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Selective Deposition in the British Early Bronze Age
Author(s): Stuart P. Needham
Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 20, No. 2, Hoards and Hoarding, (Oct., 1988), pp. 229-248
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124472
Accessed: 17/07/2008 03:40
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elective
deposition
n
t h
r i t i s h
a r l y
r o n z e
g e
Stuart P. Needham
The metalwork of the
Early
Bronze
Age (henceforth EBA)
in
Britain is rich
and
varied
and
spans
a
millennium,
c.2400-1400
BC. Six broad
classes are
recognised:
axes,
small
tools,
daggers,
halberds,
spearheads
and
ornaments. Two of
these
classes contain
a
number of
types.
Small tools
include
knives,
razors,
awls and
chisels,
whilst ornaments
include
beads,
bracelets, sun-discs,
lunulae
and
other
neckrings,
hair-rings,
earrings,
pins,
button
covers and other ornamental
furnishings,
in
gold,
copper
or
bronze.
In
contextual
terms,
to the
standard finds
of
single,
funerary
or hoard
type
can
be
added more
specialised
categories:
mound
deposits,
henge
associations,
bog
deposits
and
river contexts.
Metalwork is at
present
lacking
in
settlement
contexts
for
EBA
Britain;
similarly
metalworking
debris has
yet
to
be
recognised
apart
from
isolated
mould
finds.
General
patterns
It
is no
new
discovery
that the
interaction
between some
of
the
metalwork
classes
and
context
types
takes the
form
of non-random
patterns
of
association. In
particular,
it has
long
been
recognised
that
while
daggers
are
standard burial
accompaniments,
axes
dominate the
hoard record
and halberds
reside in their own
discrete set of
hoards
(Britton 1963).
Similarly,
the
gold
types
so
frequent
in
Ireland,
lunulae
and
sun-discs,
are
each found in
isolation
from other
types
of
metalwork.
The six
metalwork
classes
split
conveniently
into
two sets
according
to
contextual
preference (Table 1):
Set 1: small
tools,
daggers
and ornaments are all
overwhelmingly predominant
in
graves;
Set 2:
halberds,
spearheads
and
axes are much
more common in
hoards
than in
graves.
A
number
of
more
specific
points may
be
made.
Firstly,
the
majority (fifty-nine)
of
the
sixty-six
ornaments
from
hoards
come from a
single
exceptional
hoard,
Migdale,
Highland
Region
(Piggott
and Stewart
1958:
GB
26);
this find
apart,
the
ornament
distribution is
completely
in
line
with
daggers
and
awls.
Secondly,
the
figures
in
the
table's first
column
(single
and
unknown
finds)
are
also seen to be
significant.
In
Set 2
'single
and unknown' finds
equal
or
outnumber
the
combined associated
finds. In
Set
1
they
are
vastly
outnumbered
by
associated
finds,
and
may
originally
have
constituted
an
even smaller proportion; for example, a fair number of 'single' daggers were in or beside
World
Archaeology
Volume 20 No.
2 Hoards and
Hoarding
? Routledge
1988
0043-8243/88/2002/229
$1.50/1
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230
Stuart
P.
Needham
Table1
The
context
of
Early
Bronze
Age
metal
equipment
n Britain.1
OBJECTS
SINGLE
&
UNKNOWN
RIVER
LAKE
&
BOG GRAVES HOARDS
KNIVES,
RAZORS,
39
3
-201(9)
5
245(9)
AWLS
,
CHISELS
DAGGERS
48
8(1)
2(1)
144(17)
21(1.)
213(18)
ORNAMENTS
20
-
2
131(7)
66(9)
220(16)
HALBERD
PENDANTS
- -
-
3
-
HALBERDS
26
1(1)
3(5)
(3)
19(5)
45(8)
SPEARHEADS
42
8
3(2) 1
23(3)
66(3)
H
AXES
c.800
33(6)
11(3)
15(9)
182(45)
c.997(54)
TOTALS:
c.975
53(8)
21(11)
495(45)
316(63)
c.1786(108)
barrows and probably originated in a burial context. The same is probably true of some
'single'
ornaments and tools.
Thirdly,
with the
possible exception
of
halberds,
river
finds
are
more
important
than
bog
finds,
although
neither context is
particularly
common.
The
river finds
tend
to
belong
to the last
phase
of
the
EBA
and herald the more common river
deposits
of
the Middle and Late
Bronze
Age
(e.g.
Needham
and
Burgess
1980).
Exceptions
to
the
prevalent
associations
should
be of
equal
interest
to
us
for,
if
there
were
well-formulated
regulations controlling
metalwork
deposition,
we
might
ask
on
what occasions and
why
were
they disregarded?
In
addition
to
the
Migdale
anomaly
already
mentioned,
there
are
interesting
groups
of
daggers
in
hoards,
and
axes in
graves
and
these
will be
dealt with below.
Patterns
of
association
in
hoards and
graves
Certain
aspects
of
selection
may
be
considered
by contrasting
the
frequency
and
association
of
the different
metalwork
types
in hoards and
graves.
The record
of
association
presented
in
Table 2
reinforces
the dominance of
object
Set 1 in
graves
and
Set
2 in
hoards.
Looking
first at
graves,
most of the small
tools,
daggers
and ornaments
occur
as the
sole metalwork class in a
grave
group,
but
the
three
classes
also occur
regularly
in
association with one another as might be expected. Halberds and spearheads,
exceptional
in
graves,
show
no
patterning.
Axes,
although
rare
in
graves,
occur
more
often with
other metal classes than alone.
This
suggests
that,
in their use as
grave
goods,
TOTALS:
(SINGLE, GRAVES
&
HOARDS)
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Selective
deposition
in the British
Early
Bronze
Age
231
axes
were
generally
added to
an
established
funerary
repertoire,
rather than
supplanting
it.
In
hoard
associations,
spearheads,
uncommon on
their
own,
recur with
axes,
daggers
and
small
tools in
descending
frequency.
In
contrast,
halberds are
largely
confined to
halberd-only
hoards.
Daggers,
but
a minor
component
of the
hoard
association,
are most
often found with axes.
However,
the four associations with
spearheads
form
the
greater
proportion
in
relation to
their
overall
frequencies
in hoards.
Table
2
The
associationbetween differentmetalworkclasses in
graves
and hoards.2
KNIVES
ETC
DAGGERS
ORNAMENTS HATRERDS
SPEARHEADS
KNIVES
RAZORS,
AWLS
155
17
14
- -
5
CHISELS
-
(6) (1) (1) (1)
DAGGERS
101
16
-
1
6
2
1
\(11) (1)
ORNAMENTS
36
1 4
(5)
(3)
HALBERDS
- -
4
(
2)
(1)
)
(1)
(2)
SPEARHEAD
2
4
2
AXES
(&
AXE-
4
CHISELS)
3
8
4
-
5
26
(3)
(4)
(1)
(2)
(16)
HOARDS
A further
aspect
of the
basic
dichotomy
between
metalwork
of Sets
1
and 2
is
illustrated
by
axes and
daggers
which
are
associated
six and
eight
times
in the
grave
and
hoard
records
respectively.
Daggers
outnumber
axes
(2:1
and
3:1)
in three of the
grave
associations
and
equal
them
(1:1)
in
the
other
three
grave
groups.
Meanwhile
axes
outnumber
daggers
in seven
of
eight
relevant
hoards
(mostly
listed
in Table
2).
Shifts in the hoard record
The tables
considered
so
far
inevitably suppress
any
chronological
or
geographical
A
X.
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232
Stuart
P. Needham
variation in
depositional practice.
In
this
and
the
following
three
sections attention will
be
focused on a number of instances of uneven distribution
in
the
archaeological
record.
Hoards
are treated first
because
they
represent, together
with
single
finds
which
show
similar
concentrations,
the
largest body
of
metalwork and
so
can
serve as a
backcloth
against
which to view other contexts. Four
broadly
sequential
groups
of hoards
have
been
plotted
(Figs
1 and
2) according
to their
'Metalwork
Assemblages'.
These
Assemblages
refer to
groups
of
associated
finds,
mainly
hoards,
and are
defined
using
detailed
axe
typology
(Needham
et al.
1985:
ii-iii).
The
maps
indicate
a shift
through
the
Copper
and
Early
Bronze
periods
from a
highland/Ireland
dominated
distribution
towards
a lowland concentration.
The
observed
pattern
raises
questions
of the
relationships
of
the hoards to
production
and of finds
densities
to the
original
metal
stock
in circulation.
None of the British
hoards
has any evidence connecting it explicitly to the process of metalworking; explanation of
the broken
objects
in
some
hoards
(e.g.
Coles
1968-9:33)
is
ambiguous,
and
therefore
they
cannot
necessarily
be
regarded
as
the
unretrieved
stock-piles
of
smiths,
or
indeed
of
merchants,
as
often
tacitly
assumed.
Only rarely
are the
circumstances
of
hoards
adequately
recorded,
but
sometimes
these
give
evidence
of
considerable
care
in
the
arrangement
of
objects
thus
hinting
that
deposition
was
not
only
deliberate,
but
intended
to
be
permanent.
Schmidt
(1978-9:319)
drew
attention
to a clear
case,
the
Irish
hoard
from
Carhan,
Co.
Kerry,
which
came from a hollowed rock
rising
from
a
stream channel.
Eleven
axes with
their
cutting
edges
outwards were
arranged
in
a
circle
around
a
heap
of
wood
ashes and bones
of
deer;
a slab covered the hollow
(Proceedings
of
the
Royal
Irish
Academy, IV (1847-50): 166-7). Here is something beyond a purely functional
requirement
in the
act of
their
burial. Other
hoards were
laid in
orderly
arrangement,
as
at Arreton
Down,
Isle
of
Wight (Needham
et al.
1985:A6),
stacked
as at
Milverton,
Somerset
(Minnitt 1974)
or
Bridgemere,
Cheshire
(R.
Turner,
pers.
comm.),
or,
like
Carhan,
covered
by
slabs
or boulders
as at Combe
Hill, Sussex,
Plymstock,
Devon,
Menai
Bridge, Anglesey,
and
Finglenny
Hill,
Grampian
(Britton 1963).
The
Plymstock
bronzes
were furthermore
'piled
upon
a
ledge
of the
rock'.
At Dail na
Caraidh,
Highland,
a sizeable
boulder was set
alongside
the
pit containing
hoard
deposit
2
(Gourlay
and Barrett
1984),
while
the
axes of the
Colleonard
hoard,
Grampian,
sat
blades
uppermost
in
a
pottery
vessel
flanked
by
two
stones
(Piggott
and
Stewart
1957:
GB 29). Some further hoards regarded as having been deposited in special locations are
to be discussed below.
The
shifting pattern
of hoard
deposition
is
best understood
in
terms
of
regional
metal
surpluses.
The
passage
of several centuries
appears
to have
seen
the
gradual
erosion,
by
the fertile
southeast,
of
a metal
surplus
at
first
naturally acquired
in
the
ore-bearing
highland
zone.
It
should
be
emphasised
that
the
archaeological
record
is in this
respect
probably
only
witnessing
the
surplus,
and
that,
due
to
efficient
recycling,
the
stock
in
circulation
which
gave
rise
to that
surplus
is a hidden
quantity.
At
any
time the
retained
stock
is
likely
to
have been
larger
than
the
amount
of
metal
permitted
to
be
consigned
permanently
to the
ground,
although
the actual ratios
between
recycled
stock
and
deposited 'surplus' could have been as variable as the utilitarian and symbolic
importance
attached
to
metalwork
by
different
societies.
Consequently,
although
it
may
never be
possible
to
extrapolate
the
relative
density
of metalwork in
circulation,
it
is
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Selective
deposition
in
the British
Early
Bronze
Age
233
possible
to venture that the
perceived
distributions
are an
exaggerated
record
of real
regional
inequalities,
which are
changed through
time.
This
regionally
changing
metal
stock could
also
have led
to constraints on
other forms
of
deposition, notably
in
graves.
Regionalisation
and
specialisation
in
grave
metalwork
The
grave
record cannot
be treated
in
quite
the same manner
as
hoards because
graves
also
hold a
wide
range
of non-metal
materials.
Dealing
with this
diversity
is
beyond
the
scope
of
the
present paper,
but
its
exclusion
does not
detract
from some
important
features
of
the metal
grave
finds. For
example,
the
placing
of
ornaments
in
graves
provides
a
picture
of
regional preference
which
taken
at face
value,
might suggest
that
areas of circulation were not countrywide (Fig. 3). Metal beads are confined to south-
east
Britain,
hair-rings/earrings
are concentrated
in
central Britain
and bracelets
are
by
far
the
predominant
grave
ornament
in
the
north.
Does the
choice of ornament
type
for
consumption
in
funerary
rites
directly
reflect actual
preferences
in
pre-depositional
use?
Was
production,
which
logically
might
be
geared
to both
of
these
needs,
also
geographically
confined?
The
Migdale
hoard in northern Scotland shows another
possibility
as it includes tubular
beads,
taking
the
type
far
beyond
its southeastern
range
as documented
by grave
finds
(Fig.
3).
This
might
indicate that tubular beads
were
more
widely
circulated
but were
only
commonly
placed
in
graves
in one
region
and were
rarely
ever
put
in
hoards.
In this
model,
funerary
choice,
which is
represented
in
the
archaeological record, is set apart from selection in everyday or ceremonial use, which in
this case is
not
represented.
Production,
being
a
process
at
another
remove,
is
thus rather
unlikely
to
have a distribution
resembling
the
grave
record.
In
order
to choose between
the
two
explanatory
models
offered
we need more
diverse
evidence,
in
particular
manufacturing
remains.
At
present
no
metalworking
sites
are
known
in EBA Britain
and
casting
debris is confined
to isolated finds of stone moulds.
There are thirteen
secure
grave
associations
for
axes
and
axe-like
implements.
The
latter
qualification
covers the fact
that the
grave
axes are
not,
as a
group, representative
of the much
larger
axe series
from hoards and
single
finds.
Some
of the
grave
axes
are
standard,
some are
morphologically
compatible
but of diminutive
size,
and a few
are
atypical
in
morphology
(Fig. 4). An example of the last is the well-known Bush Barrow
axe
which is of a form
hard to match
precisely
amongst
class
4
axes
to
which
it
belongs
(Needham
1983:191-3).
It is
an
unusually
thin instrument
for
its size which
may
put
it,
along
with the
diminutive
axes,
functionally
out
of
line
with the mainstream.
Nevertheless,
most
grave
axes
can
be
phased
according
to hoard
chronology
and show
marked
regional
differentiation
(Fig.
5).
The well-known
Wessex
examples
are
outnumbered
and
clearly
pre-dated
by
an
important
group
in
northern
England,
amongst
them
a
newly-excavated
example
from
Manor
Farm,
Lancashire
(Olivier
1987).
Indeed
the
two main
groups,
northern
England
and
Wessex-Wales,
may
have no connection.
In
part
these
departures
from normal
grave deposition
practices
may
tie
in
with shifts
in
concentrations of metal stocks.
However,
although
the addition of normal-sized axes to
the
funerary
repertoire
takes
more metal
out
of
circulation
than
any
of the standard
funerary accompaniments
(including
daggers),
this
would not
apply
to diminutive
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HOARD
D
EPOSITION
200
km
t
I
j,J
Figure
1
Hoard
depositio
n Metalwork
Assemblages
I-IH.
For
Key
se
MAI-I
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236
Stuart
P. Needham
+
Earrings
Metal
beads
Q
*
Bracelets
0+
and bracelets n
grave
contexts.
precisely
the zone
of
our
early
metal
group
(Kinnes
1979).
Hoard composition n Mealworkssetmblage VI
Although
there is a
strong
element
of
continuity
in hoard
composition
during
the
EBA,
with
a
heavy
accent on the inclusion of axes and
in some
circumstances
halberds,
certain
assemblages
break
away
from traditional
patterns.
This
is
perhaps
most marked
in
the
Arreton
complex,
Metalwork
Assemblage
VI
(MA
VI).
Table 3 shows the
breakdown
of
18
certain
or
probable
MA VI associations
according
to the four metalwork classes
represented.
Axes are
by
far the
most
regular type;
indeed
six hoards are
axe-only,
perpetuating
a
long
insular tradition
of such
axe-only
deposits.
Spearheads,
a novel
type
in
this
period,
occur
in half
the
hoards,
even
though they
only
represent
a fifth of the objects
present
in the whole
group.
On three occasions they are
the dominant
type
in mixed
hoards,
and
twice
occur
as
pairs
without
other
types.
Daggers
never occur
alone,
nor as the dominant
type,
despite
occurring
in a third
of
all
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Selective
deposition
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Early
Bronze
Age
237
Table
3
Hoard
composition
n
Metalwork
Assemblage
VI.
U)
8 g
cn m
IND
POSLINGFORD
(Suffolk)
HOARD
19
19
MENAI
BRIDGE
(Anglesey)
HOARD
8
8
COMBE
HILL
(Sussex)
HOARD 4
4
HOLYWELL
(Suffolk)
SUPPOSED HOARD 4
4
MILVERTON
(Somerset)
HOARD 3
3
THORNTON
CARRS
(Lincolnshire)
AREA FIND 2
2
WESTBURY
(AvonY
HOARD
3
1
4
PLYMSTOCK
(Devon)
HOARD
16
2
2
1
21
EBNAL
(Shropshire)
HOARD
3
2
2
1
8
BRIDGEMERE
(Cheshire)
HOARD
3
1
4
B
8
GAVEL MOSS
(Strathclyde)
HOARD 2
1 3
TOTLAND
(Isle
of
Wight)
HOARD
7 3 3
13
BUCKLAND
(Kent)
SUPPOSED HOARD 3
1
4
? -.
ARRETON DOWN
(Isle
of
Wight)
HOARD 4
2
10
16
PILSDON
(Dorset)
HOARD 1
2
3
c
LONG ASHTON
(Avon)
HOARD
1 4
5
LIGHTWATER
(Surrey)
HOARD
2
2
P 0
RODBOROUGH
(Gloucestershire)
HOARD
2
2
cn
m
Total of
type
83
5 11
26
125
Total
occurrence
in hoards
16 3 6
9
the hoards.
Their
consistently
subordinate
appearance
in
the hoard
record
complements
their continued funeral role
in the south at this
date.
The
small
tools
represented-
knives, chisels,
stakes
and
hammers
--
constitute another subordinate
class.
All
but
knives
are
rare
types
in
any
context
at this date.
Table 3
sets the
hoards in
order,
from
axe-only
hoards
at
one
end of the chart to
spearhead-only at the other. The 10 mixed tool/weapon hoards divide into a tool (i.e.
mainly axe)
dominant
set
and a
spearhead
dominant set.
The table
does
not
provide unequivocal
evidence
that
the
new
spectrum
of hoard
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238
Stuart
P. Needham
1
2
3
cii
d
uD
EZIIIIIC
5
lit.'y "o
---*--,
c m
0
eiiiufi
|4 fj
^
iY1.,
Figure
4 A
selection of axes and axe-chisels
rom
grave
contexts:
1)
West
Overton
G1, Wiltshire;
(2)
Llanbleddian,
Glamorgan;
(3)
Bush
Barrow, Wiltshire; (4) Bryn
Crug,
Gwynedd;
(5)
Llanddyfnan,Anglesey;
and
(6)
Moot
Low, Derbyshire.
compositions
was
due
to a deliberate
policy
by
the
depositors,
rather than
say
an
incidental by-product of changes in the organisation of metalworking. Certain facts,
however,
would favour the former view.
In
addition to the
special
circumstances of
deposition
known
for
some of these
hoards
(described above)
there are
certain
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Selective
deposition
in the British
Early
Bronze
Age
239
c.2400
2000
1800
1600
1400
B.C.
METALWORK
ASSEMBLAGE: TT-TTT
TV
NORTHERN
diiititiu,nh1I
WALES
WESSEX
SOUTH-WEST
ENGLAND
SOUTH-EAST
ENGLAND
iH|1?111111illi
I111111
I I
I
ii
II i
geographical
biases
in
the observed
compositions
which are not
necessarily
echoed
by
finds
in
other
contexts.
The three
hoards
with small tools
all come from
western
Britain.
Meanwhile
spearheads
are
included in
eight
of
eleven hoards from southern
counties,
yet
in only one of seven midland and northern hoards (defined as north of the River
Thames).
There
may actually
have been
some
choice
made
between
daggers
and
spearheads.
The
largest
mixed
tool/weapon
hoards
incorporate
both
weapon types (Fig.
6).
However,
depositors
of smaller hoards
may
have needed to
express
a
preference,
for
just
one
type accompanies
the usual
axes. Three such small hoards in
the south
include
spearheads
and
not
daggers,
while two hoards to the north
(Bridgemere,
Cheshire,
and
Gavel
Moss,
Strathclyde)
each have a
dagger alongside
axes
(Fig.
7).
Patterning
amongst
single
finds
If
interpretation
of
the
hoard evidence is
not
wholly
free from
ambiguity,
that
of
single
finds is even
more
hazardous since one
degree
of
freedom,
that of
patterns
of
Figure 5 The chronology of
axes
placed
in
graves.
1 Grave context (box area equivalent) containing:
Normal
size
axe
Diminutive
axe
Related
axe-chisels
v
VT
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240
Stuart
P. Needham
ONLY
DAGGERS
A
A
ONLY
SPEARHEADS
AAA
DAGGERS
&
SPEARHEADS
A.
A
A
A
~-~?--^n~-T^n^
^i^
u
4
6
U
0
12
14
Figure
6
Weapons
in
mixed
hoards of
Metal-
work
Assemblage
VI in
relation to hoard size.
16
18 20 22
HOARD
SIZE
(NO.
OF
BRONZES)
0,
Figure
7
The
distribution
of
MA VI
hoards.
No
weapons
Daggers
with
axes
A
Spearheads
with axes
A
Spearheads
alone
Daggers
and
spearheads
associations,
is
precluded.
Certain
approaches
to
single
finds
can, however,
suggest
that
their
presence
in the
archaeological
record is
not
random. One
might,
for
example,
compare contemporary
object
distributions in one sort
of
context
in one
region;
casual
loss
might reasonably
be
expected
to have resulted
in
similar distributions.
Alternatively,
a
single
type
might
be
found
to
have
very
different
depositional
circumstances across
wider
regions
suggesting
that
its
importance
and overall
function
was
determined
by
society and not purely by intrinsic properties. Another possibility would be to consider
the
temporal changes
in
context observed
for a
given
type suggesting
changing
behaviour
patterns
behind
deposition
or
loss.
-
-- --
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Selective
deposition
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Early
Bronze
Age
241
An
example
of the
first kind
may
be drawn
again
from Metalwork
Assemblage
VI
by
considering
the
deposition
of
the main
types
in the
river
Thames.
The linear
distribution
of
weapons
(spearheads
and
daggers
combined)
does
not
compare closely
with that for
axes
(Fig. 8)
and
it is not
easy
to
regard
all the
finds,
which
belong
to
one
tradition,
as
resulting
from a
single pattern
of
loss.
The
evidence
might
alternatively
be
understood
in
terms
of the deliberate
disposal
of
metalwork,
different communities
along
the
valley
choosing,
or
being
constrained,
to discard
different
types
of
object.
Other
case studies
can illustrate
the second
and third kinds
of
patterning
described
above.
The
tanged copper
dagger,
known
in
both
Britain and
Ireland,
appears
in
quite
distinct contextual
frameworks
in the
two islands
(Fig.
9).
In
Britain
they
belong
to a
familiar
grave package
within the
Beaker series
(Clarke 1970:448),
whilst in Ireland
where
none
accompany
burials almost
all are recorded
from
bog deposits.
In
Ireland
a
similar
bias
towards
bog
contexts
exists for
the
contemporary
axes
(Fig. 10; Lough
Ravel),
but
is seen to be
steadily
eroded
by
an increase
in river
deposition
as
the
EBA
wore
on
(Schmidt
1978:319-20).
Such
patterns
taken
together suggest
that
single
finds as
well
as
hoards
belonged
generally
to a
system
of
regular
deliberate
deposition;
the
system evidently
had
very
different
controls
than
applied
to
contemporary
funerary
deposits.
Special
and ritual contexts
Some more unusual context types to be considered are mound deposits and henge finds.
Axes
dominate these
contextual
groups,
but other
types
occasionally
intrude.
Central
to the
mound
deposit
category
are
five axe hoards
for
which
good
circumstances
of
discovery
exist
(Table
4),
indeed some were
found
under
excavation,
thus
giving
confidence
that no burial
remains
accompanied
them.
In
similarly good
contexts
are
examples
of
ornament
(Cairntable,
Strathclyde;
Henshall
1964:427,
fig.
1.2)
and
axe-weapon
deposits
(Dail
na
Caraidh
2;
Highland
Region;
Gourlay
and
Barrett
1984),
as
well
as the
Kintore,
Grampian
Region,
flat-axe
mould
(Britton
1963:322,
no.
10).
This
practice
of
non-grave
mound
deposition
was
probably
more
common,
as
may
be seen
from
other finds with
less well-documented
contexts
in or
close to mounds and
burial sites (Table 4). One wonders also whether the rich artifacts, including metalwork,
spread
across a flint
cairn within the Clandon
barrow,
Dorset
(Drew
and
Piggott
1936),
were
the
grave group
so often
assumed.
Mound
deposits
also
occur in Ireland
where
at least three
flat
axes were sited
on
mound
edges
at
Tully,
Co.
Fermanagh (Waterman
1978:11-12,
fig.
7.13),
Carrowlisdooaun,
Co.
Mayo
(Hencken
1935:77,
80,
fig.
4j),
and
Newgrange,
Co.
Meath
(O'Kelly
and Shell
1979).
It is
important
to
emphasise
that
in
these
mound
deposits
axes
are
predominant,
in
complete
opposition
to
the normal
grave
metalwork.
This
is
also a
feature
of
carvings
which decorate
part
of the
cist at four burial sites
at
Ri
Cruin,
Nether
Largie
1 and
2,
Strathclyde,
and at
Bradbury,
Dorset
(Schmidt
1978-79: 314-8). Symbolically the
multiple
object
carvings
may
therefore
be
surrogate mound-deposited
hoards,
the
different
manifestations
perhaps
being
determined in
part
by
local
tradition,
in
part
by
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RIVER
THAMES
OXFORD READING
M'DNHEAD
R.WEY TWICK'MWANDS'TH
.LEA
II1
111
S
FLANGEDXES
WEAPONS:
EBA
SPEARHEAD
a
CAMERTON-SNOWSHILL
L_k_
_DAGGER
I
Figure
8
The distribution
of MA VI
bronzes
recovered from the river Thames
(length
straightened).
Each
bar
represents
one
object.
TANGED DAGGERS
v
dagger
knife
p%
v
poor findspot
o
grave
H
hoard
V bog
find
Figure
9
The
distribution
and
context of
tanged daggers
in
Britain
and
Ireland.
I
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Selective
deposition
in the
British
Early
Bronze
Age
243
Figure
10
The
chronological Obog
a
river
trend
in
EBA axe
deposition
find find
in
wet environments
in
Ireland.
0
100%
5axes]
"
Lough
Ravel
14)
'
-I
-
.'
-
I
I~~
-
Killaha
10)
Batlyvaley
(34)
Derryniggin
7)
the
availability
of
metal
surpluses
or durable stone. The
carvings
on
cists are
obviously
primary
to
an act
of
burial,
whereas
mound
deposits
may
or
may
not be
buried
during
funerary
rites.
The carvings lead to the rather infrequent henge associations, since a fifth site with
multiple
axe
carvings
is
Stonehenge
(Atkinson
1956:30-4,
pl. 12).
The
suggested
dagger
at
Stonehenge
is at best
ambiguous
for it
may
well be two
superimposed
axes.
Two
other
henge
associations are of
single
bronze
implements:
an awl at Castell
Bryn Gwyn,
Anglesey
(Wainwright
1962),
and more
importantly
a
pristine
axe from the main
enclosure
ditch
at
Mount
Pleasant,
Dorset
(Britton
1979).
This
axe
is
convincing
as a
ritual
deposit, perhaps
following
earlier
practices
of stone
axe
deposition,
and
a motive is
not hard to
find. Its
stratigraphical position
in
the
14C-dated ditch
sequence, places
its
deposition
close
in
time to
the construction of the
large
timber
palisade
in
the
seventeenth
century
BC. What
better celebration
of
the colossal
undertaking
involving
considerable tree-felling than the deposition of one of the finest axes of that period.
Another
likely
ritual site
context
is
that
of the
Caerloggas
I
ring
cairn,
Cornwall,
where
part
of
a decorated
bronze
dagger,
tin
slag
and
a
piece
of
amber,
amongst
other
artifacts,
were found
scattered around
the interior
of the small embanked enclosure
(Miles 1975).
No burial
survived
on the
site,
and it is
thought
very unlikely
that
these finds
were
placed
as
grave goods.
Axes
as
non-utilitarian
artifacts
Further indications of the
special
status that axes
may
have held can be adduced from
aspects
of their decoration
and
apparent
lack
of
hafting. Although
a
large
number
of
axes
have come
from
bogs
in
Ireland,
surprisingly
not
one
is
reported
to have been found
with
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Table
4
Early
Bronze
Age
metalwork
in ritual contexts.
MOUND
DEPOSIT
-
NO BURIAL
FROM
MOUND
-
UNCLEAR
CONTEXT
NEAR
CIST/BURIAL
BURIAL
MOUND
IN
CIST
-
NO BURIAL
AXE
CARVINGS
AXE
MOULDS
Kintore
(Grampian)
SINGLE
Brockhillstone
Laverstock
(Wilts)
Llanfyrmach
(Dyfed)
AXES
(Drumfries &
Lullington
(Sussex) Balbirnie (Fife)
Galloway)
Hill of
Redhall
(Tayside)
AXES
Wold
Farm
(N
Yorkshire)
Camptown
(Lothian)
Combe
Hill
(Sussex)
Barevan
Kirk
Dail
na
(Highland)
Caraidh
1
(Highland)
Durris
(Grampian)
Fortrie
of
Balnoon
(Grampian)
E
AXE-WEAPON
Dail na
Caraidh
2
Eildon
(Borders)
Sluie
(Grampian)
C (Highland)
ORNAMENTS
Cairntahle
Harlyn
Bay
Lumphanan(Grampian)
Orbliston
(Grampia
(+
AXE)
(Strathclyde)
(Cornwall)
Pettycur
(Fife)
MALL
TOOLS
DAGGER
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Selective
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Early
Bronze
Age
245
haft traces.
By
contrast,
an
example
from
Brockagh,
Co.
Kildare,
was
actually
recovered
in
a leather
pouch,
which
may
be taken as
contemporary despite
Rynne's
doubts
(1961-3:
460-1).
These two facts in
conjunction
might
hint at a role for the EBA axe in an
unhafted state. This can be
augmented
by
two further observations:
firstly,
the carved
axes
also lack
hafts;
and
secondly,
the haft
ends of axeheads are
frequently
decorated.
In
some
cases
the
decoration is
quite
simple,
in others it is
part
of
a
complex
overall
scheme
across the whole
of
the face.
Looking
at these instances
pragmatically,
it
is
logical
to
suppose
that
the whole
design
was intended
to
be
seen on certain
occasions,
thus
requiring
the axe
to
be in an unhafted
state.
If,
on the other
hand,
such axes were
kept
hafted
then their
decoration
assumes
anyway
a
decidedly
symbolic
role. Wear of the
haft-end decoration
observed
in
a few cases
suggests
that these axes did on
occasion find
utilitarian
use.
It
is
possible
in this
way
to
envisage
a role
for
the axes in
an
unhafted
state and
therefore
in a
non-utilitarian
capacity.
The role was concerned
with
display,
as
suggested
by
the
practice
of
decorating
the
objects
and the
portrayal
of
axes
in
carvings,
and
was
often
connected
to sacred
sites,
of both
funerary
and
ritual
function,
or in
some
regions
to
bog
or river
deposition.
A
general
theory
of EBA metalwork
consumption
An
attempt
must be
made to draw
together
the
many
and
varied
pieces
of evidence
presented, for they should be explicable in terms of a general theory of social behaviour,
albeit modified
by regional
idiosyncracies.
The
uneven distributions
of the
recovered
finds
are
probably
quite disproportionate
to
those that
originally
obtained in
circulation.
One
major distorting
factor is
considered to
have
been
un-standardised attitudes
amongst prehistoric
communities,
the extent
of
deliberate
deposition being
determined
by
the
surplus
above
their
perceived
utilitarian
requirements.
Such
factors have
not,
however,
clouded a view
of two
sets
of
metal
equipment
which
each had a
particular
significance
for
contemporary
society; certainly
they
were
used
in
contrasting
ways.
The
first set
(comprising
daggers,
knives and
other small
tools,
and
a
variety of lightweight ornaments) can be viewed as symbols of personal status, rank and
perhaps occupation.
There
may
have been
other
symbols
in use
through
life,
but those
cited
were the
ones
generally
permitted
to attend the
corpse
into the afterworld. We
have seen that their use in
graves
followed different
patterns
of
preferences
from
region
to
region,
and
through
time. A
feature
common
to
almost
all metal
accompaniments
in
graves
is
that metal was consumed
sparingly
and this
might
hint
at an economic
determinism
governing disposal
of this
valuable
resource
for
personal
aggrandisement.
Miniaturisation
of
some
types
for
funerary
use echoes this theme
(e.g. Piggott
1973:361,
365).
The
exceptions
to this
pattern
are the few metal-rich
grave
goods
(e.g.
Bush
Barrow)
which are
misleadingly
allowed to dominate
our inference
on
the status
of
the
elite.
Many
hoards and even
single
finds are
at variance with this
funerary
poverty;
much
larger
quantities
of
metal,
by weight,
could
evidently
be
consigned
to
the
ground
in
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Selective
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the British
Early
Bronze
Age
247
Colloquium
held
in
Stockholm,
May
1985;
the feed-back from
colloquium participants
deserves
warm
thanks,
especially
the enthusiasm of John Barrett. I am
vastly
indebted to
constructive
criticism from Sheridan
Bowman.
Amongst
the
many
museums
and
individuals who have
put
material
at
my disposal
I would
particularly
like to thank David
Dawson,
Robert
Gourlay,
Adrian Olivier
and Ric Turner
respectively
for
unpublished
details
of
the new
finds
from
Long
Ashton,
Dail na
Caraidh,
Manor Farm and
Bridgemere.
For
further
assistance,
with
maps
and
diagrams,
I am
grateful
to
Philip
Compton.
25.i.
1988
British
Museum
London WC1B 3DG
Notes
1
Figures
relate to the
number
of
objects
rather than
contexts;
those
in
parentheses
denote
uncertain
ontexts,
which are additional o the
main totals.
River,
lake
and
bog
totals are
also
includedwithin
'Single
& Unknown'
figures.
2
Figures
n
parentheses
ndicateadditionalbut
uncertain
associations.Cells
split by
the
diagonal
line relate
to
contexts
containingonly
one metalwork
lass.
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Abstract
Needham, Stuart
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Selective
deposition
in the British
Early
Bronze
Age
The contextual
and
spatial
distributions
of metalwork
in
Early
Bronze
Age
Britain make a
clear
case
for the differential use of
the various metal
equipment
available. This
paper
concentrates on
deposition
and
argues
that
various
depositional
modes were
intended
to
be
permanent.
There is
a
complex
interplay
between
and
within
grave
contexts,
hoards
and
single
finds,
with mutual
exclusion
as
a
dominant feature.
Extant distributions
are considered
to be
largely
due to
positive
selection
processes
in
deposition,
a conclusion with
implications
for the
metal
stocks
in
circulation.
Suggestions
regarding
the
use
of
early
metalwork
in
display
and
parade,
as
denoter
of
rank
or
symbolic
expression,
as well
as associations
with
ritual
sites,
contribute
to
a
social
theory
which is
advanced to account for the main
customs
of
deposition
observed.