13 Zulfikar Ali Kalhoro Complete

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MUSIC IN ART INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR MUSIC ICONOGRAPHY Vol. XXXV, no. 1–2 Spring–Fall 2010 EDITOR ZDRAVKO BLAŽEKOVIĆ COPY EDITOR (Dunedin papers) ERIN JOHNSON-HILL Music in Art (ISSN 1522-7464) is the continuation of the RIdIM/RCMI Newsletter, volume I (1975) to volume XXII (1997). The journal is published yearly and annual subscription rates are $130 for institutions and $40 for individuals. Articles may be submitted in English, French, Italian, Spanish, or German. The journal also reviews books and exhibitions. Letters from readers are welcomed. The editor reserves the right to publish letters in excerpted form and to edit for conci- sion and clarity. Authors are responsible for obtaining permis- sion to publish each of their illustrations and music examples. Music in Art is abstracted in RILM Abstracts of Music Litera- ture; Bibliography of the History of Art (BHA); International Index of Music Periodicals (IIMP); Bibliographie des Musik- schriftums (BMS); and cited in Music Index and Art Index. Printed by Imprimerie REF, Montreal, in September 2010. © MMX Research Center for Music Iconography CUNY. All rights reserved. No part of the contents may be reproduced without the written permission of the publisher. The City University of New York, The Graduate Center Barry S. Brook Center for Music Research and Documentation Research Center for Music Iconography 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10016-4309 Phone (212) 817-1992. Fax (212) 817-1569 [email protected] web.gc.cuny.edu/rcmi RETHINKING MUSIC IN ART: NEW DIRECTIONS IN MUSIC ICONOGRAPHY ALAN DAVISON & HENRY JOHNSON 7 Preface ANTONIO BALDASSARRE 9 The Jester of Musicology, or The Place and Function of Music Iconography in Institutions of Higher Education MARTIN KNUST 37 Urged to Interdisciplinary Approaches: The Iconography of Music on the Reliefs of Angkor Wat WALTER KURT KREYSZIG 53 The Significance of Iconography in the Print Culture of the Late-Fifteenth-Century Music Theoretical Discourse: The Theoricum opus musice discipline (1480) and Theorica musice (1492) of Franchino Gaffurio in the Context of His Trilogy ARABELLA TENISWOOD-HARVEY 71 Whistler’s Nocturnes: A Case Study in Musical Modelling HOLLY MATHIESON 85 National Ambiguity in the Portraiture of Sir Henry Wood: A Case Study in Iconographic Method IAN CHAPMAN 95 Luncheon on the Grass with Manet and Bow Wow Wow: Still Disturbing After All These Years ROBERT G.H. BURNS 105 Depicting the “Merrie”: Historical Imagery in English Folk-Rock HENRY JOHNSON 119 Brushing up on Mutineers: Music with Art at Fletcher’s Mutiny Cyclorama, Norfolk Island * * * * *

Transcript of 13 Zulfikar Ali Kalhoro Complete

Page 1: 13 Zulfikar Ali Kalhoro Complete

MUSIC IN ARTINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR MUSIC ICONOGRAPHY

Vol. XXXV, no. 1–2 Spring–Fall 2010

EDITOR

ZDRAVKO BLAŽEKOVIĆ

COPY EDITOR (Dunedin papers)ERIN JOHNSON-HILL

Music in Art (ISSN 1522-7464) is the continuation of theRIdIM/RCMI Newsletter, volume I (1975) to volume XXII(1997). The journal is published yearly and annual subscriptionrates are $130 for institutions and $40 for individuals.

Articles may be submitted in English, French, Italian, Spanish,or German. The journal also reviews books and exhibitions.Letters from readers are welcomed. The editor reserves theright to publish letters in excerpted form and to edit for conci-sion and clarity. Authors are responsible for obtaining permis-sion to publish each of their illustrations and music examples.

Music in Art is abstracted in RILM Abstracts of Music Litera-ture; Bibliography of the History of Art (BHA); InternationalIndex of Music Periodicals (IIMP); Bibliographie des Musik-schriftums (BMS); and cited in Music Index and Art Index.

Printed by Imprimerie REF, Montreal, in September 2010.

© MMX Research Center for Music Iconography CUNY. Allrights reserved. No part of the contents may be reproducedwithout the written permission of the publisher.

The City University of New York, The Graduate Center Barry S. Brook Center for Music Research and

DocumentationResearch Center for Music Iconography

365 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10016-4309Phone (212) 817-1992. Fax (212) 817-1569

[email protected]/rcmi

RETHINKING MUSIC IN ART: NEW DIRECTIONS IN MUSIC ICONOGRAPHY

ALAN DAVISON & HENRY JOHNSON 7Preface

ANTONIO BALDASSARRE 9The Jester of Musicology, or The Place and Function of Music Iconography in Institutions of Higher Education

MARTIN KNUST 37Urged to Interdisciplinary Approaches: The Iconography of Music on the Reliefs of Angkor Wat

WALTER KURT KREYSZIG 53The Significance of Iconography in the Print Culture of the Late-Fifteenth-Century Music Theoretical Discourse: The Theoricum opus musice discipline (1480) and Theorica musice (1492) of Franchino Gaffurio in the Context of His Trilogy

ARABELLA TENISWOOD-HARVEY 71Whistler’s Nocturnes: A Case Study in Musical Modelling

HOLLY MATHIESON 85National Ambiguity in the Portraiture of Sir Henry Wood: A Case Study in Iconographic Method

IAN CHAPMAN 95Luncheon on the Grass with Manet and Bow Wow Wow: Still Disturbing After All These Years

ROBERT G.H. BURNS 105Depicting the “Merrie”: Historical Imagery in English Folk-Rock

HENRY JOHNSON 119Brushing up on Mutineers: Music with Art at Fletcher’s Mutiny Cyclorama, Norfolk Island

* * * * *

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LAURA MORETTI 135“Quivi si esserciteranno le musiche”: La sala della musica presso la“corte” padovana di Alvise Cornaro

MARÍA PAZ LÓPEZ-PELÁEZ CASELLAS 145“No la una si las dos”: Sympathetic Vibrations in Emblem Treatises

GIANCARLO ROSTIROLLA 157Pier Leone Ghezzi disegnatore di antiche lire: Un excursus tra antiquaria, organologia, musicolografia e mito

ZULFIQAR ALI KALHORO 201Representations of Music and Dance in the Islamic Tombs of Sindh,Pakistan

SING D’ARCI 218The Magna Hispalensis and the Twin Organs of Frey Domingo de Aguirre and Luis de Vilches: Eighteenth-Century Seville and Its Mirror of Wonder

GALINA BAKHTIAROVA 233The Iconography of the Catalan Habanera: Indianos, Mulatas andPostmodern Emblems of Cultural Identity

CRISTINA SANTARELLI 245Nouveau Realisme or “Musical Iconoclasm”? The Case of Arman

CATHERINE S. AMIDON 255Enrico Riley: A Journey in Giant Steps

CHRISTOPHER COOK 261Entertainment in a Box: Domestic Design and the Radiogram andTelevision

SOURCES

STEPHEN A. BERGQUIST 271Ten Musical Portraits

SUMMARIES OF CONTRIBUTIONS 291

BIOGRAPHIES OF AUTHORS 295

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REPRESENTATIONS OF MUSIC AND DANCE IN

THE ISLAMIC TOMBS OF SINDH, PAKISTAN

ZULFIQAR ALI KALHORO

Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE), Islamabad

Sindh is one of the four provinces of Pakistan and, as the borderland between settled civilization and thenomadic pastoral cultures of Baluchistan, it acquired from its neighboring cultures everything what was com-plimentary to it and rejected what was foreign. It is bordered by Punjab in the north, the Arabian Sea andRann of Kutch in the south, Baluchistan in the west, and India in the east.1 The landscape of Sindh is dottedwith tombs reminding of its rich past glory achieved during the administrations of the Samma (1350–1520),Arghuns (1520–1555), Tarkhans (1555–1612), and the Mughal emperors of Delhi (1612–1739). Most of thesestructures are located at Makli Hill, one of the largest necropolises in the world, on the outskirts of Thattawhich was a flourishing city even before AD 1331, when Muhammad Tugluq, Sultan of Delhi, died in its vicinitywhile pursuing the leader of revolt in Gujarat who was given shelter there. The town was for four centuriesthe capital of lower Sindh and one of the seats of Islamic learning, arts and crafts as well as flourishing portof continental trade.2

During the Kalhora rule of Sindh (1681–1783), sepulchral architecture gained prominence, and it is believedthat tombs adorned with paintings have been built at thetime in almost every part of the region. They were erectedeither by the Kalhoras or by their generals and soldiers.The tombs of the rulers were decorated with floral andgeometric designs whereas the tombs of generals andsoldiers had the figural depictions.

Khudabad and Hyderabad were two famous capitalsof the Kalhoras where artists displayed their skills, par-ticularly in painting. The Kalhoras were the great patronsof arts and crafts, and after the decline and decay of Thatta,many artisans settled in their new capital at Khudabad,where they were commissioned by Mian Yar MuhammadKalhoro (reigned 1700–1719) and Mian Noor MuhammadKalhoro (reigned 1719–1753) to construct tombs. Amongpainters whose names have been preserved written intombs are Piyaral Mashori, Miral Mashori, Jurio Mashori,Tooh Mashori, Imam Bakhsh Mashori, Koral Mashori,Dodo Chandio, Mahi faqir Vighio, Sultan Khore, GulMohammad Vighio, Chakar Khan Jamali, Piyaral Mashori,Tooh Mashori, and Koral Mashori. Some of them areburied in the necropolis of Mian Nasir MuhammadKalhoro in Khairpur Nathan Shah region of Dadu. The province of Sindh, Pakistan.

201© 2010 Research Center for Music Iconography CUNY

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My argument is that the towns of Khudabad and Garhi, and later the village of Mian Nasir MuhammadKalhoro, were the main artistic centers not only for the production of wall paintings in tombs but also mi-niature paintings made for the Kalhora rulers, particularly Mian Noor Muhammad with his elder son MianMuradyab Kalhoro, Mian Atur Khan Kalhoro, and Mian Ghulam Shah Kalhoro.3 Wall paintings of theKalhora period have survived in many tombs, and their style can be termed as Sindhi school in which Kal-hora paintings emerged as the predominant style. The Sindhi school of painting is believed to have been fullydeveloped already in the Samma period and reached its pinnacle during the reign of the Kalhoras in the eigh-teenth century. In the Samma period there were also produced portraits especially for Sultan HussainBayaqra who was king of Heart and contemporary to Jam Nizamuddin (1461–1508).4 The artists of Kalhoraschool eventually moved out of their centers in Khudabad and Hyderabad to other parts of Sindh, particu-larly in Larkana where one finds figural paintings reflecting the Kalhora influence.

Every nook and corner of Sindh still has many storytellers who narrate tales in a rhythmic manner toamuse both audience and themselves. Their tales influenced in the past the poets and painters alike, andmany traditional romances, such as Sasui–Punhun, Moomal–Rano, Suhni–Mehar, were depicted on wallsof Kalhora tombs. Among other depicted subjects are battle scenes showing the Kalhora army crushing theenemy troops, glimpses of everyday life and representations of dance and music. Parallel depictions of thedance and music are also commonly found in the Mughal, Rajput, Pahari, and Deccani paintings of India.5

The first regular contact of the Islam with Sindh took place during Mohammad Bin Qasim’s invasion in712 AD and after the conquest, Sindh became increasingly exposed to the diffusion of Islamic art and crafttraditions. The benevolent and munificent attitude of Muhammad Bin Qasim captured the hearts of theSindhis, who as a token of reverence and respect sought permission to prepare his portrait.6 This indicatesthat the art of figurative painting was prevalent before the Muslim conquest of Sindh. Works from the Arabperiod and their successors have not survived, but the discovery of manuscript of the romance of Sayf alMuluk wa-Badi al Jamal, with paintings by Muhammad Warith (Waris) dated on 4 Sha’ban AH 1189 (1 Octo-ber 1775 AD) in Thatta, during the reign of the Kalhora, was a watershed for the history of figurative paintingin Sindh. It seems possible that the manuscript was copied for some Kalhora prince or other influentialpatron.7

TOMBS IN LARKANA. In the northern Larkana district of Sindh there are fourteen painted tombs locatedin eight graveyards. Among these, eight tombs include depictions of dance and music performances.

In the western plains around Shahdadkot in Larkana there are at least five tombs belonging to the Jamalitribe, which played an important role in the socio-political history of Sindh during the Kalhoras. Their tombsare noted for murals representing folk tales, battles and scenes from everyday life. Some eighteen kilometersnorthwest of Shahdadkot, very close to the border of Balochistan, is a small village named after its founderImam Bakhsh Jamali. This was once a prosperous and flourishing town, very important when Mir Sobdarwas the chief of the tribe during the Kalhora period. However, now it is reduced to a few households of theJamalis. Originally, there were four tombs in the village, two of them have survived.

The tomb of Sobdar Jamali is a squared building, believed to have been built by his son Shaho Khan [fig.1]. It is plastered with lime and besides the grave of Mir Sobdar it contains two other graves about which notmuch is known. The other tomb, built of burnt bricks, belongs to Bhai Khan Jamali. The tomb of Sobdar Jamaliis the most impressive, displaying representations of folk tales from different periods: Sassui–Punhun, Nuri–JamTamachi, Leila–Majnun, Sohni–Mehar, Leela–Chanesar, Moomal–Rano, and Bijal–Rai Dyach.8

The most remarkable painting on the southern wall of the tomb is the narrative about King Rai Dyach,who according to a legend ruled over Junagarh in Kathiawar region of Gujarat India, and the celebrated mu-sician Beejal Charan. The story of Rai Dyach, who is remembered as a generous person, is very popular inSindh. The legend goes that one day Beejal Charan played fiddle in the royal palace. His music charmed somuch that Rai Dyach offered to the bard to take any treasures from the palace and even the kingdom. ButBijal, who was loyal to King Ani Rai, the enemy of Rai Dyach, insisted instead that he wants to have theking’s head. He kept playing his fiddle for seven days and nights until King Rai Dyach finally cut off hishead and gave it to Bijal, who brought it to Ani Rai. The Sufi poet Shah Abdul Latif Bhatti (1689–1752) of theKalhora period has put that event in the following lines:

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An inspired bard came to Junagarh, He took his harp and played on it,All the people of the city were with music enthralled,Palace maids were perplexed, the queens did cry,The harp’s strain was “this bard’s aim is the head of the King”.. . . Bard! I salute you ten times, says the king,You ask for that head which is not one grain of peppers’ worth,If you are in need of my head, I would offer it to you ten times.

Rai Dyach is shown on the right-hand side of the painting in the tomb of Sobdar Jamali, presenting hissevered head to Beejal Charan [fig. 2]. He is sitting on a cot (khat) in his palace, surrounded by two femalefigures; one of them is possibly his wife Sorath and the other his maid. Both women are pulling hair whichis in Sindhi society the symbol of mourning. Behind the King is shown his sword and a short gun. Beejal Cha-ran is shown playing a surando (double-chested fiddle) at the door step of the palace of Rai Dyach. Singersat shrines of Kalhoras—known as surandai faqir—use nowadays surando to accompany themselves, particu-larly since the instrument was made by Mian Nasir Muahmmad Kalhoro (1657–1692) an essential part of thezikr (ritual remembering Allah). It could be argued that the artist of the paintings in the tomb of SobdarJamali was inspired by the Sufi poetry of Shah Abdul Latif of Bulri and his great grandson Shah Abdul Latifwhich includes frequent references to folk tales.

On the left-hand side of the composition is probably shown the story about Raja Nand of Mirpur Mathe-lo, who was father of Moomal, the heroine of the romance of Moomal Rano. The king is depicted seated onsofa or cot, showing his hand perhaps to a fortunate teller. To his right side is going on a wrestling match(malakharo), and to his left is a person in black dress performing acrobatics with some objects. In front of theking there are two musicians; one is in green dress, seated and playing tabla, and the other is in red dress,standing and playing duhul (drum).

Twelve kilometers northwest of Shahdadkot, on the same road that leads to Imam Bakhash Jamali, is atomb of Shakal Jamali [fig. 3]. It is built on a squared plan and plastered with lime, though much of its plasteris peeling off. It is in a very bad condition, entirely surrounded by water that has played havoc with the struc-ture. There are several local traditions describing Shakal Jamali. In one he was the head of his village, in theother a shepherd who had built the tomb by himself during his lifetime, and in the third he was a piousperson worshiping in the forests and haunted places, who was after his death honored by his descendantswith the tomb. The tomb is inside adorned with the narrative about Rai Dyach similar to the one in the tombof Sobdar Jamali although this painting is less refined. The painting of the Rai Dyach legend is peculiar tothese two tombs, and one does not find similar representation anywhere in Sindh.

Twenty kilometers north of Shahdadkot, lies the tomb of Saeed Khan Jamali in a village named after him,locally known as Qubo Saeed Khan. He was famous for his generosity in the far-flung areas, and accordingto local accounts, he provided food to every needy passer-by irrespective of caste and creed and evenarranged for their accommodation. The tomb, which is believed to have been built by Saeed Khan Jamalihimself, is simple and inside decorated with paintings.

About twelve kilometers west of Shahdadkot, on the road to Garhi Khairo near the village of Noor NabiJunejo, is a tomb belonging to Rehan Khan Jamali, built in the nineteenth century [fig. 4]. It is a huge buildingresting on a square plane, today deserted and abode of the birds. From a distance it looks like a Kalhoratomb, due to its ambulatory gallery. However, there are not any stairs in it what is a particular characteristicof Kalhora funeraries.

The tomb of Sobdar Khan includes a wall painting showing a male dancer in the center with four femaleson his either side [fig. 5]. This possibly represents Leela, from the romance about Leela–Chanesar, who isdisguised performing with her friends. A similar dance can be seen in the tombs of Rehan Khan [fig. 6] andShakal Khan [fig. 7]. The image in Shakal’s tomb is not particularly striking, except for the additional figureinteracting with the dance on the left-hand side. This figure appears to be either a dance leader or a ministerJakhro of King Chanesar who invited to his marriage ceremony Leela, her friends, and Chanesar [see theromance in appendix].

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The scenes of dancing are the common features of the Jamali tombs. The paintings in tomb of SobdarJamali and Rehan Khan Jamali have immaculately painted scenes of dancing and popular tales, in which themale and female dancers are shown wearing multi-colored dresses. Female dancers wear jewelry and bangl-es. On one painting is shown Mehar, the hero of the romance of Sohni–Mehar, playing flute and grazing hisbuffaloes on the river bank. His beloved Sohni is shown crossing the river which is represented by a crocodileand fish. This depiction of Mehar playing flute is also found in the tombs of Shakal Khan and Sobdar Khan.On one panel in the tomb of Mir Sobdar represented are three stories within the same frame [fig. 8]. To theleft side are the bear and his handler holding a flute in one hand and the rope of the bear in the other. Nextto them are two snake charmers engaged in playing the murli in front of the snake. These are the jogis, a casteof snake charmers. Such images of entertainers are presented in all three tombs of Sobdar, Shakal Khan, andRehan Khan. The Jamali tombs also depict monkeys and their handlers with flute. The tomb of Rehan Khanincludes depiction of an entertainer with flute who seems to be engaged in a combat of snake and mongoose,and snake-charmers playing the murlis in front of snake.

The Sindhi murli consists of two parts: the upper part called “murli” and the lower part called “per”(foot). Of the two reed pipes of the per, the pipe on the player’s left has eight equidistant holes, and it is themain device for playing the melody. The right one, with two holes at the end, is called madi sur ji nali (lit. pipeof the feminine tune) that is used for improvising the supporting tune. According to their music function,the eight holes in the left pipe are called: (1) shahid, (2) wichu, (3) ti-tari, (4) murhalo, (5) sur, (6) baach, (7)dhukkar, and (8) cheech. The seventh hole is meant for adjusting the tal (rhythm) and serves the purpose tablawould have in some performances. In northern Sindh (Larkana, Khairpur and Dadu), murli has an additionalhole at the lower back end of madi (the right hand side pipe), called babiho.9

The right-hand side of the panel in Mir Sobdar tomb is reserved for the Laila–Majnun story, which foundits place in the Sindhi society imported from Arabic/Persian cultures. Here it attracted the imagination oflocal artists who included it in the Kalhora period tombs of the Jamali tribe, of Daud Khan and Ghazi Khan,and of Mir Muhammad Khan of Chandia tribe. The first painting of Laila–Majnun romance was made in oneof the tombs in the necropolis of Mian Nasir Muhammad Kalhoro in Khairpur Nathan Shah, in the Dadudistrict. In the representation in Mir Sobdar’s tomb there are three persons, Majnun (Arabic word, literallymeaning “possessed” or mad, mad in the love of Laila) seated under bent tree, Laila depicted going to meetMajnun, and a man carrying axe, who appears to be going to cut a tree. Left of the group are included birdswho are accompanied Majnun when he retired to wilderness in the love of Laila, and a camel on which Lailarode to meet Majnun.

CHANDIA TOMBS. The tombs decorated with scenes of dance and music making have been found in twograveyards of the Chandia tribe: Dau Ja Qubba and Rais Bambho Khan. Both clusters of tombs belong toHusnani lineage of the Chandia tribe.

The tombs of Daud are located some eight kilometers southeast of Gebi Dero in the Qamber region ofthe Larkana district. The necropolis is spread over two hundred acres and contains eight derelict and dila-pidated tombs belonging to Daud Khan, Sewa Khan, Rais Chakar Khan, Ghazi Khan, Rais Wali Rakhio, RaisJan Mohammad Khan, Rais Mohammad Baqar, and Rais Ahmed Khan. This necropolis is attributed to Daud,the chief of the Husnani tribe,10 who was killed in 1614 during a battle against the troops of Mirzani tribe atMahu near Gebi Dero.11 His descendants later erected tombs for him, his relatives and the soldiers. All thetombs in the graveyard are of the same type, differing only in sizes. The tombs are plastered with lime andbuilt entirely of burnt bricks with walls raised in three strata.

The tombs of Daud Khan, Sewa Khan, and Ghazi Khan, also known as “Jangi Qubo”, are adorned withfigural paintings. The tomb of Ghazi Khan bears most impressive paintings of dance and music making,along images of traditional tales and battle scenes [fig. 9]. On the western wall are three animated panels. Thefirst panel is depicting the dance of Leela with her friends [fig. 10]. This representation is more refined thanthe one found in Jamali tombs. On either side of the male figure in the center, who has murli hung aroundhis neck, are shown two female figures. Above the panel is depiction of a pair of peacocks holding snakesin their beaks. The dancing of Leela is also found in the tombs of Daud Khan and Sewa Khan although ren-dered in simpler styles.

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The second panel shows two men in a discussion sitting on a cot, with the third man entertaining themby playing the surando or danburo [fig. 11]. This is a visualization of the story of Sayf al Muluk wa Badi al–Jamal, which was traveled to Sindh from Egypt through the Arabic and Persian literatures. According tolegend, Sayf al-Muluk was son of king in Egypt who falls in love with Badi al-Jamal, a fairy, after seeing herpicture. Many obstacles have to be overcome before he finally succeeds in marrying her. The story has beenvariously told and drawn from Arabian Nights in Persian adaptation.12

A similar depiction of two musicians playing surando and entertaining the local chief, can be also seenin one of the tombs at Rankun, the necropolis of Mirzani Chandias, located five kilometers west of the grave-yard of Daud. The northern wall of the Ghazi Khan’s tomb depicts a hunting scene, and a tale about Meharshown playing flute and waiting for his beloved Sohni. There is also in the tomb a picture of two jogischarming snakes [fig. 12]. Similar paintings are also found in the tombs of Daud Khan and Sewa Khan.

Some six kilometers south of Miro Khan is located a village of Rais Bambho Khan, which boasts of fivehistorical tombs built in the early eighteenth century. They belong to Ghazi Khan Husnani, Misree KhanHusnani, Mir Muhammad Husnani, Lashkari Khan Husnani, and Lahno Khan Husnani. The paintings onthe Husnani tombs, covering every niche and arch of the tombs’ interior, are significant for their perfecttechnique of decoration. They are an endless variety of geometric and floral designs, and human and animalfigures.13 The basic decorative elements are varied and inspired by nature (trees) and probably the local sur-roundings. Some fruit trees are particularly well done.

Apart from the tombs of Husnanis in the necropolis of Daud, scenes of dance and music one finds in twotombs in the necropolis of Rais Bambho Khan. These tombs belong to Mir Muhammad Khan [fig. 13] and TharoKhan. The tomb of Mir Muhammad Khan, which contains his grave and three other unidentified graves withoutepigraph, depicts more splendid paintings than that of Tharo Khan. Mir Mohammad Khan was an ancestorof the Manani clan living in both Rais Bambho Khan village in Miro Khan and in Aitbar Khan Chandio villagein Shadadkot. The tomb of Mir Mohammad is in a better state of preservation than those of Ghazi Khan andMisree Khan. The tomb is entirely decorated with paintings showing scenes of everyday life. Three panelsin the tomb depict scenes of music making. In the first, snake charmers are shown playing murlis in front ofthe snakes [fig. 14]. Above this is a painting depicting a folk tale. The second panel depicts Mehar playingflute before his buffaloes [fig. 15] and a hunting scene. The third panel represents two males sitting on a cot,with a musician playing surando nearby [fig. 16]. Below the figure of the musician are the two men engagedin preparing bhang (hallucinogenic drink made from cannabis). Close to their figures is horse tied to date palmtree.

Adjacent to the tomb of Mir Mohammad Khan lies the tomb of Lashkari Khan which contains two gravesalmost leveled to the ground. Next to it is the tomb of Tharo Khan, the ancestor of the Tharani, a subsectionof Husnani tribe, which has a noted murals. The tomb also contains the grave of Lahno Khan, a chief of theHusnani tribe.

TOMBS IN THATTA. Thatta was a prosperous medieval city of Sindh, and later the capital of lower Sindhduring the reigns of Sammas, Arghuns, Tarkhans and Mughals. Many tombs and mosques which still domi-nate the landscape of the Makli hills were built by the rulers of these dynasties. The period of the Samma rule(1350–1520) was the golden age in the history of Sindh. The Maganhar caste, which survived under thepatronage of rulers and wealthy merchants, was involved with singing the praise songs to the Sammadynasty, and the Maganhars are still keepers of this tradition in the Tharparkar district of Sindh. When achild is born in the Sodha family of the Rajput tribe, the Maganhars sing wishing the child a long life, apartfrom praising all members of the child’s family on the auspicious occasion. They also sing at weddingceremonies and other festive occasions. A significant part of their repertoire is dedicated to the heroic deedsof the ancestors of the Sodha Rajputs. Their singing is usually accompanying by the dhol drum. When theSamma Rajputs’ rule came to an end, some of the families of the Manganhars preferred to call themselvesSammas. There are three stone carved tombs of the musicians of the Samma court in the necropolis of Sonda[figs. 17 & 18]. The marks carved on the gravestones reflect the profession of the deceased,14 and the tombsof the Maganhars are carved with images of the danbūro (long-necked plucked lute of Baluchistan and Sindh).

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MEMORIAL STONE OF MAGANHAR IN MITHI. Apart from the images of musical instruments on the Ma-ganhar grave at Sonda, there is a memorial stone of Maganhar at Hariyar village in the Mithi district, whichshows the kamāch [fig. 19]. The kamāch is a smaller version of the long-necked lute danbūro, with a small bodyand long neck.15 The legend has it that once people of the Sonaras caste of Hindus and a man from the Mus-lim Maganhar tribe were killed by Jaga Sodha Hindu Rajputs who attacked their wedding caravan. JagaSodha Rajputs were forbidden by their goddess Malhan to wear tinkling jewelry, or even attach bells to theiranimals. As the caravan of the Sonara Hindus was passing by the village of Hariyar, sounds of bells on ani-mals were heard by the Jagas who demanded Sonars to take off the bells from their animals. Since they re-fused to do that the Jaga Rajputs killed more than three Sonaras and one Maganhar. Later on, the descen-dants of the Sonras erected the memorial stones commemorating the heroism of their ancestors and theirclient Maganhar.

The romance stories of Sasui–Punhun, Sohni–Mehar, Moomal Rano, Umar Marvi, Nuri–Jam Tamachi,and Rai Dyach are connected to Soomra (1010–1351) and Samma periods (1350–1520). These romancesattracted the imaginations of both painters and poets to express their feelings. Romances are still a sourceof entertainment for a large population of rural Sindh. The depicted romances in the Jamali and Chandiatombs in Larkana are Nuri–Jam Tamachi, Moomal–Rano, Umar–Marvi, Sohni–Mehar, Leela–Chanesar;romances about Sohni–Mehar, Leela–Chanesar, and Sayf-al Muluk Wa Badi al-Jamal include references tomusic and dance. There are six instruments depicted in the tombs of the Larkana district: flute, danburo, murli,surndo, tabla, and duhul (drum); the only instrument in Thatta is tamburo, and in Mithi is kamāch. Similarpaintings of folk tales, representing music and dance, are included in the tombs in the Dadu district. Thetradition of decorating tombs with paintings of folk tales still continues unabated in these regions of Sindhand there are still artists living in the Kachho area of Larkana and Dadu producing them.

Besides paintings of folk tales, tombs also depict the scenes from everyday life (images of entertainers,animal handlers, scenes reflecting the tribal chivalry). The inspiration for these decorations has come fromthe village of Mian Nasir Muhammad Kalhoro where more than sixty such tombs are decorated with figuralpaintings. They were the catalyst for painters who diffused that art to other regions in upper Sindh, includingLarkana and as far as Sanghar in central Sindh. The necropolis of Tilla Shah in Jam Nawaz Ali tehsil of theSanghar district contains tombs decorated with images of music, dance, and folk tales. These tombs are alsobelieved to have been built during the Kalhora period because some of the dignitaries buried in the necro-polis were the soldiers and generals of Mian Noor Muhammad Kalhoro (1719–1753) and Mian Ghulam ShahKalhoro (1757–1772).

Dancing in Sindh has been practiced since the Vedic age, sometimes expressing a joy of everyday life.Presumably dancing transposes the overall effect of music on mind, manifesting itself in the visible motionof the body. Dancing, like music, was in Sindh associated with religious rites during in the pre-Islamic pe-riod, when the emotional effect of the movement, the rhythm and music heightened the religious excitementand enriched the ritual. One could reasonably feel that dancing in Sindh eventually became closely associatedwith music for the purpose of intensive expression of sentiments of joy experienced in everyday life.

The occurrence of dancing and music scenes in tombs of Larkana provides an evidence of performancesin the area since the eighteenth century. The images of musical instruments in the tombs in the Larkana, That-ta and Mithi districts reflect the secular attitude towards the religion, among both artists who painted thembut also rulers who did not try to ban or remove them from funerary architecture although Islam prohibitsproducing figurative images. Except for a few images in Chandia tombs, the figural paintings have notbeen defaced what reflects liberal views of the local people regarding their religion. Such approach to theheritage was influenced by the mystic traditions, which have always prevailed in Sindh.

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NOTES

All photographs were made by the author between November2006 and December 2008.

1 Mushtaqur Rahman, Land and Life in Sindh Pakistan (Ka-rachi: Ferozsons (Pvt.) LDT.,1993), 3, 13.

2 M. Idris Siddiqi, “An Illustrated Manuscript from Sind”,Paintings from Islamic Lands. Ed. by Ralph H. Pinder-Wilson (Ox-ford: Bruno Cassirer, 1969), 172-186. The manuscript is kept at theBritish Museum.

3 Abassi Aslam, ed., Mian Ghulam Shah Kalhoro (Hyderabad:Abbasi Kalhora Ithad, 2002).

4 Ali Shir Nawa’i, Majalis-un-nafa’is. Ed. by Ali Asghar Hek-mat (Teheran, 1363 F [1984]).

5 Krishna Chaitanya, A History of Indian Paintings: RajasthanTraditions (New Delhi: Abinav Publications, 1982); idem, A Historyof Indian Painting: Pahari Traditions (New Delhi: Abinav Pub-lications, 1984); Dr. Daljeet, Mughal and Deccani Paintings, from theCollection of the National Museum (New Delhi: Prakash Books,1999).

6 Shaikh Khurshid Hasan, “Paintings in Muslim Sindh”,Archaeology of Sindh. Ed. by Muhammad Ishtiaq Khan (Karachi:Department of Archaeology and Museums, 1986), 24-28: 24.

7 M. Idris Siddiqi, “An Illustrated Manuscript from Sind”,173.

8 Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, “The Depiction of Generous King”,Journal of Asian Civilizations XXVIII/1 (2005), 54-59: 55.

9 N.A. Baloch, Development of Music in Sindh (Hyderabad:Sindh University Press, 1973).

10 Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, “Funerary Memorial Architecture ofChandia, Sind: A Comparative Study”, Journal of Asian Civiliza-tions XXVI/1 (2003), 96-104: 97.

11 Khaleefo Hakeem Abdul Hameed Chandio, Sindh Jo UtarKachho Uruf Chandko Kachho [Northern Kachho of Sindh aliasChandko Kachho] (Mado: Shafakhano Hakeem Abdul MajeedKhan Chandio, 2000), 193.

12 M. Idris Siddiki, “An Illustrated Manuscript from Sind”.13 Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, “Funerary Memorial Architecture of

Chandia, Sind: A Comparative Study”.14 Shaikh Khurshid Hasan, Chaukhandi Tombs in Pakistan (Ka-

rachi: Royal Book Company, 1996), 92.15 N.A. Baloch, Musical Instruments of the Lower Indus Valley

of Sind (2nd ed., Hyderabad: Zeb Adabi Markaz, 1975), 55.

FURTHER REFERENCES

AJWANI, L.H., History of Sindhi Literature (Lahore: Vanguard,1984).

ALLANA, Ghulam Ali, ed., Folk Music of Sindh (Jamshoro: Instituteof Sindhology, 1982).

ARNOLD, Thomas W., Painting in Islam: A Study of the Place of Pic-torial Art in Muslim Culture (New York: Dover Publications,Inc., 1965).

CHAGHATAI, M. Abdulla, Painting During the Sultanate Period(C.E.712–1575) (Lahore: Kitab Kahana-i- Nauras, 1963).

COUSENS, Henry, The Antiquities of Sind (3rd ed. Karachi: Depart-ment of Culture Sindh, 1998).

DALJEET, Mughal and Deccani Paintings from the Collection of Na-tional Museum (New Delhi: Prakash Books, 1999).

FRANKFORT, Henry, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient(4th ed., New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996).

KALHORO, Zulfiqar Ali, “Paintings of Kalhora tombs in JohiDadu”, Journal of Asian Civilizations XXV/1 (2002), 151-160.

KHAMISANI, Amena, trans., The Risalo of Shah Abdul Latif Bhattai(Hyderabad: Bitshah Cultural Centre Committee, 2003).

KOMAL, Laxman, Folk Tales of Pakistan (New Delhi: Learners Press,1995).

LAKHO, Ghulam Muhammad, ed., The Samma Kingdom of Sind:Historical Studies (Jamshoro: Institute of Sindhology, 2006).

LAKHO, Ghulam Muhammad, Kalhora Daur Hukoomat: History ofKalhora Period (Karachi: Anjman Itehad Abbasia, 2004).

LARI, Suhail Zaheer, A History of Sindh (Karachi: Oxford Uni-versity Press, 1994).

MAHAR, Ghulam Rasool, Tarikh Sind: Kalhora Daur: History ofSindh, Kalhora Period. Transl. by Yar Muhammad andShamsherul Haideri (Karachi: Culture and Tourism SindhGovernment, 2004), 2 vols.

OKADA, Amina, Indian Miniatures of the Mughal Court (New York:Harry N. Abrams, Inc., n.d).

PAL, Pratapaditya, Painted Poems: Rajput Paintings from the Collec-tion of Ramesh and Urmil Kapoor Collection (Pasadena, Calif.:Norton Simon Museum, 2004).

PANHWAR, M.H., Chronological Dictionary of Sindh (Jamshoro:Institute of Sindhology, 1983).

QANA’I, Mir Ali Sher, Tuhfat-ul-Kiram, trans. by Makhdoom AmirAhmed (3rd ed., Jamshoro: Sindhi Adabi Board, 1989).

QUDDUS, Syed Abdul, Sindh: The Land of Indus Civilization (Ka-rachi: Royal Book Company, 1992).

RICE, David Talbot, Islamic Painting: A Survey (Edinburgh: Edin-burgh University Press, 1971).

SCHIMTZ, Barbara, ed., After the Great Mughals: Painting in Delhiand the Regional Courts in 18th and 19th Centuries (Mumbai:Marg Publications, 2002).

SORLEY, H.T. Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit: His Poetry, Life and Time. AStudy of Literary, Social and Economic Conditions in EighteenthCentury Sindh (New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1984).

YUSUF, Zohra., ed., Rhythms of the Lower Indus: Perspective on theMusic of Sindh (Karachi: Department of Culture and Tour-ism, 1998).

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APPENDIX

ROMANCE OF SOHNI–MEHAR [figs. 6 right, 15]During the reign of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan (1628–

1658), there was in Gujarat (Punjab), a potter whose name wasTulla. He had a daughter named Sohni meaning beautiful. Theylived by the river bank. Izzat Beg, the son of rich Mughal mer-chant from Bukhara, chanced to come that way and was struck bythe beauty of Sohni. He fell in love with her at first sight. Everyday he came to purchase pots just for hope of meeting Sohni whoreturned his love. Spending all his money buying pots, Izzat Begbecame penniless and asked to be employed by Sohni’s father. Hewas engaged as cattleman to look after potter’s buffaloes. He thenchanged his name from Izzat beg to Mehar or Herdsman or Buf-faloes keeper. The love of Sohni and Mehar continued to grow.But this did not please Sohni’s parents, who forbade further meet-ings of the lovers. To clinch matters they married Sohni to anotherpotter’s son named Dum. They drove Mehar away. Mehar how-ever, continued to herd buffaloes and used to graze then on theother side of the river. Every night Sohni crossed the river on abaked earthenware pot. Her parents remonstrated with her andin order to dissuade her from further meetings with Mehar theytook away the baked pot and substituted it with unbaked. Theythought by this device that she would never dare to trust herselfto the water on so fragile vessel. But when night came Sohnilaunched herself upon the river on the pot and was drownedwhen the water cause it to disintegrate. Mehar, who had heardher screams when pot collapsed, rushed into the river to rescueher but was drowned like the girl he loved. Mehar is fondly calledSahar (the helper) by Sohni.

ROMANCE OF LEELA–CHANESAR [figs. 5, 6 left, 7, 10]Chanesar of Soomra dynasty’s Dasra branch was ruler of

Devalkot, Sindh, from 1221 to 1228. He was brave, handsome andfamous, and had a beautiful wife Leela whom he loved verymuch. She was sociable and popular, with a great weakness forjewels. At the same time Hindu King Rana Khanghar ruled overLakhpat in Kutch (India). He had a beautiful wife named Kaun-roo. Taunted by her friends that she could not win the heart ofChanesar Dasro, a man of great royalty and distinction, she deter-mined to prove them wrong. Gaining access to Chanesar’s palace

she enlisted the help of his minister named Jakhro, who however,privily informed Chanesar that Kaunroo merely to prove herpower, wished to make a conquest of him. Chanesar thus in-dignantly repelled Kaurnroo’s advances. But determined womanwas discouraged and she disguised herself as a servant girl, gotherself employed in Chanesar’s palace, and struck up acquain-tance with Leela, Chanesar’s wife. She then tempted Leela by theoffer of magnificent diamond necklace worth nine lakhs. This shepromised to give Leela if she would contrive to let her pass onenight with Chanesar.

Leela was so confident of Chanesar’s love and allured by thediamonds that she agreed to this bargain. That night it sohappened that Chanesar was in the company of his friends revel-ing till late and returned to his bedroom dead drunk. Leela thenasked Kaunroo to take her place. When Chanesar woke up in themorning, he was shocked to see another woman sharing his bedinstead of Leela and tried to leave immediately. But Murki,mother of Kaunroo, accosted him telling how he could not goback to the woman who had sold him for a necklace. Chanesarfelt hurt and insulted by Leela’s act and was touched by Kaun-roo’s sacrifice for his sake.

King Chanesar gave up his wife Queen Leela, and marriedKaunroo. Queen Leela tried unsuccessfully to win him back andultimately returned to her parents. Now, it happened that minis-ter Jakhro was engaged to a woman from Leela’s family. SeeingLeela’s fate, the parents of Jakhro’s bride decided not to get theirdaughter to Jakhro. Desperate Jakhro went to get help from Leelawho agreed on the condition that he would also bring Chanesarto his marriage ceremony. On the arrival of the bridegroom’sparty, the bride’s family entertained the participants with musicand dance. Among the hosts was Leela who donned the veil ofdancer and danced with female dancers poignantly that shesnatched the hearts of those who had collected at the feast. Sheattracted Chanesar’s attention and he eventually recognized herwith his memories still fresh in his mind. Some versions give thislegend tragic ending. Chanesar could not bear the shock anddropped dead. Leela who pinning away for reunion, seeing theobject of her love lying lifeless before her, also died. The two ofthem found union in death.

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1–2. The tomb of Sobdar Jamali, the Larkana district of Sindh, built during the Kalhora rule (1681–1783). On its southernwall is represented the narrative about King Rai Dyach and the musician Beejal Charan.

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3–5. The tombs of Shakal Jamali built in the 18th century (top left) and Rehan Khan in the 19th century (top right), nearShahdadkot in the Larkana district of Sindh. The painting in the tombs of Sobdar Khan possibly represents the romanceabout Leela–Chanesar.

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6–8. Wall paintings showing dance in the romance about Leela–Chanesar in the tombs of Rehan Khan (top) and ShakalKhan (middle), and the snake charmers playing the murlis next to a bear handler holding a flute in the tomb of SobdarJamali (bottom). The tombs are in the Larkana district of Sindh, built during the Kalhora rule (1681–1783).

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9–10. The tomb of Ghazi Khan near Gebi Dero, in the Qamber region of the Larkanadistrict in Sindh. On its western wall is depiction of the dance of Leela–Chanesarwith her friends.

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11–12. The tomb of Ghazi Khan near Gebi Dero, in the Qamber region of the Larkana district in Sindh. Wall paintingsshow two men sitting on a cot entertained by a surando musician (top) and two snake charmers playing the murlis(bottom).

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13–14. The tomb of Mir Muhammad Khan near RaisBambho Khan, in the Larkana district in Sindh, builtduring the Kalhora rule (1681–1783). One panel isshowing snake charmers playing the murlis.

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15–16. The tomb of Mir Muhammad Khan near RaisBambho Khan, in the Larkana district in Sindh, builtduring the Kalhora rule (1681–1783). Panels showingMehar playing a flute before his buffalos (top) and twomen sitting on a cot being entertained by a surandomusician (bottom).

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17–18. Stone tombs of the Maganhar musicians of the Samma court in the necropolis of Sonda,in Sindh. The tombs date to the Samma period (1350–1520), particularly the reign of Jam Nizamu-din alias Jam Nindo (reigned 1461–1508). The danbūro carved at the top of the gravestones reflectthe music profession of the deceased.

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19. A memorial stone for the Maganhar musician at Hariyar village in the Mithi district in Sindh,depicting the kamāch. The stone was possibly erected in 1934.

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