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ISSN 0033-2941DOI 10.2466/21.09.PR0.114k13w4

Psychological Reports: Relationships & Communications

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARENTING STYLES AND GENDER ROLE IDENTITY IN COLLEGE STUDENTS 1

YI-CHING LIN

National Taiwan University

ROBERT E . BILLINGHAM

Indiana University

Summary .— The relationship between perceived parenting styles and gender role identity was examined in college students. 230 undergraduate students (48 men, 182 women; 18–23 years old) responded to the Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) and the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI). The hypothesis was that parent-ing styles (authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive for both fathers and moth-ers) would be signifi cantly associated with gender role identity (undiff erentiated, feminine, masculine, and androgynous) of college students, specifi cally whether authoritative parenting styles associated with androgyny. To account for diff er-ences in sex on gender role identity or parenting styles, sex was included as a factor. The pattern of the diff erence in identity groups was similar for males and females. There were signifi cant diff erences in parenting styles between gender role groups. Maternal and paternal authoritativeness correlated with participants' femininity, and for both parents, the relationship was observed to be stronger in males than females; paternal authoritativeness was signifi cantly associated with androgyny. Future research based on these results should investigate how the fi ndings relate to children's psychological well-being and behavioral outcomes.

Identity formation is a dynamic process involving interaction between a person and the context in which that person lives ( Erikson, 1968 ; Adams & Marshall, 1996 ; Kroger, 2000 , 2004 ; Bosma & Kunnen, 2001 ; Beyers & Goossens, 2008 ). Erikson (1968 ) stressed the important role the peer group plays in helping people shape their identities, and subsequent research has generally supported this premise, fi nding that identity formation is associated with the relationships people have with signifi cant “others” as well as the contextual factors surrounding those relationships ( Van Hoof, 1999 ; Beyers & Goossens, 2008 ). For example, as children develop through childhood and into adulthood, they are constantly exposed to factors that aff ect the formation of their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors while defi n-ing their identities. Such infl uences are fi rst presented by families ( Witt, 1997 ) and then reinforced in diff erent situations and environments ( Wil-liams & Best, 1990 ), such as school and community. As a result, parenting

© Psychological Reports 20142014, 114, 1, 250-271.

1 Address correspondence to Yi-Ching Lin, Institute of Health Policy and Management, Col-lege of Public Health, National Taiwan University, No. 17, Xu-Zhou Road, Taipei, 100, Tai-wan or e-mail ( [email protected] ).

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PARENTING STYLES, GENDER ROLE IDENTITY 251

is critical and decisive in terms of identity development ( Beyers & Goos-sens, 2008 ). Research has shown that when parents give their children au-tonomy, warmth, and encouragement, the children are more likely to ex-perience healthy identity development ( Beyers & Goossens, 2008 ; Sim & Chin, 2012 ).

One of the central features of identity is gender role identity ( Kim, Euna, & Sung-Hee, 2013 ), and its development is a critical mission of the de-veloping person ( Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ). Gender role identity is a set of behavioral and social norms that are generally seen as appropriate for dif-ferent sexes in social relationships ( Gale-Ross, Baird, & Towson, 2009 ). Chil-dren's earliest exposure to what it means to be male or female comes from parental infl uence, and these concepts generally remain consistent through-out one's lifetime ( Williams & Best, 1990 ; Witt, 1997 ; Howard, 2000 ). Despite the presumed importance of parenting to gender role identity, little research has evaluated the association between these constructs. Gender Role Identity

Whereas sex is often understood to mean the biological distinction be-tween male and female, gender is considered the related social and psy-chological patterns of behavior and attitudes ( Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ). Sex is genetic, while gender is acquired. Gender role identity is formed through the process of perceiving and interpreting typical attitudes about gender during development. What people believe about the psychologi-cal qualities of males and females are called gender stereotypes ( Deaux & LaFrance, 1998 ; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000 ; Berger & Krahe, 2013). The male gender stereotype is characterized by task-oriented tendencies like assertiveness, independence, ambition, and determination, which are con-sidered ideals of masculinity. On the other hand, aff ection-oriented charac-teristics like kindness, nurturing, compassion, and gentleness characterize the female stereotype, or femininity. The stereotypes are descriptive and prescriptive; they refl ect social and cultural beliefs stating what traits males and females are expected to acquire and display ( Eagly, et al ., 2000 ).

People are encouraged and facilitated by parents, schools, commu-nities, and society to adhere to gender stereotypes. This process, which transpires throughout childhood and adulthood, is called gender social-ization ( Deaux & LaFrance, 1998 ; Ruble & Martin, 1998 ; Eagly, et al ., 2000 ; Berger & Krahe, 2013). Gender is learned through interacting with others, who respond positively or negatively to behavior, while cognitive activi-ties are associated with how people in the socializing environment defi ne gender ( Gale-Ross, et al., 2009 ; Wood & Eagly, 2012 ). Socialization is cru-cial in the establishment of gender role identity ( Banerjee, 2005 ), or the ex-tent to which people feel that they exhibit characteristics associated with traditional gender stereotypes ( Bem, 1993 ). This sense of gender role iden-


Y-C. LIN & R. E. BILLINGHAM252

tity must typically then be fi t into local cultural expectations. People de-velop a sense of whether a behavior is considered gender appropriate be-cause social context directs their behavior into socially approved patterns ( Banerjee, 2005 ). In addition, learned gender-role identity is internalized at an early age, remaining stable throughout the lifespan ( Williams & Best, 1990 ; Witt, 1997 ; Howard, 2000 ). Understanding gender role identity can shape intrapersonal and interpersonal relationships, which further solid-ify self-perception ( Hepp, Spindler, & Milos, 2005 ). Gender role identity is a central element of self, personality, and social identity ( Kim, Euna, & Sung-Hee, 2013 ) and plays a signifi cant part in building self-image ( Echabe, 2010 ; Berger & Krahe, 2013). It develops the basis of self-esteem and self-concept (Berger & Krahe, 2013; Kim, et al ., 2013 ), and establishes awareness of being male or female ( Spence & Buckner, 2000 ).

Pertaining to gender role identity, masculinity and femininity are be-lieved to be independent dimensions rather than bipolar ends of a single continuum ( Spence, 1993 ). Masculinity represents the extent to which one endorses characteristics like aggressiveness, ambition, and independence; on the other hand, femininity indicates compassion, sensitivity, and em-pathy ( Bem, 1993 ; Eagly, et al ., 2000 ; Banerjee, 2005 ). The core of stereotypi-cal masculinity is agency or instrumentality, and the core of stereotypical femininity is expressiveness or communion ( Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ; Gale-Ross, et al ., 2009 ), but it is possible for individuals to manifest both characteristics ( Bem, 1993 ).

People who endorse both masculine and feminine characteris-tics simultaneously are referred to as psychologically androgynous, in-dicating a combination of social meanings and psychological temper-aments ( Bem, 1975 ; Huang, Zhu, Zheng, & Zhang, 2012 ). Androgyny has been considered as a gender role model since both masculine and feminine traits exist ( Littlefi eld, 2003 ; Park, 2011 ). Androgynous people possess traits that allow them to express both instrumentality and ex-pressivity, displaying a self-identity comprising the socially desirable at-tributes of both men and women ( Echabe, 2010 ; Berger & Krahe, 2013; Kim, et al ., 2013 ). Research indicates that androgynous people tend to be less rigid when fulfi lling gender role responsibilities, engaging in whatever behavior seems most appropriate or eff ective while remain-ing sensitive to constraints of diff erent situations. They have high-level fl exibility performing cross-sex behavior and are less constrained by gen-der-role boundaries ( Baumrind, 1982 ; Huang, et al ., 2012 ), boosting self-esteem ( Berger & Krahe, 2013 ). Androgyny has been found to correlate positively with psychological wellness and Bem (1974 ) has asserted that it “defi nes a human standard of psychological health” ( Bem, 1974 , p. 162). Bem later explained, it “appeared to provide a liberated and more



humane alternative to the traditional, sex-biased standards of mental health” (1981 , p. 362). Androgynous people tend to have signifi cantly bet-ter health practices, such as decreased alcohol, tobacco, and drug use and increased safety awareness ( Shifren & Bauserman, 1996 ; Gale-Ross, et al ., 2009 ). Also, they tend to show improved emotional, sensual, intellectual, and psychomotor skills compared to others whose orientations favor mas-culinity or femininity ( Pines, 1998 ; Miller, Falk, & Huang, 2009 ).

While numerous studies have examined the factor of formation of gender role identity, such as biological basis ( Money & Ehrhardt, 1972 ), same sex parent (Bussey & Bandura , 1999 ), socialization process ( Ding & Littleton, 2005 ), and peer group ( Shaff er, 2001 ), little attention has been de-voted to the factors that may account for diff erences in gender role iden-tity based on parenting styles. Because parents are an original source of children's experience about gender role, as well as an ongoing infl uence throughout childhood, it would be expected that the characteristics of par-enting should be related to gender role identity. Parenting Styles

Darling and Steinberg (1993 ) defi ned parenting style as “a constella-tion of attitudes toward the child that are communicated to the child and that, taken together, create an emotional climate in which the parent's be-haviors are expressed” (p. 488). Accordingly, parents transmit their be-liefs to children across a variety of contexts and settings. Baumrind (1971 ) fi rst used “control” as a dimension to characterize three major types of parental authority: authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive. The dif-ferent parenting styles are defi ned by the extent to which discipline, ex-pectations, power, and emotional support are off ered. Later, Maccoby and Martin (1983 ) added a second dimension, responsiveness, renaming Ba-umrind's fi rst dimension as “demandingness.” Demandingness refers to “claims parents make on children to become integrated into the family whole, by their maturity demands, supervision, disciplinary eff orts and willingness to confront the child who disobeys,” while responsiveness re-fers to actions which “foster individuality, self-regulation and self-asser-tion by being attuned, supportive and acquiescent to the child's special needs and demands” (Baumrind, 1999, p. 748).

Authoritative parents are characterized by both high responsive-ness and demandingness. In this type of parenting practice, parents show nurturance, sensitivity, support, reasoning, consistency, and aff ection to their children. Simultaneously, they establish clear and reasonable dis-cipline while promoting high expectations for behavior or performance. These parents are responsive to their children's doubts and concerns, but they also assert their control when necessary ( Baumrind, 1971 , 1991). Research studies indicate that children raised by authoritative parents



tend to achieve the most positive outcomes ( Simon & Conger, 2007 ). They are more autonomous, motivated, and self-reliant ( Kim & Chung, 2003 ), as well as more psychologically mature, cognitively competent, and so-cially developed ( Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbush, 1991 ; Turner, Chandler, & Heff er, 2009 ) when compared to children of authoritarian or permissive parents. In addition, authoritative parenting has been shown to foster children's secure attachment ( Karavasilis, Doyle, & Markiewicz, 2003 ), positive well-being, and learning goals ( Milevsky, Schlechter, Net-ter, & Keehn, 2008 ) and is consistently associated with positive educa-tional, social, emotional, and cognitive developmental outcomes ( Winsler, Madigan, & Aquilino, 2005 ).

Authoritarian parents demonstrate low responsiveness and high de-mandingness. They set strict and defi nite limits for their children's con-duct and establish rigid consequences. Authoritarian parents tend to use demands to discipline their children and only allow them minimal auton-omy. They emphasize obedience and show low aff ection and emotional warmth in their parent-child relationships ( Maccoby & Martin, 1983 ; Bald-win, McIntyre, & Hardaway, 2007 ; Simon & Conger, 2007 ; Beyers & Goos-sens, 2008 ; Sim & Chin, 2012 ). This type of parenting style has been as-sociated with children's passiveness, rigidity, and compliance ( Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989 ; Baumrind, 1991; Lamborn, et al ., 1991 ). Children of authoritarian parents are less likely to be involved in school miscon-duct and substance abuse ( Strage & Brandt, 1999 ; Turner, et al ., 2009 ). They do well with obedience to standards, but they have diffi culties dealing with somatic distress or psychological issues ( Steinberg, Lamborn, Dar-ling, Mounts, & Dornbush, 1994 ) and have relatively poor self-concept ( Milevsky, et al ., 2008 ).

Permissive parents are high on responsiveness but low on demand-ingness. They are aff ectionate but indulgent. They fail to defi ne proper limits or practice appropriate control. They are not comfortable impos-ing restrictions over children, so they avoid and tolerate children's mis-behavior instead (Baumrind, 1991; Simon & Conger, 2007 ). Children of permissive parents exhibit characteristics such as low self-control, irre-sponsibility, low ego strength, and self-centered motivation associated with inattentive parenting ( Steinberg, et al ., 1989 ; Lamborn, et al ., 1991 ; Berzonsky, 2004 ; Turner, et al ., 2009 ). Consequently, children raised by per-missive parents tend to have unsatisfactory academic competence and are more likely to be delinquent (Baumrind, 1991; Lamborn, et al ., 1991 ; Kim & Chung, 2003 ). Permissive parenting is potentially harmful because it fails to give children a sense of personal achievement ( Milevsky, et al ., 2008 ).

Finally, neglectful parents are low on both responsiveness and de-mandingness ( Baumrind, 1971 , 1991). These parents hold a cold and dis-



tant relationship with their children. Oftentimes they respond to their children's needs with hostility and rejection ( Kim & Chung, 2003 ; Hoeve, Dubas, Eichelsheim, Van der Laan, Smeek, & Gerris, 2009 ). Since this type of parenting has very limited involvement in children's growth and devel-opment, its infl uence is not examined in the present study. Gender Role Identity and Parenting Styles

People recognize, perceive, and act on their gender roles through so-cial situations, and the cognitive processes refl ect how the gender role iden-tity is formed and shaped by environment ( Daly, 1993 ; Banerjee, 2005 ). Hence, gender role identity is considered culturally and socially con-structed ( McHale, Crouter, & Tucker, 1999 ). Furthermore, according to the traditional psychological gender role identity, it ties masculine and femi-nine with the breadwinner role of men and the care-giver role of women, respectively ( Woodhill & Samulem 2003 ), the two fundamental characters in a family unit. Therefore, from the viewpoints above, it is presumed that the development of gender role identity stems from family context and is infl uenced by parenting ( McHale, et al ., 1999 ), the essential culture in a family. Little literature has studied the association between parenting styles and gender role identity, but some research studies have investigat-ed the connection between parents' androgyny and authoritative parent-ing style, which could be used to presume on the relationship between au-thoritative parenting style and children's androgyny through the concept of modeling. Baumrind (1982 ) proposed that androgynous parents would be more likely to possess an authoritative parenting style than those who hold specifi cally masculine or feminine characteristics. Building on Ba-umrind's proposal, we suggest that parents with an authoritative style ap-pear to have important characteristics that could be considered and clas-sifi ed as an androgynous gender identity role. They would model these characteristics to their children, who would in turn be socialized in this family milieu and tend to develop similar characteristics. The presump-tion can be supported and explained by the perspective of modeling in social learning theory ( Bandura, 1973 ). In line with social learning theory, children establish their gender role identities through modeling parents' gender appropriate behavior ( Daly, 1993 ; Eagly & Wood, 1999 ; Juni, Raha-mim, & Brannon, 2001 ; Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ), especially by observ-ing and imitating parents of the same sex ( Losh-Hesselbart, 1987 ; Juni, et al ., 2001 ). Children perceive symbolic markers of gender role through watching what their parents perform in daily lives. In addition to behav-ior, parents' attitudes are also critical attributes for children's development of gender role identity ( Williams, Radin, & Allegro, 1992 ). Children will have less traditional and more fl exible gender role attitudes if their par-ents hold less rigid stereotyped gender roles.



Based on these theoretical notions, one would expect that an author-itative parenting style should be signifi cantly associated with androgy-nous gender role identity in both male and female children. Compared to people identifi ed as having other types of parenting styles, authorita-tive parents tend to be characterized as more expressive, accepting, re-sponsive, and warm toward their children ( Winsler, Madigan, & Aquilino, 2005 ; Baldwin, et al ., 2007 ; Milevsky, et al ., 2008 ). They tend to impose high demands and expect their children to be independent ( Arditti, Godwin, & Scanzoni, 1991 ; Hinshaw, Zupan, Simmel, Nigg, & Melnick, 1997 ). Au-thoritative parents are more likely to raise children who are socially asser-tive, responsible, and generally competent ( Baumrind, 1982 ), with posi-tive psychological ( McKinney & Renk, 2008 ) and intellectual ( Simon & Conger, 2007 ) outcomes. These positive outcomes are typically considered as being androgynous traits ( Bem, 1974 ; Shimonaka, Nakazato, Kawaai, & Shinichi, 1997 ; Stake, 1997 ; Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ). With incorporated masculine and feminine traits, androgynous individuals exhibit positive psychological, emotional, sensual, and intellectual outcomes ( Miller, et al ., 2009 ) and be more adaptable to situational challenge ( Berger & Krahe, 2013 ). Accordingly, authoritative parents may be more likely to raise chil-dren who demonstrate positive psychological, emotional, and intellectual aspects, which are classifi ed as androgynous traits.

Other researchers have suggested a connection between parental au-thoritativeness and college-aged children's androgyny. Sabattini and Leao-er (2004 ) stated that paternal authoritativeness is linked to non-traditional gender roles in the parents' off spring. Slavkin and Stright (2000 ) proposed that parental warmth, a primary element of authoritativeness, is related to rearing androgynous children. These prior fi ndings suggest there should be a link between an authoritative parenting style and androgyny in the children. Thus, although there is little specifi c evidence linking an author-itative parenting style to androgynous gender identity in children, Ba-umrind's (1982 ) proposal and the above indirect relationships all suggest such a link may exist. Parents with an authoritative parenting style tend to have characteristics that overlap androgynous gender role identity and model those characteristics for their children, who in turn tend to develop the same attitudes and behaviors.

Most recent studies have combined maternal and paternal parenting styles as an integrated approach ( Hoeve, Dubas, Gerris, van der Laan, & Smeenk, 2011 ; Kawabata, 2011 ; Meunier, 2012 ) or applied maternal par-enting style as the dominant approach without considering the unique contribution of paternal parenting styles ( Feldman, Eidelman, Rotenberg, 2004 ; Almas, Grusec, & Tackett, 2011 ; Power, 2013 ). Hence, divided par-enting styles were measured and analyzed in the present study for the



purpose of exploring their potentially diff erential eff ect on gender role identity for male and female children.

Thus, in light of importance of recognizing the infl uence of parenting on forming gender role identity, the primary purpose of this study was to investigate the association between parenting styles and gender role iden-tity. In addition, the second purpose was to look more closely at the nature of gender role identity across diff erent parenting styles and to justify if there is a connection between authoritative parenting and their off spring's androgynous gender role identity.

Hypothesis 1. Parenting style will be signifi cantly associated with gender role identity.

Hypothesis 2. Ratings of parents' authoritative parenting style will be signifi cantly and positively associated with children's an-drogynous gender role.

METHOD Participants

The participants in the present study were 230 undergraduate stu-dents (182 women, 48 men) enrolled in a large undergraduate elective course taught at a university in the Midwestern United States. All of the participants were volunteers and were informed of their right to not par-ticipate in the study. They were also informed that they could withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. All participants used in these analyses were single and between the ages of 18 and 23 yr. ( M = 19.5, SD = 1.2). Measures

Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) .— Parenting style was assessed through the PAQ developed by Buri (1991 ). The PAQ score is based on Ba-umrind's theory of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles and prototypes. The instrument consists of 30 questions, 10 items representing each of the three parenting styles. The student's responses to each question are scored on fi ve-point adjective rating scale anchored by 1: Strongly disagree to 5: Strongly agree. The measurement was designed to examine the authoritarianism, authoritativeness, and permissiveness of the student's parents. Two forms of this questionnaire were distributed to each of the participants: one form for evaluating maternal authority and the other for paternal authority. For each student, the PAQ measured six variables for parenting styles: three based on the respondents' ratings for their mothers and three based on the respondents' responses for their fa-thers. Each of the scores can range from 1 to 5.



The PAQ was selected because of its theoretical and psychometric ap-propriateness for studying the intended population. In the present study, the participants were asked to respond to each of the questions regarding their general perspectives of their perceived parental behavior. The PAQ is reported to have good content validity from professionals in the fi eld, acceptable test-retest reliability (.77–.92), and internal consistency reliabil-ity (.74–.87) across the six variables ( Buri, 1991 ). The PAQ also showed dis-criminant-related validity between the three parenting styles and criteri-on-related validity, as compared with a Parental Nurturance Scale.

The reliability coeffi cients from the current study that suggested ad-equate internal consistency reliability for the three PAQ subscales for both fathers and mothers: Cronbach's αs were .71 for Mother's Authoritative-ness, .77 for Father's Authoritativeness, .80 for Mother's Authoritarianism, .87 for Father's Authoritarianism, .72 for Mother's Permissiveness, and .79 for Father's Permissiveness.

Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) .— According to Bem (1974 ), the BSRI measures the extent of gender-role stereotyping in the respondents' self-concept. It assumes that internalized gender stereotypes are refl ected in people's behaviors. The inventory was used to assess masculinity and femininity by self-report. The items measure masculinity and feminini-ty as two separate dimensions and combine for an androgyny score. The BSRI contains 60 items presenting characteristics assumed to represent cultural defi nitions of traits considered to be masculine (self-reliant, force-ful, etc.), feminine (jealous, sympathetic, etc.), and gender-neutral. Partici-pants were to evaluate how well each of the characteristics describes them on a seven-point adjective rating scale anchored by 1: Never or almost never true and 7: Always or almost always true.

According to Bem (1974 ), “masculinity equals the mean self-rating for all endorsed masculine items and femininity equals the mean self-rating for all endorsed femininity items” (p. 158). Masculinity scoring is calcu-lated by summing up the scores given on the 20 masculinity items and di-viding by the number 20. Likewise, the scoring on the femininity scale is the mean on the femininity scale. From the two scores, masculinity and femininity can be assessed.

Based on their masculinity and femininity scores, the participants were categorized into four diff erent gender role types—masculine, feminine, an-drogynous, and undiff erentiated—as directed by the Bem Sex-Role Inven-tory Manual and sampler set ( Bem, 1981 ). Using median-splits, if a par-ticipant's masculinity and femininity scores were both higher than the respective medians, the student was assigned to the androgynous group. If a participant's masculinity score was higher than the masculinity me-dian but his or her femininity score was lower than the femininity medi-



an, the participant was assigned to the masculine group. If a participant's masculinity score was lower than the masculinity median but his or her femininity score was higher than the femininity median, the participant was placed in the feminine group. If both of the masculinity and feminin-ity scores were lower than the respective medians, the participant would be placed in the undiff erentiated group.

Bem (1977 ) reported Cronbach's α = .85 for the reliability of the mea-sure along with high test-retest reliability. In the current study, the reliabil-ity coeffi cients suggested Cronbach's α = .84 for the measure of femininity and Cronbach's α = .85 for the measure of masculinity. These are similar to the values found by Bem (1975 ) in her original measure. Analysis

Descriptive statistics were performed on the sample of 230 students, overall, and separated by sex (M/F), including their demographics (sex and age), masculinity and femininity scores, and breakdown of corre-sponding gender role groups (masculine, feminine, androgynous, and un-diff erentiated). The six parenting style variables were also described for all students and separately by sex.

To test whether participant sex relates to their gender role identity, independent samples t tests were performed between men and women on mean masculinity and femininity scores. Cross-tabs with Pearson Chi-square tests were used to compare the distribution of males and females across the four gender identity groups.

The relationships between paternal and maternal parenting styles on gender roles were fi rst analyzed using Pearson correlations between par-enting styles and masculinity and femininity scores. To compare all four gender role groups (undiff erentiated, feminine, masculine, and androgy-nous) on their maternal/paternal parenting styles, a MANOVA was per-formed on all six scores of the Parental Authority Questionnaire (Mother's Authoritativeness, Father's Authoritativeness, Mother's Authoritarianism, Father's Authoritarianism, Mother's Permissiveness, and Father's Permis-siveness). To account for diff erences in sex on gender roles or parenting styles, sex was included as a factor in the MANOVA. The interaction be-tween gender role groups and sex was considered, but not statistically signifi cant, which means that the pattern of the diff erence in gender role groups is similar for men and women. Of particular interest in the MANO-VA analysis would be addressing the question of the eff ect of Mother's and Father's Authoritativeness on the gender role category of androgyny.

RESULTS The sample used in this study consisted of 230 students (182 wom-

en, 48 men). Descriptive statistics for Masculinity and Femininity are re-



ported in Table 1 . On Masculinity, men scored signifi cantly higher than women ( d = 1.03); on Femininity, women scored signifi cantly higher than men ( d = 1.02). The correlation between the Masculinity and Femininity scores was negative and statistically signifi cant, but weak ( r = –.14, p < .05, 95%CI = –.25, .01).

After creating the four gender role identity groups based on median splits in Masculinity and Femininity, 57 participants were identifi ed as “Undiff erentiated,” 62 as “Feminine,” 65 as “Masculine,” and 46 as “An-drogynous.” The expected diff erence between men and women was also seen on the gender role identity groups (see Table 2 ), where there was a higher percentage of women in the Feminine group, and a higher per-centage of men in the Masculine group, as expected [Pearson χ 2 (3) = 41.4, p < .001]. Women were slightly more represented than men in the Undif-ferentiated and Androgynous groups.

Descriptive statistics for parenting style variables are presented in Ta-ble 3 , by sex and overall. The only signifi cant diff erences between men and

TABLE 1 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS FOR BOTH SEXES ON MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY

Gender Role Sex n M SD Mdn Min MaxMasculinity Male 48 5.22 .58 5.20 3.70 6.70

Female 182 4.60 .62 4.65 2.80 6.30Femininity Male 48 4.52 .59 4.63 3.15 5.55

Female 182 5.11 .57 5.15 2.95 6.45Masculinity

Total230 4.73 .66 4.80 2.80 6.70

Femininity 230 4.98 .62 5.05 2.95 6.45

TABLE 2 NUMBER OF MEN AND WOMEN BY GENDER ROLE GROUP

Sex CountGender Role Identity

TotalUndiff erentiated Femininity Masculinity Androgyny

Male n 7 3 31 7 48% 14.6 6.2 64.6 14.6 100.0

Female n 50 59 34 39 182% 27.5 32.4 18.7 21.4 100.0

Total n 57 62 65 46 230% 24.8 27.0 28.3 20.0 100.0

Note .—Count is number or percent within sex groups.



women were for ratings on Authoritarianism. Comparisons using t tests indicated that men rated their Mother's and Father's Authoritarianism signifi cantly higher than women did. There was a signifi cant diff erence on Mother's Authoritarianism for men versus women ( t 228 = 2.78, p = .006) and on Father's Authoritarianism for men versus women ( t 228 = 2.0, p = .05). However, comparisons for men's and women's ratings of Authoritative-ness or Permissiveness indicated no signifi cant diff erences.

Pearson correlations (see Table 4 ) indicated that maternal parenting style was signifi cantly correlated with paternal parenting styles. Ratings of Mother's Authoritarianism were signifi cantly correlated with ratings of Father's Authoritarianism, and similarly for Mother's/Father's Authorita-tiveness and Mother's/Father's Permissiveness.

Pearson correlations were used to test the relationships between Mother's/Father's parenting styles and the participants' masculine and

TABLE 3 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS FOR PARENTING STYLES BY SEX

VariableMen Women Total

M SD M SD M SD Mother

Authoritarianism 3.11 a 0.68 2.78 a 0.74 2.85 0.74Authoritativeness 3.55 0.64 3.51 0.61 3.52 0.61Permissiveness 2.34 0.62 2.26 0.53 2.28 0.55

FatherAuthoritarianism 3.26 b 0.81 2.97 b 0.92 3.03 0.90Authoritativeness 3.34 0.74 3.28 0.75 3.29 0.74Permissiveness 2.38 0.76 2.39 0.66 2.39 0.68

Note.— Superscripts indicate signifi cant diff erences using t tests: a t 228 = 2.78, Cohen's d = 0.46; b t 228 = 2.0, Cohen's d = 0.33.

TABLE 4 CORRELATIONS BETWEEN PARENTING STYLES ( N = 230)

MotherFather

Authoritarianism Authoritativeness PermissivenessAuthoritarianism .41† (.23, 53) –.02 –.02Authoritativeness .03 .50 † (.40, .61) –.13 * (–.28, .01)Permissiveness –.06 .02 .42† (.26, .55) * p < .05, † p < .01 (2-tailed).



feminine gender roles (see Table 5 ). Correlations were done separately for men and women to account for potential diff erences by sex. Mother's and Father's Authoritativeness were both correlated with participants' Femi-ninity score. Mother's Authoritativeness was signifi cantly correlated with participants' Femininity scores for men and women, and Father's Author-itativeness was also signifi cantly correlated with participants' Femininity scores for both sexes. For both parents, the relationship was observed to be stronger in men than women, but not signifi cantly. However, there were no signifi cant correlations between the two other dimensions of parent-ing style (Authoritarian, Permissiveness) and male or female participants' Femininity. There also were no signifi cant relationships between any par-enting style and Masculinity.

To further test the relationship of parenting styles with gender role identity, means are reported for each parenting score by gender role group in Table 6 . The MANOVA comparing the four gender groups, adjusted for sex, on the six parenting styles showed signifi cant diff erences in parent-ing styles between gender role groups in the multivariate test ( F 6, 222 = 2.31, p < .04, η p 2 = .06, Roy's Largest Root). However, only one individual com-parison was signifi cant, where gender role groups showed signifi cant dif-ferences on Father's Authoritativeness (see Table 6 ).

TABLE 5 CORRELATIONS BETWEEN PARENTING STYLES AND MASCULINITY/FEMININITY, BY SEX

Authoritarianism Authoritativeness PermissivenessMother Father Mother Father Mother Father

MenMasculinity r .16 .17 .25 .13 .11 .11

p .27 .24 .08 .38 .47 .45 n 48 48 48 48 48 48

Femininity r .10 .24 .40 † (.10, .63) .35 * (.01, .55) .14 –.07 p .49 .10 .01 .01 .35 .62 n 48 48 48 48 48 48

WomenMasculinity r .11 .09 .04 .08 .01 –.06

p .13 .22 .62 .30 .88 .42 n 182 182 182 182 182 182

Femininity r .05 –.03 .15 * (.00, .28) .18 * (.03, .30) –.08 .06 p .52 .68 .05 .02 .31 .44 n 182 182 182 182 182 182

* p < .05. † p < .01.



TABL

E 6

DES

CRI

PTIV

E STA

TIST

ICS F

OR

PARE

NTI

NG

STY

LES B

Y FO

UR

GEN

DER

RO

LE G

ROU

PS A

S DEF

INED

BY B

EM (1

981 )

: MA

SCU

LIN

E, FE

MIN

INE,

AN

DRO

GYN

OU

S, U

ND

IFFE

REN

TIA

TED

Varia

ble

Und

iff er

entia

ted

Fem

inin

ityM

ascu

linity

And

rogy

ny F

p Pa

rtia

l η 2

ω 2

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

Mot

her

Aut

horit

aria

nism

2.76

0.72

2.68

0.70

2.97

0.76

3.01

0.75

1.64

.18

.02

0.00

8A

utho

ritat

iven

ess

3.44

0.50

3.58

0.56

3.50

0.69

3.57

0.69

0.76

.52

.01

–0.0

03Pe

rmis

sive

ness

2.23

0.50

2.31

0.47

2.33

0.69

2.22

0.50

0.46

.71

.01

–0.0

07Fa

ther

Aut

horit

aria

nism

2.95

0.83

2.90

0.91

3.26

0.92

2.98

0.93

1.08

.36

.01

0.00

1A

utho

ritat

iven

ess

3.16

0.64

3.30

0.77

3.21

0.76

3.58

0.75

3.45

.02

.04

0.03

1Pe

rmis

sive

ness

2.35

0.65

2.50

0.72

2.35

0.71

2.34

0.65

0.73

.56

.01

–0.0

04 N

ote .—

Stan

dard

ized

eff e

ct si

ze ω

2 .



Post hoc comparisons of estimated marginal means from the MANO-VA adjusting for sex (see Table 6 ) shows this eff ect is due to the androgyny group having the highest score on Father's Authoritativeness compared to students in the undiff erentiated group (Bonferroni p = .03), masculine group (Bonferroni p = .03), and feminine group ( ns ). This indicates that Fa-ther's Authoritative parenting style was signifi cantly associated with the participants' Androgyny classifi cation. The other three groups (Undiff er-entiated, Masculine, and Feminine) were not signifi cantly associated with Father's Authoritative parenting style.

DISCUSSION The present study tested relationships between parenting style and

gender role identity, and in particular the hypothesis that authoritative parenting style is signifi cantly related to androgynous gender identity role in both male and female adult children. The interaction between gen-der identity groups and sex was considered, but not signifi cant, which means that the pattern of the diff erence in identity groups is similar for men and women. Participants' masculinity scores were negatively asso-ciated with femininity scores, but weakly. As expected, based on BSRI scores, a higher percentage of women were classifi ed into the feminine group, and a higher percentage of men were classifi ed into the masculine group. The distribution of participants' gender role classifi cations was in accordance with general social norms, in which personality traits close-ly refl ect social expectations for men and women ( Echabe, 2010 ; Berger & Krahe, 2013; Kim, et al ., 2013 ). In addition, men rated their parents' au-thoritarianism signifi cantly higher than women did. This result is consis-tent with the suggestion made by Kuhn and Laird (2011 ), that men expect more behavioral and psychological autonomy and less constraint than women, due to the stress given by gender role expectation and peer pres-sure of being independent (Fleming, 2005), and so perceive more authori-tarianism from parental control. In contrast, it could be that parents tend to take on a more authoritarian role with sons than with daughters ( Kuhn & Laird, 2011 ). Girls tend to be given more decision-making autonomy by parents in comparison to boys, which would be consistent with daugh-ters perceiving parental style as being less authoritarian than sons would ( Wray-Lake, Crouter, & McHale, 2010 ).

The results indicated that maternal parenting style is signifi cantly cor-related with paternal parenting style, that is, participants perceived that both parents treated their children somewhat similarly ( Winsler, et al ., 2005 ; Rinaldi & Howe, 2012 ). Some research studies have combined ma-ternal and paternal parenting styles as an integrated approach ( Forehand & Nousiainen, 1993 ; Hickman, Bartholomae & McKenry, 2000 ; Milevsky, Schlechter, Klem, & Kehl, 2008 ; Hoeve, et al ., 2011 ) because, in line with



family system perspective, paternal and maternal styles are conceptual-ized as being an interdependent unit, which makes a critical contribution to children's functioning and development ( Lindsey & Mize, 2001 ). How-ever, some studies applied maternal parenting style as the dominant ap-proach without considering the unique contribution of paternal parenting styles ( Phares & Compas, 1992 ; Feldman, Eidelman, & Rotenberg, 2004 ; Almas, Grusec, & Tackett, 2011 ; Power, 2013 ). Hence, divided parenting styles have been measured and analyzed respectively in the present study for the purpose of exploring their eff ect on gender role identity in college-aged adults. In the present study, both mother's and father's authoritative-ness correlated with participants' femininity scores for both sexes, but not their masculinity scores. For both parents, the relationship was stronger in men than women. This fi nding indicates an interesting association be-tween parenting styles and children's gender role identity, highlighting a moderate-sized, statistically signifi cant connection between authorita-tiveness and femininity. Moreover, gender role groups reported signifi -cant diff erences in their fathers' authoritativeness. Some research studies showed that increasing paternal infl uence and participation in child rear-ing is benefi t to child development ( Deutsch, Servis, & Payne, 2001 ; Win-sler, et al ., 2005 ); more specifi cally, paternal involvement provides phys-ical and social nourishment ( Smith, 1980 ), promotes attachment quality (Lamb, 1981), and supports children's personal identity and social adjust-ment ( Starrels, 1994 ).

Based on the previous literature, it was assumed that gender role for-mation occurs through socialization, and androgynous traits could be a learning eff ect from modeling parental characteristics ( Bandura, 1973 ; Ba-umrind, 1982 ; Losh-Hesselbart, 1987 ; Williams, et al ., 1992 ; Daly, 1993 ; Ea-gly & Wood, 1999 ; Juni, et al ., 2001 ; Woodhill & Samuels, 2003 ). Given the results of the present study, androgynous parents who exercise authorita-tive parenting styles may be more likely to raise androgynous children. Fi-nally, the results indicate that no parenting style is related to masculinity in either the male or female students. A fi nal question for future research is why femininity might be related to authoritative parenting style, but masculinity is not. Limitations

All the measures were retrospective and reported by the students years after their actual experience. They do not necessarily represent what the parents' behavior was during formative early and middle periods of childhood. The design is correlational and all measures made at one time, so no causal relationships can be interpreted. There were no independent ratings of any measure. The median split is a weak and inconsistent des-ignation of groups, so statistical power is compromised. More theoretical



development is needed on the specifi c possible mechanisms by which pa-rental style may aff ect gender role identity.

Despite these limitations, the present study contributes to the litera-ture by addressing an important yet virtually uncharted area of research. That is, the fi ndings propose that parenting styles are related to college children's gender role identities. More specifi cally, both mothers and fa-thers' authoritativeness are associated with femininity, participants in gender role identity groups show signifi cant diff erences in their fathers' authoritativeness, and fathers' perceived authoritativeness is signifi cantly associated with their college children's androgyny. In addition, the results indicate an important and long overlooked trend: paternal eff ects on gen-der role identity in their children. With increased paternal involvement in family and child development, fathers' parenting styles indeed need more attention in future research.

The present study excluded samples from single parent families due to the consistency of the participants' family patterns. However, the in-fl uences of parenting styles on their children's gender role identities may vary greatly between two-parent and single-parent families. Slavkin and Stright (2000 ) claimed that children with a single father tend to have more feminine gender role identity in comparison to children reared by a single mother; children raised in two-parent families are more likely have an-drogynous gender role identity. Therefore, family patterns should be con-sidered in a later study.

In sum, the present study breaks new ground by investigating the re-lationship between perceived parenting styles and gender role identity in college children through both maternal and paternal parenting styles. Fu-ture research based on these results should investigate how the fi ndings relate to children's psychological well being and behavioral outcomes.

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Accepted December 17 , 2013 .


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