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Al-Qaida chief Ayman al-Zawahiri The Coordinator 2015 Part 19-138-Caliphate- The State of al-Qaida-45-Our Performance-23

As the organization loses more territory and control in Syria and Iraq, the group will be forced to revert to other locations, such as its growing presence in Libya, and rely more on international terrorist plots that became a trademark of al-Qaida

“Islamic State is busy fighting on the ground, yet they have been forced to shift their strategy,” added Stalinsky.

The statement concluded by promising “much greater and bitterer” attacks in the future, saying: “[Muslims] will bomb and burn, as they have been shelled and killed.”

And resembling al-Qaida’s past, more global jihad focus, the article said the organization “rejects this ‘international order,’” and its war against its enemies “has no boundaries other than those which Allah prescribed on the Muslims in their jihad to make the polytheists submit to Islam’s rule – the entire world is an arena for its jihad; all the Muslims are potential soldiers in its army; and all polytheist combatants on earth, and the Jews among them, are legitimate targets for it.”

Ayatollah Tabatabaeinejad stated that revolutionary Islam is this same Islam. It is the Islam that is within us that can create changes. The warriors realized that Islam is not just prayers and fasting, but rather they stood against the enemies in support of Islam.

Islamic researchers are agreed that what the West and its followers call 'moderate Islam' and 'moderate Muslims' is simply a slur against Islam and Muslims, a distortion of Islam, a rift among Muslims, a spark to ignite war among them.

If true -- and disturbing polls certainly indicate that Khadr's findings are prevalent -- the West may need to rethink one of its main means of countering radical Islam: moderate Muslims and moderate Islam.

[A]s dangerous as the groups are separately, it’s frightening to think of what they could accomplish if they were to unite, and the possibility is not as far-fetched as it seems. Whether unity or division is in the future’s cards, the movement as a whole remains strong—and dangerous. 

ISIS is turning its focus away from building a caliphate and gaining more territory, and instead looking to carry out terrorist attacks against its enemies on the battlefield and abroad. Islamic State claimed responsibility for the multiple suicide bombs and devices planted in cars that struck Jableh and Tartous on Syria’s coast and the heartland of the Assad regime on Monday, an area that until now has survived relatively unscathed from the Syrian civil war.One of the reasons for Islamic State’s shift away from attacking regime-allied Shi’ite Hezbollah, Iranian, or militia forces and other rebel groups is that the group likely wanted to start to make Russia feel pressure for its ongoing military operations in the country. The Jihad and Terrorism Threat Monitor of MEMRI (the Middle East Media Research Institute) shared with The Jerusalem Post various documents it found related to recent Islamic State activity, including a statement of responsibility for the major attack.The statement issued on a leading Islamic State-affiliated jihadi online forum, Shumoukh Al-Islam, blamed Russian air strikes on Muslims for its attack.The statement concluded by promising “much greater and bitterer” attacks in the future, saying: “[Muslims] will bomb and burn, as they have been shelled and killed.”

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Other evidence showed that Islamic State may be undergoing a transformation from focusing on building its “state” or caliphate and gaining more territory to carrying out terrorist attacks against its enemies on the battlefield and abroad, which is more similar to al-Qaida attacks.For example, Islamic State threatened Israel and Jews worldwide in an article in its weekly newsletter, Al-Naba, this week, saying that unlike Hamas, its “war on Israel will not be limited by geographical boundaries or by international norms.”And resembling al-Qaida’s past, more global jihad focus, the article said the organization “rejects this ‘international order,’” and its war against its enemies “has no boundaries other than those which Allah prescribed on the Muslims in their jihad to make the polytheists submit to Islam’s rule – the entire world is an arena for its jihad; all the Muslims are potential soldiers in its army; and all polytheist combatants on earth, and the Jews among them, are legitimate targets for it.”In another example, Islamic State spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani released an audio statement on the group’s Al-Furqan outlet urging “caliphate soldiers” and supporters to target civilians in the US and Europe.“And here [the month of] Ramadan has come. The month of jihad, fighting, and conquests. Get ready and be prepared and let each of you make sure to spend it as a conqueror for the sake of Allah and seek what Allah has preserved for you, and make it a month of wrath against the kuffar [infidels] everywhere,” said Adnani.Interestingly, Adnani also mentioned the growing difficulty the group is having in getting foreign fighters to reach its territory and suggested instead that they attack in their home countries. This goes against previous calls by Islamic State for Muslims to immigrate to its territory.“Oh servants of Allah, Oh monotheists, if the tyrants have shut the doors of hijra [immigration to ISIS territories] in your face, then open the gate of jihad in their faces and make them regret their action,” said the Islamic State spokesman.“The smallest bit of work that you can carry out in their countries is far better and beloved to us than any major work [i.e., operations] here. [These operations] would be of much success and more harmful to them.”

Steven Stalinsky, the executive director of MEMRI, told the Post, “I was struck with Adnani essentially copying al-Qaida and its former media personality, Adam Gadahn.”Gadahn was killed by a US drone strike in Pakistan last year.Years ago, Gadahn had made a similar statement, telling Western supporters that if they are unable to reach us, stay home and attack, noted Stalinsky.Asked why the shift in Islamic State strategy, he responded that it has to do with Turkey shutting its border, resulting in the blocking of prospective fighters.“Islamic State is busy fighting on the ground, yet they have been forced to shift their strategy,” added Stalinsky.He stressed that Islamic State is still focused on building its state, but it’s under severe strain from Western air attacks and efforts by the Iraqi government to retake Fallujah, and in the future its headquarters in Raqqa, Syria, could be lost.This is part of the reason for its support for plots like in France and Belgium, or lone-wolf style attacks by its supporters, as in San Bernardino.“Adnani’s September 2014 address laid this out when he warned the West – since you attack us, we will come to you,” Stalinsky said.On the ground, the fallout from the Tartous bombings is having an impact, and the success of such operations suggests they will be repeated.

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Joel Parker, a researcher on Syria at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University, said that the Tartous bombings did not gain the expected support among some rebel factions.“Political figures behind the Western- backed Free Syrian Army, such as the Syrian National Coalition, and even amateur Twitter supporters of the rebels have condemned the Islamic State operation,” he said.But for many other more radical rebel supporters, this was par for the course,” added Parker.Parker is unsure if the bombings represent a major breakthrough for Islamic State, since it has carried out large-scale attacks in the past, such as in Damascus in February, when over 80 were killed.Other less radical rebel groups have not carried out attacks at this level, targeting civilians, and “it could reflect a lack of will in these kind of attacks or perhaps a lack of capability,” he said.As the latest round of negotiations for a political settlement expectedly failed, it can be expected that the war will drag on until facts on the ground dictate a solution.Islamic State can be expected to ramp up isolated terrorist attacks, like it carried out this week, in Assad’s stronghold as well as elsewhere in the world against Western, Israeli or Jewish targets.As the organization loses more territory and control in Syria and Iraq, the group will be forced to revert to other locations, such as its growing presence in Libya, and rely more on international terrorist plots that became a trademark of al-Qaida.

'Radical' vs. 'Moderate' Islam: A Muslim Viewby Raymond IbrahimThe Gatestone InstituteMay 25, 2016After his recent electoral victory, it emerged that Sadiq Khan, London's first Muslim mayor, had described moderate Muslim groups as "Uncle Toms" -- a racial slur used against blacks perceived to be subservient to whites, or, in this context, Muslims who embrace "moderate Islam" as, in his view, a way of being subservient to the West.One of Iran's highest clerics apparently shares the same convictions.After asserting that "revolutionary Islam is the same as pure Muhammadan Islam," Ayatollah Sayyed Yousef Tabatabaeinejad recently said:Some say our Islam is not revolutionary Islam, but we must say to them that non-revolutionary Islam is the same as American Islam. Islam commands us to be firm against the enemies and be kind and compassionate toward each other and not be afraid of anything.According to the AB News Agency,

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Ayatollah Tabatabaeinejad stated that revolutionary Islam is this same Islam. It is the Islam that is within us that can create changes. The warriors realized that Islam is not just prayers and fasting, but rather they stood against the enemies in support of Islam.

How many Muslims share these convictions, one from a Sunni living (and now governing) in London, the other from a Shia living and governing in the Middle East?According to a 2011 Arabic language article (in translation), "The Truth about the Moderate Muslim as Seen by the West and its Muslim Followers," by Dr. Ahmed Ibrahim Khadr,Islamic researchers are agreed that what the West and its followers call 'moderate Islam' and 'moderate Muslims' is simply a slur against Islam and Muslims, a distortion of Islam, a rift among Muslims, a spark to ignite war among them. They also see that the division of Islam into 'moderate Islam' and 'radical Islam' has no basis in Islam -- neither in its doctrines and rulings, nor in its understandings or reality.Khadr goes on to note the many ways that moderates and radicals differ. For instance, radicals ("true Muslims") aid and support fellow Muslims, especially those committed to jihad, whereas moderates ("false Muslims") ally with and help Western nations.This sounds similar to Ayatollah Tabatabaeinejad's assertion that "non-revolutionary Islam is the same as American Islam. Islam commands us to be firm against the enemies ["infidels"] and be kind and compassionate toward each other."Among the major distinctions (translated verbatim) made in Khadr's article are:Radicals want the caliphate to return; moderates reject the caliphate.Radicals want to apply Sharia (Islamic law); moderates reject the application of Sharia.Radicals reject the idea of renewal and reform, seeing it as a way to conform Islam to

Western culture; moderates accept it.Radicals accept the duty of waging jihad in the path of Allah; moderates reject it.Radicals reject any criticism whatsoever of Islam; moderates welcome it on the basis of

freedom of speech.Radicals accept those laws that punish whoever insults or leaves the religion [apostates];

moderates recoil from these laws.Radicals respond to any insult against Islam or the prophet Muhammad -- peace and

blessing upon him -- with great violence and anger; moderates respond calmly and peacefully on the basis of freedom of expression.

Radicals respect and revere every deed and every word of the prophet -- peace be upon him -- in the hadith; moderates do not.

Radicals oppose democracy; moderates accept it.Radicals see the people of the book [Jews and Christians] as dhimmis [barely tolerated

subjects]; moderates oppose this [view].Radicals reject the idea that non-Muslim minorities should have equality or authority over

Muslims; moderates accept it.Radicals reject the idea that men and women are equal; moderates accept it, according to

Western views.Radicals oppose the idea of religious freedom and apostasy from Islam; moderates agree

to it.Radicals desire to see Islam reign supreme; moderates oppose this.Radicals place the Koran over the constitution; moderates reject this [assumption].Radicals reject the idea of religious equality because Allah's true religion is Islam;

moderates accept it.Radicals embrace the wearing of hijabs and niqabs; moderates reject it.

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Radicals accept killing young girls who commit adultery or otherwise besmirch their family's honor; moderates reject this [response].

Radicals reject the status of women today and think that the status of women today should be like the status of women in the time of the prophet; moderates oppose that women should be as in the time of the prophet.

Radicals vehemently reject that women should have the freedom to choose partners; moderates accept that she can choose a boyfriend without marriage.

Radicals agree to clitorectomies; moderates reject them.Radicals reject the so-called war on terror and see it as a war on Islam; moderates accept

it.Radicals support jihadi groups; moderates reject them.Radicals reject the terms "Islamic terrorism" or "Islamic fascism"; moderates accept them.Radicals reject universal human rights, including the right to be homosexual; moderates

accept them.Radicals reject the idea of allying with the West; moderates support it.Radicals oppose secularism; moderates support it.Radicals, Khadr charges, marvel that the moderate 'finds hatred for non-Muslims unacceptable.'Khadr makes other charges outside his chart, including that radicals want religion to govern society, while moderates believe religion has no role in public life, that it must be practiced in private; that radicals take the text of the Koran and hadith literally, while moderates rely on rationalism, and that the first loyalty of radicals is to Islam -- a reference to the Islamic doctrine of "Loyalty and Enmity" -- while the first loyalty for moderates, regardless of their religion, is to the state. Radicals, he charges, also marvel that the moderate "finds hatred for non-Muslims unacceptable."Khadr's conclusion is that, to most Muslims, "moderate Muslims" are those Muslims who do not oppose -- and who actually aid -- the West and its way of life, whereas everything "radicals" accept is based on traditional Islamic views.If true -- and disturbing polls certainly indicate that Khadr's findings are prevalent -- the West may need to rethink one of its main means of countering radical Islam: moderate Muslims and moderate Islam.Raymond Ibrahim is a Judith Friedman Rosen fellow at the Middle East Forum and a Shillman fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center.

My First Hizb-ut-Tahrir Conferenceby Z.May 24, 2016 http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/8110/hizb-ut-tahrir-canada"Why," I said to the woman next to me, "is this flag there? Is that not the ISIS flag?"Time: Saturday May 21, 2016, 12:00-3:00PMVenue: Swagat Banquet Hall, 6991 Millcreek Dr., Mississauga, Ontario, Canada

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The half-full banquet hall, divided into the men's side and the women's side, admitted about 100 attendees. A black flag with white script was on display, on both the screen and on the podium. "Why," I said to the woman next to me, "is this flag there? Is that not the ISIS flag?" The woman, later identified as Naeema, said it was not, and called her son, one of the organizers, to address the question. It seemed difficult for him, too; he went off to look for someone else more knowledgeable to the help with the problem. Naeema explained that the writing was different. "I can read Arabic," I said. No one could be found to answer the question.As the event started late, Naeema began a conversation. We talked about our origins and how long we had been in Canada. She said she had been here 40 years, so I asked about the disconnect between enjoying 40 years of democracy, yet trying to end it. I mentioned a book published by Hizb-ut-Tahrir:"Democracy is Infidelity: its use, application and promotion are prohibited."" إليها الدعوة أو تطبيقها أو أخذها يحرم كفر، نظام "الديمقراطيةNaeema said she was not qualified to debate the topic, but that democracy had done nothing good for people, so she and other believers would follow the rule of Allah. Reflecting on the Muslim Brotherhood's year in power in Egypt, I asked if she were prepared to have a dictator claim to be Allah's spokesman even if he abused the power. She said she had never thought about it like that, but, again, that she was not qualified to debate the topic. As the conference began, the conversation stopped.

The first speaker was Brother Mostafa, of Arabic roots. Mostafa started by calling nationalism and sectarian conflict the main reasons for division in the Ummah (Islamic nation). He reminded Muslims that they are obligated to implement Allah's demands that fulfill the Islamic State. It is "not permissible for us to choose, " he said. He cited the verse:" من و أمرهم من الخيرة لهم يكون ان أمرا ورسوله الله قضى إذا مؤمنة وال لمؤمن كان وما

". آية األحزاب، سورة مبين ضالال َضل فقد ورسوله الله ٣٦يعص ."It is not for a believing man or a believing woman, when Allah and His Messenger have decided a matter, that they should [thereafter] have any choice about their affair. And whoever disobeys Allah and His Messenger has certainly strayed into clear error." — Surat-Al-Ahzab (33), verse 36.Mostafa then focused on two pillars for advancing the Islamic State:• Winning the public's hearts and minds; and• Partnering with people of powerTo illustrate the point, he referred to the prophet's sira (life) and cited two examples:The first was a comparison between the Pledges of Aqabah 1 and 2. In the first, the prophet focused on seeking moral support from the tribes which he called to Islam. In the second, he sought their pledge for militant defense. This second pledge, Mostafa said, represented the foundation of the Islamic State.His next example was an illustration of the right choice of allies. He cited the prophet's negotiations with a tribe, the Banou-Shayban. When asked how strong they were, the

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Banou-Shayban had replied: "We are 1000 men who take weapons of war as our toys, and we care for our horses more than we care for our children." This reply, it seems, enabled them to win the contract.As Mostafa spoke, his teenage daughter proudly but quietly cheered him; her younger sisters played with glitter and coloring books.

The next speaker was brother Bilal, of Asian origin. Bilal's message focused on how to make the Ummah powerful and independent. He summarized the requirements: a capable military, economic engines, natural resources, and trained and dedicated people. A short video was presented to demonstrate these points. They included the collective oil and natural gas production capacities of the Muslim world, the human capital needed to mine and process these resources, the military power required to protect both natural and human resources, and the types of weapons needed to make this military effective.Everyone waved the black flags with the white script.

Daniel L. Byman | May 27, 2016 9:00am Will ISIS and al-Qaida always be rivals?Editors’ Note: Understanding the importance, extent, and duration of the rivalry between the Islamic State and al-Qaida is vital for combating terrorism in the future, writes Dan Byman. This post originally appeared on Slate.More than 80, and possibly up to 120, people died Monday in ISIS attacks on regime-controlled territory near Russian bases in Syria. And new reports show that earlier in the month, ISIS took out Russian helicopters working out of a base in central Syria. But Russia and the Syrian regime are hardly ISIS’ only foes. ISIS is engaged in a deadly conflict with al-Qaida in Syria and elsewhere in the Muslim world. Al-Qaida itself sees the threat from the ascendant Islamic State as so serious—and its own position in its base in Pakistan so weak—that it is reportedly moving senior leaders to Syria and considering emulating the Islamic State by establishing its own emirate there.

Understanding the importance, extent, and duration of this rivalry is vital for combating terrorism in the future. Because as dangerous as the groups are separately, it’s frightening to think of what they could accomplish if they were to unite, and the possibility is not as far-fetched as it seems.

[A]s dangerous as the groups are separately, it’s frightening to think of what they could accomplish if they were to unite, and the possibility is not as far-fetched as it seems.

Even though they have different aims—with al-Qaida focused more on attacking the United States while ISIS seeks to consolidate and expand its state—the movement as a whole is bound by numerous personal ties, often based on shared fighting in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other fronts. Many of the individuals involved, particularly outside the Iraq and Syria core, see themselves as brothers-in-arms and are not eager to choose sides. Not to mention that both sides are reaching for the same funding sources and recruits, giving them an incentive to pursue similar paths.

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Some of the world’s leading terrorism scholars, such as my colleague Bruce Hoffman, argue that a merger may be coming. Hoffman correctly warns that al-Qaida has repeatedly, and wrongly, been counted out many times in the past. And he emphasizes that the ideological similarities between al-Qaida and ISIS are far greater than the differences, unsurprising considering one is an offshoot of the other. Although I agree that the two movements may come together at some point, their differences are profound and a real challenge to any unity.Divisions have always plagued the modern jihadist movement. Rival jihadists probably were behind the 1989 assassination of Abdullah Azzam, the Pied Piper of the Afghan Arab movement, and other jihadists tried to kill Osama Bin Laden himself during his time in Sudan. Al-Qaida emerged as a splinter movement from the broader Arab-Afghan cause, and it often had difficulty working with, let alone controlling, fellow jihadists.During the late 1990s and the aftermath of 9/11, al-Qaida managed to unite many strands of the modern jihadist movement. It often had access to considerable funding and controlled access to training camps in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Even groups that did not share its vision wanted money and to improve the proficiency of their members. That control enabled al-Qaida to direct recruits to their preferred clients, enabling a like-minded group within a country to become stronger and to proselytize when they were there, bringing groups together around a shared vision. Also, Bin Laden’s philosophy and personality were unusual. He was a charismatic yet humble man who did not demand adulation but inspired those around him: an ideal combination for unifying a movement filled with strong and zealous personalities. And, of course, the attacks on the United States gave the group considerable prestige that brought in even more recruits and more funding. Finally, after 9/11, U.S. and allied counterterrorism efforts, which understandably lumped various strands of the jihadist movement together given their many shared goals and training, drove the external apparatus (especially those located in Afghanistan and Pakistan) together for self-preservation.Al-Qaida itself is now on the defensive, and many—but not all—of these factors have diminished. Al-Qaida probably still has training camps in the Pakistan/Afghanistan area, but Pakistani military efforts and the drone campaign make these a shadow of what the group had established in the pre–9/11 era. Similarly, its access to funding and recruits are both diminished. Ayman al-Zawahiri lacks Bin Laden’s charisma and conciliatory personality, and under his charge the group’s overall prestige has diminished: The core’s operational accomplishments in the last five years are close to nil.

[T]he split is based on fundamental differences in ideology and strategy.

Beyond this decline, the split is based on fundamental differences in ideology and strategy. Although both al-Qaida and the Islamic State share a basic long-term vision of a world governed under Islamic law, they differ dramatically on priorities. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and the Islamic State prioritize building a state and subsume most other goals before that. Zawahiri, in contrast, still prioritizes “the far enemy” and is leery of establishing a state before conditions are ripe, though the popularity of ISIS’ state is leading al-Qaida to reconsider. In areas where it rules, al-Qaida guides its affiliates like al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and Jabhat al-Nusra to treat minorities well, at least compared to ISIS, and in general be a friend of the people: The Islamic State emphasizes religious purity and the use of terror to impose its will. Al-Qaida and ISIS differ on whether to emphasize the war on the Shiites and how much to cooperate with non-jihadist groups. Finally, some in the Islamic State embrace apocalypticism, which al-Qaida views with

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disdain.In the short-term, however, many jihadists—particularly those not attached to established groups that have declared loyalty to one side or another—are likely to work together or go from one group to another depending on which is more prestigious. The Charlie Hebdo attack in Paris, for example, primarily involved gunmen linked to al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, but Amedy Coulibaly—who pledged loyalty to the Islamic State—did simultaneous attacks and was in contact with the core group of shooters. In November in San Bernadino, California, the two perpetrators were radicalized by AQAP ideologue Anwar al-Awlaki and only over time shifted their loyalty to ISIS.Right now, though, ISIS appears ascendant despite significant recent setbacks on recruiting, and continued al-Qaida inaction combined with possible Islamic State advances could foster crippling defections and a loss of funding for al-Qaida. The death of Zawahiri, who has no obvious successor, would make this even more likely. Conversely, successes by affiliates such as AQAP or al-Nusra might restore the balance between the two groups. Whether unity or division is in the future’s cards, the movement as a whole remains strong—and dangerous. 

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