Cook, A., Ogden, J and Winstone, N. (in press). The experiences of learning, friendships and bullying

of boys with autism in mainstream and special school settings: a qualitative study. British Journal of

Special Education.

The experiences of learning, friendships and bullying of boys with autism in

mainstream and special school settings: a qualitative study

Anna Cook, Jane Ogden and Naomi Winstone

School of Psychology, University of Surrey

Address for correspondence:

Anna Cook MSc, School of Psychology, University of Surrey, Guildford, GU2 7XH, UK

Abstract

This study aimed to explore experiences of learning, friendships and bullying of boys with

autism attending specialist and mainstream schools, and those of their parents. Semi-

structured interviews were conducted with 11 boys with autism, aged 11 – 17 years, and 9 of

their mothers. Thematic analysis identified four key themes relating to experiences of

friendships and bullying, risk factors, protective factors and outcomes. Overall, the findings

indicated that five of the 11 participants had been subjected to bullying, particularly those in

mainstream schools (four out of six). Further, if risk factors relating to autism or the school

culture were not mediated by protective factors such as self-esteem or supportive friends,

various negative outcomes were identified as more likely including mental health issues and

effects on learning and relationships. Therefore, although not inevitable, mainstream settings

may increase the likelihood of negative experiences as they have fewer resources to protect

children against the risk of bullying.

Keywords: Autism, bullying, learning, friendships, inclusion, special educational needs

2

Introduction

Debates surrounding inclusion for people with special educational needs (SEN) are

ongoing and, although they have generated a vast literature, remain unresolved.

Recommendations emerging in the 1970s (e.g. The Warnock Report, 1978; UNESCO, 1994)

initiated a move to enroll all children in mainstream schools wherever possible. Whilst this

didn’t necessarily lead to inclusive education, three key Acts (Special Educational Needs and

Disability Act, 2001; Disability Discrimination Act, 2005; Equality Act, 2010) were

introduced, which required teachers to make ‘reasonable adjustments’ to their lessons to

enable children with SEN and disability to learn and be included in school life. Whilst many

schools are generally more aware of their responsibilities, these goals to make education

more responsive to the needs of all students remain unmet (Barnard, Prior & Potter, 2000;

Batten et al, 2006; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008a). This is worrying for families of children with

autism given that 70% of children with autism are educated in mainstream schools (DfE,

2014) and since the experiences of children with autism can be considerably affected without

practical commitment by schools to inclusion (not just integration) (NAS, 2003; 2006;

Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab). The present study focuses on the experiences of boys with

autism in both mainstream and specialist settings. Research into the areas of social

relationships and bullying will be explored below in the light of these issues of inclusion.

Research addressing social relationships indicates that pupils with autism experience

fractious peer relationships and have limited social networks (Chamberlain, Kasari &

Rotherham-Fuller, 2007; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008b). In particular, those in mainstream

schools may experience loneliness, poor friendship quality and social network status (Kasari,

Locke, Gulsrud & Rotheram-Fuller, 2011; Locke, Ishijima, Kasari & London, 2010).

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Conflicting research showing that social competence of children with SEN

progresses more in mainstream settings than in specialist settings (Cole and Meyer, 1991)

may reflect a selection issue rather than the setting causing the increase in social skills.

Further, sociometric data shows that the large percentage of SEN pupils in mainstream

settings are classified as ‘rejected’ whilst the large proportion of neuro-typical pupils are

classified as ‘popular’ (Frederickson and Furnham, 2001).

These findings may also have implications for bullying. Chatzitheochari, Parson and

Platt (2014) concluded that children with SEN are significantly more likely to be the victim

of frequent threats, acts of physical violence or theft, and are more likely to be called names.

Research focusing specifically on autism also indicates high levels of bullying particularly

during adolescence (NAS, 2003; 2006). Likewise, the Department for Education reported that

40% of children with autism have been bullied at school (DfE, 2014). When compared with

the bullying experienced by children with different kinds of SEN (i.e. dyslexia), pupils with

autism still had higher levels of rejection and bullying and lower levels of acceptance and

peer support (Symes & Humphrey, 2010), demonstrating that it is not having a special need

per se that increases the risk of rejection, but the specific characteristics associated with

autism, e.g. social communication, social interaction and social imagination – known as the

‘Triad of Impairments’ (Wing & Gould, 1979). Roger’s (1986) theories of self-concept and

self-worth are relevant here. Rogers stated that in order for individuals to become ‘fully

functioning’ they must be psychologically healthy, open to new experiences and aware of

their own feeling and those of others. For people with autism, however, the psychological

concept of self is impaired (Neisser, 1988) and this could be the cause of their social and

communication impairments.

Reduced social competence has been identified as the prime causative factor of

bullying for children with autism (Bejerot & Mortberg, 2009). Bullying is a serious problem,

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since it can have a major impact on self-esteem, emotional problems and school absenteeism

(Boivin, Hymel & Bukowski, 1995) and problems in later life such as anxiety, relationship

problems and even employment status (Takizawa, Maughan & Arseneault, 2014).

In terms of the impact of school placement on bullying the results are mixed. Whilst

some research has shown no effect of school setting type (McLaughlin, Byers & Peppin-

Vaughan, 2010), other research reports that children with SEN are more often bullied in

mainstream settings (Zablotsky et al, 2014).

In summary, whilst some research has attempted to describe the experiences of pupils

with autism, comparisons between those in mainstream and those in special settings remain

scarce. Furthermore, previous research has tended to group those with SEN together rather

than addressing the specific experiences of those children with a specific set of needs. In line

with this, the present study utilised qualitative methods to explore the experiences of those

with autism with a focus on learning, social relationships and bullying; specifically secondary

school age boys. This is of particular importance given the recent emphasis on engaging the

autism community in research and giving those with autism a voice (Hebron & Humphrey,

2013; Pellicano, Dinsmore & Charman 2014; Reid & Batten, 2006; Wright, Wright, Diener

& Eaton, 2014). The study also included interviews with their mothers to explore their own

beliefs and to provide some context to their sons’ experiences. Finally, it focused on boys

from both mainstream and special schools as a means to gain insights into the impact of

setting type.

5

Method

Design

The design was qualitative using semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis was

used to generate codes and define themes from the data.

Participants

Participants were recruited from schools in South East England. Inclusion criteria

comprised males aged 11 – 17 with autism, who would be willing and able to engage with the

questions in the interview and communicate their experiences, and one of their parents. Girls

were excluded as research indicates substantial neural differences between girls and boys

with autism and that these might relate to differences in emotional processing and cognitive

processes (Nordahl et al., 2015). However, a parallel study has also been conducted exploring

the experiences of girls with autism (Cook, Ogden, & Winstone, in preparation). The

recruitment process resulted in 20 interviews: eight mother-son dyads (4 from mainstream, 4

from special schools); one individual son (mainstream); one mother with two sons (special

school). Mainstream schools are defined as those run by the local council that principally

meet the needs of pupils who do not have special education needs. Special schools are

defined as those for which the main purpose is to provide education for pupils with special

educational needs. Whilst inclusion criteria allowed either parent to be interviewed, only

mothers responded in this study. The sons ranged in age from 11 to 17 and all had a diagnosis

of an autism spectrum disorder. Mothers were aged 40+ and represented a range of

professions. Participant demographics are shown in Table 1 (all names are pseudonyms).

6

Table 1. Description of the Participants According to Socio-Demographics.

Son MotherName School

YearEthnic Origin

Education Setting Type

Name Age Range (years)

Ethnic Origin

Occupation Highest Level of Education

Oliver 10 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary

Lisa 40-50 WB Church Administrator

C&G Community Care

Jack 10 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary Not interviewed

Charlie 12 WB Mainstream Boys’ Grammar

Jen 40-50 WB Podiatrist Degree

Jacob 7 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary

Laura 40-50 WB Clinical Planner

Degree

Alfie 9 W Mainstream Co-ed Secondary

Christine 50+ WB Cover Teacher

A-level

Noah 9 WB Special Boys’ Secondary

Wendy 40-50 WB Mental Health Support Worker

Degree

James 11 WB Special Boys’ Secondary

Oscar 11 WB Special Boys’ Secondary

Becky 40-50 WB Nurse Degree

Ryan 12 Asian Special Co-ed Secondary

Zara 40-50 Asian Financial Analyst

A-level

Daniel 12 WO Special Co-ed Junior/Secondary

Michelle 50+ WO Project Manager

Degree

Adam 9 WB Special Co-ed Secondary

Lisa 40-50 W EAL Teacher Degree

WO: white British; WO: white other; W: white.

Procedure

A semi-structured interview was devised to explore the experiences of the mothers

and sons within their particular school setting, and consisted of broad, open-ended questions.

The boys’ interview covered i) experience of learning (e.g. ‘Tell me about the lessons you

like/don’t like’), ii) experience of friendships (e.g. ‘How do you feel you get on with people at

school?’) and iii) experience of bullying (e.g. ‘Have any pupils at school ever done or said

anything that you didn’t like? If so, please can you tell me a bit about what happened?’). The

mother interview covered i) their views on their son’s learning in school, ii) their views on

their son’s friendships, iii) their views on their son’s experience of bullying and iv) their

beliefs about different school settings in relation to bullying. (The full interview schedule is

available from the authors on request.) The semi-structured interview guide was supported

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using flexible strategies, such as probes when necessary. All interviews took place in

participants’ homes, with the exception of one that took place at school and two that were

conducted in a café. With the participants’ permission, the interviews were recorded and

transcribed.

Data analysis

Thematic analysis was used to identify patterns in the data and capture commonalities

of experience and understanding whilst at the same time enabling participants to be located

within contrasting school contexts. The method is inductive: themes are strongly linked to the

data, rather than being fitted to analytic preconceptions. For the analysis, transcripts were

read and re read, coded and discussed between the researchers. Interpretations were checked

against participants’ stories to ensure they covered all parts of the data.

Ethical Consideration

Ethical approval was granted by the University Ethics Committee. The information

sheet stated that participation was voluntary and that participants were able to withdraw from

the study at any time without any explanation. To ensure anonymity, the names of

participants have been altered in the study. All recorded and transcribed interviews were

stored in password-protected files. If participants became stressed or emotional, the strategy

was to discontinue the interview and ask school staff members/parents to support the

participant if needed.

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Results

Participants’ experiences were interpreted as reflecting four main themes: i)

experience of friendships and bullying; ii) risk factors; iii) protective factors and iv)

outcomes. Each theme was sub-divided into a number of sub-themes as illustrated in Figure

1. Whilst boys’ responses tended to be factual, the mothers’ were more reflective.

Nevertheless, mothers’ and boys’ opinions and experiences generally concurred. Overall, the

results indicated that many boys (five out of 11) had experienced bullying, and that four of

these attended mainstream schools. Further, the results showed that this may be exacerbated

by risk factors relating to characteristics both of autism and the school but could be

ameliorated through internal or external protective factors such as resilience and self esteem

or having outside interests. This dynamic then related to key outcomes such as mental health

issues and learning. This process will now be described in depth with exemplar quotes.

9

Figure 1. An overview of themes and sub-themes.

Theme 1: Experience of friendships and bullying

The boys’ accounts provided valuable insights into their involvement with friendships

and the different forms of bullying they experienced at school.

Friendships. Boys ranged from having no friends at all to having many. Lisa described

how her son has many friends and how this improved substantially when he transferred from

a mainstream primary to a specialist secondary school:

He is really connected with the other boys and girls…I mean they just gel. And it's just,

it's brilliant to see him in a friendship group – he just didn't have that at Juniors. There

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was a lot of him being in the playground and you know, kind of just on his own. (Lisa,

mother – special school)

Positive friendships, however, were by no means guaranteed and some participants reported

having no friends at all:

I usually just have friends in my head…It gets useful at lunchtime… there is this girl

that claimed to be my friend, I just, I didn't know what she was talking about.

(Alfie, son – mainstream school)

His mother implied that this may have affected her more than Alfie:

That is something he has never had, he's not had one friend…I’m not getting upset

anymore now, but he's not had one friend, in all the time, even at [current school name].

(Christine, mother – mainstream school)

In general, there was a tendency for participants to befriend others with autism, those

who respected and accepted them and those of a matched level or with similar interests.

However, no patterns emerged differentiating school types with respect to friendships.

Bullying. Many participants (five out of 11) reported incidents of bullying including

verbal, physical, theft, vandalism and frequent goading. The most obvious disparity identified

between mainstream and special schools within this study was the degree of bullying. Many

accounts of bullying came from the mothers, as some of the sons seemed to have blocked out

the memories, or were confused about the details. Oliver’s mother conveyed how he suffers

continual bullying:

He's constantly being picked on, verbally, all the time…I know if he comes out ten

minutes later than the other children, then there's an issue. (Lisa, mother – mainstream

school)

The most prevalent forms of bullying reported were constant harassments such as

stealing, damaging possessions and shoving. All but one boy from a mainstream setting

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suffered these frequent provocations. Whilst James was at his mainstream secondary school,

he had stationery taken, his tie put in the toilet and his weekly planner put in the shower. His

mother felt that it was because he was an easy target, as he would get easily upset as a result

of these triggers.

At times the bullying was more subtle and seemed to reflect an understanding by peers of

specific actions that would upset someone with autism. Alfie’s mother, Christine, described

how his peers constantly tried to annoy him to the point that he was too distracted to learn

anything.

So it would be things like, things stuck on his back, it'll be tapping, it'll be looks, it would

be scraping. (Christine, mother – mainstream school)

The only reports of any bullying within special schools came from Daniel and Adam.

Sadly, Daniel suffered extreme levels of bullying throughout his entire secondary education.

For example, just before his Physics GCSE, he discovered that his locker had been emptied,

and the contents scattered around the school. He described how he felt when he discovered

his possessions were gone:

[I was] in a complete and utter stress because you know, it's my stuff, I don't like people

touching my stuff without me knowing. (Daniel, son – special school)

Adam’s report of bullying, however, was negated by his mother, who explained how Adam

often misinterprets comments and, despite everything being effectively dealt with after one

particular incident, he continued to hold a grudge.

Theme 2: Risk factors

The experiences described by participants indicated that certain factors might be

identified as risks due both to internal factors specific to autism and external factors

associated with the school culture.

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Internal factors. People with autism experience difficulties with social

communication and social interaction. Lisa described how this can affect Adam:

He doesn't get sarcastic humour. You know he doesn't get teasing…you could be making

a joke and just having a little tease, to him that would be major. (Lisa, mother – special

school)

In addition to the social difficulties, was the processing of sensory information. Many

people with autism have sensory difficulties, which make them likely to become stressed or

anxious (Green, Ben-Sasson, Soto, & Carter, 2012). For example Noah experiences extreme

anxiety when his personal space is violated. Similarly, Christine conveyed the discomfort

Alfie feels from something as apparently harmless as tapping:

They sometimes don't understand how little things, like tapping, …it's like me scraping

my finger down a blackboard, see how you feel about that, because that's how he feels

about that tapping. So turning round to a child and saying ‘just stop the tapping’, or

‘just forget about it, it's only tapping’ - it's not just tapping! (Christine, mother –

mainstream school)

External factors. Risk might be attributable to external factors including the ways in

which their school managed the learning and social needs of pupils with autism. Regardless

of setting type, some schools were described as neglecting to address these needs.

Mainstream schools, however, were less likely to have the understanding necessary to meet

their needs or provide sufficient resources, including teaching assistants (TAs). Jacob

explained the frequent changes in TA in one of his lessons:

I don't know what really happened, because one came, and then he went, then another

one came, and then they left and now there's none in there which is a bit weird. There is

meant to be one in there but there isn't. (Jacob, son – mainstream school)

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His mother was particularly concerned that this would exacerbate his processing

disability and problems with following instructions. Christine also complained about the way

Alfie’s TAs were shared with other pupils, even though they were specifically allocated to

him.

Both the boys and their mothers also described the schools failure to handle bullying. For

example, James described how, when he was at his mainstream secondary, he was unlikely to

report incidences of bullying, since he knew they wouldn’t get dealt with appropriately – the

bullies would continue their bullying due to inadequate reprimands:

It just didn't happen. They said 'oh we'll sort it out'. They didn't … it was probably the

equivalent of just giving them a slap on the wrist and that's about it. It was just like, it's

not helpful, they keep doing it. (James, son – special school)

In contrast, most of the boys from special settings (five out of the six) liked their schools

and their teachers, and benefitted from the small class sizes. Whilst still affected by anxiety

and attention problems, there were sufficient numbers of trained staff and TAs to provide the

learning support needed, to take effective action against bullying and to help facilitate

friendships. With the exception of Daniel’s story (see earlier), special schools ensured that

bullying was not tolerated and dealt with such incidences quickly and effectively.

When comparing school settings in relation to risks, internal risks were identified across

both setting types. In contrast, there was a general tendency for those from mainstream

settings to report greater external risks than participants from special settings.

Theme 3: Protective factors

Many positive accounts of the boys’ experiences were attributed to protective factors. These

enabled them to cope or deal with potential bullying and also had a positive impact on their

learning and overall experience at school. Protective factors came from both within the child

and from their external environment.

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Internal factors. Self-esteem was identified by a number of mothers as critical to their

sons’ progress, and in many incidences was reported as being very low. However, one or two

boys benefited from having built their self-esteem through their achievements and

responsibilities. Oscar, for example, participates in a number of activities such as ‘Duke of

Edinburgh’ and after-school clubs. He talked about how he thinks others look up to him:

I'm usually the person that people go to if there's a problem, so I think, I'd say that

people are quite confident in my ability to solve problems. And I'm actually a House

Captain of my team so I'd say people you know have faith in my leadership skills as well,

which I'm happy with. (Oscar, son – special school)

Similarly, resilience to cope with or adapt to occurrences of bullying was reported by

some participants, enabling them to balance negative emotions in the face of confrontation.

James described how he made the decision not to let insulting comments bother him:

It's not really anything that really bothers me because, if he's making me feel rubbish I

just think 'well he's not exactly a great human being so'. I'm not taking it personally –

well I'm taking it personally but I'm not letting it bother me.

(James, son – special school)

Some also protected themselves from bullying by disregarding the bullies. For example,

Alfie explained how he pretends not to hear them:

If someone insults me I just tell them that they were talking to themselves. It's more funny

to just say there's nothing wrong really. I can pretend that I can't hear them. (Alfie, son

– mainstream school)

Others preferred to completely avoid the bullies. Daniel’s mother explained how he

could no longer go to certain cafes and shops for fear of bumping into peers from his old

school.

15

External factors. A number of external factors might be instrumental in enabling more

positive experiences at school. One significant factor was the presence of supportive friends.

Jacob has a friend who is a great support, particularly at times when he needs help with

organizing his things, like in PE, as described by his mother:

He loses his kit and he puts the wrong kit on, so his friends help him and [Carly's] boy is

a complete support in that. If he didn't have [Lucas] in there I don't know what we would

have done! (Laura, mother – mainstream school)

School achievements in a range of subjects were reported as having beneficial effects and

were mainly portrayed by the mothers. After the terrible experiences endured in his

secondary school, Daniel was finally able to build his self-esteem through his college

achievements, as expressed by his mother:

He had the most amazing placement with this educational software company up in

London, and the work that he was doing for them there, they said he's an absolute

natural at graphic design. (Michelle, mother – special school)

All the boys had outside interests that they were passionate about which gave them a

sense of identity. These included football, Comicon, trading cards, sailing, canoeing and

climbing among many others. Alfie described his passion for animals:

I'm quite passionate about a few stuff, e.g. wildlife… we have fish over there…Yeah

we're thinking about getting turtles… I like going to zoos and sea life. (Alfie, son –

mainstream school)

Finally, having a special talent was particularly beneficial as a protective factor. Talents

ranged from art, music and drama to sports and having good imagination. Charlie stated that

when his peers liked to put him down, he would point out that everyone is good at something,

and would tell them he is a good swimmer and is actually better than them. Jacob has perfect

16

pitch and his mother described how she turned his attitude towards Asperger’s into a positive

one, by attributing many of his talents to his Asperger’s.

Theme 4: Outcomes

As a consequence of the various experiences a number of outcomes were identified as

common and/or significant.

Mental health issues. Some participants suffered mental health problems including

stress, mistrust, low self-esteem, depression and suicidal thoughts. Wendy described how, at

the time her son was getting bullied at his mainstream school, he swallowed magnets:

He was seriously ill in hospital for two weeks. And had to have a couple of operations

because he had a perforated bowel. He was very, very poorly. And it was around the

same sort of time when he'd started to get really stressed at school, so I don't know if it

was, deliberate or not. He won’t say and I don't think we'll ever know. (Wendy, mother –

special school)

Jack, who requested not to be recorded, reported that peers used to tell him that he should die,

but that since then most of his peers had matured. He reported to being suicidal in year 9 and

received counselling from the Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services.

Effects on learning. Participants also described how learning was affected. At times this

was by the school environment itself. For example, Julie explained how Adam requires very

different kinds of teaching that only specialists can deliver and how mainstream settings fail

to differentiate the diverse needs of the children:

I have been in schools where this lower table has a child with Down’s syndrome, a child

who is profoundly deaf, a child with autism and perhaps two or three children who have

English as an additional language – all different, separate needs. And how can you have one,

bless her heart, teaching assistant on that table trying to accommodate all of those children.

It doesn't work. (Lisa, mother – special school)

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Learning was also influenced by bullying, which proved to have a dramatic impact.

Effects on relationships. Lastly, the analysis identified effects of bullying and school

practices on relationships. The impact of Oliver’s experience of bullying had clearly

influenced his ability to form friendships. His mother thought this could affect him in the

long term:

I think it will because he's now got to the point that he doesn't trust anyone. So he won’t

open up to anybody except me. (Lisa, mother – mainstream school)

There was a contrast between mainstream and special schools with respect to how well their

school practices influenced opportunities to form friendships. For example, Oscar’s special

school helpfully facilitated friendships, through careful grouping in dorm rooms and

provision of activities. In contrast, one parent with a son in a mainstream setting had to urge

teaching staff to provide opportunities for interaction with peers:

I've had to actually go in and say look you've got to physically tell [Alfie], take him to

the pottery class…he will not try anything new. He's already formed his opinion, he's not

going to like it – so you've got to take him, and you've got to make him do it. And then it

becomes a routine, and then he finds that he does like it, but he doesn't want to admit

that he likes it. (Christine, mother – mainstream school)

Bullying and school practices were therefore seen to have had an impact on the boys’ mental

health, learning and friendships.

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Discussion

The present qualitative study aimed to explore how boys with autism experience

learning, friendships and bullying and whether this reflects their placement within a

mainstream or specialist school.

The results primarily provide valuable insights into the experiences of boys with

autism, which reflects the call to give the autism community a voice and the need to hear

their experiences (Pellicano et al, 2014; Wright et al, 2014). From this, it was clear that

although many reported having a supportive group of friends, they had also experienced

bullying including verbal, physical and most predominantly, continual goading which were

more apparent in the accounts of those from mainstream schools. This is in line with the

findings reported by Zablotsky, et al (2014).

The results also indicated that various influences might place them at greater risk of

bullying including both internal and external factors. Mothers gave accounts of social

difficulties such as being unable to understand sarcastic humour and inappropriate responses

to peers, which may place them at greater risk of bullying, reflecting previous research

(Bejerot & Mortberg, 2009; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab). The present study also highlighted

a role for sensory difficulties as a possible trigger for bullying behavior with neuro-typical

children being able to identify and use specific sensory issues as a means to cause upset.

External factors relating to the school culture might also be placing the child at greater risk.

These included lack of awareness and understanding about autism, inadequate resources or

use of teaching assistants and failure to deal appropriately with bullying. This supports

previous research highlighting schools’ lack of understanding about how to facilitate the

learning and participation of children with autism (Barnard, et al., 2000; Batten, et al., 2006;

Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab; Humphrey & Parkinson, 2006). Whilst these internal factors

could be generalized across participants from different settings, it was clear that those in

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mainstream settings were more likely to be exposed to the external risk factors from the

school.

Bullying may not be inevitable and the findings showed that these internal and

external risks might be filtered through specific protective factors. In particular, both internal

factors such as self-esteem, resilience, disregarding or avoiding bullies and external factors

such as having supportive friends, school achievements, outside interests and talents offered

protection to the child and seemed to ameliorate the impact of risk. Of these, it appeared that

supportive friends could be highly influential and act as a powerful buffer, reflecting research

highlighting peer acceptance and secure friendships as protective against bullying (Hebron &

Humphrey, 2013).

The boys therefore described some accounts of bullying which could be exacerbated

by risk factors and buffered by protective factors. When there were insufficient protective

factors to mediate the risks, a number of outcomes were identified including mental health

issues, effects on learning and effects on relationships. Mental health issues included stress,

mistrust, low self-esteem, and depression, and were mainly attributed to continual bullying.

Effects on learning included poor concentration in lessons, poor performance/exam results

and lack of motivation due to processing difficulties and the influence of school neglect.

Effects on relationships were mainly due to communication difficulties but also the failure of

the school to provide opportunities to enable social interactions, and to deal properly with

bullying.

There are limitations of the present study to be considered. First, participants came

from a limited geographic area (South-East England). Hence, the findings can only be

interpreted as representing a subset of the British population. In addition, all participants were

white, except for one mother-son dyad. Second, the study was interview-based that requires a

degree of communication, which due to the communication difficulties associated with

20

autism, may have limited the quality of the data. The interviews, however, were in fact,

extremely rich and participants offered full and detailed accounts of their experiences. This

may have been due, in part, to the expertise of the researcher who was also able to draw upon

a range of prompts and skills to adapt the interview situation to each participant’s abilities in

order to elicit responses. Further research might benefit from using participatory research

models (e.g. MacLeod, Lewis & Robertson, 2013) or activity-oriented interview methods as a

means to encourage openness in children less able to respond to the interview setting (e.g.

Winstone et al, 2014).

These findings have implications for both inclusion and for the development of

strategies and interventions to reduce the risk of bullying across all school settings.

In terms of inclusion, many of the experiences, risks and protective factors occurred in both

settings. For bullying and the risk factors offered by the school culture, however, setting was

found to influence experience. In particular, whereas most participants from mainstream

schools (four out of six) conveyed many accounts of bullying, all but one participant who had

attended special school settings did not. Furthermore, the school culture with regard to pupils

with autism differed substantially between setting types, with special schools providing small

class sizes, specialist teaching staff, and trained TAs facilitating social interactions and

appropriately handling incidences of bullying. This contrasted with reports from most

mainstream participants whose schools neglected to address their needs, both academic and

social. Accordingly, whilst placement into mainstream schools does not consistently define

all aspects of the child’s experience, it may be linked to higher levels of bullying due, in part,

to the culture of the school.

These findings also have implications for the development of interventions to reduce

bullying across a range of school settings. In particular, whilst it may not be possible to

intervene with the internal factors, much more could be done to minimize the external factors,

21

particularly aspects of the school culture. Many aspects of mainstream schools such as class

size, higher student-teacher ratios, and pressure to raise standards may be beyond the

individual school to control (Norwich, 2014). The results from the present study, however,

showed a clear role for factors such as a lack of understanding, staffing and resources and a

failure to handle bullying which may be more open to intervention. In particular, greater

training of school staff concerning the specific social and academic needs of those with

autism, a focus on inclusion (rather than integration), better resources, consistency of TAs

and a determination to handle bullying more effectively when first it arises could make

inclusion more effective for those with autism. Likewise, a number of protective factors may

also offer an opportunity for intervention. For example, children with autism could be

encouraged to take part in out of school activities and develop their interests, taught strategies

to manage bullies and maximize their self esteem through focusing on their skills and talents

rather than their deficits. Such an approach offers a way forward to maximize a child’s school

experience whilst maintaining inclusive policy.

In conclusion, bullying may not be inevitable but a product of risk factors, which may

or may not be buffered through protective factors. If these risk factors are minimised and the

protective factors are effective then a child with autism may be able to develop friendships

and learn effectively regardless of the type of school they are placed in. If however, the risks

are allowed to predominate, bullying may well occur resulting in a range of negative

experiences that may have both immediate and longer-term effects on the child. Interventions

should therefore be developed both to promote a better school culture and increase a child’s

resilience so that they can flourish.

22

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27

Table 2. Codes Derived from Thematic Analysis.

Theme Category Sub theme Code1. Experiences of Friendships & Bullying

Friendships Understanding autism Joint interests Matched level Befriending others with autism No friends No friends outside school Mothers facilitating

Bullying Physical Verbal Low level harassments Damage/theft of property Eliciting upset through sensory provocations Blocked memories

2. Risk Factors

Internal Social Difficulties Misunderstanding sarcasm and humourProcessing Difficulties

Problems planning / organizing / sequencing Learning difficulties Sense that lessons a waste of time

Sensory Difficulties Anxiety Proximity Irritating noises

External School Culture: Lack of Understanding

Teachers lack understanding of needs Lesson delivery Late diagnosis No facilitation of friendships Unstructured times – playground, corridors, lunch

breaksSchool Culture: Staffing & Resources

Class size Changes/misuse of TAs Teacher training Allowing pupil to fall under radar

School Culture: Failure to handle bullying

No trust in teachers to resolve Inadequate reprimands Vulnerable to bullying

3. Protective Factors

Internal Self-esteem Low self esteem High self esteem from increased responsibilities

Resilience Strategies for dealing with bulliesDisregarding Bullies Ignoring bulliesAvoiding Bullies Avoiding places where bullies will be

External Supportive Friends Understanding friendsSchool Achievements Sport

Arts Academic achievements

Outside Interests Hobbies/interestsTalents Art, music, drama

Sports4. Outcomes Mental Health Issues Due to bullying

Due to autism Due to school neglect Stress Distress Suicidal thoughts Low self esteem Depression Mistrust

Learning Due to school neglect Due to bullying

Due to processing difficultiesRelationships Due to bullying

Sue to school practices Due to autism

2