Bipolar Items and Emotive Modality

April 15, 2006 Swarthmore Workshop on Negation and Polarity

Sumiyo Nishiguchi Bipolar Items and Emotive Modality

Sumiyo NishiguchiStony Brook University

snishigu@ic.sunysb.eduhttp://homepage3.nifty.com/sumiyo_nishiguchi/

Proposal

• Both overt and covert factive emotives license bipolar items in their nonmonotonic scope

-Explicit emotives in Dutch,

Serbo-Croatian and Hungarian

-Implicit emotives in Japanese, Korean and Chinese

Proposal

Bipolar Items:mo àlso/even’ (Japanese)to àlso’ (Korean)ye àlso’ (Mandarin)is àlso/even’-series (Hungarian)

(Szabolcsi pc)

i `also/even’-series (Serbo-Croatian)ooit `ever’ (Dutch)

(van der Wouden 1997)

Proposal

PREDemotive [CP…BPI…]

• (+/- PREDemotive)[CP…BPI…] (Japanese, Korean, Mandarin)

• +/- PREDemotive[CP…BPI…] (Serbo-Croatian)

• -PREDemotive[CP…BPI…] (Dutch, Hungarian)

(BPI: Bipolar Items)

Proposal

• BPIs (Bipolar Items) must be licensed in:

-Monotone decreasing or anti-additive scope -embedded clause of negative predicateS

(van der Wouden 1997)

-nonmonotonic (implicit) emotive predicates

• BPIs raise at LF

Bipolar Items show:(van der Wouden 1997)

Combined features of NPI and PPI:

• Licensed in anti-additive or monotone decreasing environments

- medium NPI-hood

• Anti-licensed by clausemate negation (antimorphic)

- weak PPI-hood

Monotone decreasingness

If XY, then f(Y) f(X)

(f: monotone decreasing function)

Few ↓

(1) Few Romanians dance or sing.

-> 　 Few Romanians dance.

Anti-additivity

• f(X U Y) = f(X) ∩ f(Y)

(f: anti-additive function)

Nobody AA: (Zwarts 1993)

(2) Nobody danced or sang.

Nobody danced and nobody sang.

Antimorphic

• f(X ∩Y)=f(X) U f(Y)

• f(X U Y)=f(X) ∩ f(Y)Not AM :

(3) Mary does not sing or dance.

Mary does not sing and Mary does not dance.

Bipolar items in Dutch, Serbo-Croatian and Hungarian

Dutch ooit ‘ever‘ Serbo-Croatian i-series `also/even' Hungarian is-series `also/even’ These items demonstrate:1. NPI-hood

licensed in medium and weak negative environments

2. PPI-hood anti-licensed by strong clausemate negation

(van der Wouden 1997; Progovac 1994; Szabolcsi pc.)

Dutch ooit `ever’

(4) (Anti-additive) Geen van de kinderen gaat 　 ooit bij oma op bezoek. none of the children goes ever with granny on visit`None of the children ever visits granny'

(5) (Antimorphic)*Een van de kinderen gaat niet ooit bij oma op bezoek. One of the children goes not ever with granny on visit

(van der Wouden 1997: 132)

Nonmonotonic negative factive emotives

(6) Ik betreur (het) dat ik dat ooit gedaen heb. 　

　　 I regret it that I that ever done have

`I regret of what I have ever done‘

(den Dikken p.c.)

Serbo-Croatian i-NPIsi (also/even)+indeterminates

• No clausemate negation

(7) *Milan ikada ne vozi.

Milan ever not drives(Progovac 1994:42-43)

• Acceptable with clausemate few (monotone decreasing)

Extra-clausal negation is necessary

(8) a.Milan ne tvrdi da Marija ikada vozi.

Milan not claims that Mary ever drives

`Milan does not claim that Mary ever drives‘

b.*Milan tvrdi da Marija ikada vozi.

Milan claims that Mary ever drives

(Progovac 1994:42-43)

Adversative predicates license Serbo-Croatian i-series:

(9) Sumnja-m da Milan voli i(t)ko-ga/*ni(t)ko-ga.

doubt-1SG that Milan loves anyone-ACC / no-one-ACC

`I doubt that Milan loves anyone‘(Progovac 1994: 64)

Positive emotive licenses i-series

(10) Sretan sam da Milan i(t)ko-ga voli. happy 　 be.1SG that Milan anyone-A

CC loves

`I am happy that Milan loves anyone'

Hungarian indefinite pronouns someone/something+is `and/even’

(11)*Nem értettél valamit is not understood-you something also/even (abból, amit mondtam). (of what I said) `You didn’t understand anything’

(12)Nem hiszem, hogy valamit is értettél Not think-I that something also/even understood-you (of what I said) (abból, amit mondtam). `I don’t think that you understood anything’

(Szabolcsi p.c.)

Monotone decreasing scope accommodates valamit is `something’

(13)Kevés ember értett valamit is (abból, amit mondtam).

Few people understood something also/even (of what I said)

`Few people understood anything’

Negative emotives license is-series

(14) Sajnálom, hogy valamit is adtam neki.

regret-I that something-Acc also/even gave-I to-him

`I regret that I gave him anything'

(15) ?Baj, hogy valamit is adtam neki.

trouble that something-Acc also/even gave-I to-him

'It is a problem that I gave him anything‘

(Szabolcsi p.c.)

No positive emotives

(16)*be happy [CP…valamit is…]

(17) *be glad [CP…valamit is…]

(18) *want [CP…valamit is…]

(19) *be surprised [CP…valamit is…]

Interim summary

• NEG/+-EMOTIVE[CP…i…]

• NEG/-EMOTIVE[CP…ooit/is…]

• [MON↓…ooit/i/is…]

• [ANTI-ADDITIVE…ooit/i/is…]

BPIslicensed by implicit nonmonotonic emotives

Japanese Korean Mandarin

Japanese mo `also/even’:

i) usually requires explicit antecedent(20) John-ga ki-te, Tom-mo ki-ta

John-NOM come-CON Tom-also come-PAST `John came and Tom also came’ii) forms the any-type strong NPI/ negative concord it

em (Watanabe 2003) when it attaches to wh-words (Nam 1994)

iii) appears discourse initially out of the bluetakes wide scope over a propositiontriggers presupposed implicit events (Numata 2000).

Claim:

I argue that

• Mo3 is a bipolar item licensed by speaker‘s sentimental emotion which is indispensable.

Discourse initial mo `also/even’

(21) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.

spring-also peak-Goal become-HON-PAST

`The spring has reached its peak’

Mo (also/even) evokes other events that make the speaker feel the change of season

(Numata 2000)

Discourse initial mo

(22) Yo-mo hukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo.night-also late-become-Past already sleep-Comp do-will

`It grew late (at night). It's time to go to bed' (modified from Sadanobu 1997)

(23) Ko-no saifu-mo furuku-nat-t-a. this-Gen wallet-also old-become-Past-be

`This wallet has become old'

(24) Mari-mo kashiko-i.

Mari-also smart-be

`Mary is smart indeed'

(25) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta.

outside-mo cold-come-PAST

`It has become cold outside'

(26) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-mo 　 silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say'

(27) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-mo end-to 　　 approach-come-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end'

Wide scope taking at LF

(28) Mo [ yo-<mo> huke-ta]

also night grow-PAST

• Mo: quantificational element (Kuroda 1969)

• Mo evokes the kind of events relevant to the change of season

• Mo quantifies over events

LF: weird movement

CP mo CP TP C DP T’ night <mo> vP T v’ VP v <night> grow

Intervention effect byclausemate negation

(29) *Yo-mo sue-ja-nai.

world-mo end-be-NEG

`This is not the end of the world'

Extra-clausal negation is better

(30) Yo-mo huke-ta -to -iu-koto-wa nai. world-also grow-PAST-COMP-say-fact-TOP NEG

`It is not the case that it grew late'

(31) Ko-no kaban-mo huruku-nat-ta-to-iu-koto-wa nai.

this-Gen bag-also old-become-PAST-say-fact- TOP NEG

`It is not that this bag became old'

Mo licensed in monotone decreasing scope

(32) Seizei 5-nin-no gakusei-mo tsukare-ta.

at most 5-CL-GEN student-also tired-PAST

`At most five students became tired'

Mo sentences are embedded under implicit emotives

(33) (Unfortunately,) Yo-mo huke-ta.

night-also get late-PAST

`(Unfortunately,) it grew late'

(34) Fortunately,) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

`(I'm glad that) the spring reached its peak'

Covert negative/sentimental emotives are always there

(35) (Zannenna-koto-ni) yo-mo hukete-ki-ta. regretful-fact-Goal night-also late-become-Past

Mo neru-to shi-yo.already sleep-Comp do-will

`(I am sorry) it grew late (at night). It's time to go to bed'

(36) (Shimijimi-to) ko-no saifu-mo furuku-nat-t-a. heartful-and this-Gen wallet-also old-become-Past-be

(Sentimentally) `This wallet has become old'

Implicit emotives are indispensable

(37) *(Sentimentally/Negatively,)

Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-also silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say'

Positive emotives are licensers

Not only negative but positive emotive licenses this mo (also):

(38) (Ureshii-koto-ni) haru-mo takenawa-ni

nari-mashi-ta.

(happy-fact-Goal) spring-also peak-GOAL

become-then & happy

`(I'm glad that) the spring has reached its

Overt emotive can be licensers

(39) Shikuramen-mo karete-ki-te kanashii.

cyclamen-also wither-come-CON sad

Mo haru-da.

already spring-be

`I’m sad that the cyclamens have withered. It is already spring'

(40) Shogo-mo shakaijin-ni nat-te ureshii.

Shogo-also adult-GOAL become-CON happy

`I’m glad Shogo has gone out into the world’

Korean to `also/even’sentence focus

(41) Pom-to wat-ta.

spring also come-PAST

`Spring came’

(42) #Pom-to ochi-an-at-ta.

spring also come-NEG-PAST-DECL(wide scope reading)

Chinese 　 yě `also’

(43) Qiutian ye lai-le. fall also come-PERF

`Fall came, too.’

(44) #Qiutian ye bu lai-le.fall also NEG come-PERF`Fall has not come’

(45) Ling Ling bu lai-le. Shu ye bu lai-le.Ling Ling NEG come-PERF Shu also NEG come-PERF

`Ling Ling did not come. Shu did not come, either’(additive ye)

Downward entailment environment

(46) Zhangsan zuiduo ye zhi neng he Zhangsan at most also only can drink san bei jiu.

three glass liquor

'Zhangsan can drink at most three glasses of liquor (it's a pity).'

(Monotone decreasing)

No overt positive emotives

(47)??Wo hen kaoxing qiutian ye lai-le. I very happy fall also come-PERF

`I am glad that fall also came’ (48)#Wo hen kaoxing qiutian yehui lai.

I very happy fall also will come

`I am glad that fall will also come’(49)#Wo bu kaoxing qiutian ye hui lai.

I NEG happy fall also will come`I’m not happy that fall will come’

Overt negative emotives can be licensers

(50) #Kexi qiutian ye lai-le.

sorry/regretably fall also come-PERF

`I’m sorry that fall has come’

(51) Kexi qiutian ye likai-le.

sorry fall also leave-PERF

`I’m sorry that fall is gone’

(52) Bu keqi quitian ye lai-le.

NEG sorry fall also come-PERF

The distribution of BPIs

• (+-EMOTIVE)[CP…mo/to/ye…]

• NEG/+-EMOTIVE[CP…mo/i/…]

• NEG/-EMOTIVE[CP…ooit/is/ye…]

• [MON↓…ooit/i/is/mo/to/ye…]

• [ANTI-ADDITIVE…ooit/i/is…]

NPI rescues BPI

(53) #Haru-mo ko-nai. spring also come-NEG

`Spring does not come’

(54) Haru-mo mada ko-nai.

spring-also yet come-NEG

`Spring does not come yet’

(55) Ko-no saihu-mo #(zenzen/amari) this-GEN wallet-also at all/much

tsukawa-nakat-ta.

use-NEG-PAST

`I did not used this wallet at all/much'

Bipolar items escape from factive/veridical scope

MODAL PMODAL<NonMonotonic [wP∏wN] > CP

mo<Bipolar [wP∏wN∏mN∏sN] > CP TP C[factive]

DP NP <mo> T’

yo `night’ vP T v’ VP v

When under negation

NEG PNEG[wN∏mN∏sN] // CP

mo[wP∏wN∏mN∏sN] CP

TP C[-facti

ve]yo <mo> T’ vP T

v’ VP v

BPI movement and comparative morpheme -er

• -er raises alone

von Stechow (1984)

Heim (2000)

Beck et al. (2003)

Emotives are Nonmonotonic

(56) I’m sorry Jim bought a car.<-/->I’m sorry Jim bought a Honda.

• Asher (1987)• Heim (1992)• von Fintel (1999)

Bernardi (2002)

Strong NPI/Antimorphic

Even/Anti-multiplicative Medium NPI/Anti-additive

Weak NPI/Monotone decreasing

Feature checking between BPIs and the licensers

• BIPOLAR/NONMONOTONIC• BIPOLAR/weak negation• BIPOLAR/medium negation

• BIPOLAR= wP ∏ wN ∏ mN ∏ sN• Weak PPI=wP• Weak NPI=wN

• Nonmonotonic= wP∏wN

• Weak negation=wN

• Medium negation=wN ∏mN

• Strong negation=wN ∏mN ∏sN

(cf. Carpenter 1993, typed feature inheritance)

Why only licensed by extra-clausal negation/emotives?

• Feature checking between MODAL/NEG and BPI

• Semantic reason: sentence focus

Why BPIs are anti-licensed by strong negation?

• BPIs cannot scope over strong negation– *BPI>strong negation– Strong negation>BPI

Why do we use bipolar items?

NPIs Strengthening effect (Jespersen 1917) Domain widening (Kadmon and Landman 199

Bipolar items Strengthening effect Expressing emotions

Conclusion

• Bipolar items are licensed by– Extra-clausal negation– Extra-clausal overt/covert emotives– Weak or medium negation

Bipolar Items and Emotive Modality

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