo. p. Iexornato a divoClaudio, flam.I divi Iuli, pontif., Ilvir. quinq. iter.,Iagonotheti Isthmon et Caese. I [S]ebasteon archieridomus Aug. [in] perpetuum primo Achaeon. IObvirtutem eius et animosam L[usi]ss[im]amque ergadomum divinam et erga coloniam nostr. ] munifi-centiam tribules I tribu Calpurnia j [pa]trono.2GroaginP.-W. x, 580, ff. 658 ff., 839-40. C. JuliusEurycles Herklanus (in I.G. v., 971) is rptaKO7sT'VKCL EKTO'P a7ro AOLTKO p& V. On Lachares, seep. 39, n. 2; C. Julius Eurycles, Strabo viii, 366; C.Iulius Laco, Tac. Ann. xvi., I8 (Laconem e prinmo-ribus Achaeorum Caesaradflixerat); C. Iulius Spar-tiaticus, see below.

3 This, as the editors of the inscriptions inA.7.A. notice, is interesting testimony to the extentto which Agrippina really was regarded as co-regentat the beginning of Nero's reign.4 lsc. cit. Among the recent inscriptions fromGytheion, published by S. B. Kougeas in'EXX-vLKa'i(I928); pp. 7 sqq. and discussed by Kornemannin Neue Dokumente zum lakonischen Kaiserkult(Abhandlungen der schlesischenGesellschalt fir vater-ldndische Cultur, geisteswissenschaftliche Reihe,Heft I) is one containing the regulations for theKatcapeta (pp. 8-Io). As at Sparta, these were held

together with the Evp'6KXeca, and after five days inhonour of the imperial family and one in memory ofT. Quinctius Flamininus, there was to be u'lap/ek'els 1urv5iujvPralov'lovXlov EpVeXE'ov[S][e6bpPyoeroVTro) evovs KaCL -s 7rowXews 1',op ev 7roXXoZs-yevo/evov, 6eure'pav de et's Teit7'v Paxllov 'JovXAoeAaeKwPos K7pe1610ovPS -re ToD e'vovs Keaeris woXews77/UCOisVX(XK7s Kaet owxrplaeIs] j 6'vrog. As the dateis probably A.D. I5, it is clear that Laco was inenjoyment of his principate at the beginning ofTiberius's reign, and was deprived soon after, sinceStrabo's record of it was written about i8-i9.It seems probable also from the honourable way inwhich the inscription speaks of Eurycles that at thetime of his, presumably, recent death he was in fullpossession of his rights, despite his having sufferedbanishment at least once. If so, the words of Straboto the effect that ' the regime was soon suppressed,as he [Augustus] forbore of necessity, but his sonI-Tiberius] had given up all this friendship' willmean that Augustus disgraced Eurycles only tem-porarily, being aware of his prestige in the East(ct. Jos. Bell. jud. i, 5I5, on his reception byHerod) and remembering that he had been the onlyGreek of influence on his side at Actium, but thatTiberius after a time found it impossible to continuethe forb-earanceof Augustus, and felt less in honourbound to do so now that Eurycles himself was dead.Kornemann (loc. Cit. p. 28) thinks that the pro-curatorships held later by Laco and Spartiaticus werein the imperial financial service. These posts weresurely at this time not sufficiently honourable for aEuryclid to have accepted.

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44 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.positionwas madeless anomalousand as honourableaspossible,whileit was hoped that the introduction of his son to the equestriancursusand to Roman surroundingswould have a good effect at least in thenextgeneration. This seemsanotherof the little incidentsnow comingto light which reflect credit on Claudius for his tact and sense ofresponsibility,and it is sad to find that Spartiaticus eemsto have cometo a bad end.1 In the present state of the evidencethere is nothing toshow what happened to the family2 after his banishment and theappearanceof his grandsonHerklanus.With Nero, however, when left to himself, things changed tosome extent. No doubt he intended to win over Greekopinion, andthe persistenceof false Neros in the East after his death suggeststhathe succeeded. Yet while by his theatrical behaviour in Greece hewon the reputationthere of el, xocl 6o4vo TW5 iV oMUWoV 0CUT0p&0Corp

pzyesTo4 f y6kX-?,v ysv6,eVoC,3 it probablydid him harmelsewhereand even in Greece he was erratic. He would not go to Sparta' becausehe dislikedthe laws of Lycurgus,' unlessthis was anotherway of saying he did not trust himself there after banishingSpartiaticus. But the attention which the Parthian campaignsmusthave led him to give to Asia Minor seems to have borne fruit in theappearance f at leastone senator, if not two 5 ; and Ti. Julius CelsusPolemaeanus, r his father, obtained the equus ublicus. Inscriptionsof Acmonia recordthe career of L. ServeniusCornutus,whose lastknown office is that of legatusto the proconsul of Asia, M. AponiusSaturninus(probably in A.D. 73).8 If before this he was praetor,aedile, quaestor of Cyprus and Xvir stlitibus iudicandis,he would

I Bucheler (Rheiis. M-us. I898, pp. I66 ff.)thought that he is the 17ruprraTctoe o AaK6&aLuO Ofmentioned by Stobaeus, Flor. xl, 9, p. 750, excerp-ting from Musonius"'Ort otKaKoYV X7vuys. PerhapsS. was M. 's companion in exile on the island ofGyaros, and there recovered of his illness. Groag(P.W. I.c.) thinks his exile connected with thedisturbances in Sparta mentioned by Philostratus,Vita ,P. iv, 33.

21.G. vi, 280, has e7rl AacKWVOS, rarpovopiovvrosde b7rep ai'roO AdCKWVOs oi^ tAoO. Laco I hereis Hlerklanus's ather and Laco II his elder brother,who seems to have died before him. 'They wereevidently still in Sparta, but in what position wecannot tell.3 S.I.G- (3), 814-4 Dio lxiii, I4, 3.6 With some hesitation I suggest that Neroadmitted also C. Antius Aulus Julius Auli f. Volt.Quadratus, of Pergamum. The ordinary view that

he must have been adlectus inter praetorios byVespasian (Stech op. cit. p. 179) does not explain(i) how Celsus, adlectus inter aedilicios by Vespasian,ranks as senior to him-legatos (? iuridicus) ofthe United Provinces under Vespasian and Titus(I)essau, 897I), before Quadratus under Domitian(I.G.R.R. iv, I686), aindconsul in 92 a year beforeQuadratus; (Z)why all his innumerable inscriptions

are silent on this point, giving nothing before leg. pr.pr. Ponti et Bithyniae. Oriental inscriptions are soverbose that silence on the details of this great honouris significant. In the unlikely event of his having in-herited senatorial rank, the only explanation is thatthe earlier part of his career was favoured by Nero.At first ignored by Vesp., late in the reign, perhapsat the instigation of Titus, he began to be employedin provinces, and subsequently owed so much tothe Flavians and TIrajan that he avoided all mentionof his career under Nero, whose memory had beencondemned. It should be said that the first certainrecord of him in the Acta Arvalium is not till 78(C.I.L. vi, 2056). The fragmentary pieces for 72(ib. 2053) might be restored in any number of ways,e.g. [L. Verati]us Qu[adratus] and [Ti.] Iulius[Candid]us [Marius. Celsus], (who was Master in 75(ib. 3236i), eyen if 3z36o says that the fragmentTi. Iuli. does not belong to 72). The objection tothis view is that, if Quadratus were procos. Asiae in108-9 (Heberdey, Jahresh. I905, p. 23I-7), he wouldby then be a little elderly; but the farther back hisbirth can de dated, the easier it is to fit in hisdescendants, the other great problem of the family.See p. 59, note 2.6 If later he served in legio III Cyrenaica astsribunuts angusticlavius).7 I.G.R.R. iv, 644-5-8 So Fluss in P.-W. IIA, 1757-8.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 45have entered the Senate under Nero ; and, as his family are con-spicuous for their connectionwith the Jewish synagogueat Acmonia,1though not Jews themselves,2 we may detect the influence ofPoppaea. Here attention may be called to an unhappilymutilatedrescriptof Nero found at Aezani. We gather that a certainMeno-philus had sent his two sons to Rome to attest their father'sloyaltyto him and apparently his o-x,uLocn according him divine honours.It appears that ' Menekles your son was prepared also to stay withme as long as I wish,' but here the fragment ends, and we can onlyinfer that Nero did not wish for his company. Now what does thismean ? Enterprise was certainly characteristic of Aezani, if inA.D. 4 it sent all the way to Boulogne-sur-mer4 to congratulateTiberius on being made colleague in the empire; this embassyindeed does not seem an official one, but Menophilus presumablywanted something. The letter has no date ; it was sent from Rome,but the mention of divine honours puts it late in the reign, at leastafter the visit of Tiridates. Now Aezani is about 65 km., as thecrow flies, from Acmonia, and, if the proud parents of ServeniusCornutus erected a heroon o him when quaestor of Cyprus, 5 no doubtthey noised abroad the fame of his admission to the Senate when itoccurred. Remembering the rivalry between cities in Asia, can wesuggest that Menophilus heard of it and did not see why his sonsshould not have as good a chance of entering the Senate as a youngman from Acmonia ? If so, his letter was very tactful, emphasisingas it did his personal devotion to the emperor's cult, whilst in offeringto send his eldest son permanently to Rome he had foreseen, perhapsby inference from the practice of educating Armenian and Parthianprinces at Rome, one great objection to any large increase of orientalsenators, which was, as we have suggested, the difficulty of catchingthem young enough to romanise them and make them more accept-able to the rest of the Senate. If all this is conjecture, still less canthere be given Nero's reasons for refusing the suggestion6 ; but asfar as the evidence survives, it shows the introduction of no otherGreeks to the Senate, and the probable explanation is that by thistime he had definitely broken with the Senate, so that if he wantedto encourage the Greeks or show favour to them, this way was nolonger feasible. It will be seen, as we go on, that it was thoseemperors who were the most anxious to make use of the Senateand keep it efficient who thought it most desirable to introduce newblood.

'E.g. I.G.R.R. iv, 655..2 See Groag, P.-W. x, 947-8, against Ramsay,Cities and Bishoprics, 638, ff.; 673, ff.3 O.G.I. 475.4 T.'s answer a&ro Bovwvtas r?7s iy Y'aXXL'an[,G.R.R. iv, i693 and Dessau, 9463.

5 I.G.R.R. iv, 645.6 One would not think that Nero, as some morecautious emperors might, would have hesitated toremedy the technical defect that they had not thecitizenship. As they thought it worth while toengrave the rescript, the lost lines may havementioned the gift of this, or of some other, favour,

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46 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.The position of Vespasian after he had been proclaimed emperor

at Alexandria was curiously difficult. He was above all a practicalman, to whom sentimental considerations meant little, and his bidfor power was doubtless due more to his regard for his own futurethan to any theoretical championing of Latin-Italian dominance inthe Empire. Yet he probably felt as strongly as any one the reactionagainst Nero's phil-hellenism, and his subsequent attitude to theGreeks and the general tightening of the administration in thoseparts1 expressed it. But, for the time being, he had to disguise hisfeelings, and to realise that the possession of the East was his onlysecurity and that it would have to be treated with all the more careif he was to be able to sendcthe Eastern garrison to fight in Italy.Yet in the meantime the East naturally expected all manner2 ofconcessions from its candidate. These considerations seem conclusivein support of the view that Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, belongingto a distinguished family in Ephesus and Sardis, received3 admissionto the aedilicii on the spot in Alexandria. His appointment wasintended as a gesture ; it showed understanding of the feeling in theEast, and may well have been suggested by Titus.4 Once persuadedthat a gesture was advisable, Vespasian chose his man well; and theoccasion would be found in the zealous aid which Celsus, as a tribunein legio III Cyrenaica and possibly a relation of the viceroy Ti. JuliusAlexander, probably gave in the coup d'Etat. But, once secure in hisposition, he took no further notice of ambitions in the East; almostimmediately the Alexandrines5 had sized him up correctly, and theliterary tradition, poor as it is, suggests that his unpopularity therebecame considerable. Celsus found no colleague but an obscure,cxa6q 'AX6ocvapo0, who became consul, doubtless as a compensationfor the loss of his kingdom ; and for several years he himself remained,

1 Suet. Vesp. 8. According to Paus. vii, 17, theyesego6?Xtov -rd6tpLrposXOxoav, and Vespasian tookatwayNero's concessions a7rowfee eO-iKveat qs5CaS-v&Xv6eplacuO 'EXXIJVLK6V.

2 C/. his reception in the theatre astAntioch, Tac.f-i'st. ii, 8o. The remark that Vespasian was ' om-nium quae diceret atque ageret arte quadam osten-tator ' gains point from the later disillusion of theGreeks. A third-century inscription (Keil, Forscb-lngess in EphesosIII, no. 38) shows that, as was tobe expected, he had a temple, as divuts, at Ephesus.

3 As Groag maintains (P.-W. x, 543 ff.) againstRitterling, Jabhesh. x (1907), p. 305. Tac. Hist. ii,82, mentions amon, Vespasian's occupations atAlexandria ' plerosque senatorii ordinis honore per-coluit'; and in Dessau 8971 Celsus is described as' adlectus a Vespasiano,' not ' a Vespasiano et Titocensoribus ' or ' a Vespasiano censore,' as are most ofthose admitted in 73.4 The interest of Titus in these oriental senatorsis conjectural, but supported by the remarkable factthat his appointment of Celsus to command legioIV Scytbica is the first known instance of an orientalbeing made legatus legionis. (See further, Appendix,

p. 64). Titus was certainly more sympathetic tothe East than his father, and inscriptions from thatregion show that he was considered as colleague onequal. terms wvithhim. Cl. Suet. Titus 4.- Suet. Vesp. I9.

6I.G.R.R. iii, 173; see Groag, P.-W. x, p. 153.Vespasian also admitted C. Caristanius C.f. Ser.Fronto, who commanded legio IX Hispana inBritain, and at the accession of Domitian wasgovernor of Lycia (Dessau, 9485). He and hisancestors were domiciled at Antioch, but werealmost certainly descended from an Italian familysettled in the colony (so Cheesman, 7.R.S. iii,P. 266). Groag (I.c.) calls this view " eine unsichereVermutung'; but he is influenced by his comple-mentary theory about the Sergii Paulli being oforiental origin, which seems gratuitous, apart fromthe remarks of Ramsay in I.R.S. xvi, p. 202-7.Anyhow, an ancestor, C. Caristanius FrontoCaesianus Julius, was an eques and twice praefectusfor the absent duumvir Sulpicius Quirinius (Dessau,9502) and for M. Servilius (Dessau, 9503)-certainlynot the career of an oriental as early as the end ofthe first centuryB.C.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICF OF ROME. 47like Quadratus,without employmentin the imperialservice. Froma date about 78, or perhaps a little earlier, both began to be employed,and were constantly so for the rest of their lives. Here again onethinks of the growing influence of Titus; but it looks more like adevelopment of the Flavian policy as regards the Senate. The bigadlectio during the censorship of 72-3, while necessary to fill up thegaps, was used by Vespasian, especially in recruiting the ranks of theex-praetors, to provide himself with a number of competent men,attached by a sense of personal obligation, to administer the provincesloyally and efficiently.1 With this general idea in mind he wouldhave seen that increased efficiency in the Eastern administrationmight easily be obtained by employing these men ready to hand, whowere conversant with the local conditions and susceptibilities andwhom ambition would keep loyal. At least, if this be conjecture, wehave the common-sense answer to the question why oriental senatorswere confined mainly to Eastern provinces-simply, because therethey would be most useful. Cassius Dio for example, pays markedtribute to the excellent administration of Bithynia by C. JuliusSeverus, 2 a native of Ancyra ; and their usefulness is the best reasonfor the employment of both Celsus and Quadratus in so manypraetorian commands.3 There was no need to press them forwardfor the consulship at the earliest date allowed by law, at the risk ofslighting reactionary sentiment. Domitian, as far as we can judge,here, as elsewhere, maintained his father's policy. No new familiesbecame senatorial, and the admission of Ti. Julius Aquila, son ofPolemaeanus, and possibly that of the two descendants of the king andconsular Alexander, followed naturally from the principle that a sonwas entitled to the same honoresas his father. Of Domitian's attitudein general to the East, little is known, except that he made a concessionto Asia Minor over the edict restricting wine-production 6 and

1I owe this point to a lecture by PrincipalStuart Jones, who also drew attention to the policyof the Flavians in marrying members of their familyto senators, e.g. Dessau 995, where CaesenniusPaetus (surely not the same as the colleague ofCorbulo), legatus Suriae, is married to Flavia Sabina.It is interesting that the Severncombined the twomethods of securing loyal and competent persons,by adlectio of procuratorial officials belonging totheir family; e.g. Sex. Varius Marcellus, Dessau4.78 (his admission to the senate, Dio lxxviii, 30, 2).Probably also C. Julius [Ale]xianus (R. Egger,jahresh. Igi9-20, p. 294 ff). Of the same type andrecord was the Spartan ?-us Paulinus, I.G. v. 538(improved by Wilhelm, SitzxsngsberichteBerl. Acad.1913, 858-63). See Stein, op. cit. p. 243.

2I.G.R.R. iii, I74-5, rpos e' pjci30stus re[ufOevTaes BetOvycua &opOwr'V Kai XoytorsV. DioLXIX 4, 4. Xiphilinus, in excerpting, thought thatthe Severus, governor of Bithynia, was the JuliusSeverus whose suppression of the Jewish revolt hehad inserted in ch. I 3. But the cssrssss f this man,

Sex. Minucius Faustinus Julius Severus (C.I.L. iii,2030), shows that he did not govern Bithynia, andDio must have meant C. Julius Severus.

3 So Groag, P.-W. x, 514 ff., against Ritterling,jahresh. X (1907), p. 307, who thinks that Domitianpreferred new men from the provinces to membersof the old families he distrusted. But there is truthin this also.4 Consul in the inscription of the bibliothecaCelsiana, Dessau 8971.a C. Julius Agrippa, Dessau 8823 (Ephesus),quaestor. C. Julius Berenicianus Alexander, pro-

consul of Asia in [32, and so cos. suff. under Trajan.Groag (P.-W. x, s.v.) suggests 117: at this periodthe interval between the consulship and the com-mand of Asia or Africa is one of about fifteen years.Whether the two owed their admission to Domitianor to Trajan cannot be settled.6 Cf. Rostovtzeff, Soc. & Ec. Hist. Ronm.Esozp,p. I89.

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48 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.passages in Pliny1 and some inscriptions2 suggest a certain generosityto private persons.It would be unwise to stress the case of Sex. Quintilius ValeriusMaximus ' lato clavo exornatus a divo Nerva',3 because, if he is anative of Alexandria in the Troad, his family would almost certainlybe that of a Roman veteran in the colony, and possibly alreadyequestrian. We may add that, if he is the correspondent of Pliny4who was being sent out as corrector to Achaea, it is to suppose Plinymore than usually otiose to make him give advice on treating Greeksto one who was himself a Greek; less so, if he were the descendantof a choleric Roman veteran. More significantly, Nerva, accordingto Stein's view of a recent inscription from Corinth, 5 was responsiblefor giving the elder Herodes Atticus the praetoria ornamenta, Trajanmaking him. consul. But there was some difference between acosmopolitan and intellectual Athenian and the more oriental Greeksof Asia Minor, and the evidence does not really justify the currentview that Trajan altered the fixed policy. He went on giving highpositions to descendants of oriental kings, and Quadratus becameconsul for the second time-and at the beginning of the year. 6Yet there is no reason for supposing that he was on more familiarterms with this native of Pergamum than with any other competentsenator, and Quadratus clearly owed his honour to a successful termof office in the difficult command of Syria. 7 It would be interestingif we could be sure that the trusted pracfectus praetorio, Ti. ClaudiusLivianus, whose full name has recently been found,8 was by origina Lycian and descended from a Ti. Claudius Tiberianus Livianus ofSidyma. 9 Perhaps his competence and the success of Quadratus in

1 C/. Pliny, ad Tiraan. 58,-favours to Fl.Archippus.2 I.G.R.R. iii) 1424 (Claudiopolis), a dedicationto Hladriann 134 by the 5toX le/3ao-rr, mentioninga ri. Claudius Domitianus Euhemerus and his fivesons, all with the name Domitianus. The nameoccurs also at Pruisa ad Hypium, e.g. DomitianusIlcirmodorus, I.G..R.R. iii, 14zz.DDessau IoI8: Cf. Groag, Yahresh. xxi-xxii(1 92Z-4), Beibla/t 435-45.

41Plin. Fp. viii, 24. Groag, I.c. thinks that he isdlso referred to in Plin. Pan. c. 70 and takes thewords praefuit provinciae [Bithyniaej quaestortintus ex candidatis inque ea civitatis amplissimaereditus egregia constituLtione fundaverat to implythat he acted as governor in the absen-ce (? or afterthe death) of the proconsul.5 Op. cit. 225.6 In Io5, C.I.L. vi, 2075. The most completeof Q.'s many inscriptions is Dessau 88ig=I.G.R.R.iv, 384. Ti. Claudius Julianus honours his grand-father Celsus (when proconsul of Asia, Io6-7) atEphesus, himself being praetor at the time (Rev.arch. vi (1905), p. 474, n. IzI). Hle must thereforehave entered the Senate in the early years of Trajan;and, as he was tribuns laticlavius in IV Scythica, his

father was perhaps also a senator (? married to luliaQuintilia Isaurica daughter of Celsus); certainlynot Ti. Julius Aquila his son, who died withoutissue, the bibliotheca Celsiana being finished by' heredes Aquilae.' As this otherwise unknownsenator must have had the names Ti. Claudius, hemay have been an oriental and would have enteredthe senate uinderDomitian. But Julianus may havereceived the latus clavus together with the tribunatefrom Trajan.I C.I.L. vi, 2074, shows he was not present withthe Arval Brothers in' April IOI: probably he wastheni in Syria and returned in 104 to be consul in105. The fact that Trajan in an edict to thePergamenes speaksof him as' [a]mico meo, clarissimoviro ' (I.G.R.R. iv, 336) should not be stressed intoa statement ' il est appele nommement par Trajanson amii' (Michon, Rev. biblique 1917, p. 214). Thephrase occurs often in imperial rescripts; e.g. ofClaudius to the famous L. Junius Gallio (S.I.G.(3), 80o).

8 Not. d. Scavi, 1Q24, n. 67. Ti. Iulii AquiliniCastricii Saturnin[i C]iaudii Liviani praef. pr.9I.G.R.R. iii, 579,-dedication in honour ofClaudius by this man and Epagathus, freedman anddoctor of Claudius.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS TN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 49the East inducedTrajanto makefurtherexceptions. Comparativelylittle is known about Aemilius Juncus of Tripolil,1 who, if he werethe consul in I27, would owe his admissionto Trajan; but it isinteresting to discover what type of man was the first Lycian to enterthe senate. Recent evidence2 has shown that legioII I jana was notin Egypt in I19 3--when its commander would of course have beena praefectus-and the earliest known date for its presence there isApril i9th, I27, when a legionary recorded that he' heard Memnon.'Any time, then, between the formation of the legion and this date,that is, in the reign of Trajan and the early years of Hadrian, it mayhave been commanded by ... o KXOocu&Lorv05f Xanthus in Lycia,after he had been legatus propraetore to the governors of Achaea andAsia respectively. Before this, he had served ' all the equestrian pro-curatorships ' and no doubt had been so useful that Trajan thoughthe would be a valuable addition to the number of senators with localknowledge available for posts in the East. The same desire forefficiency, rather than any phil-hellenic sentiment, seems to have beenHadrian's motive in admitting C. Julius Severus of Ancyra andFlavius Arrianus of Nicomedia. The former was conspicuous forhis generosity to the army on its way to the Parthian campaign, 6and his qualities had no doubt caught the eye of Hadrian, thenserving on Trajan's staff. His brilliant career began with admissionto the tribunician class, included the special oversight of Bithynia asHadrian's commissioner, and reached the proconsulate of Asia;thereafter he survived to witness the equally fine career of his son.The admission of C. Julius Eurycles Herklanus of Sparta, on theimportance of which more will be said, seems probably to be due toHadrian ; if he were the grandson of Spartiaticus, he must by thenhave been fairly old, and consistent with this is the fact that he diedat a stage in the cursusmuch before the consulship. I From this it isjustifiable to infer that something besides an efficient administratorwas being obtained. Apart from these three, the extant evidence

II.G. iii, 6z2= O.G.I. 587,-an inscription atAthens by the senate and people of Tripoli in honourof TOV &VTl)TWV7rseflj TspV Kal e6epYeTpv, at a timewhen he was, it seems, corrector of Achaea; cf. I.G.v, 485 (Sparta) KOa.6 Kal o 0&6tTaT51 aVTOKpdTWpKa?o-apTpcatavi A6ptavo6 Kai A4iXtos 'Io0yiK0o O6tKcto66-r?sp repI au'Toi e7reTTCLTXav. Consul in I27 ;diplonsa n C.I.L. iii, p. 874, Juv. xv, 27, Ulp. in Dig.xl, 5,58, 4. He is probably the son of a procurator(of Syria ?), Aemilius [Ijuncus, whose name occurson a lead tessera found at Berytus (Bull. de lasoc. ssat. des antiquaires de France, 5902, p. 341 if.).

2 Ritterling P.-W. xii, I485-6 S.V. legioII Traiana.3 B.G.U. 140 shows that in II9 III Cyrenaicaand II Deiotariana formed the garrison, and thepresence of a third legion is improbable.4 C.I.L. iii, 42. It used to be thought thatC.I.L. iii, 79, dates its presence to Io0; but C.I.L.iii) suppl. 2, p. 2300, emends anno XII inip. Trajani[Aug.] to Traiani [Hadr.], making the date iz8.

5 Dessau 88z2I-I.G.R.R. iii, 6I5. Flahn,how-ever (op. cit. p. 47), accepts the old view and putsClaudianus in the third century. Apart from thequestion of leg. II Traiana, it may be pointed out that(i) if Dessau's emendation of his previous restoration[TOe YoVoue] irpCroe O-VYKX\7TLKOeeyev6Vos]to [-roU eOovsu] (Hermes xlv, I950, p. I8) is right,Claudianus could not after about A.D. I50 boast ofbeing the first senator from Lycia with any degreeof truth, or (ii) if rou -ybovs is right, in the thirdcentury the boast of being the first of his familywould not be worth making; it would merelyadvertise that his family had been a long timecoming to the front. Either reading is bettersuited by the Trajanic date.6 I.G.R.R. iii, I73, 174, I75: his wife, ib. I90;his son, ib. I72.

71.G. v, 117z. Even if this is possibly incomplete,he would surely have been described as birwrLKil nhis titulus, I.G. v, 489.

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50 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

does not assign any others to Hadrian; for it would be rash to assumethat Calpurnius Proculus, whose command of legio I Minervia inGermany is put by RitterlingI under Antonius Pius, was a native ofAncyra whence comes one of his inscriptions, the less so as he is theredescribed sex auyX?-qwY.JvcdtL,ToC'r6V,whichwould nvolveassum-ing a'number of oriental senators and consuls before him that isunattested and, if the present view is correct, unlikely.By this time, however, the attention of the emperors had beenseriously directed to the East, probably as a result of the survey ofthe state of affairs occasioned by the re-opening of the Parthianquestion. Rostovtzeff's view may well be correct, that in this connec-tion began the peculiar interest of the emperor in Bithynia.2 It will beworth trying to reconstruct for ourselves the situation as it presenteditself, but we must admit that the defects of the evidence make thisdifficult. Even if, as is said, the evidence of inscriptions is cumulative,there are many that do not help ; and, while those that are availablegive unimpeachable information on certain points, they have toexperience the vagaries of interpreters before the results are accessibleto the historian. The two main literary authorities, Dio Chrysostomand Aristeides, it must be ungratefully said, are much less fertile ofsolid fact than of rhetorical statements that need sifting, a processthe results of which depend on the imagination of the sifters. Dioand, even more, Aristeides seem to have a different standard of valuesfrom our own, and the reader is apt without due caution to supposethat they are' therefore unreal and do not represent thle mentalclimate of the realists, if any, of their time. 3 And in one case at leastwhere we are able to check him, Dio appears in a poor light. It is afact familiar from a large number of papyri that life in Alexandriacentred round the Jewish Question, and that such outbreaks ofviolence as often occurred almost invariably involved attack on theJews, partly, it is thought, because they were favoured by the imperialgovernment. 4 . Now Dio devotes his speech to the Alexandriansmainly to an exhortation to avoid these outbreaks against the govern-ment; but most of it5 is an appeal in. a somewhat pedagogic strainnot to misbehave in the theatre, because it gives strangers such a badimpression, contrasting with the beauty and amenities of the cityitself. There is not a word about Jews. This might, of course, beconsummate tact ; but it reads as though Dio was more concerned to

1 P.-W. Xii, 1431. Inscriptions-I.G.R.R. iii,igo (Ancyra); id. iv, I365; Dessau 2458; 7.R.S.iv, p. 177, no. 3 (discovered at Antioch).2A?n. B.S.A. Xxii (i9i6-18), pp. I ff. ; cf. also0. Cuntz in Hermes lxi, pp. 192 ff. But canRostovtzeff be right (Soc. Ec. Hist. p. 586, note 5)in making the younger Pliny the man who assistedTi. Julius Alexander when quartermaster (I.G.R.R.

iii IOI5) in the Jewishwar?3It was, e.g., rather simple of Dio to tell a hungryPbble, who the day before had nearly burnt his

house and stoned him in their indignation at hisfine building-scheme in the midst of their starvation,that 'I assureyou, however much you may object tobe told, that in my opinion such behaviour is not thatof people who fare badly and have not the necessariesof existence.' ' 7qya'pgv&Lta -wopoor6v?p rotE 'Dio xlvi, I I (Bude ii, p. 103).4 For Rostovtzeff's view that pogroms were amethod of expressing disapproval of the governmentat Alexandria, see Soc. Ec. Hist., p. 520, note I7.Dio xxxii, esp. s5c. 391

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 5 Iexpatiate, in the eloquent manner of the schools, on a subject removedfrom reality than to practise what he preached and give statesman-like advice based on a real grasp of the situation. At all events, ifwe sometimes feel diffident of his evidence, we must avoidstraining it by translation into the terms of modern social andeconomic history.It was to be expected that a long period of peace and absenceof interference, interrupted only to a small degree, by occasional badgovernors and the extortions of Mucianus for the civil war,1 wouldallow the rich provinces of the East to develop a prosperity impossiblebefore; and the abundant inscriptions, and still more the expensivebuildings put up in the cities, are sufficient to prove it. But theincrease of wealth did not affect every one alike. The economicbackground of life in the East, familiar in many of the incidents ofthe Synoptic Gospels,2 was that a man was either rich or poor, andbetween was a gulf fixed, not bridged by many of middling wealth ;and the right to political influence and position, according to thetraditional Roman policy, went with the possession of wealtlh.Increase of prosperity, therefore, meant rather that passing rich menbecame millionaires, than that the- general level was directly raised;so that we should expect to find the poor more discontented, if any-thing, rather than less. This is, in fact, the situation in the East aboutthe beginning of the second century. There is enough inscriptionalevidence to support the impression we get from Dio that most citieswere scenes of continual bickering, not only about questions ofprecedence,4 but about serious issues like the admission of theCwvoupyoLt Tarsus to full rights, and of sporadic outbreaks of violenceancd demonstrations against the supposed inefficiency of the localgovernment, that is to say, the rich oligarchy. 5 It would appear thatthese conditions had been getting more pronounced during the

I Tac. Hist. ii, 84, 'nihil aeque fatigabat [theEastern provinces] quam pecuniarum conquisitio'.Vespasian, he says, later followed the example ofMucianus.2 It underlies e.g. the parable of the Rich Manand Lazarus. The sympathy of Christian teachingwith the economic conditions of the East helped itsspread among the poor, especially in Bithynia, as iswell known (Pliny, ad Traian. 96-7). This is a mostimportant subject for the present enquiry, but, beingso large, has been deliberately omitted.3 The conditions in Cyrene at the end of thefirst century B.C. cannot be compared with thosein Asia Minor a century later, but it is surprisingto find that Augustus in the first of the new edictsthinks there will be a difficulty in finding enoughmen, Romans and Greeks, to act as jurors with aminimum census of 7500 denarii, and allows jurorsto be taken from those with a census of not less thanhalf that figure. The previous minimum census

for Roman jurymen was 2,500 denarii, and therewere 215 of them. In the large cities the middleclass was composed mainly of the Jews.4 C/. the letter of Antoninus to the EphesiansS.I.G. (3) 849.

Hadrian in a letter to the Pergamenes hopesthey will [j'q]6j&v rapaXwOesIXpeoOat (I.G.R.R. iv.35I), and perhaps there is significance in the gamesfounded by Quadratus being established by consentof Trajan in honour of himself and JuppiterAnzicalis. (I.G.R.R. iv, 336). An exact parallel tothe unpopularity Dio incurred in attempting torebuild his native city, WaO7rep TWVPAOv-qo- Ilpo7rt-XaIcWv KVOVePwP X TroUlap3eopoevsvo1 X Tro Xacwv'Hpauov ipc&1 dva-rperovras (Dio xl, 8) is affordedby a letter of Antoninus to Ephesus S.I.G. (3),850, for their ingratitude to Vedius Antoninus:[0oca Ka]t 1?2uKa OL IKOoo0Cj.acta 7rpoo-r4LO77ov rir6X[et, a\\' bi]eZe O[UK] Op Owl a7r034XEOOE a6T6Vas Dittenberger ad. loc. notices,

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52 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

Flavian regime without exciting the attention of the government,and were complicated by the fact that philosophy had some objectionof its own 2 which got voiced at the same time. But the reign ofTrajan marks a definite change in the direction of imperial policy.In the Western half of the empire he was satisfied by his tour ofinspection at the beginning of his reign that the frontier was safelyestablished on a permanent basis, while the annexation of Daciaseemed to have settled all the difficulties in Europe which had harassedhis predecessors. Only the Eastern problem remained. Whateverhe hoped to secure by a Parthian war, it was evident that an essentialprecaution was to consolidate in every way the ' home frontimmediately behind the scene of operations. Military roads couldbe built in a short time, but the policy of conciliation did not go soeasily, and indeed was probably set back by the relative failure of thewar. Trajan may well have thought that a triumphant vindicationof Roman arms at the expense of Parthia and on the scene ofAlexander's exploits would do more to quiet the Greeks than any-thing else; and, if he secured control of the trade routes in Parthianhands, he would be able both to increase his own revenue out of thedues, and yet by more efficient supervision of them to cheapen theprice of goods to the Greek cities-a result which would certainlyhave been popular.The problem then had two aspects. Nothing but an alterationof the system, which could not be entertained, would affect thediscontent of the poor; the best that could be done was to improvethe administration, and to see that the. cities spent their moneyproperly, not wasting, for instance, on a theatre what should bespent on food for the poor; and this sort of thing we find Pliny doingin Bithynia. 3 There was also migration. The inscriptions show that

1 Dio (XL, 14) after the disturbances at Prusa inthe early years of Domitian (so von Arnim, op. cit.p. 2-07, rightly from the mention of delatio in sect. 8,and not Vespasian, as Rostovtzeff, Soc. Ec. Hist.,p. i88) warned his hearers that ov rauGduetrzwv vratZs7r6Xeuru' v,v robs p7-ye,ocvae,Ne'Xyw/ ro6eAket,povs i-yeav6as riw veO&5e. But Domitianwas fully occupied with the Northern frontiers, andthere is nothing to show he gave the matter specialattention. I do not see that the action of L. AntistiusRusticus at Pisidian Antioch (see 7.R.S. XIV 1924),172-205) was beyond the ordinary competence of agovernor. It is difficult to suppose Domitiansuch a strong moralist (though cf. the amazingdisproportion of the tariff on ytvctZeKS wrposeTatpitr/uOv at Coptos, O.G.I. 674) as to makecredible, as it stands, the story that his objection toviticulture in Asia was that its produce fomentedriots. Probably he told the deputation that theirpetition would haye had a better welcome if thecities of Asia were less troublesome, and at thesame time tried to make a joke on the point.

2 For Rostovtzeff's view of this, see Soc. Ec.IHfist., i09 ff. and passim. The philosophers were

conciliated under Trajan; see the letters ofPlotina, S.I.G. (3), 834 etc.3 E.g. ad Traian. 17, immediately on his arrival.A fire at Nicomedia (33) raged uninterruptedbecause of the ' inertia hominum, quos satis constatotiosos et immobiles tanti mali spectatores per-stitisse.' Was this because it was a rich man's houseablaze ? Trajan (34) will not allowA fire brigade tobe formed; ' meminerimus provinciam istam etpraccipue eas civitates ciusmodi factionibus essevexatas.' Note that Q. Veranius Philagrus ofCibyra (I.G.R.R. iv, 914-5) showed by the terms ofhis trust that he considered the acquisition of corn-bearing lands of less importance than the adequatemaintenance of the gymnasiarchy, as the trust fundswere to be used for the former only on the (pre-sumably) rare occasions when the gymnasiarchsshould offer to pay themselves. Rostovtzeff (Soc.Ec. Hist. I88-9) seems to have overlooked this, aswell as the simplest explanation of the clause wscF7rejpI o6'rosu -r a6TOKp&[rO]pI KaccW4 OV'YKX?'T7tLX]6[7yjov a'ro[&]o6[q]ooaee[vov]. Philagrus, know-ing that trusts were liable to be abused (cf. Pliny,Ep. vii, i8), had arrangedfor the funds to be audited

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 53many of the new settlers in Dacia were orientals, and whilst it isprobably true that no other part of the empire had a surplus popula-tion available, the fact that these oriental settlers occur also in newtowns founded by the emperor'- suggests that the move had encour-agement behind it. It is just possible that the government, with thelessons of Greek history before them, were afraid of an unholyalliance between the poor and one of the rich aristocrats, which itmight have been difficult to suppress. This might have occurred,for example, at Tarsus, 2 where the. tactlessness of governors hadunited all classes against them, and it is also noticeable that theEuryclids at Sparta may have owed their dominance to their connec-tion with the Eleutherolacones,3 who represent the descendants ofthe ancient Helots. But there is no evidence that the governmentsaw these disturbances in this rather lurid light. 4The other aspect of the problem happened to be much easier atthis particular time. It was found that the rich aristocratic familieswere not satisfied with the limited scope which the provincial highpriesthoods and similar honours afforded them5; and their desiremet fewer obstacles than it might previously have done. To beginwith, such oriental senators as there already were had been markedlysuccessful, and this had helped to break down some of the oldprejudices on the Roman side. Further, the Senate now containedmen like Pliny, Q. Pompeius Falco, Sosius Priscus and doubtlessothers, who appreciated the Greek literary renascence of the period,such as it was, to set against which there was but little in contemporaryWestern culture ; and their sympathetic outlook was shared by anincreasing number.6 And, lastly, the great characteristic of Trajan'sby the State, which, in a senatorial province likeAsia, with a sense of constitutional propriety heregarded as represented by the Senate and Emperor,acting through the pro-consul and the imperialprocurator.I R. Paribeni, Optinlius Ptinceps (Messina, I926)Vol. i, p. 332, notices the large number of Bithyniansin the new foundation of Ulpia Nicopolis and(p. 333) thinks the coin-types of Anchialus, withfigtures of Cybebe, Isis and Serapis, ' fanno pensareanche qui a una forte immigrazione orientale.'

2 Dio xxxiv, I6. lb. 9, he warns them thattheir prosecutions of governors are suspected atRome as being due to sip5 pU7OeXEvdpXeGOrat.3 Cf. I.G. v, IZ43-4 Another uncomfortable thought might havebeen that some of the distinguished orientals (e.g.C. Julius Severuis) were probably connected withthe Parthian royal house. It was, as Groag says (P.-W.

X, I58), ' kein ulbler Gedanke Traians ' to giveC. Jtulius Berenicianus Alexander (v. ssspra) acommandn the Parthianwar, f he is the V'roOTparrs?-lyos IAmtos AXE'avpog mentioned by Cassius DioLXV1II, 30. I do not think that ideas of separatismwere in the air as early as this, or even at the revoltof Avidius Cassitus as is Hahn's view, Op. cit. p. 38aind 58-9). Evidence is lacking; but the fact that

he liked to be called a stern Roman and a secondMarius (Vita Av. Cass. iii, 3, fin.) seems as muchagainst this as his calling M. Aurelius a ' babblingold wife philosopher' (ib. i, 8, and cl. xiv) disinclinesone to accept what is apparently Rostovtzeff's view(Soc.Ec. Hist. p. 344-5) that his revolt was an unfor-tunately premature attempt to prevent M. Aurelitusbreaking the well-established principle of the Stoicbasileia in leaving his throne to his son. Still, Avidiusreceived much support in the East and especially inEgypt, because of his birth, and it was after this thatthe rule was made that nobody should govern hisnative province; and his stupportersmay have enter-tained ideas of wvhichhe himself w%asnnocent.Plutarch, de TranqUill., p. 470, c. and r. i d.Praecepta reip. ger. 805 A.

6 Cl. Pliny's letter (viii, 24). His correspondencewith Q. Pompeius Falco about etiquette for tribiines(i, 23) suggests that the latter was a man of the sameintellectual type. I-le inherited the names andpresumably most of the estate of C. Julius EuryclesH-lerklanus, nd was intimate with Antoninus Pius(see Dessau 1035 for his career). For Sosius Priscus,see (roag's recent art. in P.-W. The daughter ofSositisand wife of Pompeius, Sosia Polla, is honouredat Apamea by a Ti. Claudius Mithridattes cpXtEpEvs'Ao-as, I.G.R.R. iv, 780: cf. also 787 and 790.

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54 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.regime,which appears n his correspondencewith Pliny and whichhe bequeathed to form one of the secrets of the success of theAntonines, wasa spiritof commonsense easonableness hich inclinedto take things on their merits. Then, oncethe imperialgovernmentwas seen to be making advances, there was no doubt about theeagernessof the candidates for the prestige of a senator n the Eastwas high. The proud parents of Servenius Cornutushave alreadybeen mentionedl ; C. Julius Severus, n an inscriptionset up beforehis own adlectio, enumeratesall his consularconnections, and, oncea senator, drops mention of them2 ; Opramoasboasts of a niecemarried to a senator3; while the enormousnumberof inscriptionshonouring Quadratus,perhapswithout parallel outside the imperialfamily, is enough to discredit the statement4 that ' an oriental, onceadmitted to the senate, was transplanted to Rome and severed allconnection with his erstwhile native place.' Many record thegratitudeof private persons,which indicatesthat these senatorsusedtheir influence with the emperor to get concessions or their fellowcitizens, who would feel that they were a bond of unity betweenthemselvesand the central government.5It would be a mistake to suppose that any great rush of newsenatorsfollowed this gradualchange of policy; neither Trajan norHadrianwould admit any but those likely to be useful. But theinscriptions rom Lycia areplentiful enough to give some idea of thesequel to Trajan's admissionof Claudianusof Xanthus, the 7Cp()T0oau)yx?

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 55were also connected with those of Opramoas of Rhodiapolis and Ti.Claudius Polemon of Cibyra,1 both soon senatorial. Opramoas isusually dismissed as a multi-millionaire with an excess of vanity.But there are two considerations that should give us pause. First,there are other inscriptions, not on the same scale but recording thesame kind of testimonials sent to the emperor, and his replies; ofthese, none is earlier than Hadrian and few are later than AntoninusPius. Secondly, the words of Plutarch, who as a man and an authoritycommands more respect than Dio, in de Tranquillitate, seem toattest an almost indecent agitation in aristocratic circles for positionsin the Senate, which is not corroborated at any rate by the evidencewe actually have of the number who are known to have beenadmitted.2 It is very tempting to find a trace of this agitation inthe wave of testimonials which reached Rome about this time, 3 andto suppose that rich men vied with one another in public generosityin order to win recognition. It would be a mistake, indeed, not tosee in them also a relic of the oriental tradition which considered itan honour to be remembered in the king's presence; and this ideamay have received a new lease of life from the imperial cult. It wouldbe natural to inform the emperor of special zeal in a service thataffected him personally, and, in fact, the first testimonial of Opramoasin the reign of Antoninus was sent to testify to the magnificence ofhis Lyciarchy in I36. On this very occasion, however, one of theambassadorswas a Julius Antoninus, almost certainly the same as thegrandfather of his niece, Aelia Platonis ; it looks as though he hadstimulated his friends to use this opportunity of bringing him to thenew emperor's notice at the earliest moment. Related, as he was, tothe family circle in Lycia in which some of the first senators are foundat this time, he would be spurred on by vanity and jealousy to beequal with them. Opramoas does not seem to have succeeded forhimself; and, indeed, his inscriptions do not suggest that he wouldmake a good impression on a sensible emperor; but at least his grand-children were senators in his lifetime.4 If such a view of this kindof inscription is right, he began his agitation in the time of Trajanwith the elaborate generosity with which he prepared to receive the

1 The niece of Opramoas was married to ClaudiusAgrippinus. The grandfather of Polemon wasMarcius Deiotarianus, probably the T. MarciusQuir. Deiotarianus trib. leg. XXII Primigeniae,whose sister Marcia Lucia married LicinniusLongus, Lyciarch in I27. The family was probablyalso connected with Avidius Cassius (see below).

2IMor.p. 470 c.; cf. Praec. reip. ger. 814D.3 The others are less imposing, as no doubt notevery one was prepared to spend a fortune on stone-cutting like Opramoas. I.G.R.R. iv, 575 (also inO.G.I. 506) gives answers of Antoninus to repre-sentations in favour of M. Ulpius Apuleius Eurycles

of Aezani; in I.G.R.R; iii, 467, Hadrian says he hasheard of 7bv PX0otrLeaV XV C7rLU6LK7Tea 7repi "UcaiMeXea-yposKao-ropog(Balburis). I. G.R.R. iv, I I 56,records the success of Claudius Candidus Julianus insecuring concessions from Hadrian for Stratoniceia,but an embassy sent to testify to his merits receivedthe answer deve'JrXov TL 7re1p00evTr 'O/ VU'l V ot oKX. Kavc wt 'louXta'wt xdpt6 rio-raco*e esrl rq'irbXoT/uclat arep' rTp' aro6Xt. In the case of VediusAntoninus (see below) it must have been -the pro-consul who originally directed the attention ofAntoninus to his generosity, not the Ephesians; orpossibly the KOU'OJV of Asia.

4 I.G.R.R. iii, 735-6.

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56 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN TIIE SERVICE OF ROME.emperor, 1 continued it all through the reign of Hadrian, and remainedindefatigable under Antoninus.2If Hadrian, to judge from his attitude as shown in these inscrip-tions, was not too readily inclined to admit many orientals, this maybe because, unlike the other emperors of the early second century,his relations with the Senate were not of the best. But he did onething of immense significance. Whatever be the truth about theattempts of Claudius to conciliate the Euryclids of Sparta, Hadrianput an end to all the soreness and at the same time scored a diplomaticsuccess, when he induced C. Julius Eurycles Herklanus, apparentlyno longer young, to enter the Senate and imperial service. 3 This, andthe breaking of precedent in appointing him to the province ofBaetica and, later, C. Julius Severus to an army-command in Germany 4meant that on the Roman side the old prejudices were put away,and must have powerfully affected opinion in the East. And so,allowing for flattery, it is probable that Aristeides, in his panegyricTo Rome delivered under Antoninus Pius, represented what peoplethought. He considers as now antiquated the old division betweenGreeks and Romans ; the proper distinction now is between 'P(qoVccouqIrexo7 oiuTPcooctouq,hile it is this extension of the city-state of Rometo embrace the civilised world that ensures contented loyalty allover it. Force is not necessary, ' but in each place the greatest andmost powerful men guard their homelands for you ' ; and this happenswithout envy, ' for you have set the example in avoiding it by puttingeverything into the open, and affording to those who are able theopportunity of ruling in their own sphere instead of being ruled.' 5To some extent Aristeides seems to be thinking of local and city self-government, but he is also inspired by the same idea as that whichoccurred to Claudius when urging the admission of the Gauls to theSenate. 6 The whole passageis striking testimony to the disappearance

Ritterling (Rhein. Muis. 1920, p. 389) urges thatthe words of the procurator Caelius Florus (Opra-moas inscr. cap. 13) Tr)Ve5rTUXeoT-aT?Tv rou [K]VptoII. en' eTravo6ov must refer to ajourney home, there-fore of Trajan, and not to the outward journey ofHadrian in 128-9. To call Trajan's return from acomparative failure and broken in health-he diedbefore getting as far-euruXeora'-rv is odd, but, onesupposes, possible in ainofficial cornnnzwiqlue.2 Cap. 59, xvii b, i) 6, mentions testimonies sentto Hadrian, and that ' the divine Hadrian wrote inreturn.' f,. also cap. 30, ix c, I5-ix, d, i, decree

of the Patareis [e7rl eolo' AMptavoO.Only the docu-ments of Antoninus's reign are engraved in full, andcontinue yearly till I52, in which year the KOtV6vcomposed the most elaborate of all the resolutions(cap. 66-8).

3 His chronology is very difficult. At the end ofTrajan's reign he was high priest for life andK97&/.twV rj sr6Xews; cf. p. 43, note 4. The inscrip-

tion (I.G. v, 380, Cythera) breaks off in the middle ofhis name, and there might have been room fordetails of his senatorial career, if any. The onlvother date is 130, when he was alive and ordered astoa at Mantinea in honour of Antinous (I.G. v,z8I), which was built 6ta6 rv KcXqpOVO6cwV; so hcdied soon after, and his career in 1.G. v, I172, ifcomplete, does not seem extensive enough to coveras much as the thirteen odd years required to puthis admission down to Trajan. Note Hist. Aug.Hadr. viii, 7, 'senatus fastigium in tantum. extulitdifficile faciens senatores, ut cum Attianum . . .faceret senatorem, nihil se amplius habere quod incum conferre posset, ostenderet.'

4 See Appendix.? p. 109 K, sect. 63ft.6 Tac. Ann. xi, 24. 'Quid aliudexitio Lacedae.moniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armispollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arce-bant ? '

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVTCE OF ROME. 57of bad feeling and prejudiceas the result of the attentiongiven by thegovernmentto the East since Trajan.It will not, then, be a surprise o discoverevidence for a consider-able increase of oriental senators under Antoninus, and still moreunder M. Aurelius. In Lycia we know of ClaudiusAgrippinus,thesenatorialgrandchildrenof Opramoas,and Ti. Claudius Titianus ofPatara. AvidiusCassius,who, be it noted, was probably connectedwith the Lycian group of families, would have received the latusclavus from Antoninus, if he was legatusof Syria in 164.2 FromAsiacomesM. ClaudiusP. VediusAntoninusPhaedrusSabinianusofEphesus.3 There was also M. Antonius Pallas, consideredby Steinwithout doubt to be the descendant of the freedman of Claudiuswho receivedthe ornamenta praetoria; but we cannot tell if he wasthe first of his family or judge how far it would countnow asoriental.4Galen's friend Flavius Boethus of Ptolemaisin Syria,an oivp {rIOC'O4,died as governor of Syria Palestina,whither he had gone just beforeGalen himself left Rome in I66.5 He and an otherwiseunknownNicaean, mentioned by Aristeides and called Sedatus,6 would enterunder Antoninus, as would also the auyx?-qyxoLentioned on theinscriptions of the Carminiani Claudiani at Aphrodisias.7 Ti.Claudius Paulinus, who had been consul by 145, when his slave

1 Claudius Titianus of Patara (in I.G.R.R. iii,500) seems to me the same as Ti. Claudius FlavianusTitianus Quintus Velius Proclus L. Marcius CelerM. Calpurnius Longus in I.G.R.R. iii, 664-5, 667(see below, addendum on p. 66).a Vita Marci xxvi, Iz, says he had a daughterAlexandra ' Drunciano nupta.' Hirschfeld reads' Dryantiano,' and this may well be Ti. Cl. Dryan-tianus of J.G.R.R. iii, 5oo, whose wife is notmentioned in the genealogy (? owing to damtatiomemoriae)but whose son is Cl. Cassius Agrippinusand daughter Alexandra Maeciana. Avidius, likeothers already noted, was the son of a successfulprocurator.

3 The new inscriptions from Ephesus have en-couraged Keil (Forschungenn Ephesos ii, p. I66. 8) toset aside in some points the brilliant work of Groagon this family (Jahresh. x. (I907), p. 290-9).Certainly F.E. iii, 80 (c/. p. 58) and the datingof Dessau 8830 to I70-I (Egger, Yahresh. ix (i906),Beibl., p. 6I ff.) necessitate an earlier date for thewhole family than Groag (I.c. p. 292) thought. ButKeil puts the floruit of the Asiarch M.C1. P. VediusAntoninus into the reign of Hadrian, and makes hisson, Phaedrus Sabinianus, the person whom theEphesians were reproved for their failure to appre-ciate in the famous letters of Antoninus Pius dateddefinitely 145 and I49-50 (S.I.G. (3) 85o-I). Then,impressed by the shortness of Phaedrus's senatorialcareer (F.E. iii, p. I66), Keil concludes thatPhaedrus gave up his future prospects in order tostay and serve his native city. It is really unthinkablethat at this time, when every one else was hopingfor the honour, Phaedrus should resign from theSenate to stay behind at home, where he was

evidently not appreciated, or that, if he had doneso, he would have remained in the emperor'sfavour and his son have been a senator after him.It is quite possible to keep the old view, thatSabinus the Asiarch was the person referred to byPius, and to suppose that the admission of the sonPhaedrus took place about 145 as a consolation fromthe emperor for the father's ill-treatment at Ephesus.If Phaedrus were then about twenty years old, soearly was the age of marriage in the East that hecould easily have had a daughter old enough to bemarried to Damianus the sophist, first heard of inI66-7; the first wife of Phaedrus (F.E. iii, no. 77)died childless, and so probably not long after themarriage. There remains then a margin of twentyyears for him to have had by his second wife (F.E.iii, no. 76) a daughter of marriageable age forDamianus. Phaedrus may have died when quaestordesignate of Cyprus, but the inscription is not afuneral one, and his career may have gone further.

4 Stein, op. cit. 335-6, consul in I67. One wouldthink that Pliny would not have written for publica-tion Ep. vii, 29 and viii, 6, if the descendants ofthe freedman Pallas had been of any consequence inhis time.5 Galen II, 215.6 Aristeidesxxvi, sec. xvi K.7 C.I.G. ii, 278Z-3. M. Ulpius CarminiusClaudianus was high priest of Asia under Antoninusand M. Aurelius (B.C.H. xi, 35o). His son, of the

same name, Xo-yLsT7- vue-a2 b7raorucOiS 6o6e'vrca TrK-UrKtV V'wXows wasmarried o the daughterofa procurator, Fl. Athenagoras, called Fl. Appia,,U7q2ip Ka't aeXe/il Kciddgu7 0`VyKX-qT1KCV.

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58 ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.Onesimus built himself a house at Cibyra, is not called a native ofCibyra, and may have been there in some other capacity. 1The increase in numbers is maintained under M. Aurelius. FromGreece proper we know of a Spartan, Brasidas, a praetorius virmentioned by Ulpian,2 and M. Ulpius Eubiotus Leurus, archoneponymusat Athens. 3 The first member of the Cretan family of theFlavii Sulpiciani reached the senate about I62-3 at the latest, as hewas quaestor of Bithynia before I65, when it became an imperialprovince.4 M. Aurelius promoted him to the class of the tribunicii,and it was doubtless at this point that his grateful father, L. FlaviusSulpicianus Dorio, erected statues to M. Aurelius and L. Verus;the latter is ' Armeniacus ' but not ' Parthicus Maximus,' so that thedate was between I63 and i65.5 About this time the great-grand-children of Marcus Deiotarianus from Cibyra would reach the Senate. 6The daughter of the first Vedius Antoninus from Ephesus to becomea senator (see above), Vedia Phaedrina, was married to the richsophist T. Flavius Damianus, who lavishly entertained the army ofVerus on its return from the Parthian campaign of I66-7, and theirchildren were thus marked out for distinction. The three sons,T. Fl. Damianus, T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus, and T. Fl. Phaedrus, allattained the consulship ; their sister Fl. Lepida was married to aconsular, and the second sister Fl. Phaedrina was almost certainlythe wife of C. Julius Philippus, who was ?,oyLta' of Ephesus, andpraetor in his father's lifetime. He came from Tralles, and hisfatherwasan equestrianprocurator,havingbeenSt7pOtO; 0'V ?epur&V-probably of Marcus and Commodus.7 Several others may haveentered in the last years of Marcus or the first of Commodus, notablythe historian Cassius Dio of Nicomedia,8 and C. Julius MaximianusDiophantus, of a rich and distinguished Lycian family. His uncle,C. Julius Heliodorus, the first Lyciarch from Lydae, held the positionlater, at any rate, than i52.9 More certainly an importation byCommodus was M. Ulpius Arabianus of Amastris, legatus of Syria

I.G.R.R. iv., 921. His son is honoured therc(ib. 91) in A.D. 184, but without any career given.If this is because he was still too young, his fathermust have been consul (at least 39 yeais before) at avery early age, and therefore is most unlikely to beainoriental. C. Julius Severus, for instance, was notconsul till at least zo years after his admission.I suggest that the Paulini had property at Cibyra.2Dig. xxxvi, I, 23.3 I.G. iii, 687-8, 690.4 Brandis, art. Bitbynia, P.-W. iii, 529-30;I.G.R.R. i, IOI7-8.aI.G.R.R. i, 1015-6.6 I.G.R.R. iv, 883, 906-IO, 912. I find it difficultto follow Stein (op. cit. p.223) in making ClaudiusOrestes,0o-yKX-j]rTKOSor [U'ra]TKOiSin iv, 9IO, theson of Ti. Cl. Polemon the Asiarch, knight, and sonof Marcia Tlepolemis, who is jatiu,u0 OV'yKXflTIKaPV.He seems to have overlooked the complication

that there were at least two Ti. Cl. l'olemonles, llicleand nephew (in iv, 909).7 Damianus; Forschungen in Ephesos iii, Xo,Dessau 8830, Philostr. Vit. soph. p. 264 s. Ilissons: Philostr. ib. p. 107 K, Damianus, F.E. iii, 21I ;Vedius Antoninus, F.E. iii, 8z and 85; Phaedrus,F.E. i, zi i. Lepida, Dessau 8836 ; Phaedrina, IF.E.iii, 8 I C. Julius Philippus the father: O.G.I. 499-500; F.E. iii, 4. His son: O.G.I. 499-500; Dessau8836; F.E. iii, 49-50 (Xoto-,rhs of Ephesus).8 Born about I55, Cass. Dio. LXXII, 7; quacstorabout i8o, ib. 4.9 Heliodorus; I.G.R.R. iii, 527. He is notidentical with any (e.g. M. Julius Heliodorus ofCyaneae, Lyciarch in 140-I, I.G.R.R. iii, 706) of theLyciarchs, who are known from the Opranioasinscription up to I52. Diophantus: I.G.R.R.iii, 525; Hicks, J.H.S. vol. ix, 50 ff.; Groag inP.-W. x, 676.

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ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME. 59Palestina in L96,and afterwardsproconsul of Africa. With theseand the descendants of Quadratus, Herodes Atticus, ClaudiusAgrippinus and others, now thoroughly Latinised, there must havebeen a substantialnumber of men in the Senate with Greek andoriental blood.There is also a suspicion of oriental origin about two of thesons-in-law of M. Aurelius. Cn. ClaudiusSeverus, who marriedhiseldest daughter,Faustina, and was consul in I62 or I63 and again in173, is honouredby Pompeiopolisas n0'CTp[co]vxcO-oB-uv. Thisin itself is insufficient,but, as one of his sons was called ClaucliusArabianus,he himself may be the grandsonof the Claudius Severuswho was the first governorof the new provinceof Arabia,4and whois probablythe K?k. Vornpou who is mentioned among the consularrelationsof C. JuliusSeverus, all the others being certainlyorientals.But in default of better evidenceit is unsafeto assumethe same ofhim, and in any case his grandsonunder M. Aurelius would becompletely romanised. The other son-in-law, Ti. ClaudiusPompeianus, s described as ' equitis R. filio genereAntiochiensi'necsatis nobili.'6 Antioch was such a cosmopolitanand businesscentrethat it would be rashto assume hat the phrasemeans more than thathe was the first of an equestrian amilydomiciledat Antioch to reachthe Senate. Those who wish to find an oriental may rejoice inPetersen's identification of him with ' einem bejahrtenManne vonentschieden semitischem Typus ' constantly depicted next to theemperor on the column of M. Aurelius. At all events, he is anexcellent example of the efficient type of administratorthat theAntonines wanted in the Senate; conspicuous for his militaryability, it was he who in i 8o vainly dissuaded Commodus frompatching up a peace with the Marcomanni. Julian the Apostate,9indeed, blamesMarcus for not makinghim his heir, and he lived to

'(J.L.I. 4I51, and C.I.L. viii, I5876.2 The difficulty about the descendants of Quad-ratus is to square the vague remarksof Aristeides (Or.xx, in honour of his descendant Apellas) withI.G.R.R. iv, I 687, 'louXica A6Xou Ovydcrp I LwCXXao3ao-Ais rCWev Oee 'Pwspaqeppwv . . s-'J ro's rTSKvots I.I. NdcW Kai F.I. (DpO6vTwvt[suyKXrtLKiOZ.Groag (in P.-W. x, mostly s.v. Julius Apellas) thinksthat on the present evidence the problem is insoluble.Boulanger (Aelius Aristide, etc., Paris, 1923) pro-poses to get over the difficulty that Aristeides (insec. 70) seems to imply more generations betweenthe Apellas of the speech and the head of the family,' Ko&p&ros,' han can be got in between Quadratusand the date at which, from evidence derived fromthe 7rpoOewppato the speech, it is inferred to havebeen delivered, by assuming that Ko6pdIros s thegrandfather of Quadratus. Ile is on safer ground inarguing that, if the speech is spurious-as Keilthinks, so is also the 7rpoeEwptcaand therefore argu-ment from it is invalid. I think, against Groag (P.-W.x, 944), that .the sister of Quadratus was married.Otherwise the I4. in the inscription is meaningless.

Lt may have rtunoriginally [7 7roW6Xsv 'EseiwvKTX. erT 7e0e The &Zva . . . details of his dis-tinctions. . . KactT7'1 KPae7-1srr -yrvaZKa aeU7o3,'[ouvXaeu]1ICDXXa'cd6eXpjv dej F. 'AP-rot. A6Xot''IouXfol AthXot| I loOUOoXTtvrig Ko6paTrouKTX.(Dessau, 88i9a). As it: comes from Ephesus, herhusband might belong to the Celsus family.3 1.G.R.R. ii, I35. C/. also I.G.R.R. iii, I448,similar, but erected after the death of Marcus.4 E.g. C.I.L. iii, 1449, 2I and I4176 (z). Newinscriptions (Rev. arch. 1927, p. 386-7) from Gerasadated I I4-5, describe him as [V7r]art6KOSo he musthave been consul before being governor of Arabia,not after, as hitherto supposed.5 I.G.R.R. iii, I73. The new dating for hisconsulship will, if the list here is chronological, setback the consulship of Ti. Julius Aquila Polemaeanusa few years.

Vita MIarci xx, 6.7 Petersen, Marcus-Saule, T'extband, p. 43.8 Herodian i, 6, 4.9 Caesares, p. 3Iz B.

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6o ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.refuse two offers of the empire, from Pertinax and from DidiusJulianus.With the reign of Commodusthe importanceand interest of theSenate declinedin proportionas it failed to establisha modus ivendiwith the emperors,who resortedto extensive purgingsand filled upthe gapsfrom any chancesource. Especiallyunder the Severido wefind isolated mentions of senators in the East of whom nothing isknown; for example, a certain M. Aurelius AsclepiodotianusAsclepiadesof Prusa ad Hypium,' for whom his fellow townsmeninvented the title 706vcrecaaroyvwa'O6v and who ' asked Caracalla ' (onhis way through the town) ' for the latus clavus and received it,' asthe inscription remarks casually in a dependent clause. Little,therefore, is to be gained by pushing the present enquiry further,except to notice that the constant decimating and replenishment ofthe Senate from dubious sources by the Severi explains why, fromthe time of Elagabal onwards, equestrian procurators are found insenatorial positions. The Senate could no longer supply competentadministrators.This, when we come to consider what qualifications constitutionalemperors looked for in oriental, and indeed in all provincial, candidatesfor the Senate, should suggest one essential. Discussions of this kindare apt to talk of the admission of men to the Senate as if it were amere honouring of worthy persons, just ' giving them a peerage.'This ignores a fundamental point- that it was in this particularthat the Empire was and remained a diarchy so long as the Senatecould, and would, supply a graded collection of administrators,mostly chosen by, and responsible to, the emperor. Most of theiractive life was spent governing provinces, and only if they survivedbeyond a consular appointment did they stay habitually in Romeand debate in the dignified and rather futile manner which remindedPliny 2 of the' libera res publica.' The efficiency of the administrationdepended on there being available a number of competent men whoseloyalty could be trusted; and, as has been noticed, it was to securesuch men that Vespasian,who might reasonably suspect the loyalty ofsome of the older senators, used adlectio inter practorios to make ata stroke a number of trustworthy men personally indebted to himimmediately available for praetorian commands. It is clear from theevidence that efficiency was one of the first qualifications for anoriental candidate. And there is no need, with Dessau, to regardthe admission of princelings like C. Julius Antiochus Philopappus as' of no practical importance.' Even if it be assumed that an oriental

1 1.G.R.R. iii, 1422.2 Pliny, writing at the opening of the new eraof the Senate under Trajan, observed only thesuperficial likeness to the republican Senate in thatfree discussion again took place. He did not see thatunder the Republic a senator went to the provinces

only to collect money or an army, or reluctantly,like Cicero, and then hastened back to the politicalwarf