0 1...U3 u-'d : o.rtain unity e*5 mder tne , -.h'-* main driving i desire *.0 la:;d3 conquered...

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Transcript of 0 1...U3 u-'d : o.rtain unity e*5 mder tne , -.h'-* main driving i desire *.0 la:;d3 conquered...

Page 1: 0 1...U3 u-'d : o.rtain unity e*5 mder tne , -.h'-* main driving i desire *.0 la:;d3 conquered acvantage3 have rryuot of the main i;-»v-»stniant3 .vnero- jHrialist state inhabitants
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loo : "ic op: Iarre 1 . i r e ie ,v’*ii: - ’ . rrc h C on<d i ts

r ' a ’h M * 0r c .eat■ p ) 1 \ ‘ . * . -.•or: -...v ' ■; ■ c 1 i a 9

i a n ! -3 t.f i i f . o r >'•; races

niuer \ ir v: u : t e r is t i!:: 1 i t ’ •. : " - i •: ■ f hjro history'•cat e *-' :o w it .1 so ca 1 .'■ 14 th ■ . : * r^r-r-jr ' .a which

a ) Or^lna^y pe f /..'

national b c ' i n ^ : ’ ] / j

braught un.f-jr a cent' geograchictl p- 3 ; !; i r

Migrations a \0settlenen : since tr.a e z : ' l U - : - l f h v r ^ 'A ia to rJ " but Imperialism in toe prc~ .rtt r . . - . wit.1 . 3o Ca U e 1 rti-n,

of the ner worl 5 in t ;:- 14tfc . • - r r ; - a whirh lead tS

expansion of vestern Kuiope i : . iu .ioio :oj ; Q ,r Into A frica This

expension ?r>ino‘.des ' itn the b e - in i - s - ; * " ism the aibaeoSant

development of which is inextricably bound uo , : i : h a ’ orocess of conquest, colonisation and e xp lo itatio n of oeoples of non-white or ig in .

b) Imperialism 41a Mon'-ply Caplta l l s g : Imperialism is used by

some writers *r a more limited way to describe a m r t l o u l a r phase in tno development of

' ^ i v o o i v i . i a a t i n, but whian would be core acient ij i :a l*y . , n c r .t J as cucitaliam . The En glish writer j

Hobson, in his study or. Im perial! ; ,n written at £he beginning of the century, and incidentally influenced greatly by Ho bach 's personal

expeiienee in bcuvh nfnrja just r.ricr to the Hnglo-B«er war f irst drew attention to the special features of certain cap ita l ist

Cnl?n t f'‘f 3 xn tn:LS Ifllpe: i a i -st pnaso. The analynea was taken f orther and given u wore prec .se farm by tne great Russian sociologist

* 6v3 liiti.onary V . . Lenin . Various contemporary writers auch a. uiaur.ee „o b c , Paine Dutt , p.?,'. sweezy , Leonard Barnes j a

* n u m r a * « r , » . Hancock n .ve dealt »ltr, varl uj c,3Ee=ta of tAe'"effect of tnls process of expunalon uni e x p lo it a t io n upon C apital !* .* .

. A w a r d i n g to th-.* =peciu . meaning, colonialism (the

an-, e xp lo itatio n of co-onies by lominant powers) is a par* <■"*

; «perliliair4 but n = t tr.e whrie of it . Imperialism is a name‘ *lven

“hit • a P i t ',llJJt society which dominates the erathat came in tv, being curing tno second ho I f of the 19th '"'enturv

in Paul Sweezy 's words " Im perialism is tne In t e r “ ! t i o ^ l 1 " c i - *

SS0 ???!1? T w n i ^ ^ e l o p e d in the peri d of competing mononMvo rur '! ^ ter ist io lea tares as dosoribed by Hobsor

H i l f e r d i n g , Lenin and others wer :

l i ) The complete d iv is io n of the non-v/ejstern w-rld am ng the great c a M t u i s t States ;

( i i j The exp lo itatio n of colonies os sources

raw m aterial , markets for manufactured goods mu outlets for cap ita l investment;

( i i i ) ?he vi mini ti n of capitalism by gigantic trusts ■irK. ir u'3i 3 vviiich tcn;]jd tz n o n i s o and raw m aterials ;

( iv ihe close ties e x is t in g between finance and

a-.ruus tr^al capital and tr.e dominant role plavod by the -inancicr in tnis system.

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a) k-ince <ve are living in th* : atr%otly, in its last ’ t r

tnder3 tar<d its character and im •ontemnorury world .

tao s t ether mitt t r aLIkc with In i den t i cal taiaa by a l l ^and d fend the e x i s t i n g c a p it a l ! * ; which they usually i dent if y .. -r*achievement deeigred to p r - -*' to ancn< ’ backward* monies. r :y 1 Imperialism in 2 wide variety

1 tC1 nft i.

such phrases ae "^ax Britc.inic

C3 I r-/»..

jE - or more Important to

nvjn tflft

i/j not evaluated tjp that uphold

imperialism, a a or. admirable

reread civlliaQtiot on for

■sx-rossed by and "duty to

Lf isJt

c i v i l i s e rind C h r i s t i a n i s e " .

■‘.'hilst true that :> r ’ A' throughout tne war d, t. bi *a. domination of on . single ty.-i force behind this pr cer? n s promote the welfare f to; ^ and ruled by the I m p r i a . i ? ’’ ? accrued to them .:aroe inc.-u . » drive for raw materials. ^ever the economic m i .v,i;%r • > conflicted with the r.eei? iau • the colonies the li-ter vvero 3. 0. colonial status is that tno - lony of the Imperialist Jtate wnicn per

a l

-■f

• tr

\

► L

■ f v-

IT

i

to the extent and in the d f u * a l i t u t e s the Interests •J A

»oti‘the

n

r:m i 'its j: n v.

U3

u-'d : o . r t a i n uni t ye*5 mder tne , -.h'-* main driving

i d e s i r e *.0la:;d3 conquered

acvantage3 have rryuot of the main

i;-»v-»stniant3 .vnero- ■jHrialist state

inhabitants of ossunce of the conomic appeudage

in eoonomy only ompliiuonts and

tiioenMB

itruling class.

I, The Sign if ioanae of Imperialism,

a) It is of pri.tury concern jf people Inhabiting the

the policies af the Imperial

oc : ’ r . - place to the millions Vic? w.ose destinies are ahaped

i- * ♦- r ri ▼* wh 1 p f1 lit 111*6 is by the nf imoeruiism which

U e their own ' 5 t l ^ nd oourse nf action As the

« - ? * h e r ? ^ r ^ I S ^ f f i S U« see In the present w o r U . b e e * centre. ,

tension and conflict.

b) vc-nomi" stritegic and psychological advantages derived from1,Vmneri^ia* exoloitation have stabilised the creat ira^erialis, imperl-lis - c. ox gurvive the shocks and conflicts

countries ana oseiatud .hem to survi cf c ^ l u l l 9 m . It is

because ^fVnelr 'im perialist organisation that the workers in the:L V V •• V * I i - 1 i r. »-» r> T '

Of

ol^er ! n d « c ? ° a c i S r ^ d 'T a o i t U i s t countries of v/ostern Eu p jjs< n u lilt' I ~ u v . » w A. . U 1 a n r ,m 3 t. “ i h 1 T t T.

havi

• ■*— , " 0... _ £\'c 1 1 1i3 rr' v-'hich has come to birth as

Jet “ l® ticKwJri isririan c'Juntrles of Eastern Barone and

China.

c)in I t s extreme most - W « 3»lvo form Imperialism ? l v e .rise to o i o i t a l i s t dictatorship in the form - f Nazism,

I s l a f In es.ence Onlttd otate. Imperialism 1 . n-aw attempting to

pucc^ed wnere the Uazis failea. o / . . . . .

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II.' SOCIALISM TOEUY.

a ) Origins: ^ociulism, no less thin Imperialism has its birthin social changes that took place in Western Europe

from roughly the 14th Century onwards and oulminated in industrial oapitaliam of the 18th and 19th Centuries.

Imperialism is the development of one aspect of capitalism- the profit making, and creditory and class exploitative.Socialism is the anti-thesis of these qualities, but carries to a l a i c a l conclusion the national scientific and e^elatarian aspect contained in the development of capitalists ( ie bourgeois) society that grew out of the feudalism of the mediaval period.

Socialism is just as ".Vestern” as Capitalism, but is more scientific and more universal.

b) Equality: Capitalism differed from feudalism in many re sectsIn sofar as it is possible to describe these

differences in a single sentence, it would be dine by saying that under feudalism people were divided at birth into unequal classes with a 3tatus and privileges determined by law; whereas under capitalism social classos are n t formal, legal categories, but are determined by the relationship to the means of production.

When the representatives of the new capitalist class struggle^ against hereditary nobility of the feudal order, they demanded legal equality ie the removal of the disabilities imposed by law ' upon persons other than the nobility and the clergy.

The two great bourgeois.revolutions that of the English in 1 1642 and of the French in 1789, produced revolutionaries who sensed/'' the incompletnesj of the demand for legal equality and wished to extend it to inolude political and economic equality, in England ’ • Jerald Winstanloy, leader ;f the Digger Movement demanded that Cromwell should introduce common ownership of the land (1652). jn Franos, the French Revolution produced another of the great early ! socialist -S-buux, whos^ .one in organising tne”Oona^iraoy • of the Bquuls" behind the slogan of ’ a community of goods' (1796) tohis e x e c u t u /

The whole r.inge of the bourgeois science and scholarship at “' ! their best contributed to the development of socialist doctrine during the first half of the 19th century. The French encyclopaedists who attacked superstition and prepared the way for : a rational approach to society, the Decarts and the other physicists- and philosophers who applied scientific ar.d rational methods to the : study of nature, the students of animal and human life who saw in history a process of evolution from lower to higher forms - All these contributed to the growth of the idea that society itself had 1 evolved, and that its further development jould be subjected to*" rational or scientific ^uidince.

The earliest socialists of the 19th -entury, such as Fourier and St. Simon in France and Owen in England, gave all their attention t~ proposed economic reforms whicn they hoped would be brought about through an appeal to the reason and humanitarian feelings of the ruling cl^ss. They were followed at least in England, by an entirely different Kind of movement, that of the Chartists, which concentrated almost entirely or. the political demands of the working class for a universal su ffi .ge ."

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5

This wis the ruture of bourgeois democracy at itsi.iception, The franchise was limited to the small minority of property owners. It was only in the 1 8 0 0 ’ s and after Ion/? and hard struggles by the masses ( eg the English Chartist movement, the uprisings of 1848 in Germany and France, Tnc Paris Commune of 1871 ) thit the Parliamentary vote was extended to the working class in England, Franco Belgium and Holland.

The intr ducti r. of a universal franchise renresented a distribution of political power, but only in a strictly formal and limited *'ol.it.1C'i3 sense 'T’here^ co.o* b® re *6 .ix*y eiiewtiv« jistrioaui' a o* uji.itxcai’ ’fevsr the whole p-DUlation as long as economic power wj3 concentrated in a small minority cf capitalists. P

*nc contradicts n between tne universal franchise and monopoly capitalism inevitably produced a conflict which could oe resolved only, on tne one nand, by destroying the parli *iT.entary franchise and so restoring political dictat or^n ip or on tne other -and by destroying private ..wr.ersnip of the means of production and so extending the principle of democracy to Include al3 o econ.mic relationship.Tne former course lead t fascism; the latter tr> socialism.

f) l.nternatior.-a 11 sm: The classless society must necessarilybe international in outlook and

ultimately in structure . First of all socialistseverywhere have a common aim namely destruction of capitalism and the substitution of the socialist order, therefore socialists of all nations ani peoples have a single enemy the capitalist class. Secondly, the elimination of Imperialism will do away with the factors responsible foririvalaries and wars between nations, .nd so for the first time ir. history create conditions neccssary for a truly International and c -operative society. Thirdly by putting an end t.: e x n l .i t ati~n, socialism will remove the causes nf national racial oppress! ->n and prejudice.

S'cialisir/s acnlevements in these inspects are remarkable and und ubtedly there i3 n" race or n itional prejudice in s cialist countries; n the r ntrary they prohibit both prejudice and discrimination "n the gr unis of nationality or race. It is the reoples in these c untried also tnat are leading the campaign f -r w■. rid pe^ce.

g) The Sopert rlty of S~ :i iliam; Socialism, in its emphasisrn effective equality of

treatment for all peoples, a genuine democracy, inter-racial and intern itional co-.perutlon n a basis of equality and world peace, h^s acnieved a far higher standard of ethical values than was achieved by any other system of society.

socialism’ s superior ethical values are based upon a solid foundation of superiority over capitalism In economic organisation, political stability and all roai.d efficiency.

Capitalism, unable oo vercome the fatal defect resulting fr-.m its inability to balance consumption against production, can .'t escape the choice between the alternatives of aconomio crises or war.

Socialism, on the -thor hand can lo~k forward to an unlimited expansion of its productive capacity anc the corres­ponding rise ir. the sMudird? of living as long as p°ace is maintained.

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I I I . COLONIAL POLICIES k NATIONALISMS.

6.

(a) The Shaping of policies:

Colonial policies do not conform to a fixed pattern, but are determined by many variable facters, such a3;

(i) International relationships (e .g . the part clayed by the big"*nti-Colonial bloc' in the United Nations;

(il ) The history, traditions, and institutions of the Imperial power (think of the effect of the French Revolution and its demand for ‘ liberty, equality, fraternity" upon the colonies, *r a well-established system rf decentralization in Engllon xocax government assisted in the development ©f colonial legislatures);

( ill ) ClL.iate, geochyalcal make up, copulation density and social organisation in the colonies;

(iv) Prevailing levels *f scientific knowledge andtechnology ( determining such things as transport and communications, public health, and ability to utilize raw materials).

•r.eNot only d*es colonial polioy vary as from/imperial power to

another or as from one colony to another; it ahangea also in time Britain has made significant changes in her polioy in Africa during the past ten years ( as shown in the efforts to speed up economic development, and to enlist the co-operation of the educated, middle class Africans in ’Vest Africa) , because of economic difficulties and the wish to become less dependent on United States dollars.

Policy changed also because the inhabitants of the colonies influence it in different ways, according to the level of political and economic organisation and the attitude tcwards imperialist rule. It was the strong pressure exercised by national movements that induced Britain to confer dominion statue on Ceylon.

( b) Unlve rsal Traits of Colonialism:

Like capitalism, however, colonialism, in s»>ite of these local variations, displays certain comr.on features wnereever it occurs. These distinguishing marks are;-

(i) Political control by the imperial power, whether exercised directly from tne metropolis (as in the French and Belgian systems i, or tnrough a colonial legislature under a governor, as in British colonies;

( i i ) Economic dependence on the Imperial country. This dependence is not now usually secured, as it was in tne 18tn century, by specific restrictions on colonial industry and trade, but it is none-the- less effective in giving tne "mother uountry” pre­ferential treatment in trade with tne colony, and generally in protecting vested interests in the Metropolis. (Compare British post-war practice of selling colonial products to U .S . for dollars, and creditias the colonies with the sterling equivalent which is kept in "blacked" and frozen accounts in London, to be released wh^n convenient to the Treasury).

7 / ----------------

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7.

(iv)

( H i ) Law standards of social *

f a c i n g , education, and poor "re?/ ? U°? Qa h9alti*. oolonies, wnich in ter m s o? \ in theconstitute "depressed areas” t m ? f tandards, development is due in port fco « W eta#?e of tardy economic gr-wth FshowJ\ a ^ e v e n and often

concentration u?on a ^ r i c 5 n S ™ ^ CJ0 l .ly ln•products, and the n e ^ e c t ^ f ^ L ? mlneral (manufactury) and tonT < secondary

professional services) ^lndu3 t ^ J 0™ d admlnlatratlon' Tn v- lopsided dovelotYn^nf h ur occupation*result o f Qn ther c‘ a Z Af h: ^ Vef * , 18 i t s e l f the namely, tne constant drain ~r stlQ8nation,charges, profits and oen.si n«, ^ ^ e n t s , interest

in the'mother country" and n t ?u“ Qnd 3 °ent invested In the e-1 ™ circulated or♦ yJliy *

which < *llerfS?cln*1i*s solltf 1‘Jlperlal now«r

m n L T ' 9 lnf-J b U l n t s 'an<3 lnteerai)nUt? frlt? on ttle modern economic svsteTj subi^f- ^ them into

non-legal a i^rlm lnatiin ( l n f e M ^ ' V 0 lBSJ1 an-J services, excluqi™ rt Unrerior educational

adminiatr at ion coiSmfirr« % h9r ^ 9ts in

and 3! ? r9« Jt1^ ^ soparate areas *nduatr* .£ other public places) with ’ lub3’ ^ t e l s

tne position r « teo ln

a p l i c y ^ o f ^ ^ r r i r ^ 1? ^ 1^ (often coupled with religion and race customs,

under the "indirect r u l e " S f ° t h P V 5 ^ bltanta» ae the points of social contact hPtu, l8il) rad'Jces rulers and their col-vii-'? * ?een the white

s ? , ? r Vent? the «r^ of i ' u U v Si„? a ‘T‘ln^ '^ , a n d stable multi-racial «ocioty.* integrated and

(0) I a 2 g _ 2 < L fcinnlJl

These universal tni*<s , pi > wort ions os determine-4 h- m *a i ip® occurs in c’ iffpr-o

alo«S the w « l » f i l n . d by the l ^ Y n o w ^ ,

(i) P tan* a tions , mine?’ ilwe1 1 o

enterprises, involving big canitni " 1 r lorge scale supervised by a relatively J m ^ M*STe8taent. Qnd

■ technicians an^ "v, number of

administrators f,~rm tne bulk0 -?1?? tra?ers and ^ndonesia, Sumatra, Ma la "a ri i-'iC v<r te population fall m this ffroup. he Belgiam Congo

(ii) C: Ionics of wh4t^

ively big v v h i t r V r u l l u T r i c 111 ^ ich * comparat-^0 , 0 0 0 upwards tj* <5 ^ 'i-* — the order o 'Kenya un5 tno - n : S L f f ‘neRt, r~'ot • Here as inSmall minority 0^ the t ’ whitea > though on'y a

< * " J P«a.-unt p r o d . , , , n the colony.

on the West Gojqt I* *s » colcn1-«>, such exports consists ^ ^-rica, in Miich the bulk “? ° ae cottJn, palm ci ^ products (P«asjnta undP, ’

u aoaj.e farming.

e / . . .

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The disturbance in tha »rcietv nr* th« ? • vi is greater in col n i ^ \ i.li'ri ?* t *™ nM-tant« categories, than in one- Xf " “ V ? J a‘ rlr" **> plantation ani art*’ ;-e t. no- i ” 3 ” ' CoIniulitante are ,vj. '7- ■sanrt^ * J ’ , G o n i a l their land JCc ir, f £ l i S T i f C? Portions ofions, the result- - earnin? ocoup^t-

c*ddioicaal s >cidi cr^o* ta-t« a .

Peoplea <n c l )n i ' 'n «• . „ ,integrated into a mode-n . " * , V „ ^ 7 ’ J f e rapidlyto adjust their wuy* to n w c n I t w . attempt?handicapped by t h e V r i ‘ .? i V - f c ' T e n eatlyWhites maintain an* „ 7 w*.ion tnanolitical ri^hta -ir -. v:) rne' 1 claims for

conflicts tend l o H Z / t * ^ r; unJ " ie£,‘ *u fa IJ ite* Q3 in Kenya today.

■1 of ?,-jtl-nal ,vf.r™-»«i .

Imperilliam enforce chin«ea r*-o , ,do n;t reproduce in the ool-niea th • - m a J 3 ooletie»> but *n tnc metr >polis. On the ccntr«r- v " ' -v'.V m' C 9? s t e *113 existing t- retard an:! oven hold-ur <nd -:r H -V ■ . * ; r 1 02 - ^ n l a l i a a is modern social’ structure. ’ ~ ' ,y 'r‘ Cfian^ e -ver to a

The interests of the i>'ii3 b 'v- ^ «-■cw .n io t with tr.e Interests'of ti ; “ i y f j ' i 1* 8 *'•»» Into th.u developed In the M e r l i n c : I -.“i 'a - - I~ li e “ N a t i o n - St. D-tnlngo (Haiti) <iurin.? the l i , ' ,- '* ; •*•; l a ;anasooner or later In each colony,' the ^ ? : \? re;i c >mmon interest and unife hohinH > ~ * 7 ° *«?.a.ch discovereconomic freedom, ^ - t S :p ractice . J l u ‘il8crifninatory la-.vs and

place by l V t t ; ® 1^ f “5(.*f?re" * <,J ta tn* 2 mnucleus , f a o-tter ^ j M o tio n , which forme the

^ V i ^ L: u t ^ u i ^ r ^ a to

ra-e*' v ‘ ' ^ ' i0(J vccar*tiou*f' as p.u-1" ‘ -~a 1 % *r • < ’ -:T ’: ° aaiDna lni ra«,e .-r c ,l .ar D^rriers in ger.oiv.i * * • * or r n. ;val of

In colonies of the t M th

amenable to tnis kind of press^ ’ , 1 ® ^ r i a l powers are

constitutional changes in the J-’ A r- 3<22n ^oir. rooenfcthe growing str rutn if f v i nin „.jU n( Nigeria, t . ^"qpt

of the conservative leaders represonti^^1 t ^ ^ * * :'T;'V "^, use mude ' pre-Eur pean, social ord?r jn> t-VoV, 4 -raditional, i.s

system is strengthened, a s ’ in ;;i^eriu PhvAtJ°? in thS

(MueHm rulers) a prep^nieran/e i f 5 , S u t 5 r i “ # Cfclefs “ - « »

n M U o l o l a g a ^ i e J a e J ^ ^ ^ ^ J t«n|oncy on the oart of a-rce of the

divisions in the national movement. imperialists, causes

T ' i 3 is ■* p .,rU J l.

the three Important British coloSiea0 ??6??8 have been reacted in namely, 3^irre Leone, G>ld* C-ast • nd ? ,3t Goa3t of ^ f ricusupoose ,hov/cver, that th4« "oqi m \.!m ? ,V3 have everv reas-’n t-

aubfeoti-’ n tha ^ " h o t operate “ in t o i 'the ' example **? ^

the great mass of workers & reuaints * r net2d3 & dea^nds ofou/?n leaders and organisations that i ™ 6 c',*''nies find expression

movement towards socialism. re part of th* ;vorld wide

®flnufacturing concerts. * "**'*

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rv. WAR OR 'OEACE9.

*..» cru«i*?r»co *f raw

ountrlse rf Bant*

(q) End of an Kooch: Two major v? . * «■ •>character!-r i t . r : ■ ; -o t.-4 nail

between two social epochs. 7/e ur j.t ^f-4 * jthe emergence #f a socialist snci<-* ' ?planning production in a national • . . r '.t -x -'--first time in human hist ry to elir.i .• .■ .* • insecurity. On the jther nand, we ur '-:■>• t dj.»-appearance of the domination ®f the w ; . r? • - "• ^white peeples as a world wide phenomenon.

coth event have greatly weakened tne -To . t r.. ' p.-• 1 order capitalism. The socialist cojr.tri^ side tne sphere nf capitalist economy wnich has Suffered a serious reiuction in marketr material. The oxten3irn ol' socialism v ' tne and central Europe naa, : #r example, disturbed tv* c ' xi o relationship which existed for r^ny centuries ,

predominantly agrarian countries and tbe -r* r■ " states in the X>st.

Tne loss ->f the great colonial m l seai-co^r _ in jtaia (china, India, Indonesia) has £i:nilari * a fi^~ d iii which t.'.'* iTiper ia 1 i r t *< ■ h"ty exploiting lew paid workers extraot pr f-’ *- rate than that achieved in their . wr. countries ^ time, the industrialists nave had t' a band on ivh llv • gr^at. markets which have been of extv°me imp rtunce - *• past 100 years.

The birth ~f the new social orler has w<»ak**ue ! on- • c i 1 * in yet another, and oven more menacing .Tanner, it lios -ened tr.e v; rking class and socialist movements in ca-.itti' ‘ countries by or-viding them with moral and material ^ a-:h lding u^ bpi ,re them of a living example cf an alternat' and superior syatn-n to that under which they lived. The strength of the working class movement in the capitalist count­ries i3 featured h the Labour go ve r^ients in Britain and the emergence of working class parties as the strongest po 'itica1 for jo in France and Italy.-

Because cf the in%«.-ual pressure applied by the trade unions an . working class parties and their fear of a further extension

:t lil-jC}a f ;r* tr*e f'-ritai.st class has been reluctant t^ resort t.; tneAr l , mcth ie f so.viug econ mi e difi iculties that is* by cutt.ruj wages an. uiimisstng w .rkers until the ra*o of --"-'it hue been restare! t *„«• -.m Im J : . InatoaJ .-.f f o l i a * p* ...is p..i -*y, usually coacrir^l ,ne f 1 flati n car'-

< g.'ur d its r :

■ : "'a-— -I. S'.1P 1 1a _i s t Es • n- my : I n d i v i d u a l c a p i t a l i s t d^rrMucti-n -r * ^ not c'--"r^n a te theirri lu^ti n .1 rr a3 a-c rdinrr to a general plan such -s forrrq

a/ ’; PfjJucti ; n ^c la i is m . The aim of everycapitalist .3 u "M a i n as rcuco profit as he can achieve andf turn as much of that profit as o-ssible Ir.V additi^na! ca pita i .

i max^nlac hi? ui’ f'itr, he iceepa kapea ea 1 w 03 ^'?a 1 h’ r . t- c avrrt or-.flt i c a p i t a : r.o H a l t s bis neroom.1 o-Mun- 1 r n i . , he rru*. If he e-ul,l rU a o ‘.he orle ,* of hla t -is 1?i.h*r t.-, raise profits but is forced by e-m-e^iti-r t

rertece therefcro a U ~ the c - a t V r ? 4 o m £ .

'di -,nr‘e l'e-1,,5lnf ■'••’ts ia to use aore machinery anl b ; 3J?r* ! ‘ 1S or'ces3 h..s the effect or 1- werin^ the ra-e >f

, ?ul . th! _ iA,’re" ate n r f i t , that is the t- to 1 an: opt. * h.

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10.

The result is that more and more products are turned out by relatively fewer w o rk er , whose wages aa before ar* keot at

a minimum.

The tendency is for productive capacity to exnand more rapidly than the capacity to consume. A point is reached where the combined wages of the workers and the income of the capitalists cannot buy all the goods produced. That is , a pro­portion of the goods cannot be sold at a profit. The market is glutted, and the capitalists are forced to reduce production

and^dismiss wortcers.

It is this constant tendency to over produce, and therefore to suffer periodical crises or depressions, that has compelled the capitalists to find foreign markets and foreign fields of investments by acquiring colonies und eliminating competition from capitalists of other countries.

When the United Jtates capitalism was involved in the acute crises of 1929, more drastic action was needed. R-oseveldt initiated nis New Deal policy of creating a demand for goods through an elaborate programme of public works, doles to unemployc 1 persons, an^ subsidies to industrialists. The American capitalists 3trongly oprosed these measures which they regarded as dangerous in that they put into the minds of the working people "w n n ? " ideas about tne responsibility of the state to the individual,

(c) The Economic Function of War: The capitalists as a classhave shown a preference for

war as a possible solution of economic difficulties. It has all the disadvantages that arc attached to any gamble but there is always the prospect of victory and it has a value in arousing patriotic feeling by means of which the great majority of the population can be induced to!accept ’ sacrifices’ and reject the leadership of radicals.

Rulers have used war right through the ages as a means of obtaining new territ ries and of gaining other economic advantages. In the past however wars did not usually bring about revolutionary changes; they resulted in an exchange of territory sometimes in the dismissal of a ruler and the creation of a new cne, but they did not put a new class in power.

World Warc such as those of 1914 - 19 and 1939-45, although they may st ill be fought for the usual imperialistic reasons, have other distinguishing features;

( I ; thiy play an essential part in the economy ~f imperialist states, wnich tend to remain in a perpetual c ndition of preparation f r a recovery from war;

(ii) wars are fought also for so-called "idealogical" reasons, in reality, all that the phrase means is that aggressive capitalist states (TTazi Ger­many and United States) hare an additional motive for making war in their desire to destroy socialist countries by the use of force;

( i i i ) war or the threat of war is a convenient means of imposing a dictatorship of the capitalist, class, and of reducing the Internal pressure of the organised workers and s-'cialists.

(d) Production of War G ods; Capitalism has averted economicdepression sine3 the 1930's by

switching to the or ducti- n f war goods In orcer t*> avoid glutting the marKet with unsaleable civilian ?oods. For this

1 1 / . . .

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11.

purpose a war scare is essential; and threfore the State whioh has been presented as the potential enemy must be slandered and pro­voked to maintain the desired degree of International tension.This noljpy la describes as the ’’Cold War” , generally regarded asa prelude to actual, physical war.

There is much disagreement as to wnether such a situation could continue indefinitely without leading to either a collapse of the capitalist c .alition (represented by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, and nmerioan-Japaneae treaty) or to open war. as rotfurcs tne economic aspect, there is no evident reason why capita­lism should not continue for a long time without crisis, by develop­ing the war goods department. Certain limiting factors should, how­ever, be expected to operate:

(1) Excessive use of raw materials. War expenditure is wasteful,and when maintained at the prevailing le v e l1 involves a very rapid plundering of natural resources (a prcjesa of living on capital);

(2) Intensified exploitation of colonial peonies to obtain raw materials. This process ia threatened by wide­spread revolt against imperialism.

(3) Increased taxation and government contracts by capitalist states, which arouses resentment even among sections of the capitalist class.

(4) .Vhile providing full employment, the war economy causes inflation which steadily undermines living standards and produces dissatisfaction among the workers'.

(5) The continued and rapid increase in productive capacitythat of tne United States is estimated to have been

doubled in the period 1940-1952) intensifies the danger of over-production. If the ’ Cold tor' snould end, the : ^llaose of the capitalist economy may be far more serious than it would have beer, if a "normal" return to an ordinary pea*e economy had been made immediately after tte war.

The general conclusion is tnat war preparations do not eliminate the essential wetness of tne capitalist economy resulting from expl itaoxcn, a.n expansion of tne war goods department creates ar illusion of prosperity. but this is achieved by decreasing the pur­chasing pcwor of tne people ar.] therefore widening the gap between pr,;uuctin and ccnsampti.,n wjii^h is the immediate ca''se of tr>« breukcown in th. economy.

(e J Tne. Pr-apects j : r poaoj; The Irive to war proceeds fr m a

mu , sention of the imperialist n l l o r-.lass. ihe leaders cl the soci iliat countries have over and ue< ir reiterated their desire for peace and their conviction that carl-*- lism and socialism can exist peacefully side by side.* ~

The greatest guarantee f peace has beer, the military strength tae s~>cj.ali^t countries. Whenever the imperialists / ave tf t

themselves to be superior .n armed strength'they have threatened «rJT. Socialism, on the other hand, uses its control -f Atomic e r l r l v to strengthen the movement f'.r peace. ' ” ‘

nn additional ^uarantfie is pr-vided by the desire of the --eoMe in the capitalist countries and the colonies f r nonce V.r connr t be wasred if the r rking pe-.ple refuse to make arm san d ’ t' fi.^ht,* xh^r^ w i 11 not be a war f tne vjss >f the people in th** ca'^ifctj'M countries if they unite t fi^nt for peace? -italiat

The J . r M Pp.oob Movement must consequently be seen as a nolit ie o fact r oi great meaning an« in.nr.rtanne Tt ninv® i t , ,, , , * affairs analogous to that filled by tho\nti ^ » L i St V v ^ n t ^ n ‘ti-o period before the 1939 Vnr, when it did so much to >,l s , snI ,of capitalist states, with Nazi Germany, against the U S - F

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r 12.

V INTEGRATION ANT! SEGREGATION,* IN SOUTH AFRICA.

-*-,,•‘' ‘1 nenro• Hur^ ’oean settlement in Southecirtfrica (a) j ^ M t i v e _ In .luenco. ^ #. « s t!ie hi8tori-,al - M s. of

fh.i- * n K nlQ 3e from tne 14th century on-

5 K 5 U i S j £ o & £ V t ! * V < « t ' colonial omrlres . f o-*ln, r o r t u * l ,

H o l l a n d , France and B r i t a i n .

«. Ki * rm«nt ryf "uroreon rule was marked by features The eatabUchaent of -,ar<opeen^ ^ ^ Qnd fflononoll.

found in v e s t •- *!?e L^ ‘,1cmic power by the invaders, the zation •- j -,ne territories, the extermination of the non-aiibJagatiM an* . exploitation of the human population andwnite r ben, :it of the Imperialist rulers, andnatural reaouroes .or f society as a result of the press-

“ e, ^ a c ^ ^ o ^ U a ? * ^ ' ^ for land, labour, on.

raw mater l a ^ o .

,vv *ry •'v-rseaa settlement arJ colony possessed also its s p e c i a l features. Those of Soutn «frica oar. be attribute^ to a

number of formativa factors, in'sluiing:-

M ) Tne alow rate of growth of the white *opuletionin the first twc centuries of settlement (16^2-1860)

M M mhe tealency of the settlers t spread rapidly and ‘ thi ilv over a wide area, (resulting in an agricultural

society of bi« landowners, engaged mainly in stock breading, .in: farming expensively; ,

M il ] . n a r r a t i v e l y large and ’.veil-organised indigenous 11111 3 , - A y ? i n tS. <»»• and Natal, d e fle c t s and

l^cde"'. tr.e tJvonce of tne cH oniats , and nrssorved substantial areas of land for tne Afri-ana;

iv) Th ty the Africans of exceptionally resilientI p 1 I/artivo v .a l it ie s , M-icn enabled them after suffering military defeat, to ad~pt themse*ve® c o 'n t i - T ’ m-■ sed bv t„« invaders, and save tnem from the'fat ‘ of extem.inatl i. that overtook the Busnmen

wA UV

(V1 . British aanexati r.a wni'h strengthened the White^- ulat!on , hastened the ir.trciuction : more modern ", - ^t -.3 tiicda of -ov-rnriVJrt an. expi.o^.tu o_on*aan existed under th* latch Saat Inaia Company, and stimulated tne growth : f Afrikaner nationalism.

KM i T"£ discoverv of the great diamond and gold deposits, vr ion frrm 1670’ s onwards, led to the large-aoale ^micr-ticn of people and capital from overseas, and initiate- ’ the industrial revolution of tne ?i-3t o

;-eurs.

i k r-niMPKt. -and Subjugation: The Cape settlement, founded as ID, A.l-1£------ --J—• » -- ^ .^^.p^hment station for Dutch

«rins -,n the l-sut' to the Indie*, dove'-aped early ^n i a slave- r..‘..in« so lie i'.v. The colon* *** . tho’. c‘i originally slewing no prejudiie ^ iuat n - n r-uiios, acquired prejudge as s .ava-owoning nytp-.j' - and cs th*s came into .-ifliet with the H jttentots and

Bushmen in th^ interior.

By the 1770’ s, when the \anguard of the colonists first enco'uutered the Southern fri.ne of the Xhoaa, tr.e Hottentots had been subjected t-.j nuflievou* restriction*, designed to accelerate the

13/.

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process o? transforming them fr«m nomadic wattle-keepers into .a r a labourers. But rawe attitudes had not hardened, as they did ar^erwards, *nto an attempt to prevent social assimilation as * between white and ncn-wnite, Mixed marriages were perrris9 4b'' p and according to reliable estimates, formed at least one-tenth of

century entered into by Europeans throughout the 18th

Tne stubborn resistance offered by tne Xhosa speaking tribes though greatly weakened by tne cattle-killing disaster o" the 18 .0 's continued until 1390 's . During the Ion- aeries 0f «y0 f f i r« wars wnicn arose out of one struggle between the two groups for lan~ and cattle, European race attitudes were further shaded extencea so as to inclur.e the Bafttu-spcuKinfc neorles ir the accepted category of 'savages anc 'in fe r io r s ' , .

Eeflectei by tne Xhcsa resistance, tne line of a d v a n c e colonists swung to the l.’orth-V'eAt and, continuing over tne mitral

Plr-«JU "*‘e * ee lescended into the o astal rlair a*I;a ;-*1 •. “^r tne tattle With tne zulus and the subsequent in. r us ion o. the British, tne E -era once a sain advara«d V ' o trn Transvaal and Free State. ‘ n tr*0

hv the 2Jutc-?3ie of the economy developed« ? c-'*aniSuS, ana tne** cesira to i escape from tne 3 r it ,:?ri

a^ c*-f*ist ration (denounced u3 liber-1 and negropnilistic becausec vje emancipation of slaves, missionary and humanitariar e ^ r^suni tne introduction of judicial controls over re la* ions M-', ’between masters and servants', resulted in tne e s t a b l i s h e d ofturapean rulp throughout wnat la new the Union. Tne jrioers -ir_uia the M s is for the growth of a single, int.gra?ee^ibraciti? white and n>:»-white inhabitants. >J

:c) ^ P r - . C C 3 3 -r In teg rat io n : To accomplish their r e a p s - * : , *

_u - aims, the various croups r rrprising the^ur-pean society round it necessary to unlermiAe ' *Yp

aoeiety by a variety of pressures. exerted without V - rainatijn rr clear realization of tne consequensea.

13.

( i ; Tne administration, to assert authority and destroy the military strength of tne tribes, deposed "hisf*~r reduced them t' the status of miner officials. ij',v' set. taxes as a meth d of raising revenue urd t- force the tribesmen t v/-,r> f ,r the farmer or minp-wrer-

trital It "'a c a t r.3 ( I l a t n 'a n f tne Tronakelan '^rrlt-ry heir.K exceptions In « la r £ U - M and replaced tribai courts wi tr. wnite magistrates- " "

( i i ) Settlers, hungry fnr land, io>etrated <nt'. t-ihai areas, and occupied lands originally possessed by Hiricans . . in consequence of tne restrictions

to tnem, the tribas w e n bro«C9r ard the membera :isPersed, those who v/ere cat off fror trPtriba^ lands becoming labourers on Europe^n-owred 'arT<. and in mines and towns. ' ~-»rits

( H i ) Missionary, engaged in converting Af r i u r ^ t-t.jiristianity, attacked trioal customs ar.d introduce! modern ♦ o:-ms if education. JC-;1

(iv) With tne devel pmer.t o 1 industry an^ of - V/M * no combined effect yf a deterioratlor. of the r-sprv^ economy and tne demand frr lab .r led t^ a l r 3 - movement the urban areas vn.ion m s poriis?ed^wltr ^ interruption of the present tiir.p. r ivir . L ®r Wx’n Jt environment of a mod. r n type, and cut off f“r W * o- ah r^ periods from tne reserves (the onlv reaal-j i i* centres of tribalism) the urban Africans; :tnJt

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necessarily undergo the transition to a society of the European type both rapidly and thoroughly.

(v) Integration has been speeded up by tne transition ofthe economy from the first phase of Imperialist exploitation

(farming and mining), based an the employment of uneducated and untrained Africans, to the stage of industrialization, which demands a stable, trained, and physically nealthy working class.

THE FUNCTION OF SEGREGATION; In tne early period, tne Europeans con­centrated }n defeating tne tribes and

incorporating tne members into a common economic system as the only way of safeguarding tne sm.ll wnite community ogiinst attack, and of obtaining the land and labour needed for economic exploitation. At the early stage, the military, administrative, and technological superiority of the whites gave them unchallenged supremacy over all non-white groups.

Integration altered tnis relati^nsnip. longer wore all Euro­peans superior in cult u n i terns t ell Non-Europeans. Some of the latter excelled some whites in termn of education, ability, industry, and wealth, Integration, so necessary for tne development of Earot>ean enterprise, produced its contraditti n in the f rm of segregation, essentially a means of protecting the wnites against c-.mcetition of non-wnitf groups.

Segregation measures, first applied to Asiatics in the Transvaal, have since been extended to all non-whites throughout the Unir.n, by a great number of statutory and other devices. Some of the more sig­nificant segregation laws are listed below in accordance with this function:-

1. Native Land Act, 1913 as amended and amplified ty the Native Trust and Land Act, 1936, These laws protect European landowners against

African competition for land and, by restricting the area available for A'-'rican agriculture, ensures a continuation of tne migration of labour to European areas. Tne restriction on land-holding by Africans was extended to Urban Areas in 1937 (Native Laws Amendment Act)Similar restrictions, Imposed on Indians and Coloured in the Transvaal and Free State by Republican laws, were intensified by a series of measures culminating in the Asiatic Land Tenure A ct , wnich extended the restrictions to Natal, and by tne more recent Group nreus net, wnioh applies .. . also to the Coloured people :f tne C-pe.

2. Native (Urban Areas) A ct , 1923, applying a system of compulsory residential s<>gregati.n f r Africans in urban areas thereby

protecting Europeans from African competition for housing and trading facilities ; and restrictions n the movement of Africans int-. urban areas (forming the basis for v/idespread terrorism and limitation of political rights) compulsory segregation is now threatened for all*non- wnites under the Group Areas Act.

3. Masters and Servants Laws (dating to pre-Union period , Native labour Regulation Act, 1911, Mines and Works Act Amendment ACT,

1926, Industrial C^nciliati-n Act, 1937, Native Building Workers Act, 1951, Settlement of Disputes Act, 1953, which collectively discriminate against African workers, exclude them from collective bargaining, and deny them tne ri.^ht t- enter skilled trades in the mines, or t o ’compete with other groups of workers in skilled building trades. The statut-ry provisions are merely complementary to a wide range of n^n-legal c-nventi :ns and practices, which exclude all non-Europeans from salarit posts in Government service, banks, insurance companies, most white- collar occupations, and limit their entry into professions and skilled trades.

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VI. CLrtSd k Race. 15.

(a) Race Relations: The patterns of -rn.1nrrM-------- --- imperialism have v a r i e J t ^ J J : nroducedby

providing examples or extermination (the Bushmenf, assi:u^^ri*i?ne (as in the case of tne Coloured people), and subjugation. Tnb^ dominant cnaructeristlcs, nov/ever, have been in conflict, discrim­ination and exploitation.

antagonism an! discrimination were not features of the relationships between racial group? 4n the Chinese and Indian civilisations, nor in the ancient ar.J medieval periods of European history. Face prejudice and ex-1, itation developed with the use ^f capitalism and the national stat^, ind consequently, are associated particularly with the white peop' . >f irope and North America.

The organisation of race relations in a capitalist society facilitates the exploitation of the non-white peoples and therefore serves the same purpose as the usual type of class exploitation.But the special reatures of race exploitation are often so numerous and marked, a3 is the case in South Africa, that it is almost qualitatively different fr 'n the class exploitation.

What the differences are will be clear only if the concent of class is examinee!.

(c) The Structure of Classes: The reality of socio-economicclasses is now widely accepted by

sociologists, but there are considerable variations in conception.One tendency is to distinguish a class in terms of social contacts (the class consisting of persons and families wnioh'meet cn an intimate social plane); another school regards class as a status group; while a tnird approach is to classify people in classes accjrding to -i number of criteria, sucn as income, occupati®n, education, standard of living, and outlook.

In a capitalist society the foundation of the class system is tne distinction of people in ter.s tneir relationship t* the means of production. Tne basic decision is between the owners )f the means of produoM.m ( • ipHald ntsj and the persons who operate the means '•f production (the workers).

a numberCapitalist eooiety include* n 2 s i/o? «r<vups which upy inter

labaiaui positions oevweou tne capitalists and workers. M-i might dlstinguisn, for example, in<i*> pendent. producers not employing labour (craftsmen and peasants/, smull shopk'.-oycrs, and the liKe who form a lower mi Idle class (the petite bourgeoisie); goveromert officials, teachers, bank clerks, and professional men, who belong to the middle class; and, at tne bottom of the social scale, the-. "1u. r*en rreleturiat who livo by crime aed semi illegal activities.

These Groups are not r i ;?id categories. finch consists of a core surrounded by a fringe which merges into the fringes of

aijacent groups. Tne social distance between the two nrimarv classes is great, howRver, and tneir fringes do net come into contact. The ruling class (made uo of the big property owners) is widely separated from the working class (wage labourers owning no productive ^ro^erty). There is little movement of persons between these two classes, bat it is nat uncommon for a member of the working class to find his way ut- the social scale, into a lower miiMl.fi or middle class, wnile individuals of the ruling class may, on tne other nand, 3uffer a reduction of status and d<-»sc«nd into an inferior group.

The degree of mobility between the classes is determined by such factors as the nature and cost of education foc ilit ies , condition!

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16.

Imposed for entry into occupations and profossions,the predominating Kinds of economic organisation and the amount of importance attached (for example, in the selection of nusbands and wives) to neredituryrank and family status.

t

jeneraily, tne more democratic' a society, the more flexible and mobile it will be; the easier, that is to aey, will it be for individuals to move up and down the scale. Compulsory state educatioi by increasing the degree of social mobility, serves a important democratic function.

The feature distin^ui” c.or.t list class structure fromthe "estate" systems of feu•■:*£ included such categor­ies as the nobility, clerg;. , j • • raftsmen, Toeasants andserfs) or from the "caste” I ' M ’ is the difference in theamount of rigidity. The estaU- . are hereditary grour-S,movement from one to another i -'if ‘1 cult, if net imr>os3ible, and marriage be tv/a en members of dif: • .4. -;3 is hardly known or, as in the ca3tc society, totally r: " M ‘

finally, wo should note tlvi* . t >.*:■..lition to the more democratic class society of capitalism took tne form of the abolitioi of le- Til and formal distinctions of status. There was equality before the law, in the sense tnat no discriminations were iir.-osed on any group of persons by law. Th<- class system, however, constantly produces a tendency for th« riling class tr become hereditary with closed privileges.

(c) The Rigidity of Race Dlscriri ‘ .M ^ n : South Africa i3 fandumen-tally a class society, in

which the ruling class consists exclusively of whites, whereas the working class includes persons of all racial groups. The class divisions among the European? av : of the r. r. 11 type, in that ru.ey merge into one unotner, and a ll .: ; ” ^ n tain degree (indeed, ar. exceptionally high degree/ of rr i '.'iy. In the population as a whole, nowever, the class struct11-: is greatly affected by tne divisions based on racial fe-jli:'--. are in many cases legQl orsociological, rather tnan b.l. 1 j

The overriding distinct.! . i- • •. >n white and non-white,and it is so drawn as to m.. 1 . ty l,v:, convention, usage andforce, privileges and facilities '''or ? h-j V.'hite group wnich are denied to tne non-whites. This r.y •. /relation serves a varietyof purposes. For example:-

(i) Tne n n-whites, ?iv.n rosaly inferior educati n facilities , and pre\onted fr- m discarding customs-f tne traditional society, are held back culturally, and hove little opportunity t- improve this r.osition!

(ii ) Le*al and other devices are emoloyed to exc lude non- whites from middle-class and the more desirable working class occurs*.' n.

( iii) By retarding, one ■ . t say preventing tne growth of a middle class. '• v. class on tne one handprotects itself *■. c - ; ition, and, on, theotner nand, \iai;,t o ' 1.3 large supply of low oaid n n-white labour c v/r.ich tne- economy nas been devfl loped.

(ivj The enc ungomcnt : ' p.vjudice and tne erection of barriers between '<■<:.ite and n n-white prevents tne growth of sympathy* ic contact between all sections of tne wonting class, wnicn consequently Jo not perceive the essential oneness of their class interests. Tne divisions weaken the working class and c rrespcndingly strengthen the capitalists.

1 7• • • • • x t j

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V (v) By imposing a baa (legal and cpnventional) on marriage and cohabitation between white

i and non-white. the ruling class preservesthe racial difference* which are the

s basis of the exploitative techniquesstrengthens rnoe antagonisIns, and cloaea the door on one of the Important channels of lnter-olaas movement la the ordinary class society.

(d) Nationalism and Socialism: South African Hon-Europeans havereaoted i:> different ways to the

system of race exploitation:

(i) Individuals have accepts (JL < 4p. - n pnseively, or have shown their resentment tl iVz fci\T illations and inhibitions by resorting to orime a c 1 vicleo.co.

(l i ) Others hsve persistently ur.-o pariar»tly utilized everyopportunity, no matter how cw.lj , or with what saoriflce,

• to make advances towards equality with the whites, and so have suooeeded in forming the rudiments of a middle class.

m

(iii> Non-Eur-'peans have formed national movements, le , theyhave combined on the basis of racial and cultural features to destroy the oolour barriers and achieve equality as a group.

#(iv) Another form of struggle ht\3 been taken by those who have

striven, through political and trade union activity, for unity with all exploited persons, including whites, against the taproot of exploitation ari uiscrimlnation, the capitalist system.

The major problem confrontit* in* Non-fcuropeans, who similarly desire a free society, is tr-e r a la fcir.,-s an ip bettreen the national liberatory struggle and the arrus^l? Tor socialism. The Issues that arise In this connection are:-

(1/ Should the National T .Vcorition * men t demand the "right of self-d'ji . -.'.M'.at: cion". i a . , in the aocepted sense of establishing separata <_ r; sovereign national. States for Africans, irdiiOij or Coloured; or

( i i ) Should the demand be for l6gal equality with theEuropeans in a single nscisoy, ie, for "assim ilation";

( i l l ) Bf the latter, should equality be sought within a capitalist sooiety, the source of inequality and discrimination; or

( iv) Should the struggle take the form of a unity of all exploited persons, as purt of the world movement against Imperialism, and for a socialist democracy.?

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/ r .

VII. N»TIOU<a LIBERATION «t SOCIALISM.

l ' problem- one of the b i , d ifficulties . f the

c u 5 . 6 £ r U e T o 'n d 0 m d e * S n E S * 1 ” j “ j ’“ ? « M , t S ’ 5 o « i a,

- - - i s o r . . .

The oia balance arrived \ t % v clrltnn T f I * * ° i ? 9a or^ niSQtiona.

® » aniogs y

S S S m S n J ! S t • ; “ g " » Jl« - « « ' e— « t . inntehe“? ^ T L T

for generai principles to S u id ^ u a 6? ? * ^ how! ver» ^ we ahould look

examining experience ?n othe^ c o S t M e a end6^ both *within South Africa. * y analysing tendenolfla

2 - Nationalism aa political Forcn.

a o ? ^ ^ . M ^ ? e8SP uf e^ J ? J ! a?rlb# a « “ tc of mind,aald to embraoe ell these thinga. movement, it may be

f e m ? f o ' “ nen?a!!ro T n ! ,|‘rn “ Urg9 ?™ ber of P80Ple a•tradition co. rjinon qualities suoh ae lansrua*e

a \ ^ ! e n^ y?ec ‘ ^ i M o UntT t ? ^ , tr rlt0ry ’ a,!(! la * * • £ & • of « with a demand for eqJalitv w 't h ^ r I ° a aeP°rate group joupled dominant grout. N a t f l H - J u 0' separation from another bat* aimed at tne ^m ovaj o- dleJrlil? f ;? « reS3Jve in 3o far as it is democracy. rialnation and the achievement of

movement d irecte^tow rda^he^su^nrcqs? b° ®Xplo| tei aggreaaiveImoerial1st atutea foster 1V of another grous or nation,

lei aa a means i f o l s c ^ i ^ l s l J i ^ r E S J * 8 % an 6Xtf eme ^ t io n a ? ! unity for war. The faaoiat rnrt f a 9ecuring maximum

Nationalism, are c o n t e ^ o ? L ? e x ^ i . H r n ^ ^ ^ 3 7011 Qs Afrikaner the main driving force is t*e ,iP q < 1 national group in whichother groups. 1 the de3ire to conquer, dominate and exploit

iraperialistic°kind* i^inti- atelv^h011 1* ° f 4h° proBressive or capitalism, and f h e r e f o r f S th° hi3tory ofbourgeois democracy H j t in m n a n n ? ? Qnd the rise of

rece£ved°a ! ? & “ “ ?

and b, « . o a major weapon of oi

capitalism. I t ^ a ^ h e r e ^ h a t 1feSdal s t a t c s ^ ^ 0 ’’*0 ’ th° cradle of ? § ^ b9r by umbitious monarchs of ter V itP * h P ° 9 !fppr *qsec3 and welded

middle class, anxious to t r a n s f o r m l e ^ l n lp. ° f p r is in g

rur.l manor and urban guild i „t0 u national e c o n S ? ° f ^

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The invention of printing, the spread of national languages which supplanted local vernaculars, the establishment of Christianity as

? h ? i he gr° Wth of bl« olt*e8 industrialised areas the opening of trade routes across the seas, competition and war * between local communities and prepared the way for the concept of a nation embracing all who lived in the same territory snoke the qnmp language, observed similar customs and developed s S h X loyaltilt?

r ^ fl/ « S aH ° 2 S 14Conaol2uaile5 8 waa Q8Sociated in England, where it aPPeare^ ij a manure form, with loyalty to the kind and the

2 FrQno®; on tne other hand, it emerged as part of a

during the lSt^Century? m0Teraent- whlch aPr8aa “ ’rough Europe

Bourgeois Leadership; Xn Europe the bourgeoisie ( i . e . the

industrialists and merchants who were in opposition to the nobility of the feudal society) gave expression to

nnti 3®"tljnent» shaped a national consciousness, organised and national movements. This bourgeois leadership ^as fssociated

with the nationalism of both the imperialist states, (Britain Franoe

PoleiM a oppressed national minorities, (Italians, Hungarians|

finance J T o t ^ ^o n o V i^ S S ^ S i S S S ^ S ^ i S ^ S . J ' S S i e ^ F

up L«onarac°?o?laPreua5ln*atheiit ?ratUI'e ln the l U X ^ ninduced the wortera’and Jan* UOg9 ° ! 3 ra8<Uum of ^ u o a t io A , Snd

by their national c o S t r P“ ta? ° bUy g° 0dS pr0<lu0e<1 and aiatribited

the national ’ m 5 i °3 L j^ ,5 S £ eS “? S .a2T2i0ped K " ? aro“ dnationalism, its roots ie i t ! Z 7 ?he fci atory of Afrikaner

s & ' . s f c , s i s g & v ? V f

nationai^eeling among the fee?a^ ortant 8ta« 88 ^ * * . growth of

durin^nthteecoSrPae IS T R E S S de.elopedAfrikaans, as an official , a? 2 F } tlon of Dutch» ^ t e r onParliament; in the attempts (represented for ?ouf t s ’ acJools and Afrikaner Bond) to organise the AfriLnnni I instance, by Hofmeyer»s political party, I n t t o m J i n l P?alcln« section into aand its hold over the Afrikaans comnnnitv° i ^ Dutch Reformed Church development of a Dutch-Afrikaans press a^i i^ the establishment and recent period in the large scale S f o r t ^ L i f ? “f ? 1 in ths more

supremacy in the public f e r v ^ s , ^ o J e s s ? ^ , c o ^ c T a ^ l & y .

d ifferen t^n tereat^g ro u p a^teach era^n ro f^8111 hSV0 ° °™ from th8a°professional politicians, ’merchant!’ t S i Z Z l 0™ * ? ini8tera. lawyers, financiers. Comparatively“ w SoJkarf h°nd lnduatria llsts , leadership; it is essentially boSrgeiosf prominent in this

hold over°the * a- • strong-

workers are also Interested in removing d i ^ M ° ? a3V f roup* Flratly, the national minority to which t h e v T f L . discrimination against thelanguage, customs and tradition ia Seani?dly> their pride in theirJoin with the bourgeoisie in n j L l f l ° ng lnce” tive for them to

ation. They identify their interests w i t h ' t t o i S ^ t S

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, 3 * ii.atlooallam and Class; Whenever the working olaaa movement emergedj ^ u r o p 6 it w&3 forced to fonnuiflts a

policy with regard to nationalism. The workers belonging to an imperialist country oould not altogether avoid adopting an attitude towards the struggles of nationalities oppressed b y t h f S p S r ia liste as in the case of the Ir ish or the Poles. 0n the other h X d 2 #I S o l ^ f n d 1? ^ hhiCl1 b®l0?ge^ t0 Qn oppressed national movemeAt as a

s r s s v s s :The class conscious worker, while sympathetic to the a t r w i n ^

of oppressed nationalities, realised that the bourgeois lead coul not be trusted to safeguard the interests of the workers and

S K S i f c .? s .r S h i .tw r ,u t in the stru**ie ^ 9113

The working class movement, although it supported the fix?ht

° f prJ S3l2?* t30k * » lna ^ i S n its s e p ^ et M a l i J n - • ? ? J®ader* 5 lp* organisation and forms of struggle on nnocj+i * sections of the labour movement agreed. There wus'no

movements^ mer8ing the class organisation with the national

There was disagreement, however, as to the oblectives nt tho

natlonal^lnorlties would^ontlnue °e£c£

t0'raSSinlJle?g? J ;60TO1« i 00la UaL ir e l 9 ^ i ? S * o 2 f r e ° r “" J ^ V p o s e s ,

Natlonallst’ apart*eldlpoliayf reaenblanoe” * & * *

r i ^ f S 2 S ^ S r S -™ ’ K ‘S S r « - r f « m .hadttorn ^ s T L T p j ° w h l o .dispersed then ??er d i f f s ^ n ? th?lr natlonW territories aid

with people of other national groups? * 8r<> thSy llTOd ln close oontaot

"natlona^autonoray" ^ V t ^ f n ° ^ s “ “ J?* ° V * >

the right to choose for e x a m ^ “ f ^ o n a l group should have

s * s s i 5 . s a s s

« e ^ e r ur ^ ° S o r s ^ u i d h^ tad%cid°id8i ^ r i ^ ^ ^ n r 3 o f ,political and cultural conditions existing at the t l m . eaon™ U ’

Nationalism ln the Colonies; A new development In the history of

ed when the peoples in the colSrl ^ n l * n? ti ° n®1 movements occurr-

f f i s . s r . s s r a H , ! : *- v" » “ “■> iss;.s” ‘ “ ’breaking down the isolation t o a i 8 for a national economy, transport and communications svst«m communitioa, introducing a national authority and in t r^u o in i n ^ P 031^ a centralised politick *methods. introducing a common language and uniform educational

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21

*

4 +KIn d? in? a11 this, the imperialists played the same kind of role

flll1' l ,l* * ' " " f a M l t M , M dla83 ln* %

P WUS th} 3 Prooe3s of unification combined with the system of racial oppression practiced by the imperialists whioh gave rise to colonial nationalism, such as we have witnessed in India, Indo-China

• Indonesia, Malaya and parts of Africa.

The working olass movement in Burope as well as in the colonies recognised that the nationalism of the oppressed oolonial peonies

government!*0* Ve al «n l f R e n t e d a g a in ,? C r l a l l e *

„ m In tb9 working class movements tended to enter into an

^ ? w i 2 “ i ? L T ^ t 1i 5 " S S i ' ^ S L tS l S , g S 4 J o f f f i , J g f .h

n a U o M irmoT9t« e i ? r rl011*'" W° 8 d9nounoed 08 h4Tln« betrayed the

T?6 Qct,ual relationship between the class and the national struggle would, naturally, be deteriined by the concrete situation

w?rk1nffniin«,QU? as th° 80 on the West Coast of Africa where the thn ^ * underdeveloped, leadership must necessarily* be in the nanda of the rising national bourgeoisie.

. Conditions are, however, conoeivable, where the working class

liberation! therefore tends to assume the leadership for national

/

This appears to be the situation in South Africa Here on th«

± n riee

class^ectinn ^ 19 t0 b0 eipooted that the working

struggle w ill ^ v e l o p ^ h a w c L r ^ f l e Y ^ and thlS

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Collection Number: AD1812

RECORDS RELATING TO THE 'TREASON TRIAL' (REGINA vs F. ADAMS AND OTHERS ON CHARGE OF HIGH TREASON, ETC.), 1956 1961 TREASON TRIAL, 1956 1961

PUBLISHER: Publisher:- Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand Location:- Johannesburg ©2012

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