Post on 02-Oct-2014
Non-governmental organizations and the socio-economic development of
low-income women in India
Meena Razvia* and Gene Rothb
aCultural Perceptions Consulting, Elgin, USA; bNorthern Illinois University, DeKalb, USA
(Final version received 13 December 2009)
This literature review focuses on the socio-economic development of low-incomewomen in India. The study describes how non-governmental organizations(NGOs) in India attempt to fill gaps in governmental support for marginalizedwomen in the Indian workforce. Some scholars have recommended expanding theboundaries of human resource development (HRD) to include multiple topics in avariety of contexts to investigate the holistic development of individuals. Gapsexist in current HRD literature regarding the status of low-income women inIndia. This article argues that many Indian NGOs are capable of serving theneeds of women in informal work sectors and in addition, they can provide abroad non-traditional context for investigating HRD processes and services at anational level.
Keywords: Indian NGOs; gender; socio-economic development; NHRD, India
Research studies in human resource development (HRD) do not generally focus
exclusively on the experiences and perceptions of poverty alleviation among
marginalized work sectors. HRD scholarly literature typically does not include
cross-cultural feminist epistemologies and pedagogies that illuminate the socio-
economic status of women within informal work sectors, and, these approaches to
research involving such contexts are rarely used to bring insights to scholars and
practitioners who are concerned with the national human resource development
(NHRD) of a country. A scarcity of non-Western conceptualizations of low-income
women in India presents an opportunity to investigate multicultural perspectives
within specific contexts.
When thinking about HRD in India, Western HRD practitioners and scholars
are apt to visualize brilliant graduates of the Indian Institute of Technology, the
expanding technology start-ups of Bangalore, or the rapid growth of outsourcing to
India during the past decade. Yet perceptions of prosperity in India are deceptive –
especially for Indian women. More than sixty years after India’s independence, the
poverty rate in India remains high, with one third of the population living in poverty
(World Bank 2006) and 79.9% surviving on less than $2 per day (Women in India
2006). India’s present socio-economic situation does not favour low-income women
*Corresponding author. Email: meenarazvi@gmail.com
Human Resource Development International
Vol. 13, No. 1, February 2010, 65–81
ISSN 1367-8868 print/ISSN 1469-8374 online
� 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13678861003589008
http://www.informaworld.com
within unregulated informal work sectors. India’s economic reforms during the
1990s do not benefit 90% of the female workforce that is forced to participate in
informal, poorly paid sectors (Banthia 2001; Mishra 1998). Because of a shortage of
formal jobs and gender bias in the workplace, 23% of Indian males work in formal
job sectors compared to only 7% of females (Banthia 2001). For the small
percentage of women who are fortunate to work in formal job sectors, Indian
organizations have a dismal record of retaining and promoting women to levels of
authority (Rajadhyaksha 2002). As a result, women dominate informal unregulated
marginal work sectors, and furthermore most of these marginal sectors escape the
radars of government regulations.
Trapped between unrealistic ideologies and political mayhem after India’s
independence in 1947, jobs for women in India became scarcer by the decade.
Despite government policies and
programmes, gender gaps continue to widen in education and employment.
Women in poor sectors of India suffer from multiple gender and social
discriminations that restrict their access to labour improvements for marginalized
populations. Socio-economic forces (patriarchy, labour, education, and government
initiatives) greatly influence NGOs’ priorities for women’s education despite
government initiatives that struggle to provide sustainable socio-economic develop-
ment in India (Razvi and Roth 2004). Each socio-economic force affects the complex
nature of human development.
The notion of international HRD infers a world of inter-connectedness. This
article offers a perspective that is aligned with authors who stress strategies for
workforce development that can serve a nation, noting the importance of aligning
public and private systems for the betterment of people and organizations within
social contexts (Holton and Naquin 2002; Jacobs and Hawley 2003; Naquin 2002).
As India moves rapidly towards growth and development in certain sectors of the
workforce, the status of its national workforce merits examination to identify
important populations, issues, and gaps. Mainstream HRD does not explain how
and why only a certain segment of the Indian population participates in formal job
sectors. NGOs seemingly have the potential to transform the poorest regions of
India through economic, educational, and agricultural strategies (Jha and Kumar
2000). An opportunity to critically explore how NGOs in India function within the
complex nature of women’s development, and the extent to which they influence
women’s socio-economic development brings important understandings to existing
knowledge about NHRD in India.
Conflicting views about NGOs present an opportunity for discourse, reflection,
research, and scholarship by expanding traditional boundaries of HRD. This article
informs HRD scholars and practitioners by extending existing literature, providing a
complex international perspective, illustrating an important gap in the workforce
development of a nation, and providing insights into how Indian NGOs impact
NHRD. The objectives of this article are: (1) to point out recurring socio-economic
factors that impact working women in India; (2) to provide brief descriptions of the
origins of NGOs in India; (3) to provide a critique of Indian NGOs that illuminates
their strengths and limitations; (4) to examine the extent to which socio-economic
forces influence the priorities of NGOs towards supporting working women; and (5)
to offer recommendations for future directions of NGOs. Our aim is to promote
awareness, dialogue, research, and action of NHRD concerning the social and
economic empowerment of a marginalized work sector in India.
66 M. Razvi and G. Roth
Theoretical framework
A conceptual framework with multiple components best serves and influences studies
of complex specific issues that affect the lives of marginalized female workers in
India. This literature review focuses on gender, economic context, and social
development as an epistemological lens to explore the status of Indian women. Agar
(1980, 44) argues the importance of avoiding the ‘colonial context’ within the
research process. Denzin and Lincoln (2003, 2) describe colonial researchers as
dominant white males who set out to study ‘the exotic other, a primitive, nonwhite
person from a foreign culture judged to be less civilized than the researcher’.
Accordingly, a multiple theoretical paradigm is especially suitable for exploration of
complex cultural factors to facilitate the emergence of unpredictable variables
(Denzin and Lincoln 2003). Strauss and Corbin (1998, 287) argue it is important to
‘not borrow theories, instead develop their own, ones that reflect their societies’ or
citizens’ cultures and behaviours’. Voluntarism, Gandhian philosophy of non-violent
resistance, feminist theory, and NHRD comprise the conceptual framework for
investigating the role of NGOs in India and the status of marginalized working
women. These disparate pluralities of theoretical and conceptual orientations can
serve to expand the parameters of HRD scholars (Roth 2003).
Voluntarism and Gandhian philosophy
Indian social reforms for women were initiated by men during the eighteenth century
and continued with the inclusion of women during the campaign against British rule.
Gandhi was the spiritual leader of the Indian civil rights movement during the
struggle for liberation from British colonial rule that Indians call the British Raj
(Gandhi 1983). Tagore, an Indian poet and Nobel Laureate, bestowed Gandhi with
the title Mahatma (great soul) (Ruche 2001). Gandhi included women in the struggle
for national freedom and wrote about his awareness and respect for gender equality
in his autobiography (Gandhi 1983). After Gandhi became a volunteer activist in
South Africa, he returned to India to continue the freedom campaign on a volunteer
basis while observing the condition of the Indian population. While travelling
throughout India, Gandhi became appalled at the high rates of poverty and resolved
to improve the socio-economic status of marginalized work sectors. He practiced the
principles of ahimsa (nonviolence), sarvodaya (self-help), and satyagraha (two
Sanskrit words meaning truth and firmness) (Gandhi 1983). Many Indian NGOs still
follow the Gandhian philosophy in their efforts to empower women in India.
Feminist theory
Feminist theories account for issues of gender and power structures (Belenky et al.
1986; Hooks 1984; Woolf 1989). Hooks (1984, 4) attributes gender discrimination to
race and class that affects women’s ‘quality of life, social status, and lifestyles’. Low-
income women, in particular, suffer gender inequalities that suppress their physical
and psychological freedoms. Current NHRD literature does not include information
about informal work sectors in India. Using a feminist framework, Bierema and
Cseh (2003) conducted an analysis of 600 Academy of Human Resource
Development (AHRD) papers published between 1996 to 2000 and discovered
that 6% of the topics focused on aspects of diversity.
Human Resource Development International 67
National human resource development (NHRD)
National human resource development (NHRD) is a relatively new term popularized
by McLean (2004, 269) who defines it as ‘a focus on HRD as national policy’.
Osman-Gani (2004) believes NHRD plays a prominent role in the economic
development of a nation. NHRD in India has a limited focus on two areas:
education and culture, during 1985, India’s new Ministry of Human Resource
Development refocused on education (Rao 2004). Despite this trend, India has ‘no
uniform NHRD policy’ (p. 292). Rao believes NHRD has the potential to improve
human resource development in India. In 2000, India had an available labour force
of 406 million out of which only 28 million worked in organized sectors, the majority
of the workforce laboured in informal sectors earning minimal daily wages, and as a
result, 26% of the population remained in poverty (Rao 2004).
McLean (2006) posits that HRD can contribute towards community develop-
ment. The boundaries of HRD scholarship are fuzzy as scholars around the globe
search for common ground with their research agendas, and yet grapple with the
parameters of HRD research and practice (Ardichvili 2008; Johansen and McLean
2006; Sambrook 2008). Many Western authors focus on processes, systems, and
people within organizations while some Eastern scholars not only consider HRD
within organizations, but broaden HRD to include the political economy. A few
authors venture beyond workforce issues and encourage HRD scholars to consider
the health and well-being of a nation’s people. Pavlish (2002) notes disparities
between poor countries of the Southern Hemisphere compared to those of the
Northern Hemisphere as outlined by the World Health Organization, and urges
HRD scholars and practitioners to connect the role of HRD to the disparities of
health, education, and knowledge that afflict residents of impoverished communities.
With a focus on improving the overall health of the world’s people, Pavlish
(2002) suggests a human resource model for creating, crafting, collaborating,
connecting, and contributing knowledge to construct humane and sustainable social
communities. It is within this broad focus on knowledge capital and caring
leadership that this research was inspired – an inquiry into the socio-economic
conditions of women in poor sectors of India and how these factors influence NGO
responses. Sen (1999) examines economic reforms in India and explains that income
enables other capacities. He argues that economic discrimination is a much ‘broader
concept’ that includes additional factors (1999, 108). This study revealed that
patriarchy, labour, education, and government initiatives emerged as the main
underlying socio-economic factors affecting the status of poor women in India.
Method
Torraco (2005, 357) affirms the use of literature reviews as a research method for
creation of new knowledge and understandings about ‘mature topics or new,
emerging topics’. As India moves rapidly towards growth and development in
certain sectors, it is important to understand the status of the national workforce to
identify important populations, issues, and gaps within the national workforce
development of a nation. This article incorporates an extensive literature review to
analyze, synthesize, and understand how Indian NGOs influence the status of a
majority of working women in India that continues to labour under informal and
unregulated work environments despite rapid advances in formal work sectors.
68 M. Razvi and G. Roth
Findings offer a reconceptualization of the Indian workforce – with a focus on a
marginalized sector that rarely benefits from HRD advances – and presents an
understanding of a work sector not well known in mainstream HRD.
Multiple books, articles, and business and social studies databases were used to
review, critique, and synthesize the socio-economic status of marginalized women in
India. Database sources included ABI Inform, ERIC, Wilson SelectPlus, Article
First, PsycInfo, Social Sciences Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, Sociological
Abstracts, WorldCat, and Dissertation Abstracts. Journals and the Internet were
utilized using a multiple search engine called Dogpile.com. In addition, library books
from national and international libraries were recalled on loan and scanned for
recurring themes of Indian NGOs, women’s socio-economic status, and women’s
development issues. Key descriptors and key words used were: NGOs, women,
India, poverty, women’s development, research, social impact, economics, human
resource, Asia, self-employment, women’s studies, culture, leadership, gender, and
income. Searches were limited to India and women’s socio-economic issues.
Analysis included sorting units of literature into recurring themes that were
grouped into four major socio-economic factors (patriarchy, labour, education, and
government initiatives) affecting women’s development in low-income sectors of
India. These factors inform our conclusions that identify how and why a majority of
India’s working women are restricted within informal unregulated work sectors in
India. The reviewed literature also illuminates how NGOs function within complex
societal structures in an effort to fill gaps between government and other
organizations attempting to improve the status of working women in India.
Findings
Origins of Indian NGOs and socio-economic focus in India
Examining the role of Indian NGOs can lead to a broader conceptualization of
HRD processes and services at a national level. This examination can serve to
question traditional barriers between formal and informal work sectors, while
seeking innovative strategies to alleviate the socio-economic problems of margin-
alized women. Although evidence of voluntarism in India dates back to 1500 BC,
Gandhi (1983) is most noted for initiating a national effort of community voluntary
service and self-help to promote the social and economic development of India’s
poor sectors. Indian NGOs are diverse in their nature, size, missions, goals, and
purposes, resulting in manifold descriptions and definitions. A report from the
Voluntary Action Network India (VANI) reveals that out of a total of 1.2 million
Indian NGOs, 53% are based in rural areas, 47% in urban areas, and 49.6% remain
unregistered. Only 8.5% of Indian NGOs include more than ten paid staff (VANI
2008–2009). NGOs usually function with voluntary servers that dedicate personal
time to help uplift their communities. VANI also reports that 80% of funding is
provided by local individuals and corporations, 13% by the Indian government, and
7% of donations are sent by international organizations. In a state-wise NGO list,
the Planning Commission of the government of India (2009) reports a total of 1,392
NGOs based in the state of Gujarat. VANI sorts Indian NGOs into five main
categories: religious, community/social services, education, sports/culture, and
health. Women’s NGOs often cross multiple boundaries while relieving many
psychological and physical conditions that have plagued females for many
generations.
Human Resource Development International 69
Some NGOs serve to question traditional barriers between formal and informal
work sectors while seeking innovative strategies to alleviate the socio-economic
problems of marginalized women. Although evidence of voluntarism in India dates
back to 1500 BC, Gandhi is most noted for initiating a national effort of voluntary
community action to raise the status of workers in low-income sectors (Gandhi 1983).
Many early voluntary organizations in India chose to follow either the Gandhian
or religious ideology of non-violent sustainable development. The famine in the state
of Bihar (1966) and the crisis in Bangaldesh (1971) influenced an increase of NGOs
resulting in a new professional arena of opportunities for HRD (Rai and Tandon
2000). Rai and Tandon argue that because human capital investment was not a
major goal of many NGOs, economic development has not been adequate. Recently,
many organizations in India have attempted to facilitate economic empowerment by
providing access to micro-finance and basic skills development. Some organizations
focus on policy issues at national levels by intervening on behalf of marginalized
populations (Rai and Tandon 2000).
Initial conceptual frameworks for voluntary organizations in India were based on
ideas of self-help and community service (Sen 1999). India’s collective society
favours voluntary service dating back to Vedic times (1500–1000 BC) when the
absence of formal welfare programmes prompted families and communities to work
collaboratively during times of crisis. The Rigveda, an ancient religious text,
imparted written evidence of the status of Indian women. The Vedic culture believed
that men and women were created as equals but over multiple generations this view
was replaced by patriarchy (Masani 1973; Seth 2001; Talageri 2000; United Nations,
Economic, Social Commission for Asia and The Pacific 1997). Gandhi founded the
well-known national consciousness movement in India initiating a radical non-
violent peace movement called Satyagraha – two Sanskrit words: sat (truth), and
agraha (firmness) (Gandhi 1983). Many Indian NGOs continue to be greatly
influenced by the Gandhian philosophy (Mathiot 1998) even to the extent of
emulating his insistence of wearing simple khadi (home-spun) cotton clothing.
The Gandhian ideology explains why many Indians dislike the Western term
‘NGO’ preferring to use the original term ‘voluntary agencies’ (Mathiot 1998, 332).
Eventually, community organizations in India became formalized. Chaudhary (2007,
37) defines voluntary organizations as ‘a group of persons who organize themselves
on the basis of voluntary membership with external and State control, for the
furtherance of some common interests of members’. Common NGO characteristics
include: private ownership and control, non-profit (or perhaps not-for-profit) status,
legal status; a principal function as a people-centred development; and not
financially self-reliant (Bhat 2000). In the Indian context, the government became
involved in voluntary groups during the twentieth century.
During the 1950s and 1960s India’s government became conspicuously assertive
in an attempt to assume the primary role of economic growth. Due to its inability to
effectively implement this goal, the government requested NGO assistance with
poverty eradication programmes (Chaudhary 2000). Gradually as time and
experience presented lessons learned, necessary changes became evident. During
the 1980s the government focus shifted to socio-economic empowerment although
minimal guidelines were provided (Chaudhary 2000). The Indian government raised
lofty economic goals, but lacked the knowledge and expertise to implement this new
ideology. NGOs were sought out as mechanisms to reach economic goals. Debates
continue regarding whether this was an effective strategy.
70 M. Razvi and G. Roth
Socio-economic needs of the Indian population influenced a change in
conceptualization and the priorities of NGOs during the 1990s when women were
‘discovered’ as major participants in the economic arena (Mathiot 1998, 97). Large-
scale government programmes failed to provide relief for small-scale needs. A recent
response to this troubling situation has been the micro-economic strategies of NGOs
(Bhat 2000). One commonly held tenet of NGOs is that micro-finance can make
tangible, positive steps toward alleviating poverty (Sen 2000). The supporting logic
of this tenet is that low-income women cannot afford to wait for macro
developments to take effect – they need micro strategies for their basic survival
needs and pursuit of economic self-reliance. Initial foci of new NGOs appear to
support this claim. Many new NGOs initiate their efforts with small relief projects
that allow women to gain experience, knowledge, status, and adequate funding.
These small successes empower women and serve as a precursor to larger initiatives.
Strategies of Indian NGOs
Improvements in the economic status of women through the actions of NGOs have
been well documented: direct financing through banks, financial organizations,
donors, private corporations, government programmes, and as a result of NGO
training programmes (Jain 2000). However, provision of such services is not without
contextual barriers. When Jha and Kumar (2000) conducted a study of an NGO in a
rural region of Bihar, they noted that government officials were reluctant to assist,
rely on, or otherwise cooperate with NGOs. NGOs commonly overcome these
barriers because locality, diversity, flexibility, and autonomy are their main strengths
(Ebrahim 2001; Kumar 2000; Madon and Sahay 2002; Sooryamoorthy and
Gangrade 2001).
Their diverse nature implies that NGOs can function within multiple organiza-
tional cultures while sustaining autonomy. Whereas the slow turning wheels of
government bureaucracy can create gaps between policy formulation and
implementation, NGOs have the potential to be nimble and fill niches (Das 2001;
Madon and Sahay 2002; Sooryamoorthy and Gangrade 2001; Viswanath 1991).
NGOs can respond quickly with context specific programmes whilst government
agencies often falter thereby enabling most NGOs to work directly and closely with
poor women. As such, NGOs can possess a greater ability to understand women’s
situational needs. Although women’s needs have always been prevalent in India,
funding deficits have historically inhibited NGOs from focusing on important issues.
Several contemporary funding organizations favour gender equity which has greatly
influenced Indian NGO priorities (Mathiot 1998). Handy, Kassam, and Ranade
(2002) note that many Indian NGOs share a feminist perspective because they work
towards women’s empowerment rather than on short-term gains that do not
transform society. Leaders of such NGOs understand and work to eliminate poverty
by providing relevant programmes and services to empower women. Missions,
visions, goals, organizational size, staffing, knowledge, expertise, and funding
determine the choice of strategies.
One successful Indian NGO, the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA),
was founded in 1972 by Bhatt – a female Gujarati (from the state of Gujarat) lawyer
(Rose 1992). SEWA is both an acronym and an Indian word meaning service (Rose
1992). SEWA’s innovative ideas (e.g. a trade union for self-employed women) aim to
empower marginalized working women. Because larger Indian banks refused to
Human Resource Development International 71
service poor women with their minimal incomes, SEWA Bank was formed during
1974 in response to poor women’s demands (Rose 1992). SEWA describes its two
goals as ‘full employment’ and ‘self reliance’ (2009). SEWA’s national efforts to
assist socio-economic development of disenfranchised women resulted in interna-
tional recognition of the plight of millions of working women in India. As a result,
marginalized women began gaining access to credit and savings programmes
improving their capacity to increase their incomes and improve their lives through
micro loans that expand their businesses and profits. Education is one important
approach for gender empowerment and sustainability.
Education
Lack of education hinders poor women from realizing their rights, and inhibits their
access to available resources. Some NGOs offer basic literacy education and formal
training programmes while others provide knowledge and expertise responding to
client needs. Whether acting as relief workers, intermediaries, advocates, or change
agents, many NGOs offer some form of formal or informal education to their clients.
Improved efforts could increase access to education and formal job markets for poor
sectors. Because NGOs work within governmental restrictions, some NGOs may be
hesitant to delve into national responsibilities such as the provision of education.
Government relations
NGO conflicts with the Indian government may have resulted from unfamiliarity
regarding differing models used by both parties. The government adopted Western
models of development, whilst most NGOs operate within Indian concepts of self-
sufficiency, community, and spiritual growth (Mathiot 1998). Leaders of most NGOs
understand the status of women as a function of socio-cultural discriminations and
inept governmental agencies (Mathiot 1998). Working within these two different
paradigms can frustrate NGOs, governments, and their clients. NGOs have been
known to empathize with client frustrations regarding government bureaucracy, and
NGOs gain the trust of women by working within the cultural contexts while
simultaneously pressuring for legal change as opportunities arise. Because NGOs
often criticize the state, the government sometimes retaliates by placing control over
NGO activities and funding (Sen 1999). Such a love-hate relationship with the
government is often an unavoidable aspect of government-NGO relationships
because most NGOs are locally based within their clients’ contexts and as such,
struggle to manoeuvre between local needs and government restrictions. NGOs
understand the roots of oppression as well as the intricacies of how local contexts
marginalize and exploit women.
Many NGOs function with an understanding that social discrimination creates
economic instability for poor women. Unlike governmental departments, most NGO
workers within the women’s development field are females who reside close to their
clients’ geographical locations. These workers speak local languages and understand
regional differences. Their expertise provides NGOs with an important leverage over
governmental programmes that are more generic. NGO workers observe, hear, and
respond to first-hand evidence of the women’s status in response to poor women who
reach out to non-profit organizations as a source of hope and support knowing they
will be heard with respect. Because most poor women request economic assistance,
72 M. Razvi and G. Roth
this need influences NGO strategies that include micro, macro, or a combination of
methods, all of which are essential for women’s socio-economic development.
Immediate needs can be satisfied together with planning for long-term sustainability
that includes training and development as well as lobbying for change at macro levels
of government.
One can argue that a disadvantage of Indian governmental agencies is that they
are staffed by males; many of whom bring patriarchal attitudes to relief programmes.
‘India has Masculinity as the third highest ranking [worldwide] Hofstede Dimension
at 56’ (Geert Hofstede Cultural Dimensions 1967–2009). For this reason SEWA does
not include males in its organization to avoid gender bias in decision making (Rose
1992). Males are the major decision makers of policies and programmes and the
main gatekeepers of women’s development in India; therefore, a feminist perspective
would view the lack of understanding of women’s needs as a major reason for failure
of government agencies.
A collective look at the factors that influence the success of NGOs in serving the
needs of poor women in India would include: alternative approaches, innovative
methods, a focus on women’s issues, committed leadership, motivated female staff
and volunteers, faster response rates than the government, flexibility, access to
national and international funds, context specific programmes and services, local
offices, and female centred innovative strategies.
Challenges confronting Indian NGOs
India is a vast multicultural and complex continent that presents challenges to
Western generalizations of development. Most of the previous development research
has been either Western-centric or male-oriented. India’s economic reforms during
the 1990s do not benefit 90–95% of the female workforce that is forced to participate
in informal, poorly paid sectors (Banthia 2001; Mishra 1998). India’s emerging
markets attract outsourcing from multinationals that only take advantage of a
minority English-educated workforce.
The very factors that allow NGOs to attain success in serving the needs of poor
women – diversity and autonomy – may also be their weaknesses. Sooryamoorthy
and Gangrade (2001, 152) explain that although NGOs are initially ‘highly
democratic’, as they expand and develop they often drift away from democratic
practices. They also note that institutionalization commonly has detrimental
influences on democracy and the spiritual outlook within NGOs resulting in formal
layers of organizational structure that can prevent field workers from accessing top
leadership. The proliferation of NGOs in India is no guarantee that they can
effectively advocate women’s issues or serve the needs of poor women. Not all NGOs
succeed regardless of their size or mission. Inexperienced staff members, insufficient
funds, lack of committed leadership, government bureaucracy, competition, cultural
barriers, and inabilities to forge linkages outside their area are some causes for
failures (Chaudhary 2000; Jha and Mishra 2000; Madon and Sahay 2002; Mathiot
1998; Prasad and Madaan 2000). For example, Appell (1996, 224–5) critically
questions whether SEWA is ‘more ideological than practical’, noting several gaps in
its ideology: SEWA cannot create jobs, does not accept members from formal work
sectors, is not participatory, and its middle class workers prefer to assume paid high-
level positions in the organization. Goals, mission, and vision are strategic decisions
that are hotly debated issues with no easy solutions for Indian NGOs that often face
Human Resource Development International 73
competing strategic decisions of remaining small and risking a lack of a broader
impact, or the alternative which could mean sacrificing local connections and
remaining out of touch with local needs.
Often, strong leadership of NGOs is not sustained when funding leaders retire or
leave the organization without succession plans and strategies to enable smooth
leadership transitions. Some organizations grow too large, lose sight of their
democratic goals, and their traditions dissipate through growth and effects of time –
risking losing touch with client needs. Rapid growth within an NGO can negatively
affect response rates, flexibility, and innovation. Despite optimistic possibilities for
the future of NGOs, they are not immune to the effects of bureaucratic ineptitude.
Although Indian NGOs play important roles in initiating and enhancing women’s
empowerment in India, in due course, most non-profit organizations retreat from
projects leaving poor women to fend for themselves until the next aid programme
comes along.
Despite SEWA’s attempts to promote gender and class equalities in its
organization, major decisions are made by senior salaried staff. Findings support
Patel’s argument that SEWA’s attempts to minimize ‘salary differentials’ and promote
an ‘egalitarian ethos’ and ‘participatory style of functioning’ does not eradicate class
tensions among middle- and lower-class women (Patel 1995, 152). Patel acknowledges
that some leaders are emerging from the membership ranks, but questions their
capacities to cope with their own problems without guidance from senior staff.
NGO conflicts with the Indian government may have resulted from unfamiliarity
regarding the differing models used by separate parties. An NGO’s capacity to focus
beyond ‘reductionist psychological theories of poverty and development’ is its
primary asset (Mathiot 1998, 96). In practice, however, many NGOs may be
undermining their potential impacts by perpetuating patriarchal attitudes. The
proliferation of NGOs in India is no guarantee that they advocate women’s issues or
succeed in their efforts. Because NGOs often criticize the state, such a relationship
with the government is an interesting aspect of government-NGO relationships.
Mathiot (1998) argues that patriarchal attitudes infiltrate NGOs and cites examples
of women workers perpetuating the status quo. Many women-centred NGOs do not
question gender biases in the home. The Indian government made slow progress
from 1947 to the 1990s by focusing its five-year plans from early issues of welfare and
development to current issues of empowerment. Others caution against replication of
western and middle-class ideologies, and critique Indian NGOs for neglecting to
monitor their performance (Banerji et al. 2001).
Despite optimistic possibilities for the future of Indian NGOs, they are not
immune to the effects of bureaucratic ineptitude, differing ideologies, inadequate
funding, and patriarchal attitudes. NGOs and the Indian government each play
important roles in initiating and enhancing the future of women’s empowerment in
India.
Gram Vikas, a mixed NGO working with both genders, conducted a study of two
NGOs – Gram Vikas and India Development Service (IDS) – to determine their
effectiveness in serving the needs of Indian women (Viswanath 1991). Viswanath’s
study compared the extent to which each NGO provided sustainable economic gains,
and discovered that Gram Vikas’ strategies were more focused on short-term gains
whilst IDS’ strategies were long-term. Although Viswanath recommends that NGOs
should adopt the Gram Vikas model, it must be recognized that ignorance of long-
term needs hinders sustainability and empowerment, and encourages dependency.
74 M. Razvi and G. Roth
The Ministry of Social Welfare (1987, 74–5) lists three forms of informal labour:
self-employment, contract/wage work, and housework. These forms of unstable
incomes further reduce the possibility of sustainable development for women.
Subcontractors exploit women in a chain of corruption that pushes poor women to
the bottom of the income ladder (Dhagamwar 1995). Economic equity in this
environment is tenuous. Dhagamwar argues that employers, trade unions, and
government policies have not safeguarded women’s jobs. Studies illuminate that
poor households include more wage-earning women yet their status remains low
(United Nations, Economic, Social Commission for Asia and The Pacific 1997).
Although women are the main earners in 35% of Indian families (Vecchio and Roy
1998) society prefers to view them as housewives. A relationship exists among
gender, caste, class, and income because the majority of poor women come from
lower castes. Muslim women work at home because of purdah – a Muslim term,
literally translated as screen or veil, that involves the practice of keeping women in
isolation (Dixon 1982; Vecchio and Roy 1998). Upper caste women resist manual
labour, forcing lower-caste women to participate in unclean jobs such as washing,
construction work, and sweeping. Caste mobility is impossible because of fate of
birth (Dixon 1982) and taboos against mixed-caste marriages.
According to the Census of India (2001), in the state of Gujarat, only 14.5% of
women worked in the main sectors. The majority of women in all three sectors
performed unpaid housework in addition to any paid work. Although gender
discrimination in work sectors is quite prevalent, the accuracy of reporting on
women’s status is questionable. Underreporting of women’s work exposes the
tendency to undervalue women’s work, thus perpetuating their marginalization and
exploitation in the workforce. Access to formal job markets hinders women’s
sustainable development.
Future directions for NGOs in India
Recommendations for future priorities of NGOs in India vary among authors, and
the topics include motivated leadership (Appell 1996; Manzo 2000; Mohan 1973;
Viswanath 1991) and collaboration (Manzo 2000; Sen 2000; Yadama 1997). Yadama
describes several possible advantages of collaboration among Indian NGOs:
increasing the effectiveness of smaller NGOs, helping local NGOs to implement
regional level programmes, building credibility and trust, facilitating effective
sharing of technology and information, increasing the power to deal with
government bureaucrats, accessing markets for women, and enhancing effective
evaluation by local and national funding organizations. However, contrasting views
can also be found in the literature regarding the benefits of collaborative work
among Indian NGOs.
Opinions vary regarding partnerships and growth, and these differing viewpoints
have relevance for Indian NGOs. Brinkerhoff (2003) cautions that some partner-
ships, in general, can be counterproductive. Differing ideologies and missions along
with conflicts of power and leadership may cripple joint ventures. Das (2001)
suggests that Indian NGOs could initiate pilot projects for new schemes because
smaller NGOs can take advantage of their flexibility and rapid reaction time to
implement new ideas. To retain this advantage, Das recommends that NGOs seek to
network and share their valuable expertise. This sharing may be a good solution for
those NGOs that prefer to remain small and autonomous. Regardless of which
Human Resource Development International 75
method is used amidst the competing environmental demands, Indian NGOs need to
remain focused on client needs. In the case of serving the needs of poor Indian
women, NGOs can achieve better success ratios by involving their clients in decision-
making and leadership. Micro-strategies are crucial for improvement of the
immediate well-being of poor Indian women and macro-strategies are critical for
long-term sustainability in the absence of NGOs or other intermediaries. Elimination
of one strategy may result in severe neglect of poor women who often remain
voiceless in the power structures. A balanced approach that incorporates both micro
and macro-strategies may be best for the long-term sustainability of women’s
development. Successful leadership will need to consider sustainable development
that will release poor Indian women from total reliance on the services of NGOs in
order to reach independence and empowerment (Ebrahim 2001; Gandhi 2000).
Sustainable development can help Indian women avoid this cycle of dependency
by empowering them to make their own decisions and secure their own resources.
Therefore, the most important role of Indian NGOs is to act as important links to
available resources by bridging the gap between government officials, institutions,
aid agencies, and community networks. NGOs in India could incorporate
empowerment training and development strategies to assist women in solving
problems associated with patriarchy, labour, education, and government access.
Conclusions and implications for HRD
India is in dire need of labour and educational reforms aimed at women in informal
work sectors. McLean (2006) argues that HRD professionals can contribute to the
development and implementation of national workforce policies. Findings from this
literature review suggest that India’s social, economic, political, and NHRD policies
have not adequately focused on the welfare of the labouring classes. Contrary to its
original goals of social justice and equality during the early decades after
independence, India has not made adequate progress in poverty alleviation. As a
result, the safety and security of informal work sectors remain at risk.
Without access to formal jobs, millions of Indian women struggle within limited
informal sectors that restrict their self-reliance. The successes of the 1991 economic
reforms in India promised a good future for the middle and elite classes but did not
provide much hope for the majority of labouring classes struggling to survive on
subsistence wages. Policies aimed at poverty alleviation have not been successful in
improving the socio-economic status of marginalized women.
With the support of NGOs and grassroots leaders, poor women can avoid
working in isolation and mobilize to resist exploitation in the workplace. NGOs can
serve to question patriarchal traditions that oppress women in India and in so doing,
search for innovative context specific approaches to age old problems that restrict
women’s participation in the workplace. Many NGO leaders are capable of
interpreting contextual needs and can provide much-needed relief in workplace
arenas that are unregulated by the government. Findings of this literature review are
aligned with recommendations that NGOs can facilitate poverty eradication through
the supply of microfinance to poor sectors (Manimekalai 2000; Premchander 2003;
Sen 2000).
Diverse cultural and geographical influences produce complex economic
participation of women at work. Sentiments regarding women’s social and economic
status vary greatly around the globe because of differing conceptual frameworks and
76 M. Razvi and G. Roth
insufficient empirical evidence. Understanding how complex factors affect the global
workforce and how NGOs function within various contexts can provide important
insights to HRD theorists and practitioners.
The need for common contextual understanding is a frequent refrain in
management literature. Viewing organizations through various cultural lenses was
popularized in the 1980s (Hofstede 1991). Hofstede described it as ‘the psychological
assets of an organization’ (p. 18). Schein (1992, 68) declares that ‘ultimately, all
organizations’ are sociotechnical systems in which the manner of external adaptation
and the solution of internal integration problems are interdependent’.
NGOs should be encouraged to incorporate women-centred strategies in India to
benefit disenfranchised poor sectors. Although the Indian government has
recognized the effectiveness of women-centred NGOs, Mathiot warns practitioners
about the ‘dangers of cooptation’ (1998, 100). Viswanath (1991) recommends that
newer NGOs should plan a gradual and cautious approach of development
commencing with small local programmes leading to a focus on larger issues and
extended geographical regions. The proliferation of NGOs in India is no guarantee
that they advocate women’s issues or succeed in their efforts. Mishra (1998) estimates
that over 95% of the female Indian workforce labours in unstable informal sectors
without benefits or employment security.
One remedial possibility is motivated leadership – a vital component for NGO
success because it reflects the culture and ideologies of the organization (Appell 1996;
Viswanath 1991). Viswanath (1991) notes the importance of fostering leadership
capacity within clients in addition to organizational staff. Others (Manimekalai
2000; Manzo 2000; Prasad and Madaan 2000) recommend research to aid deeper
understanding of NGO functions and impacts. Critics disagree about the ideal
missions and roles of NGOs. Despite the varying recommendations, NGOs in the
Indian context should refrain from becoming substitutes for ineffective governmental
efforts. Each party is dependent upon the other to initiate and enhance women’s
empowerment in India. Interfaces between the public and private organizations in
India have achieved marginal results (Mishra 1998). However, NGOs possess
capacities to encourage socio-economic and national human resource development
by acting as intermediaries on behalf of poor women in India.
The findings of this literature review suggest possibilities for further research in a
broad range of areas such as NHRD, development policy, and NGO effectiveness.
Empirical research of NGO activities can provide valuable information regarding the
status of marginalized working women, most of whom remain isolated and
powerless. A general tendency of formal sectors to concentrate on India’s developing
middle-classes questions the ideology that India is a balanced society.
Traditional methods of HRD must, therefore, be reviewed in light of these
findings. NHRD has the potential to integrate and mobilize the national workforce
by bringing positive improvements and opportunities for all citizens. NHRD
scholars and practitioners face new challenges to rethink and redesign national
workforce development that includes the needs of marginalized sectors. This
literature review reveals a low ceiling for women’s capacities to climb social and
economic ladders. Findings from this study are aligned with Metcalfe (2008) who
urged the HRD scholarly community to challenge gender inequalities and power
relations as we move toward change initiatives. As long as women struggle within
low-paying informal work sectors in India, their social and economic mobility will
remain low.
Human Resource Development International 77
Pareek and Rao (2008) provide a very informative description of the evolution of
the integrated HRD systems in India and the emergence of the national HRD
network. They chronicle the impressive recent development of HRD as a field of
practice and scholarship in India, but their summary comments include the refrain:
However, the profession and the body have a long way to go. Those involved in theHRD movement in India need to step out to know how HRD is a national policy issueand how they have not touched even a small part of the humanity and that the HRDmovement is so incomplete if it is confined to the corporate sector. It cannot ignore thebillions of people who need to improve their longevity, skills base, income, health, andquality of life. (Pareek and Rao 2008, 564)
Poor women in India need sustainable income generation opportunities with
medical and insurance benefits, combined with access to jobs in formal sectors.
Although India’s economic reforms of the 1990s released some strangleholds on the
Indian economy, the beneficiaries tend to be mostly middle-class, English-educated
workers. In contrast, reforms to improve the status of informal workers have
remained almost stagnant. HRD professionals can assist in bridging the gap between
public and private sectors by remaining vigilant and providing timely support.
Patriarchy, labour, education, and government initiatives emerged as the main
underlying factors affecting the socio-economic status of poor women in India. A
multiple conceptual framework best serves and influences studies of complex specific
issues that affect the lives of marginalized female workers in India.
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